the vodka sea: comparative history of spirits smuggling in the baltic sea
TRANSCRIPT
This article was downloaded by: [Tufts University]On: 07 November 2014, At: 07:31Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK
Journal of Scandinavian Studies inCriminology and Crime PreventionPublication details, including instructions for authors andsubscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/scri20
The Vodka Sea: Comparative History ofSpirits Smuggling in the Baltic SeaRaimo Pullat a & Risto Pullat ba Tallinn University , Tallinn , Estoniab Estonian Police and Border Guard Board , Tallinn , EstoniaPublished online: 16 May 2012.
To cite this article: Raimo Pullat & Risto Pullat (2012) The Vodka Sea: Comparative History of SpiritsSmuggling in the Baltic Sea, Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention,13:1, 64-73, DOI: 10.1080/14043858.2012.670471
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14043858.2012.670471
PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE
Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the“Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis,our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as tothe accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinionsand views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors,and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Contentshould not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sourcesof information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims,proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever orhowsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arisingout of the use of the Content.
This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Anysubstantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing,systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms &Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions
The Vodka Sea: ComparativeHistory of Spirits Smuggling in theBaltic SeaRAIMO PULLAT1 AND RISTO PULLAT2
1Tallinn University, Tallinn, Estonia2Estonian Police and Border Guard Board, Tallinn, Estonia
Abstract
Introduction
James Finckenauer argues that the nature of
organized crime means that it is not studied
from a close range. ‘They are dangerous
people. And you can’t just send out a self-
report questionnaire’ (Finckenauer 2009).
Analysing smuggling of spirits during
Prohibition we can rely on archives, on
memoirs of smugglers or bystanders, or on
illustrative material published in the press.
Considering the alcohol policy, the
countries of the Baltic Sea belong to the
vodka countries. Hence, the Baltic Sea could
also be called the Vodka Sea, just as the
modern Baltic Sea has been referred to as
Mare Narcoticum (Blomberg 2009:71). The
historical-criminological issue of spirits
smuggling in the countries of the Baltic Sea
is still topical, since it is directly linked with
organized crime, which is, as we know, one of
the most complicated global problems in
today’s human society. Drug smuggling is
especially distressing and destructive, and its
roots go no doubtback to the relatively recent
past of the countries troubled by alcohol
prohibition laws. We know that Estonian
police persistently fought with cocaine and
morphine dealers already since the beginning
of the 1920s (Krikk 2007:109). It has to be
underlined that former treatments of Esto-
nian–Finnish spirits smuggling had certain
limitations and a national romantic under-
tone. The authors and several other research-
ers (e.g. Johansen 1985; Kula 1999;
Andersson 2001:144; Filpus 2001; Ylikangas
2001:55–57) claim that smugglingof alcohol
hasbeen theprincipal typeoforganizedcrime
in the Baltic Sea region during Prohibition.
To this day, no state has ever been able to
win the war against smugglers, except for
when the state has been able to meet the
demands of the market-place for a scarce
commodity or has been able to seal off its
borders completely. This is also true of the
This paper examines the spirits
smuggling in the Baltic Sea region
in the inter-war period. On 1 June
1919 the Finnish Parliament
passed the Prohibition Act for-
bidding the production, transpor-
tation, sale, and storage of
alcohol which activated spirits
smuggling to Finland. Large-scale
spirits smuggling was arranged
during Prohibition by criminal
organizations through inter-
national networks. Mostly
cheap German liquor was deliv-
ered to Nordic countries and to
the United States. The represen-
tatives of organized crime in the
Baltic Sea region became rich fast
during Prohibition thanks to
limits set by countries. Contem-
porary drug smuggling and spirits
smuggling are comparable due to
similar organizational structure
and modus operandi.
KEY WORDS: Corruption, Nordic
countries, Organized crime, Pro-
hibition, Smuggling
64 Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention
ISSN 1404-3858 Vol. 13, pp. 64–73, 2012
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14043858.2012.670471 q 2012 Taylor & Francis
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Tuf
ts U
nive
rsity
] at
07:
31 0
7 N
ovem
ber
2014
illicit tradebetween Estonia andFinland and
other Scandinavian countries. Thanks to
Per-Ole Johansen we know that the chief of
police in Southern Varanger wrote in letter
dated 14 December 1919 to the regional
commissioner in Finnmark wittily: ‘While
other fluids follow the force of gravity and
sink vertically, alcohol has a magical ability
to spread horizontally and find invisible
ways into society’s inner corners.’
The trade relations between the inhabi-
tants of the southern and northern coasts of
the Gulf of Finland go a long way back in
history. Illicit trade on the coast-line has
always been widespread, and no laws have
ever been able to stop it completely. Barter
and ‘friendly trade’ have, of course, been
widespread since the Middle Ages. Accord-
ing to Kustaa Vilkuna, ‘friendly trade’
(sepralaitos) between Estonians and Finns
had already begun in the 13th century
(Vilkuna 1964a:140–163; Vilkuna 1964b:
6–19).YakovGilinskiy stressed thataban on
selling alcohol is a criminogenic factor which
gives birth to smuggling and fosters
the spread of organized crime. In the 1920s
the trade of smuggled spirits overshadowed
all other commerce in the region. Sub-
sequently, it is difficult to determine what
amounts of spirits from Estonia—and later
also fromPoland,Germany, theNetherlands,
Hungary, Memel, Free City of Danzig
(Gdansk), and Czechoslovakia—were
smuggled into Finland and other Nordic
countries during Prohibition.
The Estonian community on the north-
ern coast of the Gulf of Finland took an
active part in spirits smuggling, e.g.
inhabitants of Kabbole village near
Loviisa. Nowadays examples of such
groups are the networks of drug trafficking
that rely on alien communities in Nordic
countries. On the one hand, the criminals
take advantage of the relative isolation of
an ethnic minority for hiding their criminal
activity, while, on the other hand, they
have knowledge of the local infrastructure
(Pullat 2009:111).
Smuggling of the ‘Baltic pestilence’
On 1 June 1919 the Finnish Parliament
passed the Prohibition Act forbidding the
production, transportation, sale, and sto-
rage of alcohol. In Sweden, alcohol con-
sumption had been limited by the so-called
Bratt system. In Norway, the Prohibition
Act, which had taken effect at the beginning
of the century, remained law until 1927.
In 1927 the Prohibition Act was abolished
under the economic pressure of the wine
countries (France, Spain, and Portugal).
In Denmark, Germany, and Poland, the
governmental policies regarding alcohol
regulated its consumption through heavy
taxation; these policies were obviously
made ineffective by, among other things,
the free ports in Hamburg, Danzig, and
Copenhagen. In short, that was the inter-
national political situation at the time of
the Finnish Prohibition.
Inhabitants on the coast-line reacted
quickly and decisively at the onset of
Prohibition. In the autumn of the 1921,
there was a revival in spirits smuggling.
This was an observation made by Finnish
customs (Harjunpaa; TA. Kertomus [Tale]
1929, s. 1. Finnish Customs Museum
Archives). Even before Prohibition there
had been active spirits smuggling, although
to a much smaller extent. Now Finns and
Estonians began to smuggle spirits pro-
duced in Estonian distilleries into Finland
in small boats along the coast-line.
One could ask if the Estonian spirits were
alone to be blamed for the ‘Baltic pestilence’.
PULLAT & PULLAT: HISTORY OF SPIRITS SMUGGLING IN THE BALTIC SEA
Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention 65
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Tuf
ts U
nive
rsity
] at
07:
31 0
7 N
ovem
ber
2014
The facts refute this assertion. Estonian
spirits were in comparison to Central
European spirits—in particular German
and Polish—considerably more expensive.
German liquor was delivered not only to the
United States and Norway, but also, in part,
to Sweden and Finland. During the Prohibi-
tion it reached Rum Row beyond the
maritime limit of the United States, from
where it was smuggled ashore by organized
criminal groups. German liquor firms in
Hamburg and Lubeck were famous in the
Scandinavian countries. This same German
liquor had been brought in large quantities
into Estonia as well. Moreover, it was well
known that the whisky, cognac, liqueurs,
champagnes, red and white wines, as well as
mulled clarets, which the Finnish intelligen-
tsia consumed in large quantities, did not
originate from Estonia. In particular, very
little of Estonian spirits reached the coast of
the Gulf of Bothnia. At the same time
German liquor was very widespread. In
Tallinn it was possible to order cognac and
other sorts of liquor from Germany by
telephone (KA, Ulkoasiainministerion
arkisto. [Archive of Foreign Ministry]
Tallinnan lahetyston poliittiset raportit
[Political Reports of Embassy in Tallinn],
r. 5C 12, k. 20, rap. 61, 5.02.1930. Finnish
National Archives).
The trade of liquor smuggling had caused
increasing dissatisfaction among certain
groups in Germany. In a letter from the
Hamburg Association of the German Order
of the Templars to the German Reich-
skanzler from 15 March 1923 it was
demanded that the smuggling of spirits
into Scandinavia be stopped (KA, Sosiaali-
ministerion raittiusosaston arkisto [Archive
of Temperance Department of Ministry of
Social Affairs]. Ha 1. Finnish National
Archives). It was clear from the context that
Polish spirits, which were exported from
Danzig, were also being referred to. In the
port of the Free City of Danzig there was a
large spirits factory, the ‘Baltische Sprit-
werke AG’. German spirits were also
shipped by a German syndicate, which
employed the female Russian emigrant
Wulfsohn as a middleman. The firm was
called ‘Holm Export und Handelsge-
sellschaft mbH’ and was managed by Th.
Schultheiss and Anton Klemm. There was
nothing known about the owners of the
firm. Nonetheless, it was considered to be
the centre of spirits export in Danzig.
Besides German spirits the firm arranged
the sale of Czech, Dutch, and Hungarian
alcohol. The main office of the firm was in
the Lange Str. 19 (Paevaleht [Daily News-
paper] 13 December 1929).
It may be the case that the large group of
German smugglers operating until 1924 is
directly related to the inflation in Germany
at the time. The value of the German mark
dropped, and German goods seemed stun-
ningly inexpensive. This activated the
export of spirits. A Finnish archival
document states that most of the spirits
smuggled into Finland came from Germany
and that the Estonian share of the total illicit
trade was only 15% (KA, Ulkoasiainminis-
terion arkisto [Archive of Foreign Minis-
try]. Tallinnan lahetyston poliittiset raportit
[Political Reports of Embassy in Tallinn],
r. 5C 12, k. 13. rap. n:o 9, 2.01.1924:
Suomen ja Viron kauppasopimus [Finnish
and Estonian Trade Agreement]: Eraita
nakokohtia [Some Standpoints]. Finnish
National Archives). Another document
states precisely that Germany was the
country from where most of the spirits
smuggled into Finland originated. Per-Ole
Johansen confirms that German smugglers
shipped German inexpensive spirits from
PULLAT & PULLAT: HISTORY OF SPIRITS SMUGGLING IN THE BALTIC SEA
Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention66
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Tuf
ts U
nive
rsity
] at
07:
31 0
7 N
ovem
ber
2014
Hamburg and other northern German
harbours also to meeting-points in inter-
national waters off the Norwegian coast
from where the Norwegians undertook the
task of bringing the cargo ashore (Johansen
2005:190–191).
Political background of the spirits smuggling
It is important to remember that Finnish
foreign policy towards Germany was
cautious. In general, the smuggling of
spirits by Germans into Finland was not
discussed (Paasivirta 1968:84). The Fin-
nish government did not want to spoil their
good relations with Germany. For this
reason they sacrificed their Estonian neigh-
bour. This, of course, does not lessen the
negative influence of Estonian spirits on
Finnish society during Prohibition. How-
ever, Finnish decision-makers could have
been somewhat more objective and could
have refrained from making Estonia
responsible for the entire problem.
The real reason for this posture by the
Finnish government was that the heads of
the Finnish Farmers’ Union did not like the
import of the inexpensive Estonian agricul-
tural products. It was supposed to have
interfered with the agricultural develop-
ment in Finland. In light of the fact that the
population was forced to buy these inex-
pensive products, it was inappropriate
publicly to attack the import of Estonian
potatoes and meat. Special cellars for
export of potatoes were built on the
Estonian northern coast. While agricultural
imports were also a topic for discussion, the
smuggling of Estonian spirits became the
focal point instead. The Farmers’ Union did
not attack German spirits. It was as if Finns
had never been intoxicated by German
spirits, just by Estonian (EAA, f 2389, n 2,
s 387, l 1. Estonian Historical Archives). By
1923 Estonian newspapers had reported
quite intensively on the German ships
smuggling spirits in the gulfs of Finland
and Bothnia. For the most part, smaller
steamboats, weighing between 500 and 600
tons, were involved in smuggling (Paevaleht
[Daily Newspaper] 27 July 1923).
International factors fostering the illicit tradeof liquor
It is also necessary to remember that
Estonians often bought spirits on the
German ships and then brought it into
Finland themselves. It is, therefore, quite
easy to confuse matters and think that the
Estonians smuggled their own spirits into
Finland (Vaba Maa [Free Country] 29 July
1924). It is possible that Central European
spirits were sold as Estonian. In addition,
the ‘Water of Viru’ had a particular aura
for the Finns. Their fathers and grand-
fathers had consumed it, and, while it was
more expensive, it was of much higher
quality than German or Polish spirits.
At this point it is possible to add that the
crews on the spirits boats were mostly
international. In December 1933, for
example, the crew of the motor-boat ‘Mai’
were arrested on the northern coast of the
island Vestero in the Maksamaa archipe-
lago. Among the crew members were:
a Finnish businessman Isak VilhelmAhlskog
from the county of Maalahti, a German
First Officer Walter Christian Wilhelm
Einfeldt from Kiel, a motorist Helmut
Albert Ferdinand Pech from Kiel, an
Estonian farmer Juhan Suik-Keller from
Keila, and a mechanic Artur Visso from
Tallinn (SA, MVL, T/17220: Kuulustelu-
poytakirjat [Records of Interrogation]
1932–1936. 1939. S-A. Finnish Military
Archives).
PULLAT & PULLAT: HISTORY OF SPIRITS SMUGGLING IN THE BALTIC SEA
Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention 67
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Tuf
ts U
nive
rsity
] at
07:
31 0
7 N
ovem
ber
2014
Most of the coastal inhabitants did not
feel that engaging in smuggling was a crime
or a disgrace. Instead, it was seen as a
means to earn money and help make ends
meet. There were socio-economic reasons
for the illicit trade of spirits as well. First of
all, the economic situation of the coastal
inhabitants, not only in the Baltic
countries, but also in Finland and other
Nordic countries, was quite difficult. The
Prohibition Act complicated their situation
even more. In addition, the following
international factors contributed to the
illicit trade of liquor in the region: the large
amount of alcohol produced in the Baltic
countries; the large international alcohol
warehouses in the free ports on the North
Sea and the Baltic Sea; the powerful and
highly active wholesale dealers of alcoholic
beverages; the ship suppliers; the island and
coastal inhabitants who acted as middle-
men in the sale of alcohol; and the habit of
consuming large quantities of hard liquor.
Above all, the countries which suffered the
most from this illicit trade were those
which had forbidden or limited the sale of
alcohol (Voionmaa 1924:9–13). For Esto-
nia and Latvia this meant the loss of their
traditional liquor market in Russia.
A referendum at the end of 1931
abolished the Prohibition Act in Finland.
On 5 April 1932 at 10 a.m. the first liquor
stores were reopened.
Corruption and violence related to spiritssmuggling
Prohibition and spirits smuggling caused
corruption in Finland and in other countries
of the Baltic Sea region at different social
levels. According to Per-Ole Johansen, in
Norway smugglers supported covertly also
the temperance movement, which stood
for the sustained enforcement of the
Prohibition Act (Johansen 2005:193). On
the basis of gathered data it can be
concluded that the attitude of Estonian
authorities to ‘spirits king’ Arnold Eerik1
was a lot more benevolent than to Eduard
Kronstrom,2 also known as the ‘Count of
Kolga’. Apparently that sort of ‘friendship’
had its price. The egg export company
‘OVO’ was a front for politicians who used
the business of spirits smuggling in order to
find finance for achieving their political
goals, and in return they supported Eerik in
his competition with the ‘Count of Kolga’.
In the small and transparent Estonian
society Eerik’s suddenly accumulated riches
should have attracted attention. The scope
of illegal business is considered a substantial
risk factor in theoretical literature on
organized crime. The war of spirits claimed
victims both among uniformed men and
spirits smugglers. The history of the
Prohibition Act includes armed conflicts in
Ava and Loksa. The battle of spirits that was
held in Brando archipelago in Ava in 1931
was extraordinary and dramatic. When the
customs officers approached the island, the
men in the village opened fire. In the
exchange of fire one customs officer was
fatally wounded and the other died immedi-
ately. Subsequently Pori regiment was
summoned for help, and they restored
order. In addition to lesser punishments,
one man in Ava was sentenced to 8 years in
prison. Armed conflicts took place between
uniformed men and spirits smugglers also
in other Nordic countries. It is known
that smugglers were often ambushed by
1 Arnold Eerik was born in Vyborg in 1884. According toother sources Arnold-Hugo Eerik was born in 1892 inTallinn and died in Gorki district in the Soviet Union in1943.2 Eduard Kronstrom was born in 1890 in Kolga-Aabla inHarju county and died in a car accident in 1932 nearViljandi.
PULLAT & PULLAT: HISTORY OF SPIRITS SMUGGLING IN THE BALTIC SEA
Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention68
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Tuf
ts U
nive
rsity
] at
07:
31 0
7 N
ovem
ber
2014
smuggling rivals dressed up as police
officers who robbed the illegal spirits
cargo by holding the smugglers at gun
point or by other means (Johansen, n.d.). In
their greed for profit criminals not only had
no concern for uniformed men, but some-
times even bystanders who did not partici-
pate in criminal business became victims as
well. Spirits smugglers Johannes Lilleberg,
Albert Viliberg, and Joosep Viliberg decided
to rob Jaan Einberg, the king of spirits
smugglers and parish chief living on Prangli
island. In the course of the robbery the
whole family was killed, and the house was
set on fire. Thus the parish chief who had
mixed criminal business and parish admin-
istration sacrificed his family (Mik
2009:209).
Tallinn and Helsinki were built on spirits
Obviously, the coastal inhabitants profited
from the smuggling of spirits. The seaside
villages flourished, and the standard of living
increased. Beautiful homes and representa-
tive buildings were built. It used to be said
that the Hansa town Tallinn was ‘built on
salt’ in the Middle Ages. Now it could be said
that the great stone mansions in Tallinn and
Helsinki were built on spirits. Thanks to the
spirits smuggling, a number of firms in
Estonia and Finland laid the economic
foundation for their future success. It is not
our intent to judge them. Thus a famous
spirits smuggler Meistermann had a six-
storey stone building in Faehlmann Street in
Tallinn. Several Estonian and Finnish indus-
trial, transport, and trading companies were
established thanks to spirits smuggling.
A former smuggler Toomas Kain was the
owner of steamboats and a director of a
shipping company. Smuggler Johannes Link-
ruus was a joint owner of nine ships in a
Tallinn shipping company.
The organizational structure of internationalspirits smuggling
A new socio-professional stratum in society
emerged—black marketeers. These were
mostly young or middle-aged men engaged
in the shipment and procurement of
smuggled liquor. This new class of people
had a broad societal basis. For the most part,
they were fishermen or sailors. In addition,
there were farmers, truck-drivers, train
conductors, traders, foresters, and people
from other lines of work among them. For a
time they represented a marginal social
group divided into different income classes.
They were somewhat similar to the ‘metal
businessmen’3 who operated during the
early years of newly independent Estonia.
With the abolition of the Prohibition Act this
societal group gradually dispersed. The great
army of smugglers was without work at the
beginning of the 1930s. For this not only the
abolition of the Prohibition Act but also the
world economic crisis was to be blamed.
A number of the liquor smugglers changed
their specialization and began transporting
political refugees from Finland into the
Soviet Union (Kostiainen 1988:87–88).
Different levels developed gradually in
smuggling. First, there were large investors
in criminal business who belonged to the
political and economic elite but stayed in the
shadows as a rule. Today’s drug business is
usually also financed by investors who do
not have direct contact with the illegal
business and by big suppliers, as was the case
with Eerik, Kronstrom, and Finnish king of
spirits smugglers Algoth Niska, who were
the owners of smuggling boats. Let it be said
that the first smuggling mother ships were
3 ‘Metal businessmen’ were people engaged in thesmuggling of metals out of the Russian Federation inthe early 1990s.
PULLAT & PULLAT: HISTORY OF SPIRITS SMUGGLING IN THE BALTIC SEA
Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention 69
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Tuf
ts U
nive
rsity
] at
07:
31 0
7 N
ovem
ber
2014
launched already in 1923. Second, there
were the importers belonging to the middle
class who bought spirits from the smuggling
boats anchored in neutral waters. At the
lowest level of the market of smuggled spirits
were the delivery men, buyers, and small-
scale dealers representing marginal layers.
Organized crime-related organizations deal-
ing in smuggled spirits during Prohibition in
the Baltic Sea region and elsewhere cannot
be compared to the so-called bureaucratic
model of organized crime described by
Donald Cressey (1997:14).
Like nowadays in drug distribution in the
Nordic countries, and so in Finland and
elsewhere during Prohibition, Estonians
themselves did not deal with spirits distri-
bution, the Finns and Swedes handled it
(Pullat 2009:92). According to Antti Hak-
kinen the international criminal network of
spirits smuggling ended with the Finns, i.e.
the smuggler who had brought spirits from a
smuggling boat; the driver who had
transported spirits by car or horse or by
other means from one location to another;
the owner of the means of transport (cars
were expensive and in order to avoid
vehicles being confiscated the owners were
supposedly not aware that their property
was used for smuggling); the person in
whose possession were small or large
amounts of spirits; the seller of spirits and
the buyer (Hakkinen 2003:196, 201–202).
Finnish police once found 400,000 marks
in thepocketofone smuggleralone.Estonian
spirits kings had trouble storing the heaps of
cash, so herring barrels were used as savings
boxes (Pullat and Pullat 2010:336).
The Finnish population was filled with
indignation, because the black marketeers
bought up not only houses in the cities, but
also the homes of respectable farmers who
were infinancial trouble.TheProhibitionwas
a difficult time for the Finns to survive. The
Prohibition Act proved to be a ‘crazy law’. In
termsofpracticalpolitics, theProhibitionhad
a deeply negative effect on the relations
between these two neighbouring countries.
The legendary spirits smuggler Emel
Vaarmann from Viinistu, whom we were
fortunate to meet, took his last cargo of
smuggled spirits (40,000 litres) from Vii-
nistu to the Loviisa Isles still on 1 September
1939. On the same day the Kriegsmarine
battleship the ‘Schleswig-Holstein’, which
had been anchored in the port of the Free
City of Danzig for a friendly visit, opened
direct fire at the Polish fortress of Wester-
platte, and World War Two began (Pullat
and Pullat 2010:205). In war conditions
people tried to take advantage of the
criminal network that had been established
for spirits smuggling. It was after all
Estonian and Finnish spirits-smuggling fish-
ermen who helped Estonians to escape to
Sweden and Finland. Moreover, in early
spring of 1944 they took Polish soldiers
who had been interned in the Baltic
countries to Finland. After the war the
Forest Brothers4 of Viru county allegedly
turned to the former spirits smugglers
asking them to transport them from Letipea
to Finland. Unfortunately there are no data
whether anyone managed to slip through
the tight net of the Soviet border guard.
Conclusion
The representatives of organized crime in the
Baltic Sea region became rich fast during
Prohibition thanks to limits set by countries,
laying at the same time the groundwork for
future legal activities. Organized crime as it
4 The Forest Brothers were anti-Soviet resistance groupsin three Baltic states fighting against Soviet rule during theSoviet occupation.
PULLAT & PULLAT: HISTORY OF SPIRITS SMUGGLING IN THE BALTIC SEA
Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention70
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Tuf
ts U
nive
rsity
] at
07:
31 0
7 N
ovem
ber
2014
emerged in the 1990s and related smuggling,
especially drug smuggling, could very well be
rooted in the Prohibition period. The
connecting link is the common criminal
background of smugglers. Despite the time
gap of almost a century both phenomena are
actually comparable. Large-scale spirits
smuggling was arranged during Prohibition
by criminal organizations through inter-
national networks. Moving up the social
ladder increased possibilities for criminal
actions. The authors point out that Kron-
strom started his illegal international business
knowing only two words in German—‘zwei
mark’. Smuggling entailed violence, corrup-
tion, complicatedmodus operandi, and other
related issues.A ‘codeof silence’wasenforced
with violence. Also nowadays smugglers are
urged by big profits despite severe punish-
ments which in some cases can result in a life-
sentence. In research of organized crime, the
truthfulness of judgment depends on the
distance of the data source to the location
‘where everything is actually happening’
(Aimre 2005:73). The authors are convinced
that archival material and other processed
data give a rather truthful picture of
organized crime during Prohibition in the
Baltic Sea region; however, it is clear that the
authorsdidnot coverabsolutely everythingas
the object of research is located on the
borderline of public and non-public infor-
mation, andseveral years separateus fromthe
time of events.
References
Aimre I (2005). Sotsioloogia [Sociology]. 2nd
revised ed. Tallinn. Sisekaitseakadeemia
[The Estonian Academy of Security Sciences].
Andersson H (2001). Illegal Entrepreneurs in the
Baltic Area 1920–1940, a Comparative Study.
Social Change and Crime in Scandinavian and
Baltic region. Rapport fran NSfK’s 43rd.
Forskarseminarium. Jurmala, Latvia. Riga:
pp. 144–153. The Scandinavian Research
Council for Criminology.
Blomberg J (2009). Mare narcoticum. Ulkopo-
litiikka [Foreign policy] 4(71). Ulkopoliitti-
nen instituuti [Institute of Foreign Policy] .
Cressey DR (1997). The Functions and Structure
of Criminal Syndicates. In: Ryan PJ, Rush GE
(eds). Understanding Organized Crime in
Global Perspective. pp. 3–15. Thousand Oaks:
Sage.
Filpus K (2001). Alkoholin salakuljetus ja sen
valvonta Perameren rannikolla kieltolain
aikana 1919–1932 [Alcohol Smuggling
and its Control on North Sea Shores in
1919–1932]. Acta Universitatis Ouluensis
B. Humaniora 39. Oulu: Oulu University
Press.
Finckenauer J Knowledge Lacking on Organized
Crime. The Stockholm Criminology Sym-
posium. The Symposium 2009—a Summary of
Some of the Presentations. Available at: http://
www.criminologyprize.com/extra/pod/?id¼64
&module_instance¼2&action¼pod_show&
navid¼64 (accessed 27 December 2010). The
Swedish National Council for Crime
Prevention.
Hakkinen A (2003). Kieltolakirikollisuuden
sosiaaliset verkostot Helsingissa 1929–30
[Criminal Networks of the Prohibition
Law in Helsinki 1929–30]. Tyovaen
verkostot [Labour networks], pp. 190–214.
Available at: https://helda.helsinki.fi/bit
stream/handle/10224/4037/hakkinen_kielto
lakirikollisuus2003.pdf?sequence¼1
(accessed 20 February 2012).
Johansen PO (n.d.). Alcohol Prohibition in
Norway: 1917–1927 [conference presen-
tation, sine anno et loco].
Johansen PO (1985). Brennevinskrigen. En
krønike om forbudstidens Norge [The war
on liquor]. Oslo: Gyldendal.
PULLAT & PULLAT: HISTORY OF SPIRITS SMUGGLING IN THE BALTIC SEA
Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention 71
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Tuf
ts U
nive
rsity
] at
07:
31 0
7 N
ovem
ber
2014
Johansen PO (2005). Organised Crime, Norwe-
gian Style. In: van Duyne PC, von Lampe K,
van Dijck M, van Newell JL (eds). The
Organised Crime Economy. Managing Crime
Markets in Europe. pp. 189–207. Nijmegen:
Wolf Legal publishers.
Kostiainen A (1988). Loikkarit: Suuren lama-
kauden laiton siirtolaisuus Neuvostoliittoon
[Defectors: Illegal Immigration to the Soviet
Union During Big Recession]. Helsinki:
Otava.
Krikk M (2007). Eesti kriminaalpolitsei 1920–
1940 [Estonian Criminal Police 1920–1940].
Tallinn: Olion.
Kula HM (1999). Gdanska “Dziura celna”
1920–1939 [Gdansk “Customs Loophole”
1920–1939]. Gdansk: DJ.
Mik A (2009). Viimsi salapiiritusevedajad. Viimsi
vald 90 [Smugglers of Viimsi. Viimsi Parish 90].
In: Ratas U, Tonisson A, Latte M, Mik A (eds).
pp. 206–211. Viimsi vald [Viimsi Parish].
Paasivirta J (1968). Suomen diplomaattiedustus ja
ulkopolitiikan hoito itsenaistymisesta talviso-
taan [Finnish Diplomatic Representation and
Management of Foreign Relations from Inde-
pendence until Winter War]. Helsinki: WSOY.
Pullat R (2009). Organized Crime Related Drug
Trafficking in the Baltic Sea Region. Police
Point of View. Tallinn: Estonian Police
Board.
Pullat R, Pullat R (2010). Viinameri. Salapiir-
itusevedu Laanemerel kahe soja vahel [The
Vodka Sea. Spirits Smuggling on The Baltic
Sea Between Two World Wars]. Tallinn:
Estopol.
Vilkuna K (1964a). Kihlakunta ja haavuode
[Parish and Wedding Bed]. Helsinki: Otava.
Vilkuna K (1964b). Suomalais-virolainen
sepralaitos [Finnish-Estonian Friendly
Trade]. Kotiseutu [Native Place] 2:(6–19).
Voionmaa V (1924). Alkoholin salakuljetus ja
taistelu sita vastaan [Alcohol Smuggling and
Fighting it]. Sosiaalinen Aikakauskirja
[Social Periodical Book] :1–14.
Ylikangas H (2001). Jarjestaytynyt ja ammattir-
ikollisuus historiassa [Organized and Pro-
fessional Crime in History]. Suomen
poliisilehti [Finnish Police Journal] 2:55–57.
[Index], 30 [Ban as Criminological
Factor or Any Evil Has to be Banned?].
Available at: http://index.org.ru/journal/30/25-
gilinski.html (accessed 28 December 2010).
Newspaper and archive sources
EAA, f 2389, n 2, s 387, 1 1. Estonian Historical
Archives.
Harjunpaa; TA. Kertomus [Tale] 1929, s. 1.
Finnish Customs Museum Archives.
KA, Sosiaaliministerion raittiusosaston arkisto.
[Archive of Temperance Department of
Ministry of Social Affairs]. Ha 1. Finnish
National Archives.
KA, Ulkoasiainministerion arkisto. [Archive of
Foreign Ministry] Tallinnan lahetyston
poliittiset raportit [Political Reports of
Embassy in Tallinn], r. 5C 12, k. 13. rap. n:o
9, 2.01.1924: Suomen ja Viron kauppasopi-
mus [Finnish and Estonian Trade Agree-
ment]: Eraita nakokohtia [Some
Standpoints]. Finnish National Archives.
KA, Ulkoasiainministerion arkisto. [Archive
of Foreign Ministry] Tallinnan lahetyston
poliittiset raportit [Political Reports of
Embassy in Tallinn], r. 5C 12, k. 20,
rap. 61, 5.02.1930. Finnish National
Archives.
SA, MVL, T/17220: Kuulustelupoytakirjat
[Records of Interrogation] 1932–1936.
1939. S-A. Finnish Military Archives.
Paevaleht [Daily Newspaper] 27 July 1923.
Paevaleht [Daily Newspaper] 13 December 1929.
Vaba Maa [Free Country] 29 July 1924.
PULLAT & PULLAT: HISTORY OF SPIRITS SMUGGLING IN THE BALTIC SEA
Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention72
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Tuf
ts U
nive
rsity
] at
07:
31 0
7 N
ovem
ber
2014
RAIMO PULLAT
Professor Emeritus, Dr.hab., Dr.h.c.,
Tallinn University
Tina 21a-1
10126 Tallinn
ESTONIA
Email: [email protected]
RISTO PULLAT
Police Lt Col
Police and Border Guard Board
Parnu mnt 139
15060 Tallinn
ESTONIA
Email: [email protected]
PULLAT & PULLAT: HISTORY OF SPIRITS SMUGGLING IN THE BALTIC SEA
Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention 73
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Tuf
ts U
nive
rsity
] at
07:
31 0
7 N
ovem
ber
2014