bowler, catherine and peter brimblecombe. " environmental

Journal of Design Hutory Vol. 13 No. 3 © 2000 The Design History Society

Environmental Pressures onBuilding Design and Manchester'sJohn Rylands Library

Catherine Bowler and Peter Brimblecombe

The enormous growth of the Victorian city and its parallel pollution problems confrontedarchitects with great problems. Environmental pressures included denial of light,overcrowding, awkward sites, noise, accessibility and visibility of buildings, and airpollution. Corrosive pollutants were especially damaging to the minutely detailed Gothicarchitecture popular in Victorian Britain. Dense smoke made cities dark, coated thewindows and penetrated inside damaging their contents. Basil Champneys, in designingManchester's John Rylands Library, responded to these problems in an imaginative waythat reflected the best of late nineteenth-century solutions. His thoughtful design made themost of available light and the crowded site. He used durable materials and colours thatcould resist the polluted air, while adopting electric light and air filtration inside. Valuablebooks and manuscripts were protected with carefully designed cases. Although not everyonewas happy with the building, it has remained as an example of a determined attempt tocope with a very aggressive urban environment. Champneys confronted the conflict betweendesign and the urban environment to produce a durable but pleasing library that provedsuitable for users and provided secure accommodation for its contents.

Keywords: air pollution—architecture—environmental design—interior design—library—urbanism

Introduction

The environmental damage generated by the Indus-trial Revolution in England from the late eighteenthcentury was profound. The harmful impact of rapidurbanization and industrialization was widelyacknowledged. Human and social costs, manifestedphysically, for example, in high mortality ratesamongst the urban poor, provoked some consterna-tion and desire for change. Those charged withimprovement focused predominandy on ameliora-tion of public health through the sanitary reform ofliving and working conditions of the labouringclasses. This was implemented through local andnational legislation, which increasingly provided forthe local administration of sanitary affairs. This activ-ity generated a vast body of literature, which has

continued to form the focus for many historicalanalyses of society in Victorian England.

The environmental impact on die built environ-ment was also profound. Although an awareness ofdamage to buildings by atmospheric pollution wasnot unique to die nineteenth century, it was through-out this era of accelerated degradation of die environ-ment that the problem took on a new dimension.Damage to the built environment was recognized andconfronted by contemporaries but has tended to beignored by later historians. This paper discusses thearchitectural responses to building widiin an urbanlocation in die nineteenth century. It focuses parti-cularly on Victorian Manchester and on die con-struction of architecturally significant secularbuildings including the John Rylands Library(1890—9), one of die last secular Godiic buildings in

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the city. The architect Basil Champneys was particu-larly sensitive to the environmental problems indesigning urban buildings at the end of the nine-teenth century, and has left us with a fine and detailedrecord of his responses.

Victorian redevelopment in anindustrial cityA result of the mechanization of the cotton industryand the adoption of steam was the establishment of afactory system from around 1750. Thus by the timeVictoria became monarch, Manchester had become aprosperous textile-manufacturing town. The cottonindustry stimulated the growth of the engineeringand chemical industries and the evolution a regionalfinancial centre.1

Social conditions worsened with the developmentof slums and industrial chimneys created intensesmoke pollution. By 1808, Manchester was 'abom-inably filthy', its steam engines 'pestiferous' and by1834 that the town was 'often covered, especiallyduring the winter, with dense fogs . . . there is at alltimes a copious descent of soot and other impurities.'Foreign observers expressed amazement at 'the pecu-liar dense atmosphere' of the town, its 'incomplete'daylight and the 'curious red colour' of the sky.2

Manchester's first Medical Officer of Health cam-paigned vigorously over the public health implica-tions of coal smoke pollution as 'positively injuriousto health'. He claimed that sulphurous acid existed insuch quantities in Manchester's air that it rapidlytarnished silver exposed to it in the streets, and thesulphuretted hydrogen had a depressing effect leadingto intemperance amongst the labouring classes.3

This urban environment might inhibit the creationof architecturally significant buildings. Indeed, manyVictorian writers caricatured the northern middle-class industrialists as uncultured, bluff and concernedprimarily with personal wealth—a sort of 'bourgeoisphilistinism': 'civic pride and civic rivalry among theindustrial towns of the north was almost entirelymaterialistic and not aesthetic. The pall of smokeand smuts in itself was enough to discourage anyeffort after beauty or joy in the visible aspect of life."*

However, northern industrial towns were notculturally impoverished and Manchester developeda distinct cultural identity.5 In architectural terms,

central Manchester was comprehensively rebuilt fromthe early 1800s onwards, using innovative buildingtechniques, novel materials to create unique build-ings.6 Visitors acknowledged that despite its pollutedappearance, it possessed many of the finest and mostadvanced Victorian secular buildings in the country:'one can scarcely walk about Manchester withoutcoming across frequent examples of the grand inarchitecture. There has been nothing to equal itsince the building of Venice.'7 Local architects wereconcerned enough to advocate smoke abatement andincorporated 'the most scientific kinds of fire placesflues and furnace and inventions for the avoidance ofsmoke.'8

Designing for the urbanenvironmentWithin an urban environment, awkward sites, over-crowded surroundings, lack of light and the presenceof noise and pollution influenced the design response.Such problems were particularly acute in VictorianManchester. Here, buildings were constructed in acongested environment undisciplined by any attemptat comprehensive planning. Space was at a premium,land prices soared and important buildings were oftensited in cramped and ungainly surroundings. Corneror irregular-shaped plots caused by the frequentintersecting streets meant that many structures (e.g.Manchester Town Hall, 1868—77) effectively had no'back' on which to economize in design.9 Conver-sely, some buildings situated on corner plots had onlytwo 'free' sides and combined ornate stone facadeswith rear plain brick elevations.10 Most were over-shadowed by surrounding buildings and visible onlyfrom oblique angles in the narrow streets.

In response, building designers resorted to anumber of devices, which combined both practicaland aesthetic considerations. Iron-framed construc-tion allowed commercial and office buildings to reacheight or more storeys in height. Towers were fre-quently employed not only in an ornamental capa-city, but also to provide a varied skyline to the roofsthat were frequendy the only visible part of abuilding, to give height and visibility to a confinedstructure and to disguise technical innovations.Thomas Worthington's Manchester Police and Ses-sions Court rose sheer from the pavement and was

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Environmental Pressures on Building Design and Manchester's John Rylands Library

designed to be seen obliquely. It had a tall clocktower at one corner, a steep pyramid roof at its centreand a tall chimney concealed as a minaret tower.Alfred Waterhouse incorporated a tower into hisdesign for the Manchester Assize Courts. Althoughhe acknowledged that this was not an indispensablepart of his design, he argued for its inclusion on thegrounds of its multiplicity of functions.11

The John Rylands Library, commissioned andfinanced by Mrs Enriqueta Augustina Rylands as amemorial to her late husband, was designed by BasilChampneys (1842—1935) and constructed on Deans-gate in the centre of Manchester. The rationalebehind Mrs Rylands' choice of site remains obscure.She wanted to provide a library that would beunsurpassed in the north of England.12 Perhaps,therefore, Deansgate offered a central positionwithin an increasingly fashionable part of the citynear other important buildings including the newTown Hall. Manchester Council's choice of site forits new building had been influenced by a desire toprovide a central, accessible but relatively quiet site ina respectable district near banks and other municipaloffices, next to a large open area and suitable for thedisplay of a fine building.13 Although Mrs Rylands'site brought prestige to the building, air pollution andovercrowding created many design problems for thearchitect.

Providing maximum lightThe desire to obtain maximum natural light incrowded surroundings had influenced buildingdesign since medieval times. French medieval cathed-rals, built without cloisters, hemmed in by domesticbuildings and deprived of light, were often higherthan their English counterparts. In Victorian Englandconcern to provide adequate light took on particularsignificance within industrial towns and offices had touse artificial light for many hours on smoggy wintermornings. The interior of Manchester Cathedral hadto be illuminated throughout the day by gaslight evenon comparatively bright days. Some writers arguedthat Gothic architecture was suitable for Manchesterand drew parallels between the vertical lines ofFrench cathedrals which rose above 'humbler build-ings' and those Manchester buildings which reachedabove the warehouses and 'are not so easily dom-inated, but the same principle holds good.'14

Buildings constructed on cramped inner-city siteshad to be designed to achieve maximum natural light,but not to deprive older buildings of light. Nine-teenth-century English common law recognized nogeneral right to light for existing buildings, exceptwhere the right (ancient lights) had been acquired byprescriptive use over more than twenty years.15

Nevertheless Manchester architects complained thatthe right to light issue constantly interfered •with theirpractice and submitted them to 'frequent amounts ofdifficulty and annoyance and expense of theiremployers.'16

The John Rylands Library site was surrounded bytall warehouses, derelict cottages and narrow streets.Some adjacent windows were within four feet of theboundary and the site was awkward in shape andorientation [1]. Contemporaries criticized the plot forits lack of surrounding space, which they felt unsui-table for a library. They were concerned diat valuablemanuscript collections were to be housed in Man-chester; 'that dirty, uncomfortable city . . . [with] notenough light to read by, and the books they alreadyhave are wretchedly kept.'17 However, Manchesterhad few alternative sites and the Library's centralposition was the best available.18 Basil Champneyslater stated that 'he did not so much mind about thesite' although a building constructed in an open space'might perhaps get more honour and glory.'19

Before building work began, Mrs Rylands nego-tiated Deeds of Agreement with her neighbours thatfixed the heights of future adjacent buildings. Thepermissible height of any future building on her sitewas already set at just over 34 feet, equalling that ofextant warehouses on the south-west side (Spinning-field), so as not to interfere with light for propertieson the north side (Wood Street). This confoundedBasil Champneys' initial intention to design theLibrary to a height of 60 feet. It was suggested thatthe Library could be taller at its centre if it incor-porated an open area around the edges of the site atthe height of the buildings that previously occupiedthe plot. This would also allow the requisite light tothe windows of Wood Street properties.20

Champneys adopted this suggestion into his designand set the two towers of the main facade twelve feetback from the boundary to prevent interference tothe light of buildings on Deansgate. The entrance hallblock in front of these towers was kept low [2] toallow light to enter the main library behind. The

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Catherine Bowler and Peter Brirnblecombe

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steps and only reached its fill width at either end. The ground-floor comdon flanking the buildmg i were only 9 feet high in order to allow light into I; the rooms behind them and the main library side 1 elevations were set back at first-floor level. Because the narrow perspective of the site ruled out anything but the steepest pitched roof, Charnpneys replaced ths with an almost flat roof He perceived these '

actions to represent a 'liberal concession' to neigh- , bouring 'rights to light1."

The main library reading room [3] on the first floor, 30 feet above ground and 12 feet f?om the boundary on all sides, gained light and minimized street noise. Visitors to the completed library appreciated the contrast between the external 'sullen roar of Manchester' and the internal 'cloister quietude of Rylands'.z2

Charnpneys' design incorporated elements f?om traditional library plans, from ecclesiastical and vernacular archtecture and from the Mansfield '

College ~ibrary." The use of suspended first-floor rooms had previously been incorporated into the design of a number of Victorian buildings in Man- chester includmg Alfred Waterhouse's (1830-1905) G

new and in the warehouses. Fig 2. The completed John Rylands L~brary (drawmg by Phhp Such innovative and flexible designs were rendered ,,,dge)


Fig 3. The Readmg Room of the John Rylands Library showing the Goth~c interior and provision of light (drawing by Phhp

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feasible by the use of iron-earned construction and brick arched flooring originally aimed at fireproof- ing late eighteenth-century cotton &. The construction of commercial buildings in this manner was criticized by some Manchester architects as appearing unstable and 'top heavy'.24

Basil Champneys designed the side elevations of the Library to catch maximum difFuse daylight and opted for high side-light rather than direct top-light on the advice of a local sculptor. The main readmg room was lit by oriel windows placed in the reading recesses at 6nt- and gallery-floor level and supple- mented by hgh clerestory windows ranged along both sides. These clerestory windows were enlarged

during the design phase because Champneys believed they would provide 'the most valuable light in the building'.*' Inadequate provision of high side-light could be problematic in Manchester. The painting over of previously plain glass clerestory windows at Manchester Cathedral in 1845 had seriously dirnin- ished the amount of internal light." Alfred Water- house's desire to maximize light in the new Town Hall had been acheved through adoption of 'bor- rowed lights and skylights', additional dormers and the insertion of some extra windows."

Manchester's commercial architects responded to the need for adequate light by adopting the Italian Renaissance palazzo style which had been introduced to Manchester by Charles Barry (1795-1860) in the design of his Athenaeum buikdmg (1830-9).28 T h s flexible style, in preference to the strictly ordered Classical style, when used in conjunction with cast- iron construction techniques, allowed the main facades of commercial warehouses and office chambers to be articulated with unusually large areas of glass and windows spaced nearly twice as close as academically preferred in order to provide sficient internal light.29 Some architects adopted even more unusual responses. York House, a nine-storey textile warehouse, was designed with a stepped-in and hlly glazed rear ele~ation.~'

The desire to enhance and maximize the amount of avadable light extended to the provision of internal-facing materials. One common Victorian response was the incorporation of areas of glazed white bricks. This device was employed by Water- house at the Town Hall for the facing of internal public circulation areas in conjunction with mosaic marble paving containing whte centres in areas where the light was 'less strong'. The use of these materials would not have been suitable at the John Rylands Library. Here, Champneys specified that the stone employed in the interior should absorb less light. T h s does not appear to have been entirely successhl and the pale plnk and grey 'Shawk' stone of the interior was subsequently criticized for not assist- ing the lighting and for requiring more sunlight than usual to be effecti~e.~'

Another way to maximize access to light was through the choice of glazing and, again, this consideration influenced the design of the majority of Manchester's Victorian buildings. Design stipulations for Manchester Town Hall had Included provision


for 'the sufficiency of window light suppliedthroughout the building.' The Town Hall incorpo-rated clear glass in the windows of important roomsand restricted itself to lightly coloured tints for thecoloured glazing to maximize light penetration since'the sky of Manchester does not favour the employ-ment of deeply stained glass.'32

At the John Rylands Library the glazing schemetook many years to resolve and was hindered bydisagreements between Mrs Rylands and the Archi-tect.33 Champneys originally specified that the major-ity of external glazing, apart from the stained-glasspanels in the principal windows of the north andsouth facades, should be executed in plain white'cathedral rolled' or 'round' glass. This decision wasbased on his belief that it would be 'impossible to gettoo much light surface considering the atmosphere ofManchester.'34 Mrs Rylands eventually sanctionedthe use of green German glass for the 'lead lightglazing' executed in 'the roundel pattern of glass withwhite borders.' This decision proved problematic.Visitors to the Library were 'unfavourably impressed'and considered the mullioned tracery windows'about the worst form possible for admittinglight.'35 It was felt that the glass was not translucentenough and that clear glass should have been used.Visitors were puzzled by the contradiction betweenChampneys' obvious attempts to acquire extra lightthrough stepped in side elevations and numerouswindows and the ineffective nature of the glazing.A few visitors appreciated the contribution of the'gendy toned' light to the building's religious andmystical atmosphere.36

Resisting damage by air pollutionFrom the late seventeenth century, following theadoption of domestic coal burning on a large scalein England, the damage caused by air pollution tobuildings became increasingly severe. Ecclesiasticaladministrative bodies and architects employed as'Surveyor of the Fabric' to national monumentspossessed first hand knowledge of the impact of airpollution on stone. Christopher Wren, for example,recognized that domestic coal-smoke emissions fromLondon were damaging Westminster Abbey andmeasured stone decay to a depth of four inches.37

The recognition of the damage to building stoneby smoke resulted in an increasing concern to achieve

an appropriate choice of materials for an urbanenvironment. In London, Portland stone, introducedto the Capital in 1619 and employed on a large scaleby Wren post-1666 and in the reconstruction of StPaul's Cathedral (1675—1710), became widely recog-nized as the most suitable stone to resist die atmo-sphere.38 From die end of die eighteenth century,stone was increasingly used for building facades.Improved means of quarrying and transportationlowered die price of this commodity and renderedit an economically viable option.

However, by die early nineteenth century diedamage caused by copious black soot deposits onstone facades had been identified as defoliation,discoloration and obscuration of ornamental detail.Air pollution became one of die most importantfactors influencing the design of Victorian urbanbuildings. Architects had to ensure the correctchoice of external stone during die planning phasefor buildings. Prior to the construction of the newPalace of Westminster (1837-70), a committee ofexperts, including die geologist Henry de la Beche,attempted to find a pollution-resistant limestone fordie new buildings. Their choice of Anston limestonesubsequendy proved disastrous and by 1861 Portlandstone was affirmed as die only 'safe' stone forLondon's buildings.39

In Manchester, many important Georgian buildingswere already blackened. Manchester Royal Infirmary(1755) situated in die central Piccadilly area, wasrefaced in 1835.*° From the early nineteendi century,the damage to the exterior of central Manchesterbuildings accelerated rapidly and it was recognizedmat die vernacular Collyhurst red sandstone couldno longer resist the industrial and domestic emissionsof the town. This altered die choice of buildingmaterials. The use of soft red sandstone becameincreasingly limited and by die 1870s tough Penninesandstones were the preferred and dominant materialswhere building funds allowed.41 Despite their dull buffor grey colour they were perceived to be muchtougher, more reliable and largely resistant to diedisintegrating influence of a smoke-laden atmosphere.This type of stone, which had first been introduced todie town in die facade of die Royal ManchesterInstitution (1824—35), later became die standardmaterial for many of die grand public and commercialbuildings in central Manchester and was also compre-hensively employed in building restorations.42

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When Manchester City Council approved thedecision to build a new Town Hall in the centre ofthe city during the 1860s, concern to produce abuilding able to withstand the local polluted urbanenvironment was paramount. In 1868, county jus-tices complained to Manchester's mayor about thedisfigurement of local buildings and the damage tometalwork and stone caused by the dense volumes ofsmoke from local manufacturers. The architecturalcompetition entries for the Town Hall were judgedon their suitability for 'the climate of the district' and,before building work commenced, the Town Hallarchitect and Manchester's city surveyor wereauthorised to investigate sample stone types in orderto find the most suitable supply for the building.43

The building was faced with durable Spinkwellsandstone in preference to the vernacular red sand-stone. Waterhouse believed that it was 'a matter ofgreat difficulty to find a stone proof against the evilinfluences of the peculiar climate of Manchester' butperceived that Spinkwell stone would resist 'thedeleterious influences of Manchester atmosphere.'44

When Basil Champneys began to design the JohnRylands Library, the problem remained acute, so heknew his building would require special treatment'rendered necessary by the special surroundings of thesite.' Before selecting the stone he inspected manybuildings in Manchester and discovered often 'thesurface of the stone employed had been to someextent eaten away.' He ascribed this to 'the effects ofan atmosphere somewhat strongly charged withchemicals.'45

Numerous stones were considered for the exteriorof the Library and Champneys questioned the archi-tect involved in the restoration of Chetham's Hospi-tal about his choice of replacement stone. InitiallyRuncorn stone was thought 'the best and mosteffective' for the Library, but this proved unsatisfac-tory in terms of durability and Champneys settled forthe red 'Barbary plain' sandstone which, he believed,'had every chance of proving durable.'46 This choiceof red sandstone was unusual in late Victorian Man-chester and the Library was considered exceptional inthis respect. In 1900, Champneys examined theexterior facades of the Library and was unable tofind any sign of stone softening, although an inspec-tion of the stonework in 1909 revealed that itrequired repair in several places.47

The colour of building facades was an equally

important design criterion within a polluted urbanenvironment. In Victorian Manchester the black sootdeposits were so thick that they obscured the faces ofilluminated city clocks, drastically impaired thegrowth of vegetation and rendered any attempt aturban tree planting almost impossible.48 The disco-loration of external facades was rapid. At ManchesterCathedral, areas of recendy cleaned, restored orreplacement stone were discoloured and indistin-guishable within a few years so that 'disfigured byits blackness . . . it has to pay die penalty of itsposition in a great manufacturing city.'49

A number of mid-Victorian Manchester architectsassimilated the Venetian Godiic style into their designsand the city witnessed a proliferation of structureswhich The Builder referred to as 'ManchesterGothic'.50 This style, propounded by Ruslcin, stressedthe importance of colourful building facades. Colourcould be achieved by combining different buildingmaterials and textures rather than by the application ofpaint, which was considered inappropriate for theEnglish climate. The Manchester Assize Courts(1859—64) by Alfred Waterhouse represented one ofthe first major examples of secular Gothic architectureaccording to Ruskin's principles after Oxford Museum(1854—60).51 The facades exhibited a contrast betweenbrick, stone, terracotta, slates and tiles. ThomasWorthington's Memorial Hall (1864—6) was facedwith banding in red, orange and black brickwork andbuff stone and his Police and Sessions Court (1867-73)with yellow stone dressings and orange brick facades.Waterhouse's Fryer and Binyon warehouse facade(c.1856) was executed in a diapered pattern of twocolours of brick and his Royal Insurance Building(1861) achieved its constructional polychromydirough the use of different-coloured stone.52

However, the polychrome walls of Manchester'sVenetian Gothic buildings fared badly in the pollutedatmosphere. Alfred Waterhouse was alarmed that thecolourful exterior of the Assize Courts was renderedblack within three years. This influenced subsequentdesign policies. The exterior of the new ManchesterTown Hall was comprehensively faced with a buffmonochrome sandstone and external patterning con-fined to the dark and light grey slates of the roof.Similarly, his design for Owen's College (1873-96)incorporated facing in buff brick for the ordinarywalling and very hard light-brown sandstone for diemain facades.53

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Basil Champneys' study of the facades of Man-chester buildings revealed that elevations executed inlight coloured stones soon became drab and 'dirtyblack' within smoky surroundings and that Portlandlimestone facades discoloured and blackened 'in astreaky manner suggestive of cement rendering.' Heperceived, however, that red sandstone facades kept awarm tone even when discoloured and noted similarbehaviour in the red brick facades of London build-ings. As a result he felt 'rather hopeful' that the redsandstone exterior of the Library would keep itswarm tones. Not all contemporaries shared thisoptimism and some suggested that die warmth ofcolouring would be retained only in those areas of theLibrary 'less heavily touched by die baneful hand ofthe impure atmosphere.'54 Champneys applied similarcriteria to his choice of motded pink and grey'Shawk' stone for die Library interior and believeddiat diis would keep its colour permanendy. He feltdiat die incorporation of air filtration in the Library'must do some good though not to the extent hehoped' and was encouraged by the fact diat theinternal stone of Manchester Cathedral, where therewas no air filtration, had kept a fair colour. Again,critics complained diat die internal colour effect ofdie new building would be quickly destroyed by the'fog of Manchester, which would reduce the greysand reds to browns and blacks.'55

Finding durable designs anddecorationIdeally, external stone had to remain durable andcolourful within its urban environment and becompatible with the proposed architectural style ofdie building. However, die type of architectural styleinfluenced what type of stone could be employed. Adesign featuring profuse and ornate carving could notbe executed in hard stone widiout being a cosdy anddifficult endeavour. Traditionally, softer limestonesand sandstones were selected for external facings ofornate urban buildings but diis was not a viableproposition widiin polluted nineteenth-centurytowns. This dilemma was compounded by thechanges in architectural taste diat occurred nationallyfrom die early 1800s as the Classical style of archi-tecture was replaced in favour of die principles ofmedieval architecture. The Gothic Revival evolved

from the late 1830s, its ideology espoused initially bya group of writers and architects including AugustusWelby Pugin (1812-52) and epitomized, by mid-century, in die influential writing of John Ruskin(1819-1900).56

In London, die new Houses of Parliament (1838—70), designed by Charies Barry in collaboration withPugin, were faced widi limestone and articulated in ahighly decorated Perpendicular Godiic style in pre-ference to the Classical style. This provoked immedi-ate concern that die Godiic style was not suited to apolluted urban environment. It was argued diat high-level ornamentation trapped soot and corroded morequickly dian areas of plain stone 'as if contrived toarrest die fall of every sooty particle contained in aLondon atmosphere' and diat 'Greek architecture isof all others die best adapted for avoiding this.'57

Charles Barry retaliated by suggesting that any sub-sequent decay would not impair the beauty of diebuilding since many extant Godiic buildings werealready in ruins. Ultimately, the ornately carved stonedetails began to decay before die building wascomplete. The exterior was 'so frittered away indetails, that in die course of a few years it would benothing more dian a metropolitan asylum for birds'nests and soot.'58

The majority of Manchester's early nineteendi-century stone-faced buildings were classical instyle.59 From 1839 die Italianate palazzo style wasadopted and adapted by local architects for diearticulation of commercial building facades.60 Thesedesigns had to contend widi die 'black velvetybrocade' of soot which 'spread widi perfect andmiraculous evenness over all die buildings' andwhich quickly reduced architectural features of Man-chester buildings to an indistinct pattern.61 It issuggested diat architects countered diis dirough dieemployment of bold and ornate external ornamenta-tion on die main facades of dieir buildings in order tomake an impression through die soot deposits and aninsistence upon surface relief came to be symptomaticof Manchester warehouse design.

From the early 1860s, die palazzo style wasreplaced in Manchester buildings by a more chaoticmix of architectural styles and many local commercialarchitects began to assimilate die Venetian Godiic ofRuskin into dieir designs. Initially it was felt diat thisstyle responded well to die practical dilemmas of dieVictorian period. It could incorporate plate glass,

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iron-framed construction, brick, stone or stuccofacades and large windows alongside technologicaladvances in lighting, heating and ventilation, butmany of these Gothic buildings were very ornateand detailed for such polluted environments.

When Waterhouse designed Manchester's newTown Hall, he used a Gothic style with limitedcarved decoration and no external polychromy. Intheir place, Waterhouse created surface interestthrough limited modelled detail, the ordered reces-sion of windows, some statues and coats of arms andcarved patterning of features which produced a 'hard'appearance externally.62 This treatment represented adeparture from the High Victorian heaviness andconstructional polychromy of other contemporaryGothic buildings.63 The Town Hall was criticizedby some Manchester inhabitants for not being Gothicenough. Manchester Council's decision to spendlarge amounts of money on a building 'when mostof its architectural effect would be lost because ruinedby soot and made nearly invisible by smoke' was alsoqueried.64 However, Waterhouse's design was suc-cessful and although the exterior was blackened bythe late 1890s the stonework has not fared toobadly.65

In terms of architectural style, the John RylandsLibrary is unusual. Basil Champneys trained whenneo-Gothic architecture was fashionable but under-took commissions in diverse styles.66 Mrs Rylandsappreciated Champneys' Gothic Mansfield CollegeLibrary, Oxford (1888)67 and wanted her building ina similar style. By the time that the John RylandsLibrary was constructed, Gothic was considered old-fashioned and generally reserved for ecclesiastical andeducational architecture. Some Victorian critics quer-ied whether the style was well adapted to the objectof the building and the John Rylands Library came tobe one of the last examples of Gothic architecture inManchester.68

Champneys' Gothic design responded to thecramped urban location of the Library. He perceivedthat the narrow site and crowded surroundings wouldyield an unusual perspective view similar to thatpresented by Continental buildings located incramped streets. In consequence, he designed themain facade to be viewed in 'very rapid perspective'and the sides of the building to be seen foreshorteneddown the narrow side streets. External stone carvingwas concentrated on the main facade and the fronts

and sides of the towers. Upper parts of the building,which could not be seen from the close side streets,including the clerestory exterior, were constructed inred brick. The rear and side elevations and the 'backs'of the main towers were austere and Champneysreserved most stone carving for the protected interior,arguing that it was 'far more important' than theexterior.69

By the mid-Victorian period, terracotta was beingemployed in many building facades. Although someindividuals disliked the 'machine-made hardness' ofthis material, it was widely perceived to be moreresistant than brick or stone to industrial pollution.Additionally, it was not difficult to produce, itallowed cheap multiplication of ornament, waseasily washed and gave permanent colour and textureto exteriors. Alfred Waterhouse was an importantproponent of this type of material and employedterracotta and other 'permanent' materials extensivelyin his buildings. He recognized that 'owing to thespread of our large cities and the deleterious gaseswhich our chimneys are permitted to emit, the powerof resistance to atmospheric disintegration, even inthe best of stone most carefully selected, seems to beyear by year getting less' and felt that with the use ofterracotta 'restoration as it has hitherto been under-stood and practised may be looked upon as a thing ofthe past.'70

Despite the conscious attempts to counter theeffects of Manchester's urban air pollution on build-ing exteriors through use of resistant materials, theyblackened. Furthermore, although Manchester'sstone buildings received a coating of soot, localbuildings faced with hard artificial or polished mate-rials did not weather well either. Dirt collected insome places but not others so that unless cleanedregularly presented a half-washed appearance.71

Towards the end of the century, there was widerecognition that the problem of stone decay wouldultimately require comprehensive smoke abatement.Nationally, the Arts and Crafts Movement pressed forcleaner coal combustion to permit built structures 'tostand uncorroded and undefiled.'72 In Manchester,mid-Victorian justices of the peace expressed their'anxious consideration' that Manchester's mayorimprove 'the blackened, sooty state' of local buildingsthrough enforcement of local legislation and it wasincreasingly recognized that 'the atmosphere of thecity . . . is antagonistic to architectural work of the

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best kind.' The Manchester Society of Architectsurged diat the smoke nuisance act be enforced locallyso diat 'we might have architecture undisfigured.'73

Manchester's City Council adopted a pioneeringapproach towards air pollution and consistendyaimed for improved legislative control of the prob-lem. Its members recognized drat coal smoke wasdetrimental not only to health but to vegetation andbuildings and drat it resulted in excessive cost incleaning of buildings and interiors.7''

Responding to internal air pollutionDamage to die contents of urban buildings by coal-smoke penetration was evident from the mid-1600sand became increasingly problematic. In 1710 anoverseas visitor observed diat the books held inWestminster Abbey library, an 'ugly and smoke-blackened' apartment, were so blackened that 'onehardly dares touch diem for smoke and dust; indeed,whenever I look at books in London, I get my cuffs asblack as coal.'

The nave of Manchester Cathedral was so smokyby 1816 diat its stained-glass windows could only be'viewed widi a good telescope from die inside, on aclear day.' This situation remained acute. By 1901 itwas observed diat 'die mist of die exterior atmo-sphere finds its way into the building, and hangsbeneath the roof, lending an air of mystery to thewhole place, and giving rise to most beautiful effectswhen the sunlight streams dirough die clerestorywindows'.75

Within the heavily polluted environment of Vic-torian towns, the presence of polluted air insidebuildings produced increasingly visible amounts ofdamage to the contents. This was compounded bythe fact diat many Godiic buildings incorporatedextensive areas of highly ornate decoration. In Man-chester, Alfred Waterhouse and the City Councilattempted with 'extreme anxiety' to find the mostdurable method of wall decoration for the new TownHall. He recognized die futility of excessive expense'considering how soon die painted decorations ofceilings especially become soiled in a great EnglishCity' and reserved the most ornate decorations forspecific areas of die building. The public corridorsand circulation areas were lined with terracottainstead of plaster. Combined with tiled dados,mosaic-paved floors and stone vaulted ceilings, diis

provided permanent decorative colour and cleanablesurfaces.76

The supply of fresh air, free from dust, smuts,smoke and odour became important in the designof prestigious public buildings. Ventilation schemesneeded to provide not only pleasant conditions forthe occupants, but also atmospheric conditions suit-able for die contents. This required a departure fromthe ventilation schemes of Georgian urban publicbuildings, which had concentrated primarily onprovision of unfiltered fresh air. Architects pioneeredcombined heating and ventilation systems for a rangeof urban building types including hospitals andprisons from the early 1840s.77 The earliest attemptswere frequendy unsuccessful and remained ill suitedto the preservation of interiors. Elimination of odourproved impracticable. Furthermore, die use of coalfurnaces to induce internal air movement aggravateddie situation by releasing additional air pollutants.

Victorian ventilation schemes influenced buildingdesign to an unprecedented degree. They aimed todraw in filtered air at die lowest point of a structure,warm it and circulate it diroughout die rooms andthen exhale die 'vitiated' air at die highest point. Toachieve diis, architects worked with technical advisersto provide structural space for air channels in diewalls, floors and roof voids. The experimental natureof these designs frequendy led to difficulties betweenthe architect and technicians, exacerbated by anignorance of each other's profession.

In Manchester, die local architect ThomasWorthington successfully undertook ventilation andwarming schemes in several civic and public utilitybuildings. Manchester Town Hall's scheme wasdesigned by the engineer G. N. Haden in collabora-tion widi Waterhouse. It included 'fresh' air drawndirough ornamental stone air inlets placed externallybelow die windows and admitted behind die hotwater pipes and 'coils' of rooms. Fresh air alsodischarged under die coils in die stairwells andcirculated through hollow shafts widiin die spiralstaircases in order to provide fresh air to the corridors.

At die John Rylands Library a number of schemeswere tried and abandoned. Basil Champneys foughthard to maintain his authority in diis respect and, in1890, expressed his desire to appoint die engineeringfirm undertaking the heating, ventilation and sanitaryworks. In 1895, no fewer than three distinct schemeswere being proposed by different individuals, includ-

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ing Kemp, the clerk of the works and Mr Crittall, theengineer, and with constant comment from MrsRylands and her adviser, William Linnell. Champ-neys advocated the inclusion of air filtration from theoutset. This was initially rejected by Mrs Rylands, asunnecessary since she felt it was impossible to excludefoul air. Consequendy, the first ventilating schemeaimed to draw in unfiltered air at street level throughone hundred small 'fresh air inlets'.

Champneys continued to press his client to adoptair filtration techniques. Following the acquisition ofa valuable manuscript collection for the Library in1892, he suggested to Mrs Rylands that 'It will bevery desirable to keep the air in the interior of thebuilding as clear and free from smoke and chemicalmatter (both of which are held in the air of Man-chester) as may be possible.'78 At this stage the groundfloor of the Library had been built with numerous airinlets. Champneys suggested fitting layered cottonwool air filters into the inlets, installing sealedwindows and generating air movement by electricfans. The situation remained unresolved and, threeyears later, he urged Mrs Rylands to adopt 'somefiltration of die air at each inlet' by jute or hessianscreens. Water sprays, considered unnecessary as lateas 1895, were subsequendy included within the airfiltration system in order to catch the sulphur andodier chemicals, which the jute and hessian screenswere unable to trap.

The Library design also attempted to render diemain library room free from contact with the externalair. Screen doors placed at the two external entrancesprevented the air in the entrance hall, corridors andstaircase from being 'fouled by the opening of dieouter doors'. Internal swing doors between thesepublic circulation areas and the main library aimedto 'preserve die valuable books from injury'. Thecontrol of internal air movement was rendered moredifficult by Mrs Rylands desire for a large andimpressive entrance hall and principal staircase,which resulted in die public circulation areas beingconstructed in the form of a large, vaulted and 'airy'space. Champneys suggested that air could be pro-vided for die main library direct from purifyingchambers situated in the basement, but this schemewas not adopted.79

The ventilation scheme continued to evolve anddie final system, in operation by 1900, employedelectric fans to draw in air at pavement level through

coke screens sprayed widi water.80 The filtered airwas dien drawn over hot water pipes, passed into thevestibule dirough a floor grating and circulated viafloor and wall ducting and vents to the Library rooms.The air filtration and ventilation with no openwindows provoked great interest amongst contem-poraries. Champneys concluded diat he had 'done allthat he was permitted to do by way of purifying dieair' and felt confident of his scheme's ability towithhold external air pollution and diat 'the systemwould answer'. It was perceived diat 'widi electriclighting and purified air, cleaning of the glass from theinside would be required only at very long inter-vals.'81

The pavement-level inlets subsequendy provedproblematic in terms of admitting pollution. Thesystem also provided non-uniform heating and insuf-ficient ventilation. During die first year of operation,opening windows were installed in many of diesmaller rooms in response to die presence of dampand mildew in parts of die Library, which posed aserious direat to die books. At this point die Librarianreported diat 'die atmospheric conditions of dierooms have been gready improved following dieopening of die windows' and it was felt diat dieproblem would not recur as long as weekly ventila-tion of die building was undertaken.82 By 1907, a'blackness' had begun to appear at the top of dievaulting compartments of the main library roof. Anumber of causes were suggested, including diedrying of water from die concrete used in die roof,ineffective air filtration, die admission of unfiltered airthrough the newly inserted window casements, orsimply accumulated dust. At diis point the problemwas not considered serious and it was felt that stonecleaning would resolve the matter widiout causingfurther damage.83

Preserving the contentsThe preservation of objects contained widiin build-ings located in a polluted urban environment wasimportant. At die Houses of Parliament, in 1850,attempts were made to preserve books in die Houseof Commons Library from damage by covering thetops and edges of die bookshelves widi leadier, andby cupboarding the bookshelves below table level.

The design of die Rylands Library also had tocontend with diis problem. Champneys' original

185


design provided accommodation for 100,000 volumes. From 1892, Mn Rylands began to acquire extremely valuable manuscript collections, so Champneys had to revise his design to provide satisfactory accommodation for this type of material. He incorporated four special collection rooms, which housed their contents in sealed bookcases lining the walls [4]. Within the main library, volumes were housed in tall bookcases fitted into the reading recesses. The Architect visited the Bodleian Library in 1893 and the British Museum in 1897 before finalizing his bookcase design. He adopted the British Museum's preference for metal-framed doon, which fitted better and were less likely to warp, and plate- glass fronts, which resisted scratching. Champneys also admired the British Museum's policy of employ- ing various arrangements for 'arresting dust' and particularly their use of 'thick piled velvet' as an efficient seal. He specified 'velvet dust excluding Wets' in all the bookcases at the Rylands Library. The rolls of velvet were rendered 'elastic' by the insertion of wool. Fellow professional architects and librarians expressed considerable interest in Champ- neys' innovative dust-excluding device^.'^

One final hurdle for Victorian building designers was the prevention of damage to interiors from

internally generated pollutants. Again ths was not a uniquely nineteenth-century problem. Smoke and emissions fiom domestic coal fires had damaged the fbmishngs of medieval and early modem dwellings and attempts were made to design stoves and fire- places which would reduce indoor smoke. At the Rylands Library the employment of coal fires for heating was banned because of concern about damage that would be caused by the smoke.85

From the early Victorian period a piped supply of gas was established in most Enghsh towns and gas dlumination adopted comprehensively within contemporary buildings. Ths introduced a new source of indoor air pollution.86 Sir Lyon Playfair identified the harmful elements as ammonia and hydrogen sulphide, but suggested that gas scrubbing would render gas innocuous to painting and gdding.

In 1842, Sir Michael Faraday argued that the sulphur contained in gas damaged leather bindings in the library of the Athenaeum Club, London. Both Mrs Rylands and Champneys perceived that the damaging effects of emissions fiom burning gas were 'the most htal thmg' in a library. The architect also suggested that gas burning 'took all the moisture out of the air and forced the backs of the books off in an extraordinary way.'" Electric lighting was chosen

Fig 4. The Bible Room of the John Rylands L~brary with carefully designed bookcases (drawing by Philip Judge)


to illuminate the Library as a cleaner and saferalternative to gas.

This choice of electric lighting was innovative, soschemes had to rely on electricity generated on site.Manchester Royal Infirmary was lit by electricityfrom an early date, but the new Town Hall did notconvert from gas to electric lighting until the 1890s.The installation of electricity at the Rylands Librarytook many years to complete and was delayed by thelack of suitable precedents and the inexperience ofcontemporary electrical contractors. Champneys vis-ited a number of London libraries to study theirelectric installations. Electricity was generated onsite by gas engines, chosen in preference to steamengines and situated outside the main building 'to dono mischief and reduce the fire risk. A high chimneycarried ofFthe fumes 'as the gas accumulated will giveoff a considerable quantity of free hydrogen.'88 TheJohn Rylands Library generated its own electricityuntil 1950.

The use of electric lighting at the John RylandsLibrary effected an unforeseen alteration in theappearance of the interior. Guests at the Library'sopening ceremony described how 'the exquisitework of the interior of the building was seen togreat advantage under the brilliant installation of theelectric light.' Others were not so positive andcomplained: 'the appearance under electric light isneither so true nor so interesting as by daylight.'89

ConclusionAesthetic responses to Champneys' building werelargely positive. Architectural writers, such as thoseof 77K Builder, thought the building bold and originaland often considered it one of the most remarkablelibraries of its age. Champneys had the rare honour tospeak about the building at a general meeting of theRoyal Institute of British Architects and he wasawarded the Royal Gold Medal in 1912. Non-architectural praise was also forthcoming and thefirst Librarian praised the building. On the negativeside, some regarded it as an expensive white elephantand worried about its narrow frontage in Manches-ter's 'slumdom'. The high quality of the workman-ship has meant that it has endured and twentieth-century comment has also been favourable. It is seenas one of the finest examples of the neo-Gothic style.

Designers of urban buildings had traditionally been

influenced by external pressures and, in this respect, aconcern for environment is not a uniquely Victorianpreoccupation. However, the transformation thatoccurred in the urban environment during thisperiod confronted architects with a multitude ofnovel environmental pressures that provoked inno-vative design responses. These pressures includeddenial of light, overcrowding, awkward sites, noise,accessibility and visibility of the building and pollu-tion. Practical considerations had to be combinedwith the stylistic demands of clients. External eleva-tions had to be functional yet striking, durable yetcolourful. Internal space had to be light, airy andpollutant-free, and provide satisfactory working con-ditions. Architects also assimilated new technologiesinto their designs, including electric light and ventila-tion schemes that we now take for granted.

Victorian architects were not complacent aboutdesigning buildings within degraded urban environ-ments. The best were conversant with the issuesinvolved and responded accordingly. This responsewas not reserved for important buildings. Innovativedesign strategies were assimilated into a range ofurban building types. This was achieved most suc-cessfully where the client was sympathetic to theissues involved.

The design of the John Rylands Library wasstrongly influenced by environmental pressures. Atthis site Basil Champneys struggled to balance thepractical and aesthetic considerations of designing alibrary in late Victorian Manchester with the desiresof a difficult benefactress. It is evident that he took onboard the broader implications of designing a build-ing within one of Victorian England's most envir-onmentally degraded cities and that he was preparedto persist in his demands for the inclusion of elementsdesigned specifically to counter the surroundingurban environment.

The success of his design in overcoming environ-mental was a little patchy. Some elements, includingthe ventilation and air filtration scheme, caused prob-lems almost immediately and were not entirelysuccessful. The external and internal stones werediscoloured by air pollution and cleaned in 1969,but otherwise appear to have worn well. Externalcorrosion appears to have been negligible andalthough darkened, the stone has not been exten-sively patched or replaced. Areas of internal stone thatwere not cleaned in 1969 remain intensely blackened.

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In terms of access to light, although the Spinningfieldside has been cleared of buildings, and Manchester'satmospheric pollution has been significantly reduced,the Library interior remains very dark and the greenglazing and small electric light fittings are not helpful.Some design 'failures' may be due to lack of appro-priate technical knowledge during the constructionperiod. In other respects, as in the choice of externalstone colour, it seems that Champneys was veryoptimistic. However, despite all this, Basil Champ-neys' achievements are impressive. He balanced aes-thetic, environmental and practical considerations toproduce a durable but pleasing building that wouldprovide a suitable environment for its users and secureaccommodation for its contents.

Catherine BowlerNorfolk County Council

Peter BrimblecombeUniversity of East Anglia

NotesWe would like to acknowledge DG XII of the European Com-mission for supporting this work under the ARCHEO programme:contract number 'ENV 4-CT95-0O92'.

1 For detailed discussion of Manchester's Victorian development,see A. Kidd, Manchester, Keele University Pros, 1996, pp. 2 1 -32, 103-5, W. H. Sherdif£ Manchester: A Short History of itsDevelopment, Manchester Town Hall, 1983, pp. 21-39;W. Farrar & J. BrownbiH, A History of Lancashire, vol. 2, TheVictoria County History of the Counties of England. Lancashire,Archibald Constable, 1908, pp. 360-408; N. J. Frangupolo,Rich Inheritance: A Guide to the History of Manchester, ManchesterEducation Committee, 1962, pp. 39-45; J. M e n , 'Whatchemistry has meant to industry in Manchester', in W. H.Brindley (ed.), The Soul of Manchester, Manchester UniversityPress, 1929, pp. 193-200.

2 Richard Holden, a visitor from Rotherham on 14 May 1808quoted in W. H. Thomson, History of Manchester to 1852, JohnSherratt & Son, 1967, p. 271; the Panorama of Manchester andRaihvay Companion, 1834, quoted in S. D. Simon, A Century ofGovernment in Manchester 1838—1938, George Allen & Unwin,1938, p. 36; Alexis de Tocqueville visited Manchester duringJuly 1835 and E>r Cams during 1844, quoted in Thomson, op.cit , pp. 333, 357.

3 Medical Officer of Health Annual Report, City of ManchesterProceedings of the Council from November 1880 to November 1881,Henry Blacklock & Co., 1882, p. 238; Medical Officer ofHealth Annual Report, City of Manchester: Proceedings of theCouncilfrom November 1882 to November 1883, Henry Blacklock& Co., 1884, p. 230; Manchester Local Studies Library [hence-forth MLSL], 352 042 M22.

4 G. M. Trevelyan, Illustrated English Social History, vol. 4, Long-man, 1952, p. 118.

5 See, for example, A. J. Kidd & K. W. Robert! (eds.), City, Class

and Culture: Studies of Social Policy and Cultural Production inVictorian Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1985; J. Seed,'Commerce and the liberal arts: the political economy of art inManchester, 1775-1860', in J. Wolff & J. Seed (eds.), TheCulture of Capital: Art, Power and the Nineteenth Century MiddleClass, Manchester University Press, 1988, pp.1 45-81.

6 Specifically its 'office chambers' and commercial warehouses;S. Muthesius, The High Victorian Movement in Architecture 1850-1870, Roudedge & Kegan Paul, 1972, pp. 188-96; R. Dixon& S Muthesius, Victorian Architecture, Thames Sc Hudson, 1978,pp. 10, 15, 120-40, 142-81.

7 "The architecture of our large provincial towns. II: Manches-ter', The Builder, vol. bcri, no. 2805, November 1896, pp. 369-79; Thomson, op. cit., p. 349; P. de Figueiredo & I. Beesley,Victorian Manchester and Salford, Rybum Publishing, 1988, p. 2.

8 Thomas Worthington, 'Address of the President', ManchesterSociety of Architects, 1865-1875 Reports, 1875, MLSL,720.6.Ml; see also A. Pass, 'Thomas Worthington: practicalidealist', Architectural Review, no. 155, 1974, pp. 268-74;J. Medland Taylor, 'Address of the President', Manchester Societyof Architects 1875-82 Annual Report, 1881, MLSL, 720.6.M.1.The concerns of the Manchester group (reformed in 1865 asme Manchester Society of Architects) echoed those expressednationally by the RIBA (founded 1834) and the ArchitecturalAssociation (founded 1847), Muthesius, op. cit,, p. 160; Dbcon& Muthesius, op. a t , pp. 10-14.

9 A. Waterhouse, 'Description of the new Town Hall at Man-chester', Transactions of the R.I.B.A., 1876-7, 19 February 1877,pp. 117-36; The Builder, 1896, op. cit., p. 370.

10 For which many later architectural historians expressed theirpreference. See, for example, D. Sharp's comment that at theWatts Warehouse, 'the rear elevation blushing unseen into asatanic alley is a fine piece of functional brickwork much to bepreferred to the front', D. Sharp (ed), Manchester, Studio Vista,1969, p. 23.

11 A. J. Pass, "Thomas Worthington', in J. H. G. Archer {ed.),Artand Architecture in Victorian Manchester, Manchester UniversityPress, pp. 81—101; Figueiredo & Beesley, op. cit., plates 54, 55;A. Waterhouse, 'The Manchester Assize Courts: description ofdesign undeT motto "Pro Rege, Lege et Grege"', The BuildingNews, 6 May 1859, pp. 425—7; towers formed an integral part ofRuskin's vision of Venetian Gothic expressed in The Stones ofVenice, vol. 1, 1851, Muthesius, op. at-, pp. 33—6; for adiscussion of me importance of towers in civic buildingdesign, see C. Cunningham, Victorian and Edwardian TownHalls, Roudedge & Kegan Paul, 1981, pp. 166-74. Suchdevices were not unique to Manchester. In London, theCentral Tower of Charles Barry's Houses of Parliament func-tioned as both a ventilation shaft, chimney and ornamentaladdition to the original design, M. H. Port (ed.), The Houses ofParliament, Yale University Press, 1976, p. 103.

12 H. Guppy, The John Rylands Library Manchester. 1899-1924- ARecord of its History etc., Manchester University Press, 1924,p. 11; S. Fearnley, 'Trio', Lancashire Life, February 1976, p. 33;H. Guppy, 'How commerce has assisted culture through theJohn Rylands Library', in Brindley, op. at., pp. 113—25.

13 See the reports of the Town Hall Sub-Committee in City ofManchester: Proceedings of the Council from November 1863 toNovember 1864, Henry Blacklock & Co., 1865, MLSL,352 042 M22.

14 World, 29 October 1907, 'Newspaper cuttings 1899-1909',JohnRylands Library Archive [henceforth JRLA], shelf 69, vol. 1.

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15 As defined by the Prescription Act (1832); M. Grant, UrbanPlanning Law, Sweet & Maxwell, 1982, pp. 325-7; B. Nicholas,An Introduction to Roman Law, Clarendon Press, 1962, p. 143.

16 A. W. Milk, 'Presidential address', Manchester Society of Archi-tects, 1865-75 Reports, 1870, MLSL, 720.6.M1.

17 Modem Society, 1892, 'Guppy correspondence', JRLA, shelf 78,box 5.

18 Woiid, op. at. It was also suggested that this type of site wasperhaps the most fitting location for John Rylands who hadbeen an eminent local businessman.

19 'The John Rylands Memorial Library Manchester', The Builder,27 January 1900, pp. 78-81.

20 Mr Beaumont, a local land agent and surveyor in the employ ofMrs Rylands, put forward the suggestion, 'Deeds and papersrelating to the John Rylands Library, 1889-1901', JRLA,Rylands Family Papers, ORF/3/3/1-16.

21 The Builder, 1900, op. at., p. 78; B. Champneys, 'The JohnRylands Library, Manchester', Journal of the R.I.B.A., 3rd series,22 January 1900, pp. 101—14; Basil Champneys to Mrs Rylandsin late 1889, 'Building correspondence', JRLA, shelf 72, box 2;'Plans and elevations of the Library', JRLA, shelf 75, see alsoJ. Maddison, 'Basil Champneys and the John Rylands Library',in Archer (ed.), op. cit., pp. 230—49.

22 Bristol Observer, 20 November 1909, 'Newspaper cuttings1899-1909', JRLA, shelf 69, vol. 1.

23 The Builder, 1900, op. cit., p. 80; Maddison, op. a t , p. 241;J. Sherwood & N. Pevsner, The Buildings of England: Oxford-shire, Penguin, 1974, pp. 234-5; for illustrations of MansfieldCollege and library interior see A. F. Kerstmg & J. Ashdown,The Buildings of Oxford, Batsford, 1980, pp. 174-5, A. F.Kerstmg, Portrait of Oxford, Batsford, 1956, p. 77.

24 W. A. Royle, 'Presidential address', Manchester Society of Archi-tects 1882-89 Annual Report, 1888, MLSL, 720.6.M1.

25 Basil Champneys wnBng to Mrs Rylands, 6 November 1893,'Mrs Rylands and the John Rylands Library from librarysources', JRLA, shelf 78, box 1.

26 T. L. Worthington, Historical Account of the Cathedral Church atManchester, Manchester, 1884, p. 46.

27 Borough of Manchester, [copy] Proceedings of the Council November1873 to November 1874, Henry Blacklock & Co., 1875, J. H. G.Archer,'A classic of its age', in Archer (ed.), op. at., pp. 127—61.

28 S. Wilkinson, Manchester's Warehouses: Their History and Archi-tecture, Neil Richardson, 1981, p. 11.

29 H. R. Hitchcock, 'Victorian monuments of commerce', Archi-tectural Review, vol. 105, 1949, pp. 61—74; Figueiredo &Beesley, op. cit, plate 27.

30 Designed by H. S. Fairhurst in 1901, see Sharp, op. at., pp. 30-1.

31 Basil Champneys writing to Mrs Rylands, late 1890, 'Buildingcorrespondence', JRLA, shelf 72, box 2; 'Specification ofworks required to be done m erecting a Building at Manchesterin accordance with the Drawings prepared by and under thesuperintendence of Mr. Basil Champneys Architect', October1890, JRLA, shelf 81; World, op. cit.

32 Borough of Manchester, [copy] Proceedings of the Council November1866 to November 1867, Henry Blacklock & Co., 1868; ibid.,1867-8, 1873-t, 1874-5; Sharp, op. cit., p. 22; Waterhouse,op. at., pp. 119, 123; The Builder, 1896, op. cit., p. 370.

33 Mrs Rylands proved an astute but strong-minded client,described by the Manchester Courier, 7 October 1899, as 'tall

and almost masculine in appearance'. She vetted all Champ-neys' design decisions, sometimes acted without consulting himand complained about his behaviour. On 10 October 1895, shewrote to her confidant William Luinell that she felt BasilChampneys should be 'made to understand' that 'he musttake a more personal supervision of the work' and, on 15October 1895, that Champneys was guilty of 'conduct mostextraordinary and somewhat belong in courtesy', 'Guppycorrespondence', JRLA, shelf 78, box 5. For his part it isevident that he found her frequent interventions very awkward,Maddison, op. at., p. 239.

34 Basil Champneys writing to Mrs Rylands, post-November1889, 'Building correspondence', JRLA, shelf 72, box 2.

35 Samuel G. Green of Streatham, employed by Mrs Rylands tofind books for her collection, wrote to her in August 1895. Hesaid: 'I do not at all wonder that Mr. Linnell and Mr. Connollywere at first unfavourably impressed by the roundel glass suchwould be the feeling of almost every one at first; it is onlyafterwards when the effect is seen in the superior clearness andwhiteness of the light, that the full reason for the plan isapprehended. I hope that Mr. Champneys will like it','Gordon Duffy glazing', JRLA, shelf 78, box 2; 'BookishTheonc', The John Rylands Library, Manchester: A CriticalStudy, 1905, 'Newspaper cuttings 1899-1909', JRLA, shelf69, vol. 1.

36 World, op. at.; Oxford Times, 1 October 1911, 'Newspapercuttings 1899-1909', JRLA, shelf 69, vol. 1.

37 'Sir Christopher Wren's Report on the Abbey in 1713, to DeanAtterbury', 'Westminster Abbey: fabrick orders 1699—1716', m77K Wren Society, vol. 11, Oxford University Press, 1934,pp. 15-20, 27-34.

38 J. V. Elsden & J. A. Howe, The Stones of London, ChichesterPress, 1923, pp. 35-6.

39 Report of the Commissioners appointed to visit the Quarries and toinquire into the Qualities of the Stone to be used in Building the NewHouses of Parliament, Parliamentary Paper, (574), xxx, 1839;Report of the Committee on the Decay of the Stone of the New Palaceof Westminster, Parliamentary Paper (537), xxxv, 1861.

40 C. Stewart, The Architecture of Manchester: An Index of thePrincipal Buildings and their Architects 1800-1900, ManchesterLibraries Committee, 1956, p. 22. Refacing of buildings canalso indicate changes in architectural taste.

41 Local Manchester brick was also extensively used for buildingfacades until the 1870s and favoured by local architects includ-ing Thomas Worthington, Archer (ed.), op. cit, p. 5.

42 N. Pevsner, Lancashire. I- The Industrial and Commercial South,Penguin, 1969, pp. 57-9; H. B. Rodgers, "The face of centralManchester', Manchester Geographer, vol. 9, 1988, p. 38.

43 Borough of Manchester, [copy] Proceedings of the Council November1867 to November 1868, Henry Blacklock & Co., 1869.

44 Waterhouse, op. cit,, p. 122, W. E. A. Axon, An Architecturaland General Description of the Town Hall, Manchester, Abel Hey-wood & Son, 1878, p. 6.

45 Manchester Guardian, 23 January 1900, 'Newspaper cuttings1899-1909', JRLA, shelf 69, vol. 1; Champneys, op. cit.,p. 114.

46 Basil Champneys writing to Mrs Rylands, November 1889,'Budding correspondence', JRLA, shelf 72, box 2; meetingbetween Champneys and Mrs Rylands, Jury 1890, 'Guppycorrespondence', JRLA, shelf 78, box 5; Champneys writing to

189

Catherine Bowler and Peter Bnmblecombe

Mrs Rylands, 15 September 1890, 'Mrs. Rylands and the JohnR viands Library from library sources', JRJ-A, thelf 78, box 1.

47 Manchester Guardian, op. cit.; Annual Reports to the Governors,1900-19, JRJLA, shelf 80. Post-completion strategies for com-batting stone decay included 'induration' of the external stone,replacement of the original stone with another 'more durable'stone and cleaning of stone facades.

48 See, for example, the report of the special Council sub-committee formed to investigate injury to vegetation in PhillipsPark by nearby industrial works, Borough of Manchester, [copy]Proceedings of the Council November 1872 to November 1873,Henry Blacklock & Co., 1874, 29 August 1873, p. 374; ibid.,1877-8, for cleaning of city clocks, ibid., 1883-4, 6 February1884; also G. H. Bailey, "The atmosphere of Manchester',Studies from the Physical Chemical Laboratories of Owens College,Physics and Physical Chemistry, vol. 1, 1893, pp. 236-7.

49 T. Perkins, The Cathedral Church of Manchester. A Short Historyami Description etc., George Bell & Sons, 1901, pp 5, 13; Farrar& Brownbill, 1911, op. at., pp. 189, 224, 228.

50 The Builder, 1896, op. at., p. 369; Dixon & Muthesius suggestthat Manchester was the city where the new Gothic style wasmost successfully applied, op cit., pp. 22, 165.

51 Designed by Benjamin Woodward (1815—61) and ThomasDeane (1792-1872), Muthesius, op. at., pp. 165-6.

52 For illustrations of Worthington's buildings, see C. Stewart,'The battlefield: a pictorial review of Victorian Manchester',foumal of the R.I.B.A., May 1960, pp. 236-41; Figueiredo &Becslcy, op at,, plates 47, 54, 55; for illustrations of Water-house's buildings, see Hitchcock, op cit., pp. 61, 73; Muthe-sius, op. cit, pp. 182—3.

53 Waterhouse, op. cit.,p 122, The Builder, 1896, op. at., pp. 371,374.

54 World, op. at.; Champneys, op. at., pp. I l l , 114.

55 The Builder, 1900, op. at., p 81.

56 Pugins' work included Contrasts (1836) and The True Pnnciplesof Pointed or Christian Architecture (1841). Ruskin's workincluded The Seven Lamps of Anhitecture (1849), The Stones ofVenice (1851—3) and Lectures on Architecture and Painting (1854),Muthesius, op. at., pp. 1-38. The mid-Victonan periodc.l 855—75 was dominated by the Gothic Revival architects,Dixon & Muthesius, op. at., p. 12.

57 See, for example, K. Clarke, The Gothic Revival: An Essay in theHistory of Taste, Constable & Co., 1928, pp. 141-51; theantiquary William R. Hamilton wrote a series of letters toLord Elgin throughout early 1836 in which he attacked theGothic style, 'W. E. H.', 'Mr. Barry's design for the newHouses of Parliament', London and Westminster Review, 1836,vols. 3 and 25, pp. 409-428.

58 3rd edn. Parl. Deb. xcvii, 138-39.

59 They included the Portico Library (1802-6), Royal Manches-ter Institution (1824-35), Old Town Hall (1825), TheatreRoyal (1845), Bank of England (1845) and the Manchesterand Salford Bank (1836); see S. Macdonald, "The RoyalManchester Institution', in Archer (ed.), op. cit., pp. 28—45;Sharp, op. cit., p. 18; P. Atkins, Guide Across Mancheste: A Tourof the City Centre etc.. The Civic Trust for the North West,1976, pp. 46, 81-2; C. Stewart, Vie Stones of Manchester,Edward Arnold, 1956, pp. 16-19, 28-9, 32-3, 44-5; Stewart,'Batdefield', op. cit., pp. 91-3.

60 Wilkinson, op. cit., p. 11; Dixon & Muthesius, op. cit,, p. 130.

61 C. H. Reilly, Some Manchester Streets and their Buildings, Liver-pool University Press, 1924, p. 13.

62 Waterhouse, 1877, op. at., p. 135; Axon, op. at., pp. 2—3;Archer, 'A classic in its age', in Archer (ed.), op. at,, pp. 150—1.

63 See Dixon & Muthesius, op. at., p. 168.

64 T. C. Horsfall, "The government of Manchester', Trans. Man-chester Statistical Society 1896/7, 1895, pp. 1-28.

65 The Builder, 1896, op. at., p. 371; Stewart, 'Index', op. cit.,p. 371.

66 He began independent practice in 1867; see Building News,vol. 58, part 7, 1890, p. 221; D. Ware, A Short Dictionary ofBritish Architect, George Allen & Unwin, 1967, p. 62; N. Ray,Cambndge Architecture: A Concise Guide, Cambridge UniversityPress, 1994, pp. 90-2; L Stokes, 'The Royal Gold Medal 1912:presentation to Mr. Basil Champneys etc.', Journal of theR.I.B.A., 3rd series, vol. 19, pp. 585-92.

67 Mrs Rylands requested drawings of Mansfield College Libraryfrom Champneys in June 1889, 'Mrs Rylands and the JohnRylands Library from library sources', JRLA, shelf 78, box 1;Maddison, op. cit, pp. 230-7, 247, KenOng, Portrait, op. at.,p 77; A. F. Kerstuig & J. Ashdown, The Buildings of Oxford,Batsford, 1980, pp 174-5; J Sherwood & N. Pevsner, TheBuildings of England: Oxfordshire, Penguin, 1974, pp. 234—5.

68 British Colonial Printer and Stationer, 4 January 1900, 'Newspapercuttings 1899-1909', JRLA, shelf 69, vol. 1; Maddison, op. cit,p. 248; Champneys outlined the reasons for his continuedemployment of Gothic architecture in Stokes, op. cit., pp. 589—90

69 Champneys, op. cit., pp 113-14; Sharp, op. at,, p. 29;Maddison, op. at, pp. 246-7.

70 A. Waterhouse, 'Restoration', The British Architect and NorthernEngineer, vol. 10, 1878, pp. 97-8. His use of blood red brickand terracotta in the Manchester Prudential Assurance Buildingearned him the nickname 'Slaughterhouse', see also Dixon &Mumesius, op at., p. 16; Rodgers, op. cit., p. 37.

71 In 1924 Reilly perceived that 'Stone in Manchester.. . receivesits soot in a quiet, unruffled way' and blackened in an evenmanner unlike terracotta-faced buildings, C. H. Reilly, SomeManchester Streets and their Buildings, Liverpool University Press,1924, pp. 20, 37, 59.

72 Halsey Ricardo perceived diat 'self-denial, co-operanon andpublic spirit' were the necessary components for die successfulimplementation of smoke abatement, Halsey Ricardo, 'Ofcolour in the architecture of cities', in Art and Life and theBuilding and Decoration of Cities, etc., Rivington Percival & Co,1897, p. 247.

73 Borough of Manchester, [copy] Proceedings of the Council November1867 to November 1868, op. at.; Farrar & Brownbill, 1911, op.at., p. 228; J. Medland Taylor, op. at,

74 Lyon Playfair estimated that the pecuniary annual loss toManchester from its smoke generated by die 'excess of washing'and the cost of renewed painting and whitewashing of buildingswas more than £60,000. This figure was double die amount ofManchester's poor rates, Dr Lyon Playfair, Health of TownsCommission: Report on the State of Large Towns in Lancashire,HMSO, 1845, MLSL, 614.094272 He4; see also Borough ofManchester, [copy] Proceedings of the Council, 1843ft MLSL,352 042 M22.

75 J. Aston, A Picture of Manchester, Manchester, 1816, p. 43;Perkins, op. at., p. 24.

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76 Discussions between the architect and Manchester Councilabout the best means of internal decoration are contained inTown Hall Sub-Committee minutes, which are recorded inBorough ofManchester, [copy] Proceedings of the Counal, op. cit.,for 1872-3, 1873-t, 1875-6 and 1877-8; see also Waterhouse,1877, op. cit., pp. 123-4, 136; J. Trueherz, 'Ford MadoxBrown and the Manchester Murals', in Archer (ed.), op. at.,pp. 162-201; Archer, 'A classic in its age', in Archer (ed.), op.cit., pp. 143-5.

77 Dixon & Muthesius, op. cit., p. 16; see also Waterhouse, 1859,op. cit., pp. 425—6 for a description of the ventilating andwarming system adopted at the Manchester Assize Courts.

78 'Specification of works required to be done in erecting aBuilding at Manchester in accordance with Drawings preparedby and under the superintendance of Mr. Basil ChampneysArchitect', October 1890, JRLA, shelf 81; Basil Champneyswriting to Mrs Rylands, 30 September 1892, 'Mrs Rylands andthe John Rylands Library from library sources', JRLA, shelf 78,box 1.

79 Basil Champneys, 'Notes on the scheme for ventilation andpurifying air', 13 March 1895, JRLA, shelf 84, box 4.

80 There were two inlets at pavement level in the side streets usingelectric fans in the south and east basements, and three inlets inthe east and west turrets and in the engine room roof, JRLA,ibid, Guppy, op. cit., pp. 100—1. The filtration of air throughcoke screens had also been adopted at the contemporary Mid-lands Hotel (1898), T h e Midland Hotel, Manchester', TheBritish Builder, 1924, pp. 144-8.

81 William Linnell writing to Basil Champneys, 6 January 1895,'Mrs. Rylands and the John Rylands Library from library

sources', JRLA, shelf 78, box 1; Champneys, op. at., p. 113;see also the discussion of Champneys' ventilation scheme inJ. M. Brydon & F. J. Burgoyne, 'Public libraries', The Builder,25 February 1899, pp. 190-2.

82 H. Guppy the Librarian to Mrs Rylands on 11 December 1900,'Guppy correspondence', JRLA, shelf 78, box 5; 'The firstannual report to the Governors', Annual Reports to the Governors1900-19, JRLA, shelf 80.

83 World, op. at .

84 'Mrs. Rylands and the John Rylands Library from librarysources', JRLA, shelf 78, box 1; 'The John Rylands LibraryDeansgate, Manchester specifications and bills of quantities forbookcases', JRLA, shelf 81; Champneys, op. at., p. 108;Guppy, op. cit., p. 92.

85 Conclusions drawn by Mrs Rylands and Basil Champneysduring a meeting of 30 September 1892, 'Mrs. Rylands andthe John Rylands Library from library sources', JRLA, shelf 78,box 1.

86 It was noted, for example, that clergymen often had headacheson Mondays following Sundays spent in badly ventilated, gas-illuminated churches, Ernest Jacob, Notes on the Ventilation andWarming etc., 1894 quoted in J. S. Curl, Victorian Architecture: ItsPractical Aspects, David & Charles, 1973, pp 66, 92.

87 The Builder, 1900, op. cit., p. 80.

88 William Linnell to Basil Champneys, 25 July 1890,'Buildmgcorrespondence 1890s', JRLA, shelf 72, box 2.

89 Guppy, op. cit, p. 23; World, op. at .

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