malay islamic historiography ca. xiii–xix regarding ... · 1 hikayat raja pasai (hrp) is a tale...

Asian Journal of Social Science 40 (2012) 1–27 brill.nl/ajss

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2012 DOI: 10.1163/156853112X632593

Malay Islamic Historiography (ca. XIII–XIX) Regarding Finance and Taxes in the Malay World

Tatiana DenisovaUniversity of Malaya

AbstractMalay Islamic historiography from the 13th to the 19th centuries (Hikayat Hikayat Raja Pasai, Sejarah Melayu, Hikayat Aceh, Peringatan Sejarah Negri Johor, Tuhfat al-Nafĳis) is well known and recognised as one of the most important sources of history of the Malay world; including, but not limited to the history of economic development in the area. Malay historical chronicles are nar-rative works written in the Arabic script Jawi, composed in the courts of Malay Muslim rulers (Namely Sultans and Yang Dipertuan) and dedicated to their activities, lives and great services performed for their countries. Commonly speaking, these texts share a common structure, con-taining a segment devoted to genealogies (silsilah) and a narrative part. Malay Islamic historical chronicles contain a wealth of information and references concerning the history of fĳinance and taxes in the Malay world. This information may be divided into the following subjects: money and coins (banknotes), goods as monetary substitutes; prices; fees and taxes, as well as the credit and loan system etc. The analysis of such information could be highly useful in studying Malay eco-nomical and social development from its proper perspectives.

KeywordsOriental Studies, Malay Islamic historiography, finance and taxes, currency units, receivables and payables

Old Malay texts (Hikayat Raja Pasai,1 Sejarah Melayu,2 Hikayat Aceh,3 Peringatan Sejarah Negeri Johor,4 Hikayat Siak 5 and Tuhfat al-Nafĳis)6 are historical sources

1 Hikayat Raja Pasai (HRP) is a tale on the history of Pasai and reflects the earliest period of Malay-Islam historiography. HRP’s date of composition has not yet been determined. Never-theless, we can assume that this hikayat (tale) is between the year 1280 and 1400 A.D./680 and 800 A.H. (Hijra). The most systematic version in the last form may be attached to the end of the 14th cen-tury. A copy of the tale emerged in Java in 1797. There are three copies, the most prominent of which is the MS Rafffles Malay N.67, which is kept in The Royal Asiatic Society, London (Ms A). The second is a copy that was re-written from Ms A by the French scholar, Edouard Dulaurier in 1838, and is kept in the Bibliotheque Nationale Paris, No Mal.- Pol.50. This copy is almost valueless for comparative study. The third copy was recently discovered in London in the year of 1986, and was purchased by the British Library in 1986 (Ms B). There are six editions of Hikayat Raja Pasai: (1) Edouard Dulaurier. ed. Collection des Principalec Chroniques Malayes.

AJSS 40.1_F7-1-27_Denisova.indd 1AJSS 40.1_F7-1-27_Denisova.indd 1 2/22/2012 4:37:11 PM2/22/2012 4:37:11 PM

2 T. Denisova / Asian Journal of Social Science 40 (2012) 1–2723

Premier fascicule La chronique du Royaume de Pasey. Paris, 1849; The quality of the Jawi edition, is possibly better than the later edition; (2) Mead. J. P. ed. A Romanised version of the Hikayat Raja-raja Pasai. in: JSBRAS, 66 Singapore, 1914:1–55; (3) Hill, A. H. ed. Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai is a revised romanised version with an English translation, an introduction and notes. in: JMBRAS 33, 2nd part, 1960. The most complete edition, (4) Alfĳiah. Teuku Ibrahim ed. Kronika Pasai. Sebuah Tinjauan Sejarah. Yogyakarta. 1973. (5) Jones, Russel. ed. Hikayat Raja Pasai. Kuala Lumpur, 1987. (6) Jones, Russel ed. Hikayat Raja Pasai. Studied and introduced by Russel Jones. Yayasan Karyawan & Penerbit Fajar Bakti, Kuala Lumpur, 1999.

2 Sejarah Melayu (SM), the well-known Malay work contains tales on the history of Malacca from the 15th to the 16th century. The date of the emergence of Sejarah Melayu (Malay Annals) is unknown and the author’s name is as of yet unidentifĳied. According to the opinions of several intellectuals, Sejarah Melayu was written by Bendahara Melaka (Malacca) Tun Seri Lanang. There are 29 copies and three versions of Sejarah Melayu: (1) First, the popular one, i.e., the group that was fĳirst published by Abdullah Munsyi in Singapore (1831) — “batu sawar” group ( Johor), which emerged around 1612. This version consists of 34 chapters with an introduction stating that Ben-dahara Paduka Raja Tun Muhammad (Tun Seri Lanang) was requested to write the Hikayat/tale. This version is widespread in Malaysia, Indonesia and throughout the world. This group consists of tens copies (St. Petersburg, London, Manchester, Leiden, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (DBP) (Institute of Language and Literature Malaysia); (2) There is another group that is not widely known of, but that is yet published in the form of a book. There are only two copies (the oldest version from around 1536): The fĳirst copy, Naskah 18 Koleksi Rafffles (Copy 18 of Rafffles Collections) contains full text, available at the Royal Asiatic Society, London: b. Cod.Or. 1704 Leiden University Library. Incomplete (100 fĳirst pages): This version contains eight chapters that are unavailable in the fĳirst version. Its chapter arrangement also difffers from that of the fĳirst group. Its introduction is shorter and the author’s name is not included. A date is stated on the year it was written: 1612. (3) Pasir Raja version. The date of this version is undetermined. It is available in the copy of Rafffles Malay 18: 203 pages, with 25 lines on a page (fĳirst page: 17), and black and red ink. The date has yet to be determined. It utilises English paper, and a watermark is available (C. Wilmott 1812). The copy was submitted to RAS by Rafffles’ wife in the year 1830. There are various editions of the text. Amongst distinguished: Dulalaurier E. (ed.) Collection des principales chronoques malayes. t. 1–2, P 1849; Shellaber W. G. (ed.) Sejarah Melayu, Kuala Lumpur, 1967; Situmorang D. T., Teeuw (ed.) Sejarah Melayu menurut terbitan Abdullah. Djakarta 1958; Winstedt R. O. (ed.) The Malay Annals or Sejarah Melayu. — JMBRAS, 1938, vol. 16 p. 3; Brown C. C. Sejarah Melayu or Malay Annals. A translation of Rafffles Ms. 18, Kuala Lumpur 1968; Blagden C. O., An Unpublished variant version of Malay Annals. — JMBRAS, vol. III, p. 1 (1925); Iskandar T., Tun Seri Lanang Pengarang Sejarah Melayu. — Dewan Bahasa, 1964, v. 8, no. 11; Roolvink R., The Versions of the Malay Annals. — BTVL, 1967, deel 123, afl 3. We use the last edition for this study: Sulalat al-Salatin, ya’ni Perteturun segala Raja-Raja (Sejarah Melayu/ Malay Annals). Karangan Tun Seri Lanang. Studied and intro-duced by Muhammad Haji Salleh. Yayasan Karyawan & DBP, Kuala Lumpur, 1997.

3 Hikayat Aceh (HA) contains a tale on the Sultanate of Aceh Darussalam and her famous king, Sultan Iskandar Muda (1606–1636). Hikayat Aceh was written to praise Sultan Iskandar Muda, and is a remarkably special and interesting tale as it represents tradition of historical writing composed on the basis of the Islamic literature works and genre of other countries. Hikayat Aceh is written according to the way of Akbarnama — a work to flatter Akhbar, one of the Moghul kings. The period of emergence of Hikayat Aceh is undecided, but the text was composed some-time between the year 1606 and 1636 during the era of Sultan Iskandar Muda. There are several manuscripts of Hikayat Aceh. Among those that have been utilised in the most complete publica-tion of T. Iskandar is: Cod Or. 1954 (A copy/manuscript) and Cod.Or. 1983 (B manuscript) from the Legatum Warnerianum collection in Perpustakaan Universiti Leiden. The fĳirst, a copy from a manuscript from Isaak de saint Martin library at the end of the 17th century, originated from a


T. Denisova / Asian Journal of Social Science 40 (2012) 1–27 3456

collection of Java manuscripts, Malay, etc. and was transferred to the Leiden University Library in 1871. The second is a copy from the fĳirst manuscript. According to the colophon, the date of its emergence is: 9.03. 1847. See: Iskandar, Teuku ed. Hikayat Aceh, Studied and introduced by Teuku Iskandar. Yayasan Karyawan, Kuala Lumpur, 2001:117.

4 Sejarah Negri Johor (PSNJ), represents tradition of Malay people in Johor, composed in the middle of the 18th century. The author of Peringatan Sejarah Negri Johor is unidentifĳied. It is in the form of a group of documents and stories recording activities and the biography of Sultan Suleiman Badr al-Alam Shah (1699–1760). At present, there exist two copies from this text: KL Copy 24B kept in Leiden University Library in H. K. von Klingkert’s collection. It was copied in Riau in 1863–1866. Collection of Von de Wall 196. Available at Perpustakaan Lembaga Kebudayaan Indonesia in Jakarta since 1873. Both copies areused in the fĳirst edition that was completed by Kratz E. U. in the year 1973. “Peringatan Sejarah Negri Johor is named in German as Eine malaische Quelle zur Geschichte Johors im 18. Jahrhundert”. Wiesbaden. 1973.

5 Hikayat Siak (HS), represents the historiography of Minangkabau-Siak Johor in the middle of the 19th century. According to the writing in one of its copies, Hikayat Siak was composed by Tengku Said in the year of 1272 Hijra/ 1855 A.D. All narratives of “Hikayat Siak” are found to encompass a long period of history, from the time before the XV century’s Malacca Sultanate until the middle of XIX century. At present, there are four copies of “Hikayat Siak”: (a) An eminent copy is being kept in Perpustakaan Muzium Pusat (Centre Museum Library) in Jakarta: its code is W 191; M 1,44. The text is in Jawi writing and is physically in clear and good condition. The text was copied in 1856; (b) A diffferent copy is kept in the Library of Royal Asiatic Society, London, being coded as Mal. 138 and is given the title “Sejarah Raja-raja Melayu” (History of Malay Kings). Once catalogued by MC. Ricklefs and P. Voorhoeve; (c–d) A further two copies from the same text are available in Leiden University Library (Universiteit Bibliothek). Both are given the code Cod. Or 6342 and Cod. Or. 7304. The second copy is obtainable in the hand orthography of Jawi writing, while the fĳirst copy is in Jawi hand writing along with some type written text. They were copied in 1893 in Aceh. All copies were once used in a text edition completed by Muhammad Yusofff Hashim. ed. (1992) Hikayat Siak. Diravikan oleh Tengku Said. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

6 Tuhfat an-Nafĳis (TN) was composed by Raja Ali Haji (1809–1872) and represents the tradition of history writing of Bugis Johor. It is obvious that in the title of “Tuhfat an-Nafĳis”, there exist two works of similar title. These works are regarded by its specialists as two versions from an essay. Certainly, both happened in almost the same time and place — in the middle of 19th century and in Pulau Penyengat (Riau-Lingga Archipelago). Both represent the tradition of the Bugis ethnicity in Johor historiography. However, when we study and compare both of them from the aspects of textology and historiography, we are able to recognise important diffferences between them. One is shorter, containing 88 thousand words, while another longer, reaching 126 thousand words. The shorter text was composed by Raja Ahmad Bin Raja Haji (1779–1879) and the longer was by his son, Raja Ali Haji Bin Raja Ahmad (1809–1872). Indeed, their narratives difffer as well; the lon-ger text includes numerous quotations in the Arabic language from the Qur’an and works of Malay scholars and intellectuals as well as Raja Ali Haji’s personal reminders and advice to read-ers and pupils on a sincere and moderate way of life. Besides this, the language content of the mentioned texts contains special features. The above explanation proves that both texts of “Tuhfat an-Nafĳis” are two distinctive works and not two versions from an essay. Presently, the shorter text composed by Raja Ahmad is obtainable in a copy that is kept in Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Library in Leiden. This copy was completed in Pulau Penyen-gat in 1896. Its physical condition is excellent and it has perhaps become the master copy for Virginia Matheson’s edition in 1982. Currently, the long text composed by Raja Ali Haji exists in 5 copies: (a) Maxwell 2MS’s copy, kept in the Royal Asiatic Society Library in London. This copy



important to a clear understanding and comprehension; leading to a clear recon-struction of the history of the Malay States from the 13th to the 19th Century. These old texts contained information on the various aspects of life of the Malay community, including economics.

Economic activities, as well as the prosperity of the nation, welfare of the people and business development were considered by writers of these texts as criteria for the progress of a government and as the duty of His Impartial Highness. According to the Islamic tradition, prosperity and commercial devel-opment are results of the process of Islamisation. Prof. S. M. Naquib al-Attas (1993) explained:

. . . the concept of din reflects the idea of a kingdom — a cosmopolis. Commerce and trade are the life blood of the cosmopolis, and such activity together with its various implications is indeed inherent in the concept of din . . . It is no wonder then that in the Holy Qur’an wordly life is depicted so persistently in the apt metaphors of commercial enterprises. In the cosmopolis or kingdom reflected in the concept of din; there are depicted the bustling activities of the trafffĳic of trade. Man is inexorably engaged in the trade: al-tijarah, in which he is himself the subject as well as an object of this trade7

Subjects that clearly reflect economic conditions can be found in the fĳinancial and taxational systems. A veritable trove of information on fĳinance and taxa-tion may be found in old Malay texts or chronicles. All this information may be classifĳied under the following headings: money and currency; commercial goods that could be used in lieu of money; the price of goods; payment system (allowance, tribute, fĳine or penalty, tax, bribery and others); credit systems and trade receivables and others. Analysis of this information illustrates the level of economic development and fĳinancial system in the Malay world in

is a copy being worked in Selangor in March 1890 for the resident of Selangor, Sir William Maxwell. It includes additions on the history of Riau following 1865. However, its physical charac-teristics are not of good quality, when compared to that of Von Hasselt. This copy had been previ-ously used in the editions of R. O. Winstedt (1932) and V. Matheson (1982); (b) R. O. Winstedt’s copy worked (in the form of a lithograph) in 1923 from the older copy. This copy is almost parallel to that of Maxwell’s copy. It is in Jawi alphabet. The copy also contains a lot of mechanical mis-takes. Previously, it had been used in all editions of “Tuhfat an-Nafĳis”. (c) a copy of Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (DBP) (Institute of Language and Literature Malaysia). It is kept in the library of the Institute of Language and Literature Malaysia. While it is approximately similar to Maxwell’s copy, it has better physical features. It had been used before in the edition of V. Matheson. (d) Universitas Leiden’s copy. It has been kept in Universitas Leiden Library since 1954 and in Jawi letter. It was fĳirst used in V. Matheson’s edition in 1991. Copier’s name is unavailable. (e) Tereng-ganu’s copy (manuscript) was made available in the year 1986, and kept in the Library of Univer-siti Malaya (Kuala Lumpur). It was copied in 1886 in Terengganu and in Jawi letter, alongside its status of excellent physical form. It is hitherto unpublished.

7 al-Attas, Syed Muhammad Naquib (1993) Islam and Secularism. Kuala Lumpur: ISTAC, p. 67.



the period of time ranging from the 13th to the 19th century, as well as its specifĳic characteristics.

Finance and trade in the Malay world has been the object of study by many Western orientalists, resulting in the production of a signifĳicant number of sci-entifĳic papers and the discovery of a large amount of extremely interesting and important facts. Among the most fundamental and signifĳicant books, a prime example that ought to be mentioned is found in: Indonesian Trade and Society by J. C. van Leur, Early Indonesian Commerce. A study of the origin of Srivijaya by O. W. Wolters; Maritime Trade and State Development in Early Southeast Asia by Kenneth R. Hall; Asian Trade and European influence in the Indonesian Archipelago between 1500 and about 1630 by M. A. P. Meilink-Roelofsz; Islam and the Trade of Asia edited by D. S. Richards; Asia before Europe. Economy and Civilisation of the Indian Ocean from the Rise of Islam to 1750 by K. N. Chaudhuri; Maritime Trade, Society and European Influence in Southern Asia, 1600–1800 by S. Arasaratnam and others. Noteworthy works written by Malaysian scientists also ought to be mentioned, as found in: Trade and Society in the Straits of Melaka. Duch Melaka and English Penang, 1780–1830 by Nordin Hussin and Perdagangan dan Perkapalan Melayu di Melaka. Abad ke-15 hingga ke-18 by Ahmad Jelani Halimi8. All these books contain very important analyses on the history of economics and trade in the Malay world, while including infor-mation regarding fĳinance and taxes. The problem, however, is that most of these brilliant researches were written based on external historical and scien-tifĳic sources, and primarily on Western sources. Most often cited are the fol-lowing Western sources: Corpus Diplomaticum Neerlando-Indicum (1907), Dagh-Registergehouden int Casteel Batavia (XVII–XIX cc.), Suma Orientalis (1512–1515), The Commentaries of the Great Alfonso Dalboquerque (1774), The Book of Duarte Barbosa (1518), some notes by Western travellers and missionaries, and a few accounts of Portuguese, Dutch and English colonial authorities.

8 Leur, J. C., van (1967) Indonesian Trade and society. Essays in Asian Social and Economic His-tory. The Hague: W. van Hoefe Publishers Ltd.; Wolters, O. W. (1974) Early Indonesian Commerce. A Study of the Origins of Srivijaya. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press; Hall, K. R. (1985) Maritime Trade and State Development in Early Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press; Meilink-Roelofsz, M. A. P. (1962) Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago between 1500 and about 1630. The Hague: Martinus Nijhofff; Richards, D. S. (ed.) (1970) Islam and the Trade of Asia. A Colloquium. Oxford: Bruno Cassirer Ltd.; Chaudhuri, K. N. (1990) Asia before Europe. Economy and Civilisation of the Indian Ocean from the Rise of Islam to 1750. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Arasaratnam, S. (1995) Maritime Trade, Society and Euro-pean Influence in Southern Asia, 1600–1800. Hampshire: Variorum; Hussin, Nordin (2007) Trade and Society in the Straits of Melaka. Dutch Melaka and English Penang, 1780–1830. Singapore: NIAS Press; Halimi, Ahmad Jelani (2006) Perdagangan dan Perkapalan Melayu di Melaka. Abad ke-15 hingga ke-18. Kuala Lumpur: DBP.



All of these sources are extremely important for the study of the history of the Malay Archipelago.

As to Malay historical records, they are only mentioned occasionally and rarely accepted as reliable historical sources. According to M. A. P. Meilink-Roelofsz the native written sources are merely a ‘reflection of the aristocratic Malayan and Javanese tradition’ and the materials from these native chroni-cles are ‘distorted’. She further asserts that “for the study of Asian trade . . . there are no primary sources . . . which can be used and consulted by scholars of eco-nomic history.”9 Kenneth R. Hall refers to the Hikayat Raja Pasai, but however defĳines it as “a semi-historical romance in which the events described were, to those who compiled the text, subjectively rather than objectively true.”10

Indeed, Malay historical texts do contain a large amount of non-historical and quasi-historical reports. This obvious fact should not deter the historian from using these texts as historical sources. According to Prof. Syed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas, the problem of chronology and the lack of information which historians can interpret and explain without doubt and vacillation cannot be accepted as an excuse to neglect and suspend Islamic history in their writings and investigations.11

In this article I will attempt to establish that Malay chronicles contain sig-nifĳicantly important information regarding fĳinance and taxes, which should be used in fundamental studies on the history of economics and trade in the Malay world.

Money and Payments

Product exchanges have most probably dominated early economy and trade in the Malay world dating back to pre-historic times. As a general phenomenon, as society became more sophisticated, certain objects became more valuable than others and began to be used as a form of primitive money. As such, long before the fĳirst coins came into use, diffferent materials and objects were used for currency as well as for barter. “These not only included precious metals

9 Meilink-Roelofsz, M. A. P. (1970) “Trade and Islam in the Malay-Indonesian Archipelago prior to the arrival of the Europeans”, in D. S. Richards (ed.) Islam and the Trade of Asia. A Collo-quium. Bruno Cassirer Ltd.: Oxford, p. 138.

10 Hall, K. R. (1985) Maritime Trade and State Development in Early Southeast Asia. University of Hawaii Press: Honolulu, p. 215.

11 al-Attas, Syed Muhammad Naquib (2011) Historical fact and fĳiction. UTM: KL, p. xiii.



such as gold, silver, tin, copper, but also cowrie shells, beads, ceramics, tin ingots cast in the shape of animals and mountains.”12

The earliest form of currency in the Malay world took the form of cowrie shells (Cypraea moneta). To this day, they are still used in a number of remote coastal areas in the Philippines and Africa, and on some Pacifĳic islands. Another far more ancient form of money is found in the primordial usage of glass or stone beads, which also continue to be of value in many communities, even within Sabah and Sarawak. Beads were used as a currency in the exchange of goods, and have been found in many archeological sites throughout Southeast Asia. Among other materials used as currency, one fĳinds ceramics, miniature cannons, brass gongs, and metal (gold dust, silver bars, tin blocks etc.). Tin sculptures of ‘animal money’ (in the shape of crocodiles, tortoises, elephants, fĳish, crickets, beetles and other insects) as well as mountain money were used in Perak, Selangor, and Negeri Sembilan until the 15th century.

The fĳirst Muslim coins were introduced into the Malay Peninsula by Muslim traders in North Sumatra (Pasai, Haru, Perlac etc.) and in various entrepots ports along the Melaka Straits. A few early Muslim coins (1/2 dirham and 1/4 dirham) appeared and around the year of 234 H/848 A.D. were found in Kedah, during the era of the Abbasid Caliph al-Mutawakil (847–861 A.D.).

The earliest indigenous tin Islamic coin, or ‘duit casha’ was issued in Malacca during the reign of Sultan Muzafffar Shah (1446–1459). Many more coins were produced during the reign of the next Malacca ruler, Sultan Mansur Shah (1459–1477). Numerous other indigenous Islamic coins were discovered in dif-ferent Malay Islamic states, for example: in Kelantan — the gold coin kijang which was issued from 1400 A.D. onwards, in Johor — the gold coin kupang which was issued during the reign of Sultan Alauddin Riayat Shah II (1527–1564) and the silver penjuru, which originated during the reign of Sultan Abdul Jalil Shah (1623–1677). Furthermore, one fĳinds in Kedah the silver rial during the reign of Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Abidin Shah II (1710–1773); and in Terengganu, the gold kupang and mas coins during the reign of Sultan Zainal Abidin Shah II (1793–1808). During the 16th and 19th centuries a large number of Malay Islamic states developed trade coinages, which were accepted throughout the Malay Archipelago; most notable among which were Johor, Aceh, Terengganu, Patani, and Kelantan, among others.13

A signifĳicant amount of information regarding money and payments may be found in Malay Islamic historical texts. Examples of such include currency

12 For more detailed information regarding early forms of money in the Malay world see: Suhaimi Nik Abdul Ramman, Dato Nik Hassan (ed.) (2006) “Early History”, in The Encyclopedia of Malaysia. Vol. 4, Singapore: Archipelago Press, pp. 88–89.

13 Ibid., pp. 134–135.



units, cases on the use of credit, information on debts, taxes and others. From this, it was clear that the Islamic fĳinancial system had become widely adopted in the Malay world as of the 13th century, and that the level of development was high. This also illustrated that since then and during the time of Islam in particular, the Malay states had become part of the public fĳinance system in the Muslim world.

Among the currency units mentioned by Western scholars, one fĳinds refer-ences to rupees, reals, dollars, pagoda, ringgit, kijang, kupang, and mas. The analysis of the following passages allows us to reconstruct a more complete list of the currency used in Malay world. Among the currency units mentioned are: bahara mas, bahara ringgit, dinar, dirham, jekketun, kupang, mas ashrafĳi bun-duki, mas ibrahim misri, rial, ringgit, rupiah, rupiah Benggal, rupiah tembaga, rupiah perak, etc.

14 15 1617

14 Citations from Sejarah Melayu extracted from: Haji Salleh, Muhammad (ed.) (1997) Sulalat al-Salatin, ya’ni Perteturun segala Raja-Raja (Sejarah Melayu/ Malay Annals). Karangan Tun Seri Lanang. Studied and introduced by Muhammad Haji Salleh. Kuala Lumpur: Yayasan Karyawan & BP.

15 Citations from Tuhfat al-Nafĳis extracted from: Matheson Hooker, V. (ed.) (1991) Tuhfat al-Nafĳis. Sejarah Melayu-Islam. Kuala Lumpur: Yayasan karyawan.

16 Dinar: gold currency, spread in the Arab countries and Southeast Asia.17 Citations from Hikayat Aceh extracted from: Iskandar, Teuku (ed.) (2001) Hikayat Aceh, Stud-

ied and introduced by Teuku Iskandar. Kuala Lumpur: Yayasan Karyawan.

Currency Text (source)

Bahara Diperbuatnya sepohon kayu emas dan buahnya daripada pelbagai

permata, kira-kira sebahara emas harganya. (SM 41–42(50))14

. . . membawa persembahan mereka itu — papan catur emas, buahnya

permata, itu pun ada kimatnya sebahara emas harganya. (SM 42(50))

Maka dibayar oleh Yang Dipertuan kedah ( yang tuha) tiga bahara ringgit yang selaginya itu ia bertangguh. (TN 81(84))15

Serta ada pula perjanjian lain daripada itu iaitu lima belas bahara wang.

maka sudah dibayar tiga bahara tinggal lagi dua belas bahara, sudah

berpuluh tahun belum juga raja Kedah menyempurnakan perjanjiannya

itu. (TN 199(213))

dinar16 “. . . isi kawinnya tiga ratus ribu dinar emas” (SM 4(6))

“. . . serta mengabur beras kuning bercampur mas guntingan dan mutiara

dan dinar”. (HA 111(47))17

“Maka tatkala itu penghulu pendekar pun dikaruniai akan dia tujuh

persalinan daripada pakaian yang indah-indah dan dinar seratus”.

(HA 203(83))



(cont.)18192021222324

18 Dirham: a form of gold and/or silver currency that was widespread in Arab countries and Southeast Asia during medieval times, and now found in present-day Morocco.

19 Tahil: a measure of weight equal to: 1/16 kati or 37.8 grams (for goods); 16 mayam (for gold); 10 ci or 3.8 grams (for opium). Mayam: a measurement of gold (equal to 1/16 bungkal) = 2.4 grams.

20 Kupang: a currency of the past with varying values (by region).21 Citations from Hikayat Siak extracted from: Hashim. Muhammad Yusofff (ed.) (1992) Hikayat

Siak. Diravikan oleh Tengku Said. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. 22 Mas asyrafĳi bunduki — Arabian and Persian Asyrafĳi — a type of Arabian currency (coins).

Used here to indicate Arabian and/or Persian gold money (coins) that came from Venice (DBP Dictionary).

23 Ibrahim Misri gold: a type of money (coins) from Arab countries, most probably from Egypt.24 Citations from Hikayat Raja Pasai (HRP) extracted from: Jones, Russel (ed.) (1999) Hikayat

Raja Pasai. Studied and introduced by Russel Jones. Kuala Lumpur: Yayasan Karyawan & Pener-bit Fajar Bakti.


dirham18 “. . . maka disuruhlah Raja Kida Hindidisuratkan nama Raja Iskandar atas sekah dirhamnya dan atas segala panji-panjinya”. (SM 3(5))

. . . maka dianugerahi Johan Alam akan mereka itu sekalian (fakir dan

miskin — T. D.) tujuh puluh tahil19 derham. (HA 182(74))

. . . maka penghulu pendekar itu derham semas . . . (HA 199(81))

jekketun Maka selesai daripada maulud memberi sedekah, ada yang kena jekketun,

ada yang dapat ringgit, ada yang dapat rupiah. (TN 218(235))

kupang20 Dan Puteri Jilan memberi sepah dan . . . kupang-kupang dua butir dan cap

satu (HS 424(123))21

Mas

asyrafĳi

bunduki22

. . . mas asyrafĳi bunduki seribu keti dan Ibrahim Misri seribu keti

(HA 96(42))

mas

ibrahim

misri23

Maka demi dilihat Syah ʿAlam dan Yang Dipertuan daripada segala

pakaian daripada subang dan gelang dan cincin dan kancing dan tandai

dan cucuk gelung dan sunnia dan asyrafi bunduki serba bagai dan Ibrahimi Misri seribu keti dan permata dan mutia, maka Syah ʿAlam dan

Dipertuan pun terlalu sukacita. Maka berdatang sembah Raja Indera

Suari: . . . (HA 97(43))

rial . . . dan ufti dan persembah sekalian negeri dan pulau dan tokong itu,

terlalu sekali banyaknya, tiada terhisabkan pelbagai jenis warnanya,

beberapa daripada emas dan perak dan rial dan senjata dan pelbagai

warna kain dan urung dan lilin dan sarang burung dan tikar rotan dan

kajang, tiada lagi tepermanai banyaknya sekaliannya itu. (HRP

131(66))24



(cont.)25

25 Citations from Peringatan Sejarah Negri Johor extracted from: Kratz E. U. (ed.) (1973) “Peringatan Sejarah Negri Johor. Eine malaische Quelle zur Geschichte Johors im 18. Jahrhundert”. Wiesbaden.


. . . dan jikalau orang Minangkabau tiada boleh mengiring dan hendaklah

ia persembah rial dua puluh dan setinggar selaras, obat sekati”

(HS 424(123))

. . . kepada suatu hari dapat salah kepada Bandar Bujit batu. Maka

dihukum oleh Bandar dua puluh rial. maka baginda timbang. (HS

425(124))

Maka kapal pun dapat. dan dapat rial lima puluh laksa lain dagangan.

(HS 467(150))

Maka sultan menyu memberi belanja, sebulan seribu rial, dan beras tiga

koyan sebulan. (HS 499(171))

Adalah banyak taruhnya disabung oleh baginda Sultan Suleiman empat ratus empat puluh enamrial. (PSNJ 49.15)25

ringgit . . . dan kepada satu hari datang kapal dari Benila membawak ringgit,

emas dan perak (HS 463(148))

Dan lalu diberinya ringgit lima ratus ringgit, dan ubat bedil, dan

senapang satu longsin, ekor lutung lima butir. (HS 589(234))

Maka dibayar oleh Yang Dipertuan kedah (yang tuha) tiga bahara ringgit yang selaginya itu ia bertangguh.

(TN 81(84))

Maka gubernur raja melaka pun berkabarkan perkataan Raja Kecik serta

menunjukkan daftar wang-wang belanja-belanja melanggar Linggi.

Adapun tersebut di dalam surat siarah sebelah Selanggor, banyaknya tujuh laksa, tiga ribu, empat ratus lima puluh tujuh ringgit.

(TN 146(155))

Maka mengajilah ia serta disuruhkannya anak-anaknya dan pegawai-

pegawainya mengaji. Apabila khatam diberinya qari itu wang peratus-ratus ringgit. (TN 305(332))

rupiah Dan jawab Sekub Banan, “Dan seperti tuan punya gaji kita terima. dan

saudara dengan anak-anak kita beri tujuh puluh lima rupiah. (HS 635(265))

Kata mayur Tengku Akil “Jika ada kurnia tuan besar sahaya mintak enam puluh ribu rupiah” Maka titah Tuan besar “Boleh, ambillah wang,

semuanya sekali”. (HS 641(270))



(cont.)


rupiah

benggal

Dan beras Jawa dapat tiga rupiah benggal sepikul. (TN 219(235))

rupiah

tembaga

Setelah itu Arong Belawah pun diberi oleh gebermen gaji lima ratus rupiah tembaga. (TN 344(374))

rupiah

perak

maka Sultan Mahmud . . . minta beli kapal sebuah harganya tiga puluh enam ribu rupiah perak. maka dibelikan oleh Yang Dipertuan Muda.

(TN 417(426))

A summary of fĳindings shows that there was already a fĳinancial system in existence and a currency specifĳic to the Malay world. Information regarding currency units and foreign currencies is found in all the texts. Further com-parative analysis performed exhibits changes in the Malay world’s economy from the 13th to 19th centuries. For example, works during the 13th to 17th cen-tury (Hikayat Raja Pasai, Sejarah Melayu, Hikayat Acheh) make mention of cur-rency from Arab and Southeast Asian countries, such as dinar, dirham, asyarafĳi bunduki gold and Ibragim Misri gold. These currency units were not mentioned in texts from the 18th to the 19th century. Notes on the ringgit as a currency unit were only found in Johor historical texts.

According to Ahmad Jelani Halimi (2006), currency is a very important tool in commerce. In fact, currency and fĳinancial systems have a special role not only in commerce, but in the various areas of life of the community. Gold, sil-ver strips, tin nuggets and other metals were all used as a medium of exchange in the medieval Malay world.26 In the Hikayat Siak, jewelry and opium were used as currency substitutes.

Maka Tengku Akil pun datang mendapatkan Idelir, mintak wang membeli kerbau. Dan diberinya cincin intan harga serastus, kain dan keris, wang ada seratus rial dan afĳiun satu buku. (HS 616(252))

. . . lalu diberi baginda afĳiun satu buku, separuh penghulu, dan separuh Panglima perang. (HS 615(251))

Segala anak Minangkabau bersuka-sukaan dan afĳiun disamarata. (HS 616(252))

26 About the fĳinancial system and currency in the Malay world, among others see: Halimi, Ahmad Jelani (2006) Perdagangan Dan Perkapalan Melayu Di Selat Melaka. Abad ke-15 hingg ke-18. Kuala Lumpur: DBP, Pp. 139–154; Nussin, Nordin (2009) Trade and society in the straits of Melaka. Dutch Melaka and English Penang, 1780–1830. Singapore: NUS Press & NiAS Press.



Tom Pires noted that the Malacca Sultanate had its own currency. Therefore, currencies from Kembayat and Ormuz were also used. In Acheh, its own cur-rency was already widely used in addition to foreign ones. Ibn Battuta noted that a form of gold and tin money was utilised in Sanudera-Pasai around 1345 to 1346. The tin money was in the form of a small strip, while gold money was in the form of unmelted pure gold.27

The dirham gold currency was fĳirst minted during the reign of Acheh Darus-salam. Sultan Alauddin Riayat Syah al-Kahar (1530–1557) was the fĳirst sultan of Acheh who minted gold coins known as dirhams. Al-Kahar also decided on the ringgit or Spaniol rial as the standard unit for Acheh currency. The exchange rate then was four dirhams to one Spaniol ringgit.28

Besides Malacca and Acheh, almost all Malay states in the Peninsula had minted their own money by the 17th century. The aforementioned states known to have issued their own currencies were Johor, Perak, Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu.

A comparative analysis of materials from Western scientifĳic sources and Malay historical texts shows that a few important currency units were not mentioned by Western scholars. Example include: jekketun, mas ashrafĳi bun-duki, mas ibrahim misri, and rupiah Bengali.

Materials Used as Payments and Items Used as Commodity Money

Many items such as precious metals, gems and currencies based in gold, silver, tin, copper and others metals had been used not only in trading and commerce, but also as payments for allowances, tributes, fĳines, taxes and bribes, in addi-tion to other applications. Information on these payments was recorded in all the old Malay chronicles.

Analysis of the following passages originating from primary sources allows us to discover the various fĳields for the use of money, precious metals and gems in Malay society. For example:

27 Cortesao, A. (ed.) (1967) Suma Oriental of Tome Pires. London: Macmillan & Co., p. 275, Gibb, H. A. R. (ed.) (1969) Ibn Battuta. Travels in Asia and Africa, 1325–1354. London: Routledge & K. Paul, p. 273.

28 Ahmad Jelani Halimi (2006) Perdagangan Dan Perkapalan Melayu Di Selat Melaka. Abad ke-15 hingga ke-18. Kuala Lumpur: DBP, p. 151.



29

29 Emas urai — gold dust.

Items used as payments

Text (source) Used as payment for:

Emas

Perak

Rial

“. . . bepersembahkan segala kemenangannya

seperti penunggul dan ufti dan persembah

sekalian negeri . . . beberapa daripada emas

dan perak dan rial dan senjata, dan

berbagai warna kain dan urung dan lilin dan

sarang burung dan tikar rotan dan kajang”.

(HRP 131(66))

Tributes:

The tributes content:

silver, gold, rial,

weaponry, textiles,

wax, rattan, bird

nests, rattan mats,

awnings

Emas

perak

permata

“Maka berbangkit segala raja-raja dan

orang besyar-besyar dan segala perdana

menteri dan segala hulubalang dan segala

pandita dan ulama dan segala hukama

menaburkan emas dan perak dan permata dan ratna mutu manikam kepada kaki Raja

Iskandar. Maka tertimbuhlah segala emas

dan ratna mutu manikam itu di hadapan

Raja Iskandar, seperti busut dua tiga

timbunnya. Maka sekalian arta itu

disedekahlah akan segala fakir dan miskin”.

(SM 4–5(6–7))

Dowries

Donations

Emas “. . . suatu pun tiada pusaka beta tinggalkan

akan dia melainkan emas empat buah canda

peti. Empat orang membawa dia”.

(SM 92(111))

Wasiat/Will of

inheritance

emas urai29 “. . . dan membawa emas urai tujuh tahlil . . .

diberikannya kepada Tun Muda”.

(SM 98(120))

Awards

Duit

Emas

Adapun adat segala orang-orang muda-

muda Tun Hassan temenggung, apabila ia

hal tiada belanja, maka ia berkata pada Tun

Hassan Temenggung “Tuangku,

sekarangleboh kita tiada betul, banyak kedai

yang hanjor-menganjor, baik juga tuanku

membetuli; kalau-kalau duli Yang Dipertuan

berangkat dilihat baginda leboh tiada betul,

Rasywah/bribes



(cont.)30

30 See: Shellabear, W. G. (ed.) (1956) Sejarah Melayu or Malay annals ed. by W. G. Shellabear. Singapore.



murka kelak akan tuanku.” Maka kata Tun

Hassan Temenggung “Baiklah pergi kamu

semua dengan perdanta rentangi tali leboh

itu”. Maka segala orang muda-muda Tun

Hassan Temenggung pun pergilah dengan

pertanda merentang tali, maka oleh segala

orang muda-muda, pada tengah rumah

saudagar yang kaya-kaya itu direntanginya

tali, disurohnya robohkan; maka segala

saudagar itu menyorong, ada yang seratus,

ada yang dua ratus, ada yang tiga puloh,

empat puloh kepada seorang. Maka

diambilnya oleh segala orang muda-muda

Tun Hassan Temenggong, diperbahaginya

ramai-ramai dengan segala pertanda, itulah

makanannya. Maka tali itu pun

diperbuatnyalah seperti sebenarnya, dan

segala kedai yang hanjor-menganjor itu juga

disurohnya buang” (SM 37(211–212))30

daf ’a

barang-

barang emas

. . . Maka Sultan Ala ad-Din memeri titah

kepada Penghulu Anbia membawa alangan

daripada tutup sanggul mas dan subang

mas dan gelang mas dan beberapa dari

papakian (HA 47(22))

Wedding gifts

Dowries

mas sunnia

permata

mutiara

Maka pada suatu kampil daripada mas sunnia yang merah dua belas mutu sekira-

kira seribu banyaknya. Maka suatu

perbuahan mas daripada permata yang

indah-indah dan sepuluh ratldaripada

mutiara yang besar-besar, dan berapa ratl daripada kesturi dan ‘ambar. (HA 91–92(40))

Dowries



(cont.)



Dinar “. . . maka tatkala itu penghulu pendekar pun

dikaruniai akan dia tujuh persalinan

daripada pakaian yang indah-indah dan dinar seratus” (HA 203(83))

Awards

Wang Jika tuanku kurang belanja perang, di atas

patiklah yang mengeluarkan, asal tuanku

boleh menjadi raja. Biar habis wang patik

yang sepuluh laksa itu patik sembahkan

kepada duli raja. (HS 419(119))

War expenses

Emas “Maka Sultan Anum pun hendak mengutus

ke Betawi, minta tolong kepada kompeni

Olanda. Maka sultan Anum menyuruh ke

betawi membawak barang emas, ada setengah pikul, yang dikirimkan ke Betawi . . .

Maka [sultan Lema Abang — sultan yang

kedua di Palembang yang berperang dengan

Sultan Anum — T. D.] menyuruh pergi ke

Betawi membawak surat dan satu cembul emas”. (HS 419(119))

Rasywah/bribes

Wang “Maka Yamtuan raja Alam pun mufakat,

dapat orang, tiga puluh orang, sama mahu

mengamuk. Dan sudah putus bicara bahagi wang tiga ribu seorang”. (HS 467(150))

Payment to thieves

ringgit “Maka datang penyuruh Kerangka jelusin,

persembah keranjang gula batu, tiga

keranjang . . . Maka suruh dibuka olah yang

Dipertuan, hendak dibahagi. Dan serta

dilihat, maka tampak ringgit, seribu satu

keranjang”. (HS 491(166))

Rasywah/bribes

Rial Adalah pada waktu itu baginda kurang

belanja. Hendak mintak kepada orang

palembang, malu baginda. Maka kata

Tengku Abdul Rahman “Jangan susah

tuanku, kerana orang Palembang berjudi,

siang menyabung, malam berjudi. Patik

mengambil rial orang Palembang”

(HS 496(169))

Gambling taxes



(cont.)



Rial “. . . dan Sultan Palembang menyuruh hantar

wang bekal anakanda, selaksa rial”.

(HS 500(172))

Support

sutera Maka orang Siantan semuanya bertimbang

hukum akan kain sutera. (HS 501(173))

Fines/penalties

Emas Dan lalu disuruh tuan dari Terentang oleh

sultan, membawak hukum, sekati emas.

(HS 531(194))

Fines/penalties

Rial Serta sampai di Melaka lalu naik,

mendapatkan Bandar, yang hendak minta

berhutang. dan lalu diberinya empat puluh rial. (HS 574(224))

Debt payment

ringgit

rupiah

timah

Maka Tengku Akil pun diambil di Muntok,

dan diberi belanja seratus ringgit sebulan

dan beras dua koyan. Dan selama diam di

Muntok, orang beasr hendak memberi gaji

tujuh ratus rupiah, Tengku Akil tiada mahu.

Dan barang bila mintak timah, diberi berapa

saja, tiada kurang belanja.

(HS 594(238))

Salary payment

ringgit

rial

rupiah

“Maka kata Tengku Akil “Baiklah kita ikut

juga. Tapi di dalam kita menanti itu, kita ini

ada kurang belanja. Bagaimana itu bicara?”

Maka kata residen: “Boleh kita tolong

belanja, dua ratus rupiah satu bulan. dan

beras lima puluh pikul, kita kasih”. Dan hari

itu juga diberinya wang dan beras. Dan

diberikan adinda Tengku Simbuk tiga puluh rial”. (HS 598(241))

Salary payment

rupiah dan kepada suatu hari, hendak diberinya

gaju segala kawan-kawan, delapan rupiah

dan beras, dan ikan, dan minyak, dan raja

Simpuk tujuh puluh ripiah, dan anak Tengku

Said lima puluh rupiah, Dan janji dua bulan

kerana Tengku Simbuk tiada mahu makan

gaji. (HS 601(243))

Payment to pirates



(cont.)



ringgit Dan jikalau dia melawan (Tengku Akil —

T/D/) , kita ada susah, kiranya orang dalam

satu pangeran, seribu orangnya. . . . Biarlah

kita timbang kesalahannya sepuluh laksa ringgit, jangan jadirosak ini negeri.

(HS 623–624(258))

Ransom

emas urai kemudian daripada itu Yang Dipertuan Kecil

menimbang emas wasiat Datu’ Sayid Yasin

yang disuruhnya pulangkan ke negeri Arab

pada warisnya. Banyaknya tujuh kati urai Benggala (PSNJ 37.12)

Wasiat/Will of

inheritance

Rial “Maka adalah memberi Enci’ Abdul Ghafuur

akan isterinya permata cincin dan cepir

perak dan kain dan rial lima puluh rial”. (PSNJ 50.5)

Wedding gifts

Rial “Pada satu masa memalui perintah bandar

Bukit batu itu maka kenalah hukuman dua puluh rial”. (TN 53(56))

Fines and penalties

bahara wang “Maka lalu berjanji Raja Kedah dengan opu-

opu itu apabila hasil maksudnya itu maka

iapun hendak memberi hadiah kepada opu

itu yang membantunya lima belas bahara wang”. (TN 80(83))

Salary payment

Wang Syahdan maka baginda Sultan Suleiman

serta yang Dipertuan Muda . . . serta orang

besar-besar sekalian, banyaklah beroleh

hasil daripada cukai-cukai dan labuh batu. (TN 119(122))

Taxes

Taxes on precious

stones

ringgit adalah banyaknya hutang marhum itu

tersebut di dalam siarah karangan Engku

busu iaitu tujuh laksa tujuh ribu tujuh ratus tujuh puluh tujuh ringgit. Dan tersebut di

dalam siarah sebelah Selangor banyaknya

hutang marhum itu kepada gebernur iaitu tujuh laksa, tiga ribu, empat ratuslima puluh tujuh ringgit. Syahdan yang dua kaul

itu entahkan mana yang benar wallahu

a’lam. (TN 161(170))

Debts

War expenses



(cont.)



Wang “Maka berlayar ia ke Siantan, lalulah

dibencinya orang-orang Siantan itu dengan

keluar wang dan harta jadi persembahan

kepadanya”. (TN 168(178))

Rasywah/Bribes

jekketun

ringgit

rupiah

“Maka selesai daripada maulud memberi

sedekah, ada yang kena jekketun, ada yang

dapat ringgit, ada yang dapat rupiah”.(TN 218(235))

Donations and

charity

Emas “Maka dihukumkan Cina-Cina itu sekati

emas karena dicari yang membunuhnya itu

tiada dapat keterangan”. (TN 261(283))

Fines and penalties

ringgit “Maka mengajilah ia serta disuruhkannya

anak-anaknya dan pegawai-pegawainya

mengaji. Apabila khatam diberinya qari itu

wang peratus-ratus ringgit”. (TN 305(332))

Payment to religious

scholars (alim)

Rupiah

tembaga

“Setelah itu Arong Belawah pun diberi oleh

gebermen gaji lima ratus rupiah tembaga”.

(TN 344(374))

Salaryies to village

headmen (penghulu)

Timah “Dan ada timah-timah Raja Ahmad itu

sedikit diterimanya piutang-piutang di

Singapura. Sayid Hasyim itulah menjualkan

serta dikumpulkannyalah wangnya dan

diserahkannya kepada Raja Ahmad”.

(TN 345(375))

Receivables

ringgit “Suruhan Engku puteri pun datanglah

mendapatkan Raja Ahmad serta ada

membawa wang tiga ribu ringgit berkirim

kepada Raja Ahmad, barangkali wang yang

dibawanya pergi haji itu sudah habis.

(TN 352(383))

Expenditures on Haj/

Pilgrimage



(cont.)



ringgit “Kemudian daripada itu balik ia (Syeikh

Ismail) ke Makkah al-Musyarrafah serta

dibekalkan oleh Yang Dipertuan Muda Raja

Ali kira-kira empat ribu ringgit serta

beberapa perkakas-perkakas”.

(TN 427(438))

Payment to religious

scholars (alim)

ringgit “Engku Haji pun mengeluarkanlah wangnya

kira-kira seribu tujuh ratus ringgit memberi

segala anak saudaranya yang daif-daif itu”.

(TN 433(445))

Charities and

donation

An analysis of the above information shows the level of development in the fĳinancial system and the use of currency in various aspects of life. Money as a medium of exchange has been used not only in urban areas and in the conduct of international trade, but also in remote areas. This rejects the theory that “money plays an important role in port cities only. In remote areas . . . money does not play any role.”31

Western scholars usually focus their attention on the usage of money, pre-cious metals and gems as means of payment in trade; tax systems and the repayment of receivables. Most of them however, have neglected to mention the use of these materials as gifts, dowries, awards, payment for charity (dona-tions), honorariums for religious scholars (‘Élim) and teachers, salaries for village authorities, payments for pilgrimage expenditures, and as inherited properties. They also fail to mention the usage of money, precious metals and gems as bribes and payments to pirates and corsairs. Drawing on this, it is clear that Malay historical texts contain a signifĳicant amount of important informa-tion that has yet to be described in Western economic works.

Trade Receivables and Payables

Van Leur and other specialists usually consider trade and monetary systems as having developed only in the cities and port areas. According to S. Arasaratnam,

31 Regarding this matter see among others: Arasaratnam, S. (1972) Pre-Modern Commerce and Society in Southeast Asia. Kuala Lumpur, p. 20; Halimi, Ahmad Jelani (2006) Perdagangan Dan Perkapalan Melayu Di Selat Melaka. Abad ke-15 hingga ke-18. Kuala Lumpur: DBP, p. 148.



“In the 17th century, the system of bills of exchange came into vogue in many ports . . . But this monetized economy did not extend much beyond the port or city. The hinterland was the wide area of non-monetized or only partially mon-etized sector which existed unafffected by all this brisk commercial activity.”32

A variety of information may be found in Malay historical texts on trade in villages, as for example in the Dayak area. It showed that there was already in existence a system of receivable trading and a currency that was utilised as a unit of payment.

Maka turunlah segala kepala-kepala Dayak serta anak-anak buahnya bembeli dagan-gan itu. Maka lakulah separuh dagangan itu, akan tetapi ada yang bertangguh jadi ter-sangkut kerana di hutang-hutang oleh dayak-dayak itu. (TN 91(93)) . . . Maka dayak salih pun hendak bertangguh lagi tiga bulan, maka Demang rilaga pun berkata “Tiada-lah kita mahu selama-lama ini, apa diperbuat tiada mencarikan wang orang atau dagangan? (TN 94(96))

The credit and receivables trading system has existed in the Malay world since the old days and was found to be in existence throughout the Archipelago. According to Leonard Y. Andaya (1987), “. . . about eight to ten Chinese barges used to be seen (at Riau) selling their merchandise on credit for two to three weeks every year. The buyers, usually protected by the Rich Men, would then try and sell the merchandise they had just bought to obtain profĳits as required by the Chinese merchants. This system encouraged competition among the state leaders and there evolved a fĳield of influence and a prominent individual would emerged. The way this protection system was conducted has caused the Dutch to pass caustic comment on the condition of Johor state afffairs, that is ‘everyone does as he wishes as if there is no king or government.’ ”33

The credit and receivables trading system was based on the principle of individual responsibility (for patrons, Rich Men, and merchants) and collec-tive responsibility (for buyers from one village, families and others). Thus, the system advanced the moral principle that emphasized the concept of fair trade, trust between trading partners, liability and safety in the area of debts pay-ment. This ethical aspect is usually ignored in Western studies.

In the Tuhfat al-Nafĳis, we witness a moral concept of business solution via a letter whose contents are as follows:

32 Arasaratnam, S. (1995) Maritime Trade, Society and European Influence in Southern Asia, 1600–1800. Variorum: Hampshire, p. 20.

33 Andaya, Leonard Y. (1987) Kerajaan Johor 1641–1728. Pembangunan ekonomi dan politik. Kuala Lumpur: DBP, p. 52.



[the letter from Raja Mempawah the father of Gusti Jameril To Pangeran Dipati]

adalah paduka anakanda maklumkan kepada paduka ayahanda, paduka anakanda menyuruhkan pacal tua Demang Rilaga mengambil perahu yang di Pangkalan salih dengan segera, sebab kerana paduka cunda itu Gusti Jameril segera balik ke Betawi, memulangkan segala wang-wang saudagar tokoh yang di Betawi itu, kerana perjanji-annya sudah lampau dengan janjinya sebelum lagi datang tunggunya saudagar-saudagar itu. Maka apabila datangtunggu-tunggunya orang kelak baharu pergi apalah nama cunda itu Jameril. Jadi akhir-akhirnya orang tidak percaya dan paduka kakanda Mayur mendapat aib. Maka aib juga paduka ayahanda, kerana sekali belum dua kali belum menyambut modal orang. Syahdan adapun daripada fasal paduka ayahanda hendak memperbuat hamba, iaitu paduka cunda Si Jameril itu semolek-moleknya, akan tetap-inya hak orang selesaikan dahulu. Nanti apabila balik ia kelak, mana-mana saja sabda paduka ayahanda, dan jikalau begini hari tentu dikata orang sudah diambil modal orang banyak-banyak. Kemudian diperbinikan pula dan ibu bapa datuk nenek di Betawi ditanggungkan hutang. Bukankah satu pekerjaan yang tiada baik? Itulah ana-kanda maklumkan. Syahdan haraplah paduka anakanda akan paduka ayahanda akan menyegerakan terbitnya hutang-hutang dayak-dayak itu supaya jangan jadi bersang-kutan. (TN 93–94(96)).

In the Tuhfat al-Nafĳis, is found the mode of debt payment, delay in debt payment and postponement of debt payment:

Kemudian bertitah pula Yang Dipertuan Muda itu kepada kapitan kapal itu “Adapun daripada hutang marhum gubernur raja Melaka itu, kitalah yang akan memba-yarnya”. . . . Kita maklumkan kepada gubernur, kita minta tempoh tiga bulan keempat. Maka apabila sampai tiga bulan keempat maka datanglah terima ke Riau ini”. (TN 160(169))

The refusal to pay offf debts and breaches of loan agreements were the usual reasons for fĳighting and warfare. For example, when the Raja of Kedah refused to pay offf debts to the Bugis, the Raja of Bugis attacked the state:

. . . patik waki’nya menuntut perjanjian itu menjadi perang, sebab kerana janjinya, kerana Kedah sudah makmur, kerana perjanjian opu-opu dahulu. Apabila makmur negeri Kedah adalah belanja-belanja Opu-Opu melanggar Kedah dahulu patutlah hen-dak diganti. Serta ada pula perjanjian lain daripada itu iaitu lima belas bahara wang. Maka sudah dibayar tiga bahara tinggal lagi dua belas bahara, sudah berpuluh tahun belum juga raja Kedah menyempurnakan perjanjiannya itu, . . . Maka jawab Yang Dipertuan Selangor “Jikalau begitu, baiklah kita pergi sendiri. (TN 199(213))

In his book, Ahmad Jelani Halimi (2006) explains that the sultans and Malay rulers were the primary creditors in their states. In a letter to the Sultan of Kedah, Sultan Abdullah Mukarram Syah (1778–1798), several Culia people applied for a loan to buy a boat and a few elephants for trading in India. In



addition to this, J. Crawfurd (1967) posits that the rulers of several states in the Malay Archipelago were said to charge interests for loans given.34 The Sejarah Melayu documented several cases of Malay rulers giving loans to the merchants and dignitaries and in the process obtaining handsome profĳits:

Maka sultan menyuruh memberi belanja, sebulan seribu rial, dan beras tiga koyan sebulan. (HS 499(171))

Dan adalah bekal ia pergi itu wang yang dibekalkan oleh Engku Puteri paduka kakanda itu, iaitu sepuluh ribu ringgit, dan jumlah serta dengan wang-wang Raja Ahmad sendiri kira-kira belas ribu ringgit semua modal pergi itu. (TN 345(375))

. . . kesusahanlah segala anak raja-raja serta orang tua-tua yang di dalam Pulau Penyen-gat itu. Maka datanglah kebanyakan orang mendorong kepada Engku Haji Muda mana-mana yang tiada mempunyai daya upaya. Maka Engku Haji pun mengeluarkan-lah wangnya kira-kira seribu tujuh ratus ringgit memberi segala anak saudaranya yang daif-daif itu. (TN 433(445))

It is a fact that the sultans of the various Malay states, nobility and their fami-lies often took loans from merchants and European administrators. An exam-ple, as mentioned above is found in the words of Engku Haji: “Maka mana-mana yang kurang-kurang itu berhutanglah ia kepada Cina hingga sampailah seribu tinggit adanya”. (TN 433(445)). It was also reported that partners in European administration often gave to the local raja for the purpose of spending:

Adapun pada pihak belanjanya atas gubernur Melaka mengeluarkan semuanya. . . . dan beberapa pula gebernur Melaka mengeluarkan belanja-belanja kepada kapitan Melayu akan sedekah pada hari menanamnya. (TN 239(258))

Tengku Ali pergi ke Muntok mencari beras. Sampai di Muntok, bertemu dengan Mejar Kot, minta tolong beras. Lalu diberi mejar Kot beras dua koyan wang empat ratus. (ringgit) (HS 595(238))

Most of the Western scholars and a number of local economists were in the practice of studying the history of economics and trade in the Malay world from the context of European influence on Southeastern Asia. This is easily apparent from the titles of their works: Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago between 1500 and about 1630 (by M. A. P. Meilink-Roelofsz), Asia before Europe. Economy and Civilization of the Indian Ocean

34 Crawfurd, J. (1967) History of Indian Archipelago. London, p. 143; Halimi, Ahmad Jelani (2006) Perdagangan Dan Perkapalan Melayu Di Selat Melaka, Abad ke-15 hingga ke-18. Kuala Lum-pur: DBP, p. 142; Hussin, Nordin (2009) Trade and Society in the straits of Melaka. Dutch Melaka and English Penang, 1780–1830. Singapore: NUS Press & NiAS Press.



from the Rise of Islam to 1750 by K. N. Chaudhuri; and S. Arasaratnam’s work Maritime Trade, Society and European Influence in Southern Asia, 1600–1800. In their publications, they discuss global issues of economics, alongside their study of international trade and commercial relations between countries and huge colonial companies, in addition to their analysis of the overall volume of goods sold in the markets. Furthermore, they count the total amount ofdebts as a whole. However, their Eurocentric view rarely addresses the internal prob-lems of particular local societies and Sultanates. An analysis of Malay historical chronicles help to remedy the lack of this information.

In the Tuhfat al-Nafĳis, there was evidence of the amount of debt owed by the sultan of Johor to the Dutch colonial administration.

adalah banyaknya hutang marhum itu tersebut di dalam siarah karangan Engku Busu iaitu tujuh laksa tujuh ribu tujuh ratus tujuh puluh tujuh ringgit. Dan tersebut di dalam siarah sebelah Selangor banyaknya hutang marhum itu kepada gebernur iaitu tujuh laksa, tiga ribu, empat ratuslima puluh tujuh ringgit. Syahdan yang dua kaul itu entahkan mana yang benar wallahu a’lam. (TN 161(170))

A comparative analysis of debt and salary with respect to the price of goods may help one understand the value of currency and the living standards of the people in the various states. For example, in the Hikayat Siak, a salary paid by the British to Tengku Akil — a nobleman from Siak who led a troop of soldiers — consisted of 500–700 rupiah. His relatives received 150 rupiah; his children received 100 rupiah; his sailors and soldiers and ordinary soldiers received 8–12 rupiah; while the juru batu and navigator received 15 rupiah, in addition to payments to a local king who helped the British, which consisted of 70 rupiah. A salary paid to Arong Bilawa, a local headman, by the Dutch resi-dence was 500 rupiah. This was similar to the payment made to Tengku Akil as a compensation for Karimata Island (Pulau Pontianak).

“Jika ada kurnia Tuan Besar sahaya mintak enam puluh ribu rupiah” Maka titah Tuan Besar “Boleh, ambillah wang, semuanya sekali”. Dan mayur Tengku Akil tiada mahu terima semuanya dan mahu ambil di Jawa, sepuluh ribu satu tahun.

The price of rice (which was considered cheap during the time) amounted to 3 rupiah per pikul, while the price of a ship was 19 thousand rupiah and a warship for Sultan Mahmud was 60 thousand rupiah.

According to the Tuhfat al-Nafĳis, payment to a mercenary was as much as 500 ringgit; the salary of a religious scholar in Riau was hundreds of ringgit; and payment by Yang Dipertuan Muda of Johor to a religious teacher that was from Mecca al-Musyariah totalled 4,000 ringgit; payment for awards from the Dutch



administrator to a person for the capture of Tengku Akil amounted to 100,000 ringgit; and the total amount payable for violating Linggi as charged by the Dutch administrator was 77,777 to 73,457 ringgit. Additionally, the price of a Hajj trip was 14,000 ringgit, the price of a ship was 400–1,000 ringgit; the price of Siantan woven silk cloth was 8 ringgit, and Siamese rice was 10 ringgit per koyan.

The total fĳines in Bukit Batu town for violating commercial laws was 20 rial; tribute payment from Minagkabau people to their kings was 20 rial; payment to a local chief by the Sultan of Palembang was 1,000 rial per month; payment to the son of the sultan was 10,000 rial; and the total amount of money confĳis-cated received by pirates for colliding with a European boat was 500,000 rial. Furthermore, payment to a royalty who became a mercenary was 30 rial; the price of barang taruh was 446 rial; and dowry was priced at 50 rial. Meanwhile, the price of a boat was 30 rial; a pair of pants was 5 rial; and the price of a buf-falo was 100 rial.

During the administration of the Johor government, there was already in existence a system of social hierarchy in the Malay world. Standard of living of the people was dependent on their social status. As a rule, only dignitaries could affford ships or perform the hajj at their own expense. Nevertheless, rice and other food items were cheap (at a time when the economy was stable and the country prospered).

Taxes

An analysis of materials related to money and payments recorded in Muslim Malay historical texts clearly shows the existence of a fĳinancial system with specifĳic characteristics in Malay states from the 13th to the 19th century. According to the Tuhfat al-Nafĳis, during the reign of Yang Dipertuan Muda Bugis in Johor (the author considered this a fair and just government and an era of economic prosperity), the government and the sultan of Johor as well as several dignitaries benefĳited tremendously from taxes:

Syahdan maka baginda Sultan Suleiman serta yang Dipertuan Muda . . . serta orang besar-besar sekalian, banyaklah beroleh hasil daripada cukai-cukai dan labuh batu. (TN 119 (122))

The above information showed that taxes were one of the basic sources of wealth for the State of Johor. The same information was found in a letter by Governor Thyssen (Melaka, 11 November 1661): “Johor is no more an isolated and backward port, and now more revenue is flowing into the ruler’s treasury



since his highness benefĳited from one tax, that is, ¼ loads from all ships trad-ing in Johor.”35

At that time, it was appropriate (in accordance) with the agreement between the Johor sultanate and the Johor Dutch administration (1639, 1642 A.D.) that Johor still possesses the right to oversee trading and collect taxes in the state. Another agreement achieved between Johor and Acheh in 1665 resulted in the growth of trade in Johor, that is: “the Achehnese now bring their goods straight to Bengkali and Johor . . . revenues from territories in Johor such as Muar, Klang, Sungai Ujung, Rembau and others which are tax free from the Dutch and add to the list of goods found in the ports.”36

Conclusion

An analysis of old Malay texts or chronicles (Hikayat Raja Pasai, Sejarah Melayu, Hikayat Aceh, Hikayat Siak, Peringatan Sejarah Negri Johor, Tuhfat al-Nafĳis) shows that a lot of information on the fĳinancial system, taxation, payments, currency and their uses can be found in these texts. All the informa-tion may be classifĳied under the following headings: money and currency, mer-chandise being used as substitutes for money; the price of merchandise; sys-tem of payment (allowances, tributes, fĳines, taxes, bribery, and others); the credit system andtrade receivables; among others.

Precious metals, gems and gold currency, silver, tin, copper and others were used not only in trading, but also as other payments such as allowances, trib-utes, fĳines, taxes, bribery and others. This information regarding payments is recorded in all Malay historical texts that have been selected as the objects of our study.

The price of goods, total amount of debt, total salary and other payments were also discussed. A comparative analysis of the information would help one to understand the value of currency and the standard of living of the people in the various countries.

An analysis of the information about the fĳinancial and taxation systems recorded in the old Malay texts exhibited the level of economic development and the fĳinancial system in the Malay world between the 13th and 19th centu-ries, as well as their specifĳic characteristics.

35 “Letter from Governor Thyssen of Malacca to Betawi, 11.11.1661” in Kolonial Archief (KA) 1126, Overgekoman Brieven (OB — Incoming Letters from Batavia) 1662, fol. 706. Extracted from: Andaya, Leonard Y. (1987) Kerajaan Johor 1641–1728. Pembangunan ekonomi dan politik. Kuala Lumpur: DBP, p. 97.

36 Ibid., p. 101.



It was evident that the system of fĳinance was widely used in the Malay world since the 13th century, and that the level of development was also high. This proves that since the old days and especially at the time of Islam, the Malay states joined the larger fĳinancial system of the Islamic world (especially during the Malaccan and Aceh Darussalam Age) and also became a part of the Western world’s fĳinancial system.

References

al-Attas, Syed Muhammad Naquib (1993) Islam and Secularism. Kuala Lumpur: ISTAC.Alfĳiah. Teuku Ibrahim (ed.) (1973) Kronika Pasai. Sebuah Tinjauan Sejarah. Yogyakarta. Andaya, Leonard Y. (1987) Kerajaan Johor 1641–1728. Pembangunan ekonomi dan politik. Kuala

Lumpur: DBP.Arasaratnam, S. (1972) Pre-Modern Commerce and Society in Southeast Asia. Kuala Lumpur:

MBRAS.——. (1995) Maritime Trade, Society and European Influence in Southern Asia, 1600–1800. Hamp-

shire: Variorum.Chaudhuri, K. N. (1990) Asia before Europe. Economy and Civilisation of the Indian Ocean from the

Rise of Islam to 1750. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cortesao, A. (ed.) (1967) Suma Oriental of Tome Pires. London: Macmillan & Co.Crawfurd, J. (1967) History of Indian Archipelago. London: Constable.Dulaurier, Edouard (ed.) (1849) Collection des Principalec Chroniques Malayes. Premier fascicule

La chronique du Royaume de Pasey. Paris. Gibb, H. A. R. (ed.) (1969) Ibn Battuta. Travels in Asia and Africa, 1325–1354. London: Routledge &

K. Paul.Haji Salleh, Muhammad (ed.) (1997) Sulalat al-Salatin, ya’ni Perteturun segala Raja-Raja (Sejarah

Melayu/ Malay Annals). Karangan Tun Seri Lanang. Studied and introduced by Muhammad Haji Salleh. Kuala Lumpur: Yayasan Karyawan & DBP.

Halimi, Ahmad Jelani (2006) Perdagangan Dan Perkapalan Melayu Di Selat Melaka. Abad ke-15 hingg ke-18. Kuala Lumpur: DBP.

Hall, K. R. (1985) Maritime Trade and State Development in Early Southeast Asia. Honolulu: Univer-sity of Hawaii Press.

Hashim. Muhammad Yusofff (ed.) (1992) Hikayat Siak. Diravikan oleh Tengku Said. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

Hill, A. H. (ed.) (1960) Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai. JMBRAS. Hussin, Nordin (2009) Trade and society in the straits of Melaka. Dutch Melaka and English

Penang, 1780–1830. Singapore: NUS Press and NiAS Press.Iskandar, Teuku (ed.) (2001) Hikayat Aceh. Kuala Lumpur: Yayasan Karyawan.Jones, Russel (ed.) (1987) Hikayat Raja Pasai. Kuala Lumpur. —— (ed.) (1999) Hikayat Raja Pasai. Kuala Lumpur: Yayasan Karyawan & Penerbit Fajar Bakti. Kratz E. U. (ed.) (1973) Peringatan Sejarah Negri Johor. Eine malaische Quelle zur Geschichte Johors

im 18. Jahrhundert. Wiesbaden. “Letter from Governor Thyssen of Malacca to Betawi, 11.11.1661”, inKolonial Archief (KA) 1126, Over-

gekoman Brieven (OB — Incoming Letters from Batavia) 1662, fol. 706.Leur, J. C. van (1967) Indonesian Trade and society. Essays in Asian Social and Economic History.

The Hague: W. van Hoefe Publishers Ltd. Matheson Hooker, V. (ed.) (1991) Tuhfat al-Nafĳis. Sejarah Melayu-Islam. Kuala-Lumpur: DBP.



Mead. J. P. (ed.) (1914) “A Romanised version of the Hikayat Raja-raja Pasai ”. JSBRAS 66 (Singapore, 1914):1–55.

Meilink-Roelofsz, M. A. P. (1962) Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipel-ago between 1500 and about 1630. The Hague: Martinus Nijhofff.

Richards, D. S. (ed.) (1970) Islam and the Trade of Asia. A Colloquium. Oxford: Bruno Cassirer Ltd.Shellabear, W. G. (ed.) (1956) Sejarah Melayu or Malay annals ed. by W. G. Shellabear. Singapore:

Malaya Publishing House.Wolters, O. W. (1974) Early Indonesian Commerce. A Study of the Origins of Srivijaya. Ithaca and

London: Cornell University Press.


malay islamic historiography ca. xiii–xix regarding ... · 1 hikayat raja pasai (hrp) is a tale...

Documents