bumbuli - yesterday, today and tomorrow

1BUMBULI - Yesterday Today Tomorrow.January Y Makamba

BumbuliYesterday, Today and Tomorrow

2 BUMBULI - Yesterday Today Tomorrow.

Bumbuli has a very young population. Once you set foot there, as in almost everywhere in rural Tanzania, you easily notice that children constitute a big part of the population. 76% of Bumbuli population is below the age of 35, and 55% below the age of 20.

1BUMBULI - Yesterday Today Tomorrow.

Table of ContentsIntroduction 5

Data sources and methodology 9

Part 1: Yesterday 10

1.0 A natural history of the Usambara Mountains 11

1.1 A human history of the Usambara Mountains 12

Part 2: Today 16

2.0 The People of Bumbuli 17

2.1 Population profile 17

2.2 Population density 19

2.3 Demographic profile 19

3.0 Bumbuli’s economy 23

3.1 Main economic occupations in Lushoto District and rural Bumbuli 23

3.2 Land use in Bumbuli 26

3.3 Bumbuli’s soil has low natural fertility. 28

3.4 Diversity of agricultural production 30

4.0 Social services in Bumbuli 36

4.1 Education 36

4.2 Disease burden 41

4.3 Water sources and toilet facilities 43

4.4 Energy 44

4.5 Roads and transportation 46

5.0 The ‘typical’ resident of Bumbuli 49


6.0 Key insights about Bumbuli 50

7.0 Talking about Bumbuli in Bumbuli 52

8.0 Government initiatives 57

Part 3: Tomorrow 62

9.0 Bumbuli Transformation Framework 63

10.0 Objective 1: Raising farmers’ income 65

11.0 Objective 2: Creating new job and income opportunities 67

12.0 Objective 3: Transforming Bumbuli’s construction economy 68

13.0 Objective 4: Improving access to financial services 69

14.0 Objective 5: Bumbuli Development Corporation 70

Endnotes 72


List of figuresFigure 1. Population growth in Bumbuli (1988-2025) 17

Figure 2. Bumbuli’s population by ward (1988-2002) 18

Figure 3. Bumbuli age-sex distribution (2010 est.) 19

Figure 4. Bumbuli sex ratio by age group (2010, est.) 20

Figure 5. Migration patterns in Bumbuli (1988-2002) 21

Figure 6. Main occupations in Lushoto (2002) 23

Figure 7. Activities of the economically active adult population (Lushoto, 2002) 24

Figure 8. Economic participation by children and elders in Lushoto (2002) 25

Figure 9. Land use in Bumbuli 26

Figure 10. Intensity of land use in Bumbuli and Lushoto 27

Figure 11. Major household crops in humid, warm agro-ecological zone 30

Figure 12. Major household crops in dry warm agro-ecological zone 31

Figure 13. Average annual income per hectare - Mgwashi division (2005-08) 32

Figure 14. Education levels in Lushoto (2002) 36

Figure 15. Number of students per primary school in Bumbuli (2010) 37

Figure 16. Primary school students by class in Bumbuli (2009 & 2010) 38

Figure 17. Main outpatient diagnoses in Lushoto (2009) 41

Figure 18. Causes of disease-related deaths in Lushoto (2009) 42

Figure 19. Sources of water in Lushoto (2002 43

Figure 20. Sources of energy for lighting in Lushoto (2002) 44

Figure 21. Sources of energy for cooking in Lushoto (2002) 45

Figure 22. Lushoto’s road network 46

Figure 23. Means of transportation in Lushoto district 48

Figure 24. Lushoto District Council Spending (2008) 60


The Usambara Mountains are very old. They arose in a period of rifting between Africa and Madagascar 290-180 million years ago. Two blocks slid against each other along a fault or split in the earth. One block was uplifted to be the Usambaras, and another slumped to form the depression along which the Pangani River now fl ows.


IntroductionIn May 1984, towards the end of the holy month of Ramadhan, my grandfather Mzee Rajab Makamba, a devout Muslim,

fell ill and had to end his mandatory dawn-to-dusk fast. Diarrhoea and vomiting caused him to dehydrate quickly. There

was no health facility in our village, Mahezangulu, in the mountainous Lushoto District. The roads were non-existent and my

grandfather could not get to a distant dispensary in one of the main centres in the District. We were able to get a Medical

Assistant from one of the villages further up the mountains to come, by bicycle, to my grandfather’s bedside. He had some

rehydration kits, but no diagnosis was made and no medication was prescribed. My grandfather died three days later. He

was 63. Many thought he had succumbed to cholera, and to avoid its spread, food was not served during his funeral.

In June of 1836, Nathan Rothschild, one of the richest men in the world at the time, fell ill on his way from London to Frankfurt

to attend his son’s wedding. He left London suffering from an infl ammation in his lower back which a physician diagnosed

as a boil. A reputable doctor in London could not cure the problem. A leading German surgeon was called in to open and

clean the wound. This also did not work, and Nathan Rothschild died on 28 July 1836. He was 59. He may have died of

staphylococcus or streptococcus septicaemia – what used to be called “blood poisoning”. Or the secondary contamination

from the surgeons’ knives may have killed him as this was an era in which neither bactericides nor antibiotics existed. The

man who could buy anything died of a routine infection that is easily cured today.

What is similar between my grandfather and Nathan Rothschild? Very little. My grandfather was poor and illiterate. Rothschild

was immensely rich. But, despite being worlds apart in wealth and station, neither could be saved by medicine. Rothschild

died because, at the time, there was no way to know what his ailment was, and medicine was more luck than science. My

grandfather died even though it was possible to treat him and save his life.

The world has changed since 1836 and 1984, but some things have remained the same. Rothschild’s descendants are less

likely to meet their patriarch’s fate. But diarrhoea still claims the lives of many people in many parts of Tanzania, including

my village, Mahezangulu. Rothschild descendants live longer than my grandfather’s not just because of better medicine


but because of clean water and sanitation. The stream that my father

bathed in as a boy and my grandfather drank water from in 1984, is the

same one we depend on for all our water needs today. Cholera and other

gastrointestinal infections are frequent killers in rural Tanzania. Few things

demonstrate the poverty of a people than constant raids and deaths by

cholera.

In these two stories lies my motivation to understand the nature and

drivers of human progress. Over the years, we have pushed the frontiers

of our knowledge to detect and conquer bacteria, but the lives of the

majority of humanity, as my grandfather’s fate demonstrates, are ravaged

by these parasites.

This is an indictment against the nature and shape of the progress we

have pursued. It challenges our approach to social transformation. My

reflections on this issue and quest to understand the drivers of social

transformation inspired me to write this book. I decided to ground this

work on the land of my grandfather: Bumbuli, in Lushoto district because

I believe that deliberate efforts at social transformation must be based

on evidence and a deep understanding of the local context. As a primer

for policymakers and future leaders of Bumbuli, this book provides an

opportunity to thoroughly understand the pathologies and impediments to

development of Bumbuli and the drivers and unique opportunities leading

to the path of social transformation.

During the first six months of 2010, I talked to the people of Bumbuli

in Bumbuli, to understand their hopes and fears, their expectations and

aspirations. I made use of some professional advisers to collect and

analyse almost every available statistics and data – on almost everything. I


wanted to understand everything there is to understand about Bumbuli

– its people, its social and physical evolution, and the state of its

economic and social development. I conducted workshops and focus-

group discussions with select group of people in Bumbuli in seeking to

confirm or contradict what we found in initial data analysis.

This book is intended to be a profile of Bumbuli, a conceptual framework

for Bumbuli’s transformation; the basis for a contract between political

leaders and voters and a guide for investors, donors, visitors and

other partners. It is organised into three sections. Yesterday takes a

look at the natural and human history of Bumbuli and its people to

understand the cultural dynamics and make sense of the current

situation. Today, analyses the current state of affairs in all spheres of life

to illuminate impediments and possibilities. And Tomorrow, introduces

the framework for Bumbuli’s social transformation.

The findings in this book are illuminating and some are counterintuitive.

One thing is clear: the future of Bumbuli that its people hope to attain

cannot be imagined without bold new thinking from its leaders. More

importantly, Bumbuli’s transformation is impossible without inspiring in

the people a belief in their ability to change the course of their fortunes,

an appreciation of the limits of outside “agency” to transform their lives,

and a resolve to act and live in a manner that recognizes the strength

of their community.

While central government has a role to play in changing the quality of

life in Bumbuli, and it indeed has done a lot particularly in the past five

years, and will need to scale up investments in social services, I have


focused on what can be achieved through the people’s own effort and energy, private investment and social entrepreneurship

to expand job-creating and income-generating entrepreneurial activity in Bumbuli. The bold ambition is to create a working

sustainable local enterprise network, an ecosystem of ‘for-profit businesses, local communities, not-for-profit organisations

and other actors working in a self-organising way to create value in economic, social, human and ecological terms’. I envision

Bumbuli with hundreds if not thousands of thriving enterprises creating jobs and wealth and changing lives. These ideas are

inspired by Nobel Laureate, Muhammad Yunus, and his ‘social business’ model. They are also informed by the research on

sustainable local enterprise networks by York University’s Schulich School of Business in Toronto Canada, and a wide range

of emerging analysis on the effectiveness of incentive-driven models for social transformation.

The strategic objectives of the Bumbuli transformation initiative through the creation of a local enterprise network are as

follows:

1. To raise Bumbuli’s farmers’ incomes from existing crops by improving post-harvest handling, adding value and

aggregating agricultural output for better pricing.

2. To create new job and income opportunities in Bumbuli by attracting private investment in new training institutions

that will ‘import’ consumers in the form of students, teachers and administrative staff.

3. To transform the construction economy in Bumbuli by adopting new building material technologies that create jobs

and incomes while protecting the environment.

4. To bring some basic financial services to Bumbuli, either through the establishment of a community bank, or by

attracting an existing financial institution to establish a local presence.

5. To create a dedicated, self-sustaining Bumbuli Development Corporation (BDC) to initiate, coordinate, promote and

monitor the execution of the activities described above. BDC will act as the anchor for the Bumbuli sustainable local

enterprise network (Bumbuli-SLEN) and will engage in businesses with social objectives.


Data sources and methodology

This analysis is based on an extensive review of existing literature and data sources on the Usambara Mountains, Lushoto District and Bumbuli. Additional literature from global sources was also consulted to inform the conceptualisation of the Bumbuli transformation framework. These sources are indicated below the charts and in the footnotes.

Numerous interviews were held in April and May 2010 with key public officials in Lushoto and in eleven of the twelve wards of Bumbuli constituency. A two-day mini-scenario workshop was held in Soni ward with twenty members of the Bumbuli community on May 7-9, 2010 to discuss the initial data analysis, provide qualitative and contextual inputs and reflect on alternative possible futures that the community may encounter to 2020.

While it is important that the people of Bumbuli remain the main drivers of change in their community, these objectives will

benefit greatly from international partnership. Private individuals and foundations, charity organisations, non-governmental

organisations, foreign governments, Corporate entities and other partners will easily find roles to play in different aspects of

this important undertaking.

It may not be possible, in the foreseeable future, for the people of Bumbuli to enjoy the lives of the Rothschild descendants.

But they can escape my grandfather’s fate. Given the right leadership, and the commitment of the people, Bumbuli’s

transformation is both possible and achievable.

January Makamba

July 2010


Part 1:

YesterdayYesterday


Yesterday1.0 A natural history of the Usambara Mountains1

The Usambara mountains are part of the Eastern Arc Mountains, a crescent of eleven individual ancient mountain blocks, that run parallel to the Tanzanian coast. All lie in Tanzania except for the Taita Hills in Kenya. Some of the better known are the Ulugurus, towering over Morogoro, and the Udzungwas, most of which is now a National Park.

The Usambaras are very old. They arose in a period of rifting between Africa and Madagascar 290-180 million years ago. Two blocks slid against each other along a fault or split in the earth. One block was uplifted to be the Usambaras, and another slumped to form the depression along which the Pangani River now flows. The rock types are gneisses, meta-anorthisites and some marble. These mountains are not inherently fertile, when compared with the fertile volcanos that are Mount Kilimanjaro and Mount Meru further to the west.

There is exceptional biodiversity in the Usambaras. Occupying only 400 000 hectares, the mountains house 684 indigenous tree species and sub-species. By comparison the whole of western Europe hosts only 71 species of trees. That means 9.6 times as many tree species in the Usambaras as compared to Europe2. Of the 684 tree species, 195 were endemic or near endemic, which means they are found only in the Usambara mountains. The little forest at Mazumbai is estimated to have more species of plants than the entire Congo Basin.

The Usambaras are so biologically rich because of stability in geology and climate. There have been no major geological upheavals for 30 million years. Furthermore, the southeasterly trade winds shed their moisture here, and have been doing so for 30 million years. Due to this stability, the forests here have had a long time to evolve and form many species. The forests of the Usambaras were once continuous with those of the Central African rainforests, but became isolated from them millions of years ago. So this little refuge in the clouds, left undisturbed by climate change that occurred elsewhere, could continue with its evolution of many and unique species.


1.1 A human history of the Usambara Mountains

It’s unclear exactly when the first humans lived in the Usambaras, but is likely that people have been here for at least 2000 years. The evidence is from the early iron-smelting furnaces excavated by researchers. The forests must have been exploited at this early stage by people who hunted, gathered fruits, cultivated sorghum and millet, and had livestock.

An important event in the Usambara history was the arrival of the banana plant from Asia about 1000 years ago. Harvests from bananas were more reliable than from millet and sorghum, so this agricultural revolution must have boosted human population growth.

The WaMbugu are Cushites who migrated south from Ethiopia to settle in the Usambara Mountains in the 1700’s. The WaMbugu were well known as beekeepers and honey producers. Their neighbours were the WaSambaa, and from the WaMbugu they purchased beehives.

The first king of the WaSambaa was Mbegha, who, from the mid 1700’s started the Kilindi dynasty. Mbegha’s son, Bughe made his capital at Vuga, on a hilltop. The kingdom reached its height under Kimweri ya Nyumbai who ruled between early 1800’s to the 1860’s. The kingdom extended from the Pare mountains, down to the coast at Tanga and Pangani, and out onto the plains in the south and east. Early European travelers such as Johann Krapf (1848) and Burton and Speke (1857) called at Kimweri’s capital.

19th century Sambaa farmers: masters of diversification3

German botanists who visited the Usamabaras in the 1980s estimated that 80% of the farmland was under bananas, and a large variety of other crops were grown inside the banana groves. Men were responsible for irrigated banana home gardens that produced much of the staple food, whereas women were allocated more remote fields where they grew mostly maize. Farmers diversified crops, locations and seasons in order to minimize risk of hunger and ensure a year-round supply of food.

‘In Usambara…a cultivator had to take advantage of three different rainy seasons: March-May, November-December and August. He or she had to decide which crops to plant in the nyika, which in Shambaai and which in the higher zone near the forest. Although it was possible to plant most grains and beans in all seasons and in all zones, it was better to plant in the


nyika and in the south Shambaai (Vugha and Bumbuli) in the longer rainy season (March-May), in north Shambaai (Mlalo and Mlola) in November-December and in higher Shambaai in August.’

Research shows that early European travelers describe the Sambaa as skilled farmers; growing bananas in the mountains and maize in the plains; combining many indigenous plants and tubers; keeping cattle and sheep and using manure for fertilizer; building long irrigation systems and sophisticated ways of soil conservation and fertility improvement.

New forces: guns, colonialists and cash

The second half of the 19th century was a difficult time for the people of the Usambaras. Trade had brought firearms into the area and the Kilindi fought many wars with rebelling groups and neighbouring tribes. As their military control broke down, the mountain were raided for slaves, cattle and food. In 1885, the Sambaa chief, Kibanga, signed away his territory to a Herr Juhlke representing a colonial association from Frankfurt. Otto von Bismark, the German Chancellor declared Tanganyika a colony in 1891, suppressed opposition with force and hanged Chief Kimweri’s grandson, Mputa in 1895 at Mazinde. The kingdom effectively ended in 1898 when a fire destroyed the capital at Vuga.

Scientists and settlers followed missionaries and soldiers into the mountains to see how best to exploit the forests and plant export crops. Mistakenly, they thought that the lush green forest vegetation indicated high soil fertility. Coffee estates covering thousands of hectares were established before it was realized that the soils were actually not so good for coffee and not particularly fertile at all.

Loss of diversity in farming

The violence that preceded and accompanied colonization had reduced the Sambaa population and farming practices started to deteriorate. By the beginning of the 20th century, there were reports of forest conversion into farmland, overgrazing and degradation of hilltops. The complexity, diversity and sustainability of Sambaa subsistence agriculture has been in decline ever since.


The introduction of the cash economy may have changed the farmers’ outlook. When there had been limited trade with food crops and little need for money, the diversity of perennial crops in the banana groves ensured that there was always something to be harvested.

The colonial administrations introduced taxation, markets and paid labour on their plantations and tried to make the growing of cash crops compulsory for small farmers, who began increasingly depending on annual cash crops. Large quantities of maize were exported from the mountains to the sisal plantations in the lowlands. With men working as wage labourers on the plantation, they withdrew their labour from the banana groves and irrigation schemes.

Slash-and-burn farming became the quickest way to earn money as monocultures of maize and potatoes were planted in the thick layers of forest topsoil. This pattern of forest conversion during and after the colonial period caused major loss of fertile topsoil.

Soil conservation schemes

The government began to pay attention to the problem of land degradation in the 1930s. In 1945, the Mlalo Basin Rehabilitation Scheme started. Population pressure was seen as the root cause of degradation and the Scheme, which aimed at soil conservation and agricultural intensification also wanted to resettle people from ‘overpopulated’ areas to the lowlands. Behind the interest in soil conservation was a strategy to reduce the number of subsistence farmers in the mountains and encourage market-oriented production.

The Scheme had few benefits for farmers. Enforced removal of livestock (de-stocking) and afforestation of overgrazed land looked like robbery to elders whose lifelong savings were under threat; prohibiting farming on steep slopes meant poor farmers and women lost the land they depended on for subsistence; arbitrary application of the Scheme’s by-laws further discredited it.

During the struggle for Tanganyika’s independence political leaders took advantage of resistance to the Scheme to promise an end to soil conservation, and when that day came in 1961, it was abandoned and forgotten.


New strategies

The problems of land scarcity, deforestation, overgrazing, erosion and deteriorating water catchments did not go away with independence, but new soil conservation schemes were unthinkable. Instead, the new government tried to mitigate the pressure for land with a simple administrative decision in 1962 to give our 13,000 hectares of the Shumbe-Magamba forest reserve in Mlalo Division to farmers. The allocation process was not without controversy. Village leaders and local politicians continued to demarcate much of the unallocated forest and clearing of reserved forest was in effect legitimised for several years.

As apart of the Siasa ni Kilimo (Politics is Agriculture) campaign, farmers were encouraged to rid their plots of trees and shrubs, and plant hybrid maize in rotation with beans. The diverse subsistence-oriented banana farming was seen as backward. Modern farmers grew maize; used heavy hoes that reached deep into the soil and their open fields were clean-weeded. The government invested in large-scale irrigation schemes in the lowlands; a new generation of Tanzanian foresters were schooled in the rational management of softwood plantations. Monocultures took over and locally adapted crop varieties were lost.

Ujamaa policy implemented after 1967 resulted in positive education and social service outcomes. While farmers may have had little purchasing power as consumers, their children went to school and basic health care was free. However, they resisted Ujamaa’s insistence on cooperative production. A colonial coffee farm that was nationalised and given to a village to run as a cooperative saw production decline in the 1970s and 1980s. Eventually the land was divided up among individual farmers who uprooted the coffee and grew maize or many years until they sold the land to a religious institution.


Part 2:

TodayToday


Today2.0 The People of Bumbuli

2.1 Population profi le

Figure 1. Population growth in Bumbuli (1988-2025)

Source: National Bureau of Statistics and Lushoto District

Projections

In 2010, Bumbuli has an estimated

population of 167,000 people. This is a

38% increase from 121,000 people in 1988

and a 19% increase from a population of

141,000 in 2002. On current projections,

Bumbuli’s population may grow to 221,000

by 2025.

The overall rate of Bumbuli’s population

growth is slowing down substantially. From

an annual rate of 1.8% between 1978 and

1988, the population growth almost halved

to just 1.0% between 1988 and 2002.

During the same period, Tanga region’s

population grew by 2.2% annually.

It is important to point out that the

projections between 2002 and 2025

are based on the national authorities’

assumptions that the population will have


Source: Population and Housing Census 1988 and 2002, NBS

F igure 2. Bumbuli’s population by ward (1988-2002)

a growth rate in excess of 2.0% to 2014, and slow down only gradually to 1.8% in 2025. However, Bumbuli’s population

growth rate fell by almost half to 1.0%, which is well below the growth rate of 2.1% expected in 2010. Therefore, while

Bumbuli’s population will continue to expand, it will do so at a much slower pace than has been projected.

Bumbuli’s average household size declined from 5.5 people per household in 1988 to 4.7 people in 2002. However despite

this decline, Bumbuli had the larger households in Tanga region.

Figure 2 below shows how each ward’s population numbers evolved between 1988 and 2002. It shows that all wards,

except one, grew slower than Tanga’s 2.2%. Mgwashi grew by slightly more than 2.5% annually. Furthermore, two wards,

Vuga and Mbuzii, saw their population numbers shrink during the period. In sharp contrast, Soni ward grew quite quickly as

an urban centre. It’s share of Lushoto district’s urban residents jumped from 19% in 1988 to 26% in 2002.


Fi gure 3. Bumbuli age-sex distribution (2010 est.)

Source: National Bureau of Statistics Lushoto District Population Projections

2.2 Population density

Despite the slowing rate of population growth, Bumbuli is the most densely populated constituency in Lushoto. It has an

estimated population density of 309 people per square kilometre compared to Lushoto district’s 142 and Tanzania’s 49. It is

home to 34% of Lushoto’s residents.

2.3 Demographic profi le

Refl ecting Tanzania’s overall youthful demographic profi le, Bumbuli has a predominantly young population, with 55% of its

population under the age of 20 and 76% under the age of 35.


Figure 3 shows a signifi cant drop in Bumbuli’s male population after the age of 19. The fact that Bumbuli has more women

than men from then on is even more clearly illustrated in the fi gure below. The sharp increase in the ratio of women to men

continues to age 30-34 where it peaks at over 1.6. After that it begins to decline towards parity.

Figur e 4. Bumbuli sex ratio by age group (2010, est.)

Source: National Bureau of Statistics and Lushoto District Projections

However, in the 15-64 age-group overall, Bumbuli has 79 men for every 100 women. Almost half of all households are

headed by women and the elderly.


Figure 5. Migration patterns in Bumbuli (1988-2002)

Source: Population and Housing Census 2002, NBS and Lushoto District Profi le

Bumbuli is experiencing a high rate of out migration. Figure 5 above shows that every ward had a negative annual migration

rate – meaning people were leaving between 1988 and 2002. As noted earlier, negative population growth rates combined

with large the negative out migration rates shown above, caused the populations of Vuga and Mbuzii shrink during this

period.


As evidenced by the high female-to-male ratio in Figure 4 earlier, it is mostly young men who are leaving in search of

opportunities elsewhere. Further evidence of this is provided later in the education data. However, the net outmigration from

Bumbuli’s is not an untypical experience in rural Lushoto.

‘In June 2000, the population of Kibaoni Longoi was 3,288 persons according to the statistics kept in the village

office. Sixty-two percent were children under 18 years old. Inspite of having such a young population, the annual

population growth rate since the 1977 census has been only 1.6 percent, which indicates that many people have

moved from the village…Lots of young people…have moved for education or employment. Every farming family

we interviewed had teenage children who had moved. Many adult men work in towns or farm in other parts of the

country for long periods leaving wives and children to look after the plots in the village…The bottom line is that it is

still hard to make a living from farming in Kibaoni Longoi. The land holdings are too small to be divided among many

heirs, and young people will take any opportunity to move to the towns.’iv

While this described a village in Mlalo division, north of Lushoto town, there is little to distinguish it from Bumbuli’s reality.


3.0 Bumbuli’s economy

3.1 Main economic occupations in Lushoto District and rural Bumbuli

Given that Bumbuli is almost entirely rural, the data for rural Lushoto District can

safely be assumed to represent Bumbuli’s reality.

Figure 6. Main occupations in Lushoto (2002)

Source: Population and Housing Census 2002, NBS

Over 94% of the population in rural Lushoto is engaged in farming. A very small minority of Lushoto’s rural population is engaged in the natural resources sector (3.4%), public sector (0.9%), commerce (0.8%), manufacturing or construction (0.6%) or infrastructure and other activities (0.3%).


Figure 7. Activities of the economically active adult population (Lushoto, 2002)


The majority (58%) of the economically active adult population in Lushoto is made up of women. Ninety percent of women

are engaged in agriculture, compared to 83 % of men, who are three times more likely than women to be engaged in paid

employment (5.7% against 2% of women). However, men are also twice as likely to be unemployed than women although

the unemployment fi gures are quite low at 2.7% and 1.6% for men and women respectively. Interestingly, men and women

are engaged in home maintenance in equal proportions (approximately 14% each).


Figure 8. Economic participation by children and elders in Lushoto (2002)


Children and elders are also engaged in economic activities. Between the ages of 5 and 14, children are mostly engaged in

home maintenance activities, presumably when they are not attending school. Sixty-three percent of the economically active

adults aged 65 and over are engaged in agriculture.


3.2 Land use in Bumbuli

Figure 9. Land use in Bumbuli

Source: Lushoto District Profi le

The total land area of Bumbuli constituency is estimated at almost 54,000 hectares, which represents just 14% of Lushoto

District’s total land area. At over 39,000 hectares, agricultural land accounts for 73% of Bumbuli’s land area, but this is just

16% of Lushoto’s agricultural land of 240,000 hectares. Forestry takes up 16% of Bumbuli’s area with 8,805 hectares, and

the remaining 5,748 hectares (11%) is taken up by water, roads, buildings and other areas unsuitable for use.

Bumbuli, with 34% of Lushoto’s population accounts for just 14% of its land area, which explains its relatively high population

density. The intensity of land use in Bumbuli, compared to Lushoto as a whole, is illustrated in Figure 10.


Figure 10. In tensity of land use in Bumbuli and Lushoto

Source: Population and Housing Census 2002, NBS and Lushoto

District Profi le

Bumbuli has more than four people per hectare of agricultural land, compared to just over two per hectare for Lushoto as a

whole. The same intensity is repeated with respect to agricultural labour, as Bumbuli has more than two workers per hectare

compared to one worker per hectare for Lushoto. The population density is putting heavy pressure on agricultural land


3.3 Bumbuli’s soil has low natural fertility.

According to the soil classification map prepared by the

Mlingano Agricultural Research Institute in 2006, much

of Bumbuli’s soil is of the type known as humi-umbric

acrisols. An acrisol is a type of soil as classified by the

Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). It is clay-rich,

and is associated with humid, tropical climates, such as

those found in Brazil, and often supportsforested areas.v

The FAO describes acrisols as ‘one of the most inherently

infertile soils of the tropics, becoming degraded chemically

and organically very quickly when utilised.’vi Humi-umbric

acrisols are described as having ‘low natural fertility, with

aluminium toxicity and strong phosphate fixation.’ They

could support ‘adapted cropping systems with complete

fertilisation and preservation of surface soil.’

Therefore, contrary to expectations, the lush vegetation

in Bumbuli is not a sign of inherent soil fertility. The soil

is fragile and requires substantial care in the form of

fertilisation and conservation if it is to be productive. It

would seem that pre-colonial Sambaa farmers were

acutely aware of this reality, which they embedded in their

farming practices. The various initiatives to modernize

agricultural techniques may have overlooked this fact in a

bid to optimise output and financial returns.


Source: Lushoto District Socio-Economic Profile, UCLAS (2004)


3.4 Diversity of agricultural production

There are two agro-ecological zones in Bumbuli – the humid warm and the dry warm zones. The humid warm zone is

generally found in areas around Bumbuli and Soni divisions, its area elevated at an altitude of between 800-1500 meters

above sea level. These areas receive about 800-1700mm of rainfall and have long rains between March and June.

The zone experiences an annual mean temperature of about 18 centigrade.

As Figure 11 shows, more than half of the households produce fruits, maize and vegetables in this zone. Tea is grown only

in the Bumbuli constituency of Lushoto district by as many households as grow bananas and beans. Cassava and coffee

are also grown, but by a smaller proportion of households. The major types of farming practice are contour farming, which

is used by 90% of households and monoculture that is used by almost 80% of households.

Figure 11. Majo r household crops in humid, warm agro-ecological zone

Source: Lushoto District Socio-Economic Profi le, UCLAS


Fewer crops are grown in Bumbuli’s dry warm zone. Well over half of the households grow maize, beans and cassava. Less

than 30% grow vegetables, potatoes and bananas. Most households (87%) practice bottom valley farming and fewer use

crop rotation (44%) and monoculture (33%) methods.

Returns to farming

Figure 12. Major household crops in dry warm agro-ecological zone


The dry warm zone covers Mgwashi division and lies at an altitude between 800-1800 meters above sea level. The area

receives low amount of rainfall that ranges between 500-800 mm and its mean temperature is 20 centigrade. The area

experiences four months of dry period and northeast trade winds, which causes short rains between October to December.


Annual income varies widely across a number of crops as the data from Mgwashi division above illustrate. The traditional

cash crops of tea and coffee generate lower returns per hectare than the food crops of beans, vegetables and bananas.

The challenge of tea production in Bumbuli

It should be noted that although all of the tea grown in Lushoto is in Bumbuli, very little of it is actually grown in Mgwashi

Division, so the returns above are not representative of the crop’s performance.

Figure 11. Majo r household crops in humid, warm agro-ecological zone



Production

Factories

Support services

Climatic conditions

1,840 ha smallholder land and 5,000 farmers (0.38 ha/farmer) yielding 700-1,000 kg of processed tea per hectare

74% potential tea land used

Bombay Burmah, New Mponde Tea Co.

Four TRIT extension officers serve 3,000 smallholders (750 farmers per officer)

Mponde factory also provides credit for inputs

Poor rainfall and regular drought years, and though altitude of 1,500m is reasonable the terrain is very steep

3,000 ha smallholder land and 13,400 farmers (0.22 ha/farmer) yielding 1,000-1,330 kg processed tea per hectare

92% potential land used

Highest smallholder fertilizer usage in Tanzania at 50 kg per farmer (4 bags per ha)

WATCO (x2 – one closed), Mohammed Enterprises

12 tea extension officers (1,333 farmers per officer)

TRIT also provides credit for inputs and production coordination

High altitude (1,800-2,300m) is good for tea

High well spread rainfall of 1900-2,250 mm

Table 1. Comparing tea production in Bumbuli and Rungwe

Lushoto (Bumbuli) Rungwe


Potentia

l

Caveats

Without irrigation tea growing here is unsustainable, and even then unlikely to repay the cost of irrigation

Report in 2008 that 17% of tea farms had been abandoned – TSHDA have now rehabilitated some

Overall there is low interest in tea farming with many competing cash crops

High productivity of good quality teaAging tea farmer population - alternative crops attracting young farmers

Shortfall in fuel tree production

Table 1 above compares tea production in Lushoto (Bumbuli) and Rungwe in southwestern Tanzania.

Bumbuli’s tea farmers each use 40% more land than their Rungwe counterparts. However, with yields of between 800 and

1,000 kilograms of processed tea per hectare they are less productive than Rungwe’s (1,000 – 1,330 kg/ha). Furthermore,

recent value chain analysis shows that the price paid to Rungwe’s tea farmers of US$ 0.47/kg (Tshs 650-700/kg) in 2009, is

four or five times more than the Tshs 130/kg paid to Bumbuli’s farmers.

Rungwe’s performance is partly explained by better climatic conditions with high, well-spread rainfall, suitable altitude for tea

growing and better farm management - the fact that their smallholder tea farmers have the highest use of fertiliser per hectare

in the country. Bumbuli’s tea farmers are on a slightly lower altitude and they experience occasional drought conditions, so

reliable irrigation is central to improving productivity. In sharp contrast to Rungwe’s farming practices, the Tea Research

Table 1. Comparing tea production in Bumbuli and Rungwe

Lushoto (Bumbuli) Rungwe


Institute of Tanzana (TRIT) found that ‘low or no use of fertiliser by most farmers in their tea for over ten years, including

the 2007/08 season has significantly affected the soil and plant nutritional status. This has negatively affected [tea] bush

productivity and hence the low tea production in Lushoto district.vii’

The future of tea production in both Bumbuli and Rungwe depends on whether it can address the challenge of competing

with alternative crops to attract and retain new, young farmers. TRIT recommends that the Mponde Tea Factory ‘launch [a]

campaign to engage youths in tea production activities in order to ensure sustainability of smallholder tea in Lushoto district.’

Even though they generate better returns than tea and coffee, Bumbuli’s other crops are not fulfilling their full potential to

raise farmers’ incomes. The farmers’ lack of timely and accurate market information means that many may be growing lower

value crops than the possible alternatives. Their power to bargain for better prices is also curtailed.

Secondly, poor post-harvest handling of relatively high-value but perishable products such as fruits and vegetables is

reducing the farmers’ potential earnings. Experience in other parts of Tanzania such as Karatu and Mto wa Mbu shows that

when farmers clean, sort, grade and package these crops before they are shown and sold to traders and others they are

able to command higher prices and incomes without necessarily increasing production.

Third, informal ways of weighting and measuring produce using recycled paint buckets, large wicker baskets (matenga)

and sacks (rumbesa, magunia) essentially cheat farmers of the fair value of their produce. The correct use of weights and

measures can have a positive impact on prices and incomes without increasing the level of agricultural output.

Finally, Bumbuli’s broader infrastructural challenges, especially that of a network of poor quality roads also serves to increase

production and marketing costs and reduce the potential returns to the farmers.


4.0 Social services in Bumbuli

4.1 Education

Source: National Bureau of Statistics 2002 Census

Figure 14. Education levels in Lushoto (2002)

As noted earlier, Bumbuli is an entirely rural constituency of Lushoto district. The

chart above, drawn using data from 2002, shows how Lushoto’s rural areas have

a lower level of performance across a number of education indicators. Literacy

rates are 70% compared to86% for urban Lushoto; 28% of rural residents have

no schooling, compared to 13% of urban residents, and less than a third (31%)

have completed schooling compared to almost (46%) half of Lushoto’s urban

residents.


Almost 96% of had no secondary education in 2002. Of the 4% who did, the vast majority were men (71%). The government

has put in place a policy of ensuring that every ward has a secondary school. There is strong evidence of a good response

by Bumbuli’s parents who have contributed to building the schools. The impact of that policy on Bumbuli’s secondary school

enrolment, completion and achievement rates will take some time to measure.

Primary education in Bumbuli

Figure 15. Number of students per primary school in Bumbuli (2010)

Source: Education department, Lushoto District Council


Bumbuli had 44,544 primary school students in 89 schools in early 2010. The average number of schools per ward was seven and the average number of students per school was 500. However, Mamba ward had over 800 students per school, while Tamota had the lowest with 365 per school.

A closer look at Tamota’s data for 2010 shows that 4,336 students were enrolled in 12 primary schools and being taught by a total of 65 teachers. The total number of classrooms was 58, implying that there were fi ve classrooms per school. The number of students per teacher (the student - teacher ratio) was estimated at 67. In order to achieve the student-teacher ratio of 35 that is mandated by national policy, Tamota’s primary schools need an additional 44 teachers.

A total of 5,548 students were in Standard Seven. If they were all to transition into secondary school, almost 160 new Form 1 classrooms would be needed to accommodate them. A more realistic assumption is that 8-10% of them (or between 450 and 550 students) may pass into Form 1, and half of this number may complete their secondary education to refl ect the rate of secondary school completion for Lushoto.

Bumbuli’s primary school dropouts

Source: National Bureau of Statistics 2002 Census


There chart above shows the rate at which Bumbuli’s primary school students transition from one class to the next between

2009 and 2010. It shows that over 7,500 children were enrolled in Standard I in each of the two years, but reveals the

following disturbing trends:

a) A total of almost 3,500 of Bumbuli’s children dropped out of primary school in 12 months.

b) Almost 600 children (8% of the class) who were enrolled in Standard 1 in 2009 dropped out of school that same

year and did not make it to Standard 2.

c) 346 students (5% of the class) dropped out between Standards III and IV.

d) 713 students (11% of the class) dropped out between Standards IV and V.

e) 547 students (9% of the class) dropped out between Standards V and VI.

f) 1,286 students (19% of the class) dropped out between Standards VI and VII.

g) Boys accounted for 57% of the dropouts overall, but over 71% of the dropouts between Standards VI and VII.


If 2009 and 2010 are representative of the past experience the data provides a powerful explanation for why so few of Bumbuli’s children make it into secondary school and beyond. It also provides further strong evidence behind the exodus of young men from Bumbuli that was observed earlier. Boys account for the majority of the children who are dropping out, and they are not staying in the villages once they stop going to school.


Source: Lushoto District Council annual health report, 2009

Figure 17. Main outpatient diagnoses in Lushoto (2009)

4.2 Disease burden

The chart above shows the distribution of the main diseases diagnosed in 2009

for over 90% of the outpatients in Lushoto district. The top three diagnoses were

malaria (42% of all patients), acute respiratory infections (25%) and pneumonia

(10%). Children under the age of fi ve accounted for 50% of patients with acute

respiratory infections, 58% of those with diarrhoea and 60% of cases of pneumonia.

Given it overwhelmingly rural character, Bumbuli’s disease burden is likely to mirror

Lushoto’s overall picture.


As the chart above shows, malaria, in both its severe and uncomplicated forms,

killed 43% of the 340 people whose disease-related deaths were recorded by

Lushoto district’s medical authorities. Acute respiratory disease, pneumonia and

anaemia killed an additional 41%. Children under fi ve accounted for all of those

who died from acute respiratory disease, and the majority of the deaths from

‘uncomplicated’ malaria (59%) and pneumonia (57%).

Figure 18. Causes of disease-related deaths in Lushoto (2009)

Source: Lushoto District Council annual health report, 2009


4.3 Water sources and toilet facilities

Figure 19. Sources of water in Lushoto (2002


Data from 2002 shows that just over half of Lushoto’s population accessed water from rivers and unprotected wells, while less than a quarter accessed water from protected wells or water pipes respectively.

According to a recent offi cial report, 54.5% of Lushoto district’s population now have access to safe and clean water through water pipes and shallow wells. There are 58 water supply schemes and 76 shallow wells, 80 villages have water accounts, 152 water committees have been formed in the villages and a Water Board has been established in Lushoto townviii.

With respect to toilet facilities, 2002 data for Lushoto shows that over 96% of the population used traditional pit latrines. Data on water and toilet facilities that is

specifi c to the three Bumbuli divisions was not available.

55% of Lushoto district’s population have access to safe and clean water through water pipes and shallow wells.


4.4 Energy

Energy sources for lighting

Figure 20. Sourc es of energy for lighting in Lushoto (2002)


As Figure 20 shows, Lushoto’s rural population, such as that in Bumbuli, relied

heavily on kerosene fi red wick lamps and hurricane lamps in 2002. Just one

percent of the rural population used electricity for lighting, compared to 24% of

the urban population. It is not clear whether this situation has changed markedly

during the last eight years.



Energy sources for cooking

Figure 21. Source s of energy for cooking in Lushoto (2002)

Figure 21 reveals that the population in rural Lushoto, Bumbuli

included, relied almost exclusively (99%) on fi rewood for cooking in

2002. Urban residents also depended heavily (70%) on this source

of energy for cooking. Charcoal, kerosene and electricity provided

less than a third of the energy used for cooking. Again, it is not likely

that there has been any dramatic movement away from the use of

fi rewood for cooking purposes by the rural population during the

eight years since 2002.

According to the 2002 census data, 99 percent of the population in rural Lushoto, Bumbuli included, rely on fi rewood for cooking.


4.5 Roads and transportation

Distribution of regional, district and feeder roads

Figure 22. Lushoto’s road network


Bumbuli has 300 kilometres, a 41% share of Lushoto’s total road network length

of 725 kilometres.

Sixty-six kilometres or 22% of the regional roads that connect Lushoto to other

places in the district pass through Bumbuli. Built to a minimum standard of earth

and gravel surface with culverts, bridges and storm water drainage systems,

regional roads are maintained by Tanroads and are passable throughout the year.


Bumbuli has 54% (158km)

of the 292 kilometres of

district roads. District roads

link various areas within the

district and are maintained

by the District Council. Made

of gravel (75%) and earth

(25%) with some culverts

and bridges, 30% of these

roads are totally impassable

throughout the year while

the rest are impassable only

during the rainy season.

The District Council also

maintains feeder roads that

connect villages to district

roads. They are made of earth

surface and have no culverts

or storm water drainage

systems. Many of these are

completely impassable year-

round. Bumbuli’s share of the

feeder road network is 57%.


Means of transportationFigure 23. Means o f transportation in Lushoto district

Source: Lushoto District Socio-economic profi le, UCLAS 2004

Figure 23 shows that human energy powers the walking and bicycles that are the predominant means of transportation for accessing farms (used 84% of the time), water (55%), markets (60%) and health services (56%).

Motorcycles and public buses are also important means of accessing water (used 46% of the time), and in combination with private cars, motorised transportation is used to access markets and health services (41%).

Cars and buses dominate as a means of transportation for social (53% of the time) and administrative activities (76% of the time). The predominant use of motorised transport for administrative activities suggests that these services may be located quite far from most of Lushoto’s residents.


5.0 The ‘typical’ resident of Bumbuli

Based on the analysis of the available data in the

preceding sections, it is possible to create the

following composite picture of the ‘typical’ resident

of Bumbuli.

She will most likely to be a woman aged under 35

who is engaged in farming and home maintenance

activities. She has no more than a little primary

education. She produces a diverse set of crops

including fruits, vegetables, maize and beans.

She trades what she does not use in the household

at one of the many market days but has little power

to bargain over the prices of her produce, nor of any

consumer goods she buys. She fetches water from a

stream, river or other unprotected source, cooks the

family’s meals with firewood and lights the home with

a small kerosene lamp.

She walks almost anywhere but may occasionally

get an uncomfortable, bumpy ride on a bicycle,

motorcycle or public bus, when the distance to a

health facility or public office is too great for her to

reach on foot.


6.0 Key insights about Bumbuli

A number of key insights emerge from a careful consideration of the current status of Bumbuli natural, human, economic

and social conditions in 2010.

If the lesson implicit in the proverb ‘all that glitters is not gold’ is that one must not be fooled by appearances then it should

be applied with particular vigour to Bumbuli. The lush green vegetation that meets the eye fooled the early colonialists into

thinking the soil was very fertile. The poor performance of Lushoto’s early coffee plantations (compared to that grown on the

volcanic soils around Mounts Kilimanjaro and Meru), and the struggling tea farms today (compared to that in Rungwe’s more

favourable agro-climatic conditions) underscore the fragility of the soils in the Usambaras.

The WaSambaa people thrived on the Usambaras for over 150 years from the mid-1700s to the 1900s due in large measure

to the fact they had an inherent understanding of their ecology and they practiced farming in a manner that looked after

the environment. It repaid them with relatively prosperity. The modern pressure to maximise the economic and fi nancial

returns from the land which inspired plantation agriculture and the ‘mining’ of the fragile soils have overwhelmed this ancient

wisdom, which is being lost with the passing of the older generations.

Bumbuli is the most densely populated constituencies in Lushoto District. In 2010, population density in Tanzania was 49 people per square kilometer, in Lushoto District it was 142 people per square kilometer, but in Bumbuli constituency, it was 309 people per square kilometer.


How realistic is it to ground Bumbuli’s twenty-first century agricultural

practices on the lessons and wisdom of her 18th century ancestors? Is it

possible to realise higher value from Bumbuli’s agricultural output without

mining its soils, depleting its water and cutting down its trees? Can the

much-needed increase in Bumbuli’s agricultural productivity be measured not

only by how many more kilograms of produce are harvested per person, or

hectare of land or bag of fertiliser or can of pesticide, but more importantly,

by the increase in the value of the crops at the existing levels of production?ix

Bumbuli’s population is growing slower than the projections indicate, but its

pace is fast enough to continue putting pressure on the land and natural

environment. One important result is that the real incomes from farming

smaller, steeper and less productive land are stagnating or falling.

Another result is the alarming rate at which Bumbuli’s young men, seeing little

future in farming, and even smaller prospects of obtaining a good education

or skills for employability, leave the area as soon as they are able, in search

of opportunities and a better life in Lushoto, Tanga, Dar es Salaam or further.

Lushoto has attracted a number of schools and training institutions that

rank among the best in the country. Bumbuli is blessed with some of the

most stunning landscapes in Tanzania. How realistic is it to ‘import’ higher

income, longer-staying consumers to Bumbuli, and with them create the job

opportunities for Bumbuli’s residents, and the multiplier effects that such new

spending brings? What can and should be done to attract investors in the

education and training sector to build and run institutions in the Bumbuli?


7.0 Talking about Bumbuli in Bumbuli

In May 2010, a group of twenty prominent members of the Bumbuli community from all three divisions met to reflect on the

past, present and future of their constituency. Among them were farmers, traders, medical officers, and a retired diplomat.

During a discussion that lasted for two days, and that was informed by an analysis of the current status of Bumbuli, they

expressed their hopes, fears and expectations for the future. A number of deep insights emerged from the conversation.

Exodus of young men - psychological drivers and social impact

The group discussed whether the sense of self-esteem among Bumbuli’s young boys and men was in fact eroding. Primary

education is not enough to secure employment, secondary and tertiary education seems out of reach, farm sizes are not

enough to provide sustenance throughout the year and job opportunities are essentially non-existent. The difficult prospects

for young men of achieving sufficient economic independence in Bumbuli through farming, in order to start their family appear

to be insurmountable. There was empathy for the decision of Bumbuli’s young men to disappear into the survival struggle

and urban anonymity rather than face the embarrassment of being known as ‘not having amounted to much’ in the village.

The social impact of the exodus of Bumbuli’s young men was cause for serious concern. The traditional practice of gunda

or msalagambo - temporary communal work on farms, road maintenance, construction or other activity which required

collective labour to accomplish - was suffering tremendous decline because there were few young men to carry out the

heavy work. Indeed, what was primarily a male activity, has now been left to be done almost exclusively by the women.

Practical problem, forgotten solution

Prompted by a retired teacher’s observation that when he was in primary school, the student-teacher ratio never exceeded

35, in contrast to the current reality of a ratio that is twice as large, the discussion explored how best this problem might be

addressed. One obvious way was to increase the number of teachers. However, it was clear that the public resources to hire

and pay for dozens of new teachers, even for one ward alone (Tamota) were not available.


The more radical and long-term approach that

was discussed was to reduce the number of

children who needed to be enrolled in primary

school through a lower rate of childbirth. It was

acknowledged that the major change in Bumbuli’s

social and family dynamics that could lead to

a smaller number of children being born per

household, would be diffi cult to achieve, until

one of the elders reminded the discussion about

the way in which, just two generations ago, the

healthy spacing of children was enforced by social

sanction. Parents who conceived too soon after

the birth of the previous baby faced biting criticism

and ridicule from their peers and the community.

It was only after the previous child felt too old

to be breastfed (as old as three years), that the

mother could feel comfortable and socially justifi ed

to conceive again. However, this social sanction

seems to have lost its power.

Legitimacy and leadership in Bumbuli

This prompted a discussion about where the

leadership and legitimacy to appeal for such a

diffi cult social change as a reduction in the number

children per couple could come from. It was agreed

that legitimacy in such issues could not come For people in Bumbuli, the elderly are a repository of wisdom


from people relying solely on administrative or political designations (an

MP or District Commissioner). Indeed there was a wide range of personal

attributes and characteristics that were valued by the Bumbuli community,

and which were expected to be found in acceptable leaders (regardless of

designation). These included:

a) Wisdom and experience, that was often, but not solely, manifested

by a person’s advanced age (over 50);

b) Talent, skill and ability which was demonstrated by the successful

accumulation of assets such as money, property and well educated,

independent adult children;

c) Expertise in a profession or speciality (civil service, teaching,

medicine, farming, business) that demonstrated accomplishment

in the formal education system;

d) The depth and sincerity of one’s faith (Islam and Christianity) which

was demonstrated by one’s standing in the church or mosque;

e) Special skills in the traditional art and science of physical and

spiritual healing as evidenced by the level of one’s reputation and

client visits

f) Artistic and cultural talents (music, drumming and dance),

demonstrated by the demand for their contribution/performance

at important social events;

An important lesson emerged from this discussion was that Bumbuli

had a rich leadership ‘ecosystem’ into which it could tap to mobilise and

address its major challenges. The importance of the legitimacy and social

‘authority’ that emanated from these attributes was at least comparable to

that conferred by offi cial positions and titles.

Lushoto is famous for its fresh vegetables and fruits. Once in Soni market, it is diffi cult to miss the sight of a range of delicious-looking fresh fruits and vegetables on sale.


Imagining Bumbuli’s future: economy, services, leadership

Having reflected on Bumbuli’s current status and understood some of the implications, the discussion looked to the future by

imagining what Bumbuli could be like in 2020 in terms of its economy, quality of social services and leadership. This future

was imagined through the eyes of farmers, youth, parents and entrepreneurs.

The hope was that the economic future would be broadly positive. Driven by significant improvements in infrastructure,

agricultural productivity, output and value improves significantly. Farming generates sufficient income and becomes more

attractive to young people, who slow their migration to the towns and cities. One particularly optimistic view imagined that

many large, modern houses are visible in the hills as evidence of the farmers’ prosperity. This relatively positive economic

future for Bumbuli was challenged by the view that on current evidence, there was little to support the expectation that the

investment required to raise agricultural productivity would be made and sustained. Indeed, farmers experience a decade of

falling incomes as their crop yields from shrinking farm sizes stagnate and decline. The result is a Bumbuli in which beggars,

young and old, were a common sight.

The optimism continued to be reflected in the anticipated future of social services in Bumbuli. The quality of primary and

secondary education improves significantly as Bumbuli’s Form 6 leavers and college graduates return to teach their younger

peers. A new, international standard hotel is inaugurated by the country’s President, having been attracted, not only by

Bumbuli’s breathtaking landscapes, but also by the newly skilled, competent and hospital people of the area. But tragedy

could also strike Bumbuli in 2020 as thousands of children die from infectious diseases, because there was no prior investment

made to improve the local health systems capacity to vaccinate and respond to epidemics.

Finally, the imagined future of Bumbuli’s leadership was centred on the performance of their parliamentary representative

years leading to 2020. While entrepreneurs praise the MP for improving the business environment in Bumbuli, farmers

celebrate the parliamentarian’s appointment to the Cabinet as agriculture minister. Alternatively, a deepening demand for

accountability is demonstrated when parents across Bumbuli publically admonish the MP for ignoring the constituency and

appearing only during the 2020 election campaign season. Furthermore, many young people emerge to contest in local

government elections and succeed in securing 80% of the seats.


Specific expectations for 2011 – 2015

The two-day discussion concluded by outlining some specific activities to be carried out between 2011 and 2015, that are

deemed crucial to begin addressing the challenges faced by Bumbuli.

Good leadership was the first priority. The expectation is that elected leaders in particular, will inspire citizen participation

in the planning and implementation of development activities and secure their full cooperation. Citizens would commit

themselves to keeping leaders informed about, and accountable for, the performance outcomes of these and other activities.

They are also willing to volunteer time and labour in the various gunda and msalagambo events.

In the economic domain, there was strong agreement that the private sector be deliberately invited and encouraged to market

and distribute agricultural inputs. Cooperative societies should be revived, and Bumbuli’s Form Six graduates be trained as

extension officers. Improving the economic infrastructure – roads, electricity and water – was a key priority for government to

engage with. Specific roads were recommended for priority rehabilitation and upgrading (Soni – Bumbuli – Funta – Tamota –

Mahezangulu – Magoma and Mgwashi – Milingano – Mashewa) as they facilitated inter-district connections. There was also

a desire expressed to see financial services made available in each of Bumbuli’s three divisions in the form of Saccos, bank

branches, ATMs and mobile banking.

Health services are expected to improve by upgrading the three health centres at Mgwashi, Tamota and Soni into hospitals,

and the various dispensaries into health centres. Electricity should be provided to the health centres using solar, generator

or connection to the national grid. Every Bumbuli’s villages should be provided with a dispensary.

On education, the secondary schools in Bumbuli, Soni, Mbelei, Mayo and Mgwashi need to be provided with science

teachers and laboratories. Bumbuli’s students who pass secondary education should be given preferential access to the

higher learning institutions in Lushoto district, such as the Bumbuli Clinical Officers Training Centre and the Institute of

Judicial Administration in Lushoto town.


8.0 Government initiatives

The central government has initiated a signifi cant

number of national development programmes and

projects to improve Tanzanians living standards.

The ones which are particularly important for

Bumbuli include the Agricultural Sector Development

Programme (ASDP), the Primary Education

Development Programme (PEDP), Secondary

Education Development Programme (SEDP), the

Primary Healthcare Development Programme (PHDP)

and road funds managed by the district council. Given

Bumbuli’s overwhelming dependence on agriculture

a closer look at the government’s intentions for this

sector is warranted.

Agriculture

The objectives of the Agricultural Sector Development

Strategy (ASDS) and its operational program (ASDP),

are to ‘achieve a sustained agricultural growth rate

of 5 percent per annum, through the transformation

from subsistence to commercial agriculture. The

transformation is to be private sector led through an

improved enabling environment for enhancing the

productivity and profi tability of agriculture, facilitated

through public/private partnerships with participatory

implementation of the District Agricultural Development

In the entire Lushoto District, tea is grown only in Bumbuli.

The future of tea production in both Bumbuli will depend on whether it can address the challenge of competing with alternative crops to attract and retain new, young farmers.


Plans (DADPs). The underlying themes of the ASDS is to create of a favorable environment for commercial activities; delineate

public/private roles including continued public financing for core public (agricultural) services with increased private delivery

(through contracting arrangements); decentralize service delivery responsibilities to local governments; and focus on the

preparation and implementation of District Agriculture Development Plans (DADPs).’x

In line with the ASDP, Lushoto has articulated the objectives of its District Agricultural Development Plan as follows; ‘increasing

agricultural productivity and production by promoting integrated and sustainable use and management of natural resources

through adoption of improved technologies, (ii) strengthening institutional and human capacities of local authorities to plan

and implement community agricultural development initiatives, (iii) strengthening the capacity of rural communities to identify,

plan, implement, monitor and evaluate demand driven agricultural development initiatives, and (iv) enhancing private service

providers in input and output market and in the provision of services to rural communities.’xii

The DADP also notes that ‘overall, the district target is to increase the farmer’s income and in turn optimise the Council’s

revenue as a whole.’ To that end it aims to achieve the following specific targets by June 2013:

a. Cultivated area under irrigation increased from 7,500 to 9,000 hectares

b. Agriculture production and processed products increased from 35% to 50%

c. Agriculture facilities and capacities improved

d. Conducive working environment to 137 staff ensured

e. Public-private partnership improved

f. Livestock production and processed products increased from 30% to 50%

g. Fish production increased from 5% to 10%

h. Cooperative facilities improved from 9% to 15%

The budget required to achieve these targets is estimated at over Tshs 891 million and it expected to be financed through

grants from the central government.


Three things are notable in the summary of the ASDP and DADP objectives

and targets. First is the role envisaged for the private sector as a contractor

for the delivery of core public agricultural services and as a provider in input

and output markets. This explicit invitation of private sector participation

presents a valuable opportunity to refi ne and deepen the partnership

between business and government in the agricultural sector. Indeed the

national ASDP targets an annual increase in private sector investment in

agriculture of at least 5%. It is incumbent upon the private sector to respond

with energy, enthusiasm and creativity.

Second, the specifi c targets to be achieved by 2013, particularly in the

areas of agriculture, livestock and fi sheries refer exclusively to increased

production. If the objective is to increase farmers’ incomes, it will be at least

as important to increase the value of their output by ensuring they capture

a greater share of improving prices for their crops. Improved post-harvest

handling and market information can play a major role in achieving this.

Finally, in order to provide a useful basis against which to monitor progress,

the specifi c targets need to state the start and fi nish points more explicitly.

Education, health, roads and water

Government programmes in primary and secondary education have focused

on raising the proportion of the relevant age group of students completing

primary and secondary education, improving the learning outcomes of

students (through better performance at examinations) and strengthening

the ability of local public administration to manage education more effectively.

Some of the faces of the young people ask questions about the future.


Figure 24. Lushoto District Council Spending (2008)

Source: LGA Expenditures for Lushoto, Tanga, accessed on www.

logintanzania.net

For example since 2005, it has been government policy to ensure every

ward builds a secondary school, a target that Bumbuli has made significant

effort towards achieving. In the health sector, a specific initiative has been to

build a dispensary in every village and a health centre in every ward.

In 2008, Lushoto District council spent a total of Tshs 5.54 billion on other

charges (operations and maintenance, excluding personnel costs) and

development, with almost exactly half allocated to each of the two items.

Figure 24 shows that Lushoto District Council spent 66% of other charges

and 57% of development funds on education and health in the 2007/08

fiscal year.


Interestingly, the funds earmarked for investing in road development (Tshs 273 million) was spent almost entirely on the

maintenance of existing roads (Tshs 235 million), while Tshs 339 million or just 43% of the Tshs 785 million allocation for water

investments was used.

Government is taking major steps to improve the quality of life of the citizens in Lushoto district and in Bumbuli. However, as

the analysis that has formed a major part of this publication shows, the impact on the ground, in terms of a transformational

improvement in people’s lives, does not refl ect the effort expended. The growth and reliability of farmers’ incomes remains

stubbornly low and livelihood opportunities from non-farm activities especially for young people are elusive.

Government has a crucial role to play, but in Bumbuli at least, it is clear that bold new thinking, action and partnerships are

needed to begin to create a more promising future for its people.

Women wait for service in one of health facilities. In the 15-64 year age group, there are only 79 men to every 100 women in Bumbuli.


Part 3:

TomorrowTomorrow


Tomorrow9.0 Bumbuli Transformation Framework

As the people of Bumbuli review the achievements of the recent past, and prepare, alongside other Tanzanians, to elect their

local and national leaders in October 2010, the time is right to focus on designing the priority initiatives which can begin to

change life in Bumbuli for the better.

These priority initiatives will form the basis of a framework for Bumbuli’s transformation that is rooted in the core principle of

harnessing, catalysing and channelling the energy and creativity of the local, national and international private sector. These

initiatives will complement, rather than compete with, government efforts.

At the centre of the Bumbuli transformation agenda is to catalyse, nurture and expand job-creating and income-generating

entrepreneurial business activity in the constituency. The bold ambition is to create, in Bumbuli, a working sustainable local

enterprise network.

Creating a Sustainable Local Enterprise Network in Bumbulixii

Sustainable local enterprise networks (SLENs) were analysed in a case study published in 2005. They are described as

‘dense networks of for-profi t businesses, local communities, not-for-profi t organisations and other actors working in a self-

organising way to create value in economic, social, human and ecological terms.’

Elements of successful SLENs include the presence of at least one business enterprise which ‘anchors the network and

secures its fi nancial sustainability.’ These anchors need not necessarily be pure private businesses. An example is cited

in which an international NGO ‘helped to organise subsistence farmers into commercial groups to facilitate the sale of


vegetables to the UK market. It also worked with a commercial exporter to create another enterprise that provided training,

technical support and marketing assistance to farmer groups on a fee-for-service basis.’

SLENs also provide an opportunity for participants to work towards achieving a set of sustainable outcomes ‘which fall into

the following four broad categories: (1) profits and reliable returns on investment, (2) local economic development and trade,

(3) enhanced quality of life including human development and ecological enhancement, and (4) individual and community

economic self-reliance.’

The strategic objectives of the Bumbuli transformation initiative through the creation of a local enterprise network such as

that described above are as follows:

1. To raise Bumbuli’s farmers’ incomes from existing crops by improving post-harvest handling, adding value and

aggregating agricultural output for better pricing.

2. To create new job and income opportunities in Bumbuli by attracting private investment in new training institutions that

will ‘import’ consumers in the form of students, teachers and administrative staff.

3. To transform the construction economy in Bumbuli by adopting new building material technologies that create jobs

and incomes while protecting the environment.

4. To bring some basic financial services to Bumbuli, either through the establishment of a community bank, or by

attracting an exiting financial institution to establish a local presence.

5. To create a dedicated, self-sustaining Bumbuli Development Corporation (BDC) to initiate, coordinate, promote and

monitor the execution of the activities described above. BDC will act as the anchor for the Bumbuli sustainable local

enterprise network (Bumbuli-SLEN).


10.0 Objective 1: Raising farmers’ income

Raising farmers’ incomes from existing crops by improving post-harvest handling, adding value to existing

and aggregating output.

The Usambaras are well known for their high quality food crops. This reputation for the natural goodness and freshness of

its produce can be harnessed into a valuable ‘Fresh from Lushoto’ brand and marketing strategy.

Bumbuli’s farmers could be trained to specialise in premium quality fruits and vegetables for the national and regional

(Nairobi and Mombasa) markets, with a clear-eyed focus on ensuring that they receive a ‘fair’ share of the premium price/


value of their output. The target is to reach 10,000 farmers between 2011 and 2015 and raise the average price they achieve

for their produce by a minimum of 10-15%xiii.

This initiative will be made up of the following components:

a) Conducting detailed value-chain analysis for all of Bumbuli’s fruits and vegetables to map the flow of produce from

production through marketing to consumption and value (cash) in the other direction. This will reveal where the value

of Bumbuli’s is being captured or lost. Match Makers Limited is a well-regarded firm based in Arusha with specialist

expertise in value-chain analysis.

b) Helping farmers to improve post-harvest handling by cleaning, sorting and grading their fruits and vegetables on the

farm or before sale. TechnoServe Inc. is a global leader in assisting farmers to raise their incomes. They train farmers

to improve the quality of their produce and capture a greater share of the higher price/value that is achieved at the

marketplace.

c) Working closely with local and district authorities to enforce weights and measures standards. The current use of

buckets, wicker baskets, recycled paint cans and sacks depresses the true value of agricultural produce as it is

traded in ‘bunches’ rather than by weight.

d) Consolidating the small volumes produced by individual farmers into larger quantities that are more efficient to

transport and attractive to large buyers. Mobile phone text-messaging combined with the Ushahidi web platform

could be used to collect and visualise data on individual farmers’ output resulting in ‘virtual’ consolidation before it

is actually done physically.


11.0 Objective 2: Creating new job and income opportunities

By attracting private investment in new learning institutions that will ‘import’ consumers in the form of students,

teachers and administrative staff.


The lack of alternative job and income opportunities are at the heart of the exodus of Bumbuli’s young men. Such opportunities

could be ‘imported’ to Bumbuli and this is the central objective of this second initiative.

Learning institutions such as schools, colleges and training centres, are ‘centres of consumption’ which generate predictable

ongoing demand for food and other supplies and local labour (especially support staff). This imported demand has potentially

significant multiplier effects on the local economy payments and wages circulate and stimulate further consumption. The

construction period also generates demand for local labour and local building materials, albeit temporarily.

This initiative will take advantage of Bumbuli’s natural beauty and tranquillity to attract private (and public) schools, colleges

and training institutions. This has already been done in other parts of Lushoto with schools such as Kifungilo and Mazinde

Juu, the Sebastian Kolowa University College, the Institute of Judicial Administration in Lushoto and the Bumbuli Clinical

Officers Training Centre

This initiative will offer prospective learning institutions a package of incentives, (especially land) which will attract their

investment to Bumbuli. Working closely with the district and central government, special attention will be focused on

improving the road(s) that lead to the most desirable location(s).

The target is to attract at least one new school or learning institution with a student and staff population of at least 300 people

to Bumbuli between 2011 and 2015.

12.0 Objective 3: Transforming Bumbuli’s construction economy

Adopting new building material technologies that create new businesses, jobs and incomes while protecting the

environment.

A construction boom is expected in Bumbuli, driven primarily by the government’s stated plans to build schools, clinics and

health centres and other economic, social and administrative infrastructure. Currently, most buildings use burnt clay bricks

for the primary construction material. These bricks are made in environmentally destructive ways: extensive digging to mine


the clay, stream-diversion for water to make the clay mud,

and tree-cutting for firewood to burn the bricks.

Brick-making technology is available which does not

require extensive use of water nor any firewood, but which

produces high quality, inter-locking bricks which need little

or no cement for construction. Such technology can be

imported from India, China and South Africa and used to

create small brick-making businesses across Bumbuli to

supply the expanding building activity.

13.0 Objective 4: Improving access to financial services

Bringing some basic financial services to Bumbuli

by either through the establishment of a community

bank, or by attracting an existing financial institution

to establish a branch in Bumbuli.

Given that the National Microfinance Bank (NMB) is the only

bank in Lushoto district, and with a single branch in Lushoto

town, means that Bumbuli’s population is effectively denied

access to the formal financial services infrastructure.

Community banks have been successfully established in

various parts of Tanzania including Dar es Salaam14, Mufindi,

Mwanga, Kilimanjaro and Kagera. A detailed assessment

will be carried out of the commercial feasibility of establishing


a community bank modelled on the experience of these banks. Detailed negotiations will be held with selected existing

commercial banks or microfinance institutions to understand what factors would encourage them to invest in a physical

presence in Bumbuli.

Some of the objectives of linking Bumbuli to the financial infrastructure include:

1. Reducing the cost and inconvenience to teachers and other public employees of receiving they monthly salary

payments.

2. Improving the efficiency and safety of payments for agricultural produce

3. Introducing products to allow people to save money conveniently and securely.

4. Offering loan and other credit products.

14.0 Objective 5: Bumbuli Development Corporation

Creating a dedicated, self-sustaining Bumbuli Development Corporation to initiate, promote, coordinate and

monitor the execution of the activities described above.

The core of BDC’s mission will be to catalyse private enterprise in Bumbuli, by attracting domestic and foreign investment

into the region, facilitating and coordinating technical assistance and technology transfer, and building strong collaborative

links with the local, district and central government.

BDC could also be directly engaged in developing, promoting and marketing ‘Brand Lushoto’. It will also drive the process of

engaging Bumbuli’s farmers by organising their training on value-addition techniques through cleaning, sorting, grading and

packaging of their crops. BDC will work hard to establish a mechanism for aggregating and marketing the ensuing premium

quality produce, through ‘proof of concept’ experiments, clarifying the business model and encouraging its adoption by

private business.


BDC will also promote investment in training institutions and financial services by commissioning relevant feasibility studies. It

will negotiate with Bumbuli’s local and district governments about location choices, priority infrastructure improvements and

other elements of attracting investment to the region.

BDC is envisaged as a private company, limited by guarantee. It will be a commercially viable social enterprise, structured

to meet its operational costs, and to reinvest any surplus income towards meeting the strategic objectives of the Bumbuli

Transformation Framework.

http://www.elct-ned.org/index.php/projects/19-irente-biodiversity-reserve/2262-the-usambara-mountains-of-tanzania?showall=1


i Source: http://www.elct-ned.org/index.php/projects/19-irente-biodiversity-reserve/2262-the-usambara-mountains-

of-tanzania?showall=1ii Johansson, Lars (2001) Ten Million Trees Later, GTZiii Johansson, Lars (ibid) and Kimambo, Isaria (1996), Environmental Control & Hunger, Mkuki na Nyota/James Curreyiv Johansson, Lars (ibid), p. 29v Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Acrisol vi FAO, Appendix V: Major tropical soils and their susceptibility to land degradation vii Amos J., Makweta et al., Smallholder tea extension activities in Lushoto district., Tea Research Institute of Tanzania

Annual Report 2007/2008viii Lushoto District Agricultural Development Plan, 2010/2011ix The idea is to focus as much (if not more) effort on increasing the ‘value’ per kg of Bumbuli’s produce (through a value-

addition strategy) as on increasing the quantity of output per unit of input (labour hours, hectares, water, fertiliser, etc) x http://www.fao.org/righttofood/inaction/countrylist/Tanzania/Tanzania_ASDP_GovernmentProgramnmeDocument.

pdf xi Lushoto District Agricultural Development Plan 2010 xii This section draws heavily from an article entitled ‘Creating Sustainable Local Enterprise Networks’ by David Wheeler,

Kevin McKague, Jane Thomson, Rachel Davies, Jacquiline Medalye and Marina Prada. It was published in Vol. 47 No.

1 of the MITSloan Management Review in 2005. xiii Recent (2010) analysis by Monitor Group of similar models in Kenya has reported income effects of between 6% and

12%. More sophisticated models looked at in Uganda and Ghana (and involving flows of inputs, credit and extension

services to farmers) saw income effects of 30-40%.xiv In September 2009, the Dar es Salaam Community Bank posted a net income of TZS 1.3 billion for the July –

September period, on an asset base of TZS 48 billion and deposits of TZS 26.5 billion.

Endnotes

bumbuli - yesterday, today and tomorrow

Documents

tomorrow bumbuli

bumbuli bumbulis soil

bumbuli sex ratio

typical resident of

bumbuli government initiatives

rural bumbuli land use

bumbuli intensity of

bumbuli agesex distribution