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"A Not-so-Common Wind": Slave Revolts in the Age of Revolutions in Cuba and BrazilAuthor(s): Manuel BarciaSource: Review (Fernand Braudel Center), Vol. 31, No. 2, The Second Slavery: Mass Slavery,World-Economy, and Comparative Microhistories, Part I (2008), pp. 169-193Published by: Research Foundation of SUNY for and on behalf of the Fernand Braudel CenterStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40241713 .

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"A Not-So-Common Wind"

Slave Revolts in the Age of Revolutions in Cuba and Brazil

Manuel Barda

1979, Eugene D. Genovese published a landmark book about African slavery in the Age of Revolution. Its title was From Rebel-

lion to Revolution: Afro-American Slave Revolts in the Making of the At- lantic World. Among the many ideas developed in this work, one of them provoked an international debate that is alive even today (Genovese, 1979). In summary, Genovese stated that: "By the end of the eighteenth century, the historical content of the slave revolts shifted decisively from attempts to secure freedom from slavery to attempts to overthrow slavery as a social system" (Genovese, 1979: 3). Put in other words, rebellions prior to the 1790's had an intrin- sically traditionalist and escapist character, while those occurring after were devoted to eradicating slavery as an institution from "bourgeois-democratic" polities.

This proposition originated from his intention to homogenize the chronologies of social movements in Europe and the Americas during this Age of Democratic Revolution. In doing that, he con- ferred a similar importance to both the French and Haitian Revo- lutions for their respective continents. In other words, Genovese spread this "shift of character" to the New World slave societies, ignoring the local and regional political, social, and economic situations of each of these places. This unawareness led to an international discussion about the character and causes of the New World's slave uprisings that took place during this period.

review, xxxi, 2, 2008, 169-93 169



170 Manuel Barcia

THE AGE OF REVOLUTION: CHRONOLOGIES AND DEFINITIONS

The origins of the term "Age of Revolution" are not well known. Nevertheless, it was R. R. Palmer who first published a work dedicated to this time and topic. The two-volume The Age of Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800 appeared in 1959, signifying the establishment in academic circles of certain new issues (Palmer, 1959). What is the period understood to be this Age of Revolution? Which features define it? And why has it become so popular in the last forty years?

It is a fact that the limits of this period are not well defined. This "age mania" brought problems even for the cleverest scholars. Therefore, the "Age of Revolution" has been overlapped with other "ages" such as the "Age of Aristocracy" or the "Age of Capi- tal." A clear example of this reigning confusion becomes apparent if one looks at three of the most important works dedicated to this historical epoch, each of which has been given quite different chronologies to frame it. Palmer, for instance, limited it to the period between 1760 and 1800. Eric Hobsbawm extended it from 1789 to 1848, while David Brion Davis located it between 1770 and 1823. Each of these chronologies, however, depends on the respective author's professional background and particular topics of interest.

According to Palmer, this time was marked by the confronta- tion of the old and the new: in other words, between Europe and America, between monarchy and republicanism, and between aristocracy and the emerging democracy. In Palmer's words, this was a defining time for "western civilization as a whole" (Palmer, 1959: I, 4). American and French revolutions were turning points for his theory. The contradiction and opposition of the old and the new ideas gave way to a new time in which social movements were "against the possession of government or any public power, by any established privileged, closed, or self-recruiting groups of men" (Palmer, 1959: 1, 4).

Palmer's central idea was, then, the integration of the Western world- for him, limited just to Europe and America- into a democratic and revolutionary Age in which former policies, statuses, and forms of political domination were challenged and transformed. To support his arguments, Palmer relied on many historical exam-



SLAVE REVOLTS IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTIONS IN CUBA AND BRAZIL 171

pies, namely, movements and revolutions occurring in America (North America), France, Great Britain, Ireland, Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, Italy, Germany, Hungary, and Poland. If I quoted the entire list of Palmer's examples, it is because he completely ignored many other movements that took place in Latin America and Af- rica at that time. Especially surprising is the fact that Palmer did not mention the Haitian revolution even once throughout his two volume's 1118 pages.

The second remarkable work on this "Age" appeared three years later, with a similar viewpoint but with another chronology and center point. Eric Hobsbawm's The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 was based on the idea of the occurrence of a dual revolution that definitively transformed the Old World into a new one (Hobsbawm, 1962). The dual revolution consisted, on one side, of the British industrial revolution, which changed the world in tech- nological and economical terms, and on the other, of the French revolution that brought new social and political ideals to an international level. For Hobsbawm the Western world and the Age of Revolution remained tied to one another. Whatever happened in the corners of this vast geographical area, from the independence of Rio la Plata in the early 1810's to the Polish revolution of 1830, had an impact- more or less relative, but an impact nonetheless- on international politics and on the forms of political domination in the Western world.

Hobsbawm was the first to see the intrinsic relationship between Europe with the whole New World, Africa, and even with the Eastern/Oriental world. He examined the independence of the Spanish colonies and Brazil, as well as conferring great significance on the slave revolution in French Saint Domingue, which was later known as the Haitian revolution. However, for Hobsbawm, the Age of Revolution remained centered in Europe, while the colonies and other places in the "Atlantic world" were studied as secondary marginal aspects of a phenomenon of European character. The consequence of this Eurocentrism was the ignorance up to that date of the role of Latin America and West Africa within this system.

To partially resolve this conflict, David Brion Davis introduced the issue of Black slavery into discussions in his The Problem of Slav- ery in the Age of Revolution, 1770-1823, published in 1975. This was a book addressed to explore and analyze why "by the eve of the



172 Manuel Barda

American Revolution, there was a remarkable convergence of cultural and intellectual developments which at once undercut traditional rationalizations for slavery and offered new modes of sensi- bility for identifying with its victims" (Davis, 1975: 48). Davis wrote a book on slavery, but as we would say today, he wrote a book of "history from above," a classic piece of work on intellectual history rather than a book on the slave experience during this time.

These works seeded the ground for future studies on the Age of Revolution and slavery in the New World. It is noteworthy here that during the 1960's and early 1970's, a real boom took place in studies on slavery and its repercussions in the Americas. A number of books and articles were already focused on this subject when Eugene Genovese published his From Rebellion to Revolution in 1979. Their contributions were extremely diverse and their specific topics ranged from cultural and religious issues to resistance and ideological problems. Among the scholars who published relevant books in this period, Eisa Goveia (1965), Orlando Patterson (1967), Manuel Moreno Fraginals (1962), Jacob Gorender (1978), and Richard Price (1973) should be mentioned, and even David Brion Davis (1966) and Eugene Genovese (1974), among many others.

SLAVE REBELLIONS IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTION: THE DEBATE

The Marxist-inspired idea of a dramatic shift in character of the slave revolts after the occurrence of the French and Haitian revolutions was not unanimously accepted by those studying African slavery in the New World. Many authors have endorsed two main theoretical models in the last two decades as a response to this supposed change of character provoked by this "common wind."1 The first one was raised by scholars whose studies were focused on the British Caribbean, where an early process of creolization took place after- and as a consequence of- the abolition of the slave trade in 1807. Scholars focused on the history of Africa have mainly endorsed a second model based on the African background and continuities of the different African cultures among the slaves brought to the Americas. Both models were already there when

1 Julius Scott (1986) coined this term to refer to the extension of the revolution-

ary ideas in the Americas during the Age of Revolution.




Genovese's "theory of the decisive shift" appeared in the late 1970's. However, both took precedence from the early 1980's, partly as a response to Genovese's claims.

Creolization was first assessed in the crucial study of Edward Braithwaite The Development of Creole Society in Jamaica, 1770-1820 (1971) and later by Sidney Mintz and Richard Price in their work, An Anthropological Approach to the Afro-American Past: A Caribbean Perspective (1992). These books elaborated the polemical concept of creolization, already developed under other names by Fernando Ortiz (1970; 1947) as "transculturation" and by Phillip Curtin as "interculturation" (1955).

According to Braithwaite and Mintz and Price, the British Car- ibbean, and in particular Jamaica, observed a process of creolization or interculturation that began at the end of the eighteenth century. In this process "the entire structure of European and European-derived institutional life in the Caribbean was determined by its 'Creole' development" (Braithwaite, 1971: vii). The fusion of different races and cultures gave birth to a new social element within these societies, the Creole.

A few years later, Michael Craton revisited this concept to develop an alternative model to Genovese's "shift model." According to Craton, the process of creolization that occurred in the British West Indies brought new non-violent tactics rather than a radicalization in the slave resistance. For Craton, in diametrical contradiction to Genovese, the changes were due to internal processes- in this case creolization- rather than to external ones. A new Creole population replaced the African-born slave population and, by extension, changed their reactions against oppression (Craton, 1982b; 1980; 1979). As acts of resistance, rebellions in this period were also distinguished by this transition from African to Creole. Slave rebellions were then, according to Craton, more elaborate and less violent than the former rebellions occurring in the British Carib- bean prior to 1807.

Renowned historians whose works are focused on African history, such as John K. Thornton and Paul Lovejoy, have developed a third important model. These scholars have paid attention to the African past and experience of the African slaves in the Americas. Regarding rebellions, they have stressed the importance of the Af- rican background of slaves and its importance within the slave revolts. The African "element" was never ignored, but nevertheless it



174 Manuel Barcia

was- and still it is- misunderstood and wrongly assessed. Some scholars did mention these problems since the early 1970's. Espe- cially important in this sense were the works of Monica Shuler (1970; 1973), William C. Suttles Jr. (1971), and John Henrik Clarke (1976).

John K. Thornton has been one of the most influential scholars supporting this African model. Thornton has shown the importance of the African background of slave rebels in such diverse places as Stono and Saint Domingue. He has called attention to the martial knowledge of African slaves and how this background in war determined to a great extent the forms of overt resistance by the slaves brought to the New World (1991a; 1991b; 1992). Thornton took issue with the dependency theorists who developed the "ideas of ultimate African weakness while making concessions to the research on the reinterpretation of the African past" (1992: 6-7). This concern with the importance of the African past led him to affirm that African slaves were active social actors in the New World. He also called for more serious studies on the African identity of slaves as an alternative way to explain slave culture and religion as opposed to the traditional institutional point of view (Thornton, 1992: 5-7).

The "African background model" has been also endorsed by Paul Lovejoy since his remarkable Transformations in Slavery: A His- tory of Slavery in Africa (1983). However, it was in an article published in 1997 that he presented and defended this model as no- body had before. In this article Lovejoy offered an acute critique of the studies on slavery in the Americas, stressing the unawareness of most scholars with regard to the African background of slaves. Lovejoy's critiques addressed both the creolization model as well as the reigning Eurocentrism observed in most of these studies.

Regarding creolization, he correctly pointed out how this model tended to pay less attention to "the extent to which strong African influences affected the process of creolization" (Lovejoy, 1997: 3). He also noticed how the "creolization model," partly influenced by the dominant Eurocentrism, identifies "a Creole population without much African content" (Lovejoy, 1997: 4). Accord- ing to Lovejoy, "If African history holds the key to the Diaspora, then the study of the Diaspora must begin in Africa, not in the Americas or elsewhere" (Lovejoy, 1997: 4).




To resume Lovejoy's argument in a sole phrase, African slaves brought to the New World "were still Africans." Their forms of resistance, revolts included, were then profoundly marked by their personal histories, or in other words, by their African experiences. Resting in Thornton, Lovejoy called attention to the fact that most of the Africans arriving in the Americas during the late eighteenth century and the first half of nineteenth century already possessed a vast knowledge of war, and many were prisoners of war themselves (1997: 10). Then, "more than simply the foundation for collective acts of resistance, these expressions of agency involved the transfer and adaptation of the contemporary world of Africa to the Ameri- cas and were NOT mere 'survivals' of some diluted African past" (Lovejoy, 1997: 5).

OTHER CONTRIBUTIONS

Since the establishment of these three main models for the understanding of the slave rebellions in the New World, some other issues have been raised. Several factors influenced from above and below, and from outside and inside the resistance of New World slaves. The British Abolitionist campaign, the use of rumors as a weapon, the interrelation between diverse religious beliefs and the occurrence of particular and local political situations marked to a great extent this particular history.

Some social scientists as David Geggus (1997a: 1-50), Robin Blackburn (1988), and David Murray (1999: 106-26) have called attention to the importance of British Abolitionism in the Ameri- cas after the 1790's. This movement, which appeared simultane- ously with the French and Haitian revolutions, had a profound impact on the behavior of slaves in the Americas. Some of the most important slave revolts and conspiracies that occurred in the first half of the nineteenth century were strongly influenced by either this movement or by its members. Some examples are the rebellion of 1831 in Jamaica and the conspiracy of La Escalera of 1844 in Cuba (Paquette, 1988). Abolitionist ideas influenced quotidian life in the colonies and slaves, especially those residing in urban areas, were able to access the discussions and form their own interpretations of the aims and would-be results of this movement. Barbadian slaves revealed to Colonel Codd a particular example of this influ-



176 Manuel Barcia

ence after being defeated in their attempt to revolt in April 1816. According to Colonel Codd, the slaves were convinced that William Wilberforce was their savior (1979: 102-06). News of Wilberforce and the existence of the British abolitionist movement was information that reached slaves through different channels. News was extremely important in shaping the beliefs and procedures of New World slaves. Such news often arrived in the form of rumor. Ru- mor is then another remarkable issue to be considered while studying these movements.2

Various scholars, among them David Geggus (1997b), Joâo José Reis (2000), and Matt Childs have supported the significance of rumor (2001). According to Geggus "What gives this minor event significance is that it forms part of a series of more than twenty American slave conspiracies and uprisings, usually associated with créole slaves, that made use of a rumored emancipation decree" (1997b: 136).

Considering as his principal focus the Brazilian case, Reis wrote about rumors as a way of oral tradition for slaves. This new perspective deserves further consideration, since rumors indeed became a part of the hidden transcripts of slaves and as such should be assessed. Reis quoted a few cases of rumors of royal decrees of emancipation diffused among Brazilian slaves; two of the most important were the cases of Itu in 1821 and Espiritu Santo province in 1822 (2000: 251).

A religious element also catalyzed plots and revolts everywhere in the Americas. Some scholars have shown how a particular cir- cumstance strongly related to the slaves' beliefs led to the outbreak of various forms of slave resistance. Maybe the best known examples are the rebellions of 1823 in Demerara and 1835 in Salvador da Bahia. Nevertheless, these were not the only examples. Other slave movements were marked by the religious element. Whether with a dominant Christian character-Denmark Vesey's plot of 1822- or with an African character- most notably shown in the great revolution of Saint Domingue- religious beliefs were always present among rebel slaves (Killens, 1970; Geggus, 1991. See also Costa, 1994; Reis, 1993).

Other significant elements to be considered were the local and particular social conditions and political relations of each place.

2 Michael Craton (1982b) first introduced the so-called "rumor syndrome. "




Richard Price has explored the way in which slaves and autochthonous inhabitants in Guyana interacted, provoking a very particular situation in the colony. Also Matthias Rôhrig Assunçâo has shown the political relevance of the relationship between slaves, free Col- ored, and the different groups of Indians against the Spanish authorities in Coro, Venezuela, in 1795 (Price, 1973; Assunçâo, 1990).

BAHIA AND HAVANA-MATANZAS' SLAVE MOVEMENTS IN THE HISTORY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY OF SLAVERY

The cities of Havana and Matanzas in Western Cuba and Salva- dor da Bahia in Northeastern Brazil, and their surrounding areas, share several common characteristics. The sugar plantations transformed both regions into agrarian areas. In fact, sugar is still one of the foremost economic resources for both regions and both still rely on a population of African descendants. Cuba and Brazil were the last territories to abolish slave trade and slavery in the Ameri- cas. Therefore, a different pattern of slave societies was established in these regions compared with other slave societies in the Ameri- cas. Even beyond the formal abolition of the slave trade, both Cuba and Brazil depended on a constant influx of African slaves (on the different topics related to slavery and slave trade in Cuba and Bra- zil, see Ortiz, 1975; Guanche, 1996; Rodrigues, 1977; Reis, 1980; Blackburn, 1997; Klein, 1986; Eltis et al., 2000; Schwartz, 1985; and Barickman, 1998).

Unlike the rest of Spanish America, Cuba remained under Spanish colonial rule well beyond the Age of Revolution. At the time other Spanish colonies in America were obtaining their independence, Cuba remained as the most precious jewel in the Bour- bon monarchy's crown. Meanwhile, after the Napoleonic invasion of the Iberian Peninsula, Brazil became the seat of the Portuguese court and empire, with its new capital in Rio de Janeiro. Regardless of such differences in wider political and cultural backgrounds, the policies developed by the two governments concerning slavery were almost identical: to encourage the slave trade, and by extension, slavery itself, and to expand the huge areas of sugar and coffee plantations in order to support their regimes.



178 Manuel Barcia

Therefore, despite political differences, in Western Cuba as well as in Northeastern Brazil, plantation societies based on slave labor were dominant throughout the first half of the nineteenth century. The control of this plantation slave labor force was exer- cised by a few White or Mulatto employees and masters, and by the authorities in the capital towns of Havana and Matanzas in West- ern Cuba and Salvador in Northeastern Brazil. Slave actions, on the other hand, were not isolated from their societies, but part of the vast and complicated political and social situation of the Span- ish and Brazilian Empires. At the same time, and equally signifi- cantly, slaves created and reproduced special behaviors in dynamic interplay with traditional cultures in new environments (Mintz & Price, 1992).

African populations with a common cultural "African" heritage dominated both regions. Similar religious practices, food customs, and kinship relations were developed in spite of geographical dis- tance and local differences. As subordinate groups, these men and women elaborated a number of diverse ways to co-exist and inter- act with local colonial and imperial forms of domination and control. It is a fact that during the "Age of Revolution" these areas presented a radicalization of the slave plots and revolts. These movements conformed two chronologically similar cycles holding several comparable features.

It is also well documented how the ethnic composition of the slaves brought to Cuba and Bahia suffered a visible and definite change during the first half of the nineteenth century. After 1820, both places became the destination of men and women brought from the crumbling Empire of Oyo, approximately located in the area that is today occupied by the republics of Togo, Benin, and Nigeria. These slaves from Oyo had a long tradition of warfare. They knew how to use fire weapons, were skilled warriors and met- alworkers, and had relations with other peoples and other civiliza- tions.3 The cavalry of Oyo was one of the main factors that contributed to the enlargement of the empire's military power over its neighbors. But Oyo was plagued by permanent ethnic disputes that

s The population density in West Africa at the end of the eighteenth century was already a significant aspect in the development of the different nations existing at that time. The constant wars and an expanded commerce among all these peoples definitely shaped their knowledge and way of life. See Ajayi & Crowder (1974); Law (1977; 1991); Lovejoy (1983); and Thornton (1992).




often ended in wars. The succession to the imperial throne is the best example of these internal divisions among the peoples of Oyo. The succession issue commonly divided the different local chiefs in favor of one or another candidate. After the collapse, the former empire was divided in small factions led by local chiefs known as Ologuns. As a result, many of these chiefs and their soldiers were sold as slaves after being defeated, and their destinations were precisely Brazil and Cuba.

From the seventeenth century the Empire entered in a series of endless wars with the neighbor states of Allada, Dahomey, Sokoto, and others for more than two centuries. When the Empire crum- bled, their subjects became one of the most important ethnic groups in the two areas studied here. Besides their mighty Orishas, they brought to the New World their military knowledge and their warrior pride.

Right after the fall of Oyo, some important rebellions occurred between 1822 and 1827 that caused deep concern among inhabitants of Bahia and Cuba and their governors. Soon afterwards these former subjects of Oyo earned a reputation as a troublesome and daring ethnic group. But these early movements were just the beginning of the parallel sequences of plots and revolts they led in the following years (Prince, 1972; Reis, 1993; Barcia, 2005). The slaves imported from Oyo became a constant source of perturba- tion for their owners and neighbors in the New World.

Nevertheless, they were not alone. The ethnic composition of both regions suggests two almost identical environments. Ararâs or Jejes, Mandingas, and Congos were well represented both in Bahia and Cuba. Hausas were a leading force in Bahia, leading the most important movements between 1807 and 1816, and participating in many of the Nagô led revolts after 1822. Meanwhile, Gangâs and Carabalîs played a similar role in Western Cuba, although their participation never reached the extent of that of the Hausas in Bahia.4 In spite of the fact that members of all these ethnic groups participated in the movements that occurred in these two territo-

4 There have been different studies on the ethnic compositions of the Bahian and Cuban societies. A quite important issue has been the ethnic distribution within the slave rebellions. This discussion has provoked opinions about the fierceness and/or cowardliness of some ethnic groups. Yorubas, Hausas, Carabalîs, and Gangas have been continuously cited as the most rebellious groups, while Bantu slaves have been seen as the quietest and least problematic ones. About these debates see Ortiz (1975), Guanche (1996), and Reis (1993).



180 Manuel Barcia

ries, historical evidence suggests that at least after 1820, slaves pro- ceeding from Oyo became the main actors and leaders of most of the conspiracies and revolts. This does not mean that the others were passive actors. On the contrary, they were present in almost every single movement, and even more, they also resisted oppression in other ways that varied from suicides and homicides to the practice of their religions and the use of the law of their masters to achieve determined goals (Grinberg, 1994; Sweet, 2003; Barcia, 2006).

About the ethnic issue related to the subjects of Oyo, there has been a long-lasting debate on the origin and extension of the peoples nowadays called the Yoruba. Yorubaland and Yoruba are rela- tively new terms that "originated with European linguistic studies in the nineteenth century . . . and [are] alien to the region" (Law, 1991: 23). The term was absolutely unknown between the seventeenth and the early nineteenth century. Due to the complicated social, military, economic, and migratory life in the Gold and Slave Coasts during these years, many slaves made their way to the New World under different and inaccurate ethnic denominations. For the subjects of Oyo, there were two main denominations during these centuries. Lukumi or Lucumi, probably a derivation from the common speech "Oloku mi" ("my friend"), was the first. This term was widely used in Spanish America and especially in Cuba. As early as in 1620, the Spanish traveler Alonso de Sandoval stated that "the name was used (at least in America) as a generic term, embracing geographically dispersed peoples whose languages were not wholly mutually intelligible" (Sandoval, 1627: 65-66), but who were all located in the geographical area of the Slave Coast. Early in the eighteenth century, the term Nagô also became popular as a designation for the peoples from Oyo.5 According to Robin Law, in the eighteenth century sources the term Nagô "seems sometimes to be used of the western Yoruba, as opposed to Oyo, but sometimes, more generally, to include the Oyo" (1991: 23).

All these inaccuracies are the result of the poor knowledge and understanding of the dynamics of the Slave Coast that started with the Europeans who lived and traded there.6 The Academy has been

5 This term was already present in European sources of the early eighteenth century (Law, 1991: 189). 6

Gwendolyn Midlo Hall has tried to correct some of these problems lately in her most recent book (2005).




basically resting in the sources produced by these men who, many times, were too far away to understand the local conflicts and the life in the hinterland. The slaves from the Calabar River area were known everywhere as Calabars or Carabalis, in a clear reference to their region of origin.7 On the other hand, the origin of the slaves known as Gangâs in Cuba remains a matter of discussion despite some recent attempts to demonstrate their place of origin, while another important ethnic group, the Mandingas or Mandinkas, lived in an extremely extensive area. Consequently, all that we know about the Gangâs and Mandingas is, to a certain extent, sus- piciously inaccurate information. The situation with the subjects of Oyo and their neighbors is even more complicated. The Lucumi language was well known in the entire region and its roots were connected with other languages of the area. In Cuba, slaves from other ethnic backgrounds were able to understand this language, and many times used it to conspire. This was the case for the Ararâs and Carabalis, immediate western and eastern neighbors of Oyo. In Africa, many contemporary reports and travel accounts backed this understanding of the language of Oyo and its use as a common language in the region.

The origin of the African slaves who arrived in the New World is, then, even more difficult to establish with certainty. The ethnic denominations used in Africa only sporadically coincided with those used on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean. On the other hand, the process of renaming slaves with a Christian name often erased their previous and original names. The ethnic question in Africa and the New World, assessed and discussed in so many books and articles, still remains a matter for further study.8

In the cases of Western Cuba and Northeastern Brazil, the con- fluence of different elements- basically the autochthonous, the European and the African- created two exceptionally multicultural societies with large slave populations. Candomblé and Santeria, for example, derived from the practices of these men and women after their arrival and constitute even today the main "African" religions

7 However, even for Carabalis the situation is not as clear as it seems, since their

sub-ethnic groups were often known not as Carabalis, but under their particular names, such as Vivfs, Quisfs and so on.

8 The most recent studies on the Empire of Oyo and the Yoruba peoples are Peel (2000) and Vaughan (2000).



182 Manuel Barda

in both territories.9 Shango, Obbatalâ, Yemayâ, and Yansâ are identified with Catholic saints in similar transculturation processes, yet represent the main deities of worship for the descendants of those men and women that once crossed the Atlantic Ocean as slaves.

SLAVE REBELLIOUSNESS: COMMENTS AND SUGGESTIONS

In order to reach a better understanding of the slave conspiracies and rebellions in the "Age of Revolution," we have to evaluate the problems from various angles, refusing simplistic and unidirec- tional approaches. Pre-designed models lack the wide scope needed to understand the motives and influences that were in the minds of those men and women that once decided to risk their lives to be free. Slave movements were extraordinary events caused and influenced by diverse yet specific factors and must be studied as such. Thus, in order to have a broader picture of these events, I suggest analyzing them in terms of three pairs of categories. Other dimensions could be also considered, but the correlations between each of these three pairs are, in my opinion, the fundamental ones necessary to understand the character, similarities, and differences between the slave movements in Bahia and Havana-Matanzas.

THE URBAN-RURAL RELATIONSHIP

The destination of imported slaves determined to a great extent their subsequent lives. The conditions of existence in the cities and towns differed from those in the countryside. In the cities, slaves were able to move with more freedom. Many times they were hired out and sub-hired out by their owners and in such an envi- ronment they often acquired new skills. For instance, some of them managed to learn how to write and read their new language,

9 Candomblé and Santeria are modern terms to describe the religion related mainly to the descendants of the slaves from Oyo. In Cuba, Santeria has been clearly separated from other "African" religions derived from other ethnic groups such as Abakuâ (Carabalfs), Palo Monte (Congos), and Voodoo (Ararâs). In Bahia, however, the division is not as evident and there are forms of Candomblé associated with descendants from other African ethnic groups, such as the Congos.




while others entered new professions, becoming street vendors, shoemakers, bakers, and blacksmiths and so on. Their living stan- dards were definitely higher than those of the rural slaves.

Life in the countryside was different. Small plantations of tobacco, indigo, and of some other agricultural products had a very small number of slaves and as a rule fewer restrictions. In contrast, life on sugar and coffee plantations was very hard. On many of them, slaves worked from dawn until dusk, and in some cases even longer. The long and exhausting sessions under the tropical sun in the cane fields were sometimes followed by short nights of con- finement in locked, unhealthy barracks. Some slaves, however, suc- ceeded in their attempts to gain some freedom. Authorities made concessions everywhere regarding their religious and amusement life. Nonetheless, the hard crop seasons and the day-to-day punishments took their victims and reduced the slaves' choices.

The relationship of slaves and free men from the city and the countryside determined the development of some of the most important conspiracies and rebellions that occurred in the New World over all the centuries of slavery. In the case of Havana, Matanzas, and their surrounding countryside, the two most remarkable examples were, precisely, the two biggest movements ever conceived. The movements of 1812 and 1844, better known as the conspiracies of Aponte and La Escalera, were both master- minded by urban free "Colored" people. Some emissaries who were in touch with their freemen fellows in the cities and with the slaves' overseers carried on the connections between the leaders and the masses of slaves in the rural areas. Nevertheless, Aponte and La Escalera were exceptions rather than common examples (Paquette, 1988; Childs, 2006). Most of the plots and revolts that occurred on the western side of Cuba during the "Age of Revolu- tion" were planned and performed by rural slaves (Barcia, 2005). Connections with the cities were very difficult, especially after the conspiracy of Aponte was uncovered in 1812.

In the case of Salvador da Bahia and its hinterland, the history was a bit different. Both rural and urban slaves and freedmen had leading roles in the Bahian movements from the first big conspiracy, uncovered in 1807, until the revolt of the Males. This relationship was so strong that only in two of these movements- the revolts of 1816 in Sao Francisco do Conde and the uprising of 1830 in Salvador- was it not a feature. Bahian slave movements in the "Age



184 Manuel Barda

of Revolution" were characterized by this continuous interplay between the conspirators and rebels from the city and the countryside (Reis, 1993).

Due to several political and economic reasons, Bahian slaves had stronger links between the countryside and the capital city of Salvador. In Cuba this relationship was less likely to be strength- ened and was almost insignificant in most of the historically regis- tered slave movements.10 Thus, Bahian authorities were deeply con- cerned about this relationship and as a consequence were forced to be alert to limit these links as much as possible. In contrast, in Ha- vana and Matanzas, urban slaves were never feared in such a way. Rather, rural slaves were seen as the biggest threat to the colonial status quo. Several specific laws and three slave codes were issued to keep them under control. One of these codes- the Slave Code of 1825- was especially elaborated for the region of Matanzas as a consequence of the Guamacaro slave revolt that occurred in June of that year (Barcia, 2000).

THE AFRICAN-CREOLE RELATIONSHIP

The relationship between African and Creole slaves was, no doubt, a characteristic of the slave conspiracies and rebellions that occurred in Western Cuba during the "Age of Revolution." Albeit Aponte and La Escalera are, once again, the best examples of this interplay, many other movements counted among their participants Creole slaves born in Cuba or in the surrounding Caribbean territories.11 Therefore, foreign and different ideas, produced by men and women who had other life experiences, became sometimes part of the rebels' body of knowledge. Nevertheless, their participation in these movements was almost continuously limited

10 This stronger relationship in the Bahian case was a result of different temporal particularities. First, the Recôncavo valley was smaller and closer to Salvador than the extended area of plantations surrounding Havana and Matanzas and Cuba. There- fore, the ease of trade and movement of the population-including slaves- was greater. Secondly, the lack of control, due to the indifference of the authorities and to the absence of a Code of Regulation addressed to the slaves, also contributed to ease this relationship.

In the trials consulted during research in Cuban archives and libraries, I found Creole rebel slaves from different Caribbean and mainland territories, among them, from Saint Domingue, Louisiana, Venezuela, Curaçao, the Bahamas, and Jamaica.




to a secondary role and in many cases it is likely that the accusa- tions held against them were false.12 This relationship in Western Cuba had, then, a certain importance but- with one or two exceptions-it was never decisive. Little can be said about this relation in the Bahian case except that historians unanimously agree about the almost absolute lack of Creole representation during the slave conspiracies and rebellions in Bahia during the "Age of Revolution" (Reis, 1993).

In opposition to the sporadic appearance of the Creoles in the slave movements in Bahia and Havana-Matanzas, the pre-eminence of African slaves is undoubtedly the most remarkable similarity between these two cases. It would be erroneous to suggest that most of these movements were spontaneous. Unless some revolts broke out after the occurrence of events that caused sudden anger among the slaves, a considerable number of them were planned and carried out according to authentic "African" military practices. They were often organized in troops led by a "captain" or "king" who was usually blindly obeyed. Their military operations were mainly based on raids and plundering throughout their neighbor- hoods, while killing and torching were also frequent practices.13

The aims of the rebel slaves were also frequently inspired by their past lives and their expectations for the future. To gain their freedom, to kill all the White enemies, to take possession of the lands- sometimes establishing "African" kingdoms- and on some occasions to marry the White women, were their most common goals. The leaders of these rebellions always took semi-divine and/or military identities such as those of Captain, King, or Queen and their colored clothes corresponded with their ranks.14 The re-

12 While examining documents produced by Bahian and Cuban authorities, I became extremely suspicious of the constant interest of the prosecutors in the participation of Creole slaves and frees in these movements and in the links between them and the African slaves. I see this insistence as a sort of underlying bias among the White officials against the Creoles, perhaps due to their increasing incorporation into the social life of both regions. 1S These were the cases of the revolts of 1825 in Guamacaro, 1833 in Banes, and 1835 in Salvador, amongst many others.

These royal and military positions were not exclusively African. Actually, they were taken from and named after the first contacts between Sub-Saharan Africa and

Europe. However, the titles of status commonly assumed by African slaves during the

preparation and development of their conspiracies and revolts were symbols of power among their fellows. Kings and Queens also became titles used in many African guilds and cabildos throughout the New World.



186 Manuel Barda

volts were often foreshadowed and followed by "African" songs of war, by the constant and frightening sound of the drums, and by the ritualistic dances dedicated to the Gods of War. The weapons used in these revolts varied from knives, hatchets, swords, ma- chetes, and firearms to stones, lances, bows, and arrows. The common methods of recruitment and the organization of the rebel forces were once again extremely similar in Havana and Matanzas as well as in Bahia. Many reluctant slaves paid with their own lives their refusal to follow the rebels. The role of the Creole slaves was definitely restrained in both regions. Thus, after 1820 African slaves- mostly those from Oyo- had a preponderant presence among the rebels. As a consequence, Oyo militaristic conceptions characterized the vast majority of them in both regions.

THE SLAVES-FREEDMEN RELATIONSHIP

The relationship between the slaves and their freed fellows is another important issue to be assessed. Although rural slaves in Western Cuba suffered more drastic isolation, some of the most important plots and revolts counted freedmen among the actors. Nevertheless, slaves commanded most of these movements, often relegating the free people to a secondary role.

In Bahia, the situation was quite different. There, probably due also to the stronger urban-rural relationship, freedmen played a more significant role in most of the slave movements that took place during this period. Some of these movements, notoriously the revolt of 1807 and the great revolt of the Males in 1835, had freedmen among their leaders. Slaves and freedmen formed the most important quilombo in the history of Bahia, "Urubu." The role of the freedmen was to a certain extent relevant and some of them were tried as the main leaders of this illegal congregation, among them Antonio de Tal, the owner of the Casa de Candomblé where the quilombolas used to meet.

As we have seen, slaves wanted to escape the daily compulsory labor and punishments, to kill their owners and to gain the owner- ship of the land. The participation of freedmen- even of those born in Africa- often diverted these objectives to other, more complicated ones, sometimes, more difficult even for the rebel slaves to understand. To overthrow the slave system and establish a new sys-




tern of government were somehow part of the aims of the Males in 1835 and also of the conspirators of Aponte and La Escalera in 1812 and 1844 respectively. At other times, though, slaves just joined the slave movements and participated in the events as the rest of their fellows. As a consequence, the relevance of their role in the slave movements determined to a certain extent their objectives.

Bahia, as well as Havana and Matanzas, had an increasing Afri- can slave population during the "Age of Revolution." Similarly, during this period these slaves were introduced in both territories first in a legal manner and later illegally, after the treaties of abolition signed in the first half of the century. Both regions were extremely important for their central governments and therefore were carefully preserved from social unrest, despite the occurrence of a war for independence in Bahia and some attempts to start an independence movement in Cuba. Sugar became the main economic source of wealth early in the nineteenth century, soon after the fall of the formerly prosperous French colony of Saint Domingue. Despite difficult economic times, sugar still constituted one of the main economic exports for both regions. Slaves and plantations, then, had a relevant role in the social scene in both places. An ad- ditional similarity between Bahia and Havana-Matanzas was the origin of the slaves imported after 1820. These were mainly ob- tained in West Africa, and many of them were subjects of the former Empire of Oyo.

These similar historical characteristics are reinforced by the fact that in both regions these slaves developed quite similar patterns of overt resistance. Two sequences of conspiracies and revolts started and finished almost at the same time. The two most relevant similarities were, no doubt, the leadership of the slaves from Oyo after 1820 and the sharp and bloody suppression of the last movements. The aftermaths of these cycles were very similar as well. Even after the big slave movements were stopped, slaves never stopped fighting. Maronnage and many individual acts of open resistance took place in Havana and Matanzas until the onset of the first War of Independence in 1868. On the other hand, Bahian slaves took part in other social movements in the following decades, such as the Balaiada revolt in 1837.

These cycles of slave conspiracies and revolts may be characterized by the interrelation of the three different dimensions that I



188 Manuel Barcia

have explained previously. The proper consideration of these pairs of categories highlights key issues that must be assessed while studying the character and aims of any slave conspiracy and revolt in the Americas during the "Age of Revolution." The question of the aims, as discussed so far, is a result of these combinations and should be understood as such. How do we identify the aims of the rebels of 1830 in Salvador who, after releasing newly arrived slaves, attacked a police station in the heart of the city, risking their lives in an almost suicidal mission? How to understand the aims of the 1833 rebel slaves in Guanajay who, taking advantage of the fact that the newly arrived slaves were also Lucumis, rose in open revolt, singing their war songs, performing their traditional dances, following the rhythm of their drums? The question is definitely enormously complicated and it is not likely to be bounded by any single model.

SOME METHODOLOGICAL SUGGESTIONS

The conspiracies and rebellions that occurred in Western Cuba and Northeastern Brazil in this period had different origins, goals, and even consequences. These movements can be roughly grouped in the following types: a) Rural "African" slave-led movements: These movements-

either plots or revolts- were usually convened and developed in the remoteness of the Bahian and Cuban countryside. Mainly organized on plantations, the participants sought to attack and kill both their White owners and neighbors and the slaves who refused to join them. Some of them were the result of spontaneous outbreaks of rage. A considerable number of these movements were led and carried out by recently arrived slaves who found themselves in communities of similar origin. Therefore, these may be la- beled as ethnic movements.

b) Urban "African" slave-led movements offered a wider range of participation for other groups, such as Creoles and freedmen. Urban movements were usually planned and took advantage of diverse kinds of events, such as religious cele- brations and political conjunctures. Ruthless suppression by the authorities was a regular characteristic of all of these.




The revolt of the Males in Bahia is the most remarkable example of this type.

c) Movements led by Creoles and African freedmen: These were the most feared and best organized movements. Their leaders created nets of communications and always relied on the masses of slaves to carry out their plans. In some cases they benefited from gossip and rumors and also from the ideas of emancipation spread throughout the Americas as a consequence of the French and Haitian revolutions and the British abolitionist movement. They were, with few exceptions, urban based. The most relevant examples of this type were the conspiracies of Aponte and La Escalera.

Both the Bahia and Havana-Matanzas regions, far from being com- patible with pre-existing theoretical models, must be assessed and understood according to their own historical characteristics, with the logical result that they require different theoretical explana- tions. In Bahia, as well as in Havana and Matanzas, "African" slaves coexisted with the products of the new times, namely with Creoles and/or "African" freedmen. It is undeniable that the "African" element was a preponderant factor in all these movements. How- ever, it would be erroneous to ignore the important participation of the other actors- and of other influences- that also played their role in many of these conspiracies and rebellions. It must be clearly understood that in both regions there was a strong interplay and a constant exchange of ideas and conceptions that shaped the character of these movements and also the entire epoch.

During the "Age of Revolution," slavery was a remarkable subject of discussion in all those places where a significant slave population menaced the foundations of social stability. It is not surprising then that a historiographie debate has appeared over slavery and still remains heated. The models presented in the introduction of this article have contributed to both the extension and im- provement of our knowledge of the slave rebellions that took place in the Americas during this period. The debates also have attracted the attention of scholars from different fields and have given new directions to the studies of African slavery in the New World. These models have become points of reference with which to as- sess new problems related to this time and subject from diverse perspectives and using new methodologies.



190 Manuel Barda

Probably the best way to deal with this subject and time it is to keep our eyes wide open, to look at every document trying to find the lost links, and keeping in mind that every single slave area in the Americas has its particularities. The two plantation regions re- viewed in this study had similar histories and a remarkable predominance of Africans in their fields and cities. Therefore, the Af- rican-born slaves and freedmen represented the leading force in most of the movements during the period.

Nevertheless, as we have seen, an increasingly problematic picture lies behind this undeniable "African predominance" backed by Thornton and Lovejoy. The same can be stated for the other geo- graphic areas and models given and discussed here. Just by considering this last point, we will be able to come a little bit closer to the real aims and causes of every rebellion. As David Barry Gaspar has suggested, rather than to rest in pre-designed models, we need to find the combinations of variables that led the slaves to revolt (1985: 41-42, 229-34).

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