updated american history - s3. · pdf filethe “glorious revolution ... the first phase:...

AMER I CANH I S T O R Y

AlanBrinkley

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U P D A T E D AP®

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for AP® U.S. HISTORY

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iv •

Tobacco 37 Expansion 38 Exchanges of Agricultural Technology 38 Maryland and the Calverts 39 Turbulent Virginia 40 Bacon’s Rebellion 41

THE GROWTH OF NEW ENGLAND 41 Plymouth Plantation 41 The Puritan Experiment 43 The Expansion of New England 45 Settlers and Natives 46 The Pequot War, King Philip’s War, and

the Technology of Battle 47

THE RESTORATION COLONIES 49 The English Civil War 49 The Carolinas 49 New Netherland, New York, and New Jersey 51 The Quaker Colonies 52

BORDERLANDS AND MIDDLE GROUNDS 53 The Caribbean Islands 54 Masters and Slaves in the Caribbean 55 The Southwestern Borderlands 56 The Southeastern Borderlands 57 The Founding of Georgia 57 Middle Grounds 60

THE EVOLUTION OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE 60 The Drive for Reorganization 60 The Dominion of New England 62 The “Glorious Revolution” 62

AP Debating the Past Native Americans and the “Middle Ground” 58

AP END-OF-CHAPTER REVIEW 63

3 SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN PROVINCIAL AMERICA 65

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 66 THE COLONIAL POPULATION 66

Indentured Servitude 66 Birth and Death 68 Medicine in the Colonies 69 Women and Families in the Chesapeake 69 Women and Families in New England 71 The Beginnings of Slavery in British America 71 Changing Sources of European Immigration 74

THE COLONIAL ECONOMIES 76 The Southern Economy 77 Northern Economic and Technological Life 78 The Extent and Limits of Technology 80 The Rise of Colonial Commerce 80 The Rise of Consumerism 81

PREFACE xviiAP U.S. HISTORY COURSE AND EXAM xxiiiAP CORRELATIONS xxviiTO THE AP U.S. HISTORY STUDENT xxxii

1 THE COLLISION OF CULTURES 1

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 2 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS 2

The Peoples of the Precontact Americas 2

The Growth of Civilizations: The South 3

The Civilizations of the North 3 Tribal Cultures 7

EUROPE LOOKS WESTWARD 7 Commerce and Nationalism 8 Christopher Columbus 9 The Conquistadores 12 Spanish America 15 Northern Outposts 17 The Empire at High Tide 17 Biological and Cultural Exchanges 18 Africa and America 20

THE ARRIVAL OF THE ENGLISH 21 The Commercial Incentive 21 The Religious Incentive 23 The English in Ireland 27 The French and the Dutch in America 29 The First English Settlements 30 Roanoke 30

AP Debating the Past Why Do Historians So Often Differ? 8

AP Debating the Past The American Population before Columbus 10

AP America in the World The Atlantic Context of Early American History 22

AP America in the World Mercantilism and Colonial Commerce 26


2 TRANSPLANTATIONS AND BORDERLANDS 34

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 35 THE EARLY CHESAPEAKE 35

Colonists and Natives 35 Reorganization and

Expansion 36

CONTENTS

iv •

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CONTENTS • v

PATTERNS OF SOCIETY 82 The Plantation 83 Plantation Slavery 84 The Puritan Community 85 The Witchcraft Phenomenon 86 Cities 87 Inequality 88

AWAKENINGS AND ENLIGHTENMENTS 89 The Pattern of Religions 89 The Great Awakening 90 The Enlightenment 91 Education 92 The Spread of Science 94 Concepts of Law and Politics 95

AP Debating the Past The Origins of Slavery 72

AP Debating the Past The Witchcraft Trials 90

Patterns of Popular Culture Colonial Almanacs 92


4 THE EMPIRE IN TRANSI TION 98

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 99 LOOSENING TIES 99

A Tradition of Neglect 99 The Colonies Divided 100

THE STRUGGLE FOR THE CONTINENT 101

New France and the Iroquois Nation 101 Anglo-French Confl icts 102 The Great War for the Empire 103

THE NEW IMPERIALISM 107 Burdens of Empire 107 The British and the Tribes 109 The Colonial Response 110

STIRRINGS OF REVOLT 112 The Stamp Act Crisis 112 Internal Rebellions 114 The Townshend Program 114 The Boston Massacre 115 The Philosophy of Revolt 117 The Tea Excitement 118

COOPERATION AND WAR 122 New Sources of Authority 122 Lexington and Concord 124

AP America in the World The First Global War 104

AP Consider the Source Tea Parties 120

Patterns of Popular Culture Taverns in Revolutionary Massachusetts 122


5 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 128

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 129 THE STATES UNITED 129

Defi ning American War Aims 129

The Decision for Independence 130

Responses to Independence 131

Mobilizing for War 131

THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 133 The First Phase: New England 133 The Second Phase: The Mid-Atlantic Region 135 The Iroquois and the British 138 Securing Aid from Abroad 139 The Final Phase: The South 140 Winning the Peace 143

WAR AND SOCIETY 143 Loyalists and Minorities 143 The War and Slavery 145 Native Americans and the Revolution 146 Women’s Rights and Women’s Roles 147 The War Economy 149

THE CREATION OF STATE GOVERNMENTS 150 The Assumptions of Republicanism 150 The First State Constitutions 150 Revising State Governments 150 Toleration and Slavery 151

THE SEARCH FOR A NATIONAL GOVERNMENT 151 The Confederation 151 Diplomatic Failures 152 The Confederation and the Northwest 153 Indians and the Western Lands 155 Debts, Taxes, and Daniel Shays 155

AP Debating the Past The American Revolution 132

AP America in the World The Age of Revolutions 144


6 THE CONSTITUTION AND THE NEW REPUBLIC 159

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 160 FRAMING A NEW GOVERNMENT 160

Advocates of Centralization 160 A Divided Convention 162

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vi • CONTENTS

Compromise 163 The Constitution of 1787 164 The Limits of the

Constitution 166 Federalists and Antifederalists 167 Completing the Structure 168

FEDERALISTS AND REPUBLICANS 169

Hamilton and the Federalists 169 Enacting the Federalist

Program 170 The Republican Opposition 171

ESTABLISHING NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY 172 Securing the Frontier 172 Native Americans and the New Nation 172 Maintaining Neutrality 173 Jay’s Treaty and Pinckney’s Treaty 174

THE DOWNFALL OF THE FEDERALISTS 174 The Election of 1796 175 The Quasi War with France 175 Repression and Protest 176 The “Revolution” of 1800 177

AP Debating the Past The Meaning of the Constitution 164


7 THE JEFFERSONIAN ERA 180

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 181 THE RISE OF CULTURAL NATIONALISM 181

Patterns of Education 181 Medicine and Science 183 Cultural Aspirations in the

New Nation 183 Religious Skepticism 184 The Second Great Awakening 185

STIRRINGS OF INDUSTRIALISM 188 Technology in America 188 Transportation Innovations 189 The Rising Cities 191

JEFFERSON THE PRESIDENT 192 The Federal City and the “People’s President” 193 Dollars and Ships 195 Confl ict with the Courts 195

DOUBLING THE NATIONAL DOMAIN 197 Jefferson and Napoleon 197 The Louisiana Purchase 199 Lewis and Clark Explore the West 200 The Burr Conspiracy 201

EXPANSION AND WAR 202 Confl ict on the Seas 202 Impressment 203

“Peaceable Coercion” 204 The “Indian Problem” and the British 205 Tecumseh and the Prophet 206 Florida and War Fever 207

THE WAR OF 1812 208 Battles with the Tribes 208 Battles with the British 208 The Revolt of New England 210 The Peace Settlement 210

AP Consider the Source Religious Revivals 186

AP America in the World The Global Industrial Revolution 192

Patterns of Popular Culture Horse Racing in Early America 196


8 VARIETIES OF AMERICAN NATIONALISM 214

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 215 BUILDING A NATIONAL MARKET 215

Banking, Currency, and Protection 215

Transportation 216

EXPANDING WESTWARD 218 The Great Migrations 218 The Plantation System in the Southwest 218 Trade and Trapping in the Far West 219 Eastern Images of the West 220

THE “ERA OF GOOD FEELINGS” 220 The End of the First Party System 220 John Quincy Adams and Florida 221 The Panic of 1819 222

SECTIONALISM AND NATIONALISM 222 The Missouri Compromise 222 Marshall and the Court 222 The Court and the Tribes 224 The Latin American Revolution and the Monroe

Doctrine 224

THE REVIVAL OF OPPOSITION 225 The “Corrupt Bargain” 226 The Second President Adams 226 Jackson Triumphant 227


9 JACKSONIAN AMERICA 229

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 230 THE RISE OF MASS POLITICS 230

The Emergence of Andrew Jackson 230

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CONTENTS • vii

Expanding Democracy 231

Tocqueville and Democracy in America 232

The Legitimization of Party 233

“President of the Common Man” 234

“OUR FEDERAL UNION” 235 Calhoun and Nullifi cation 235 The Rise of Van Buren 236 The Webster-Hayne Debate 236 The Nullifi cation Crisis 237

THE REMOVAL OF THE INDIANS 238 White Attitudes Toward the Tribes 238 The Black Hawk War 239 The “Five Civilized Tribes” 239 Trails of Tears 240 The Meaning of Removal 241

JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR 242 Biddle’s Institution 242 The “Monster” Destroyed 243 The Taney Court 243

THE CHANGING FACE OF AMERICAN POLITICS 244 Democrats and Whigs 245 Van Buren and the Panic of 1837 246 The Log Cabin Campaign 247 The Frustration of the Whigs 248 Whig Diplomacy 249

AP Debating the Past The “Age of Jackson ” 234

Patterns of Popular Culture The Penny Press 250


10 AMERICA’S ECONOMIC REVOLUTION 254

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 255 THE CHANGING AMERICAN POPULATION 255

The American Population, 1820–1840 255

Immigration and Urban Growth, 1840–1860 256

The Rise of Nativism 259

TRANSPORTATION, COMMUNICATIONS, AND TECHNOLOGY 262

The Canal Age 263 The Early Railroads 265 The Triumph of the Rails 266 Innovations in Communications and

Journalism 266

COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 268 The Expansion of Business, 1820–1840 268 The Emergence of the Factory 269 Advances in Technology 269

MEN AND WOMEN AT WORK 270 Recruiting a Native Workforce 270 The Immigrant Workforce 276 The Factory System and the Artisan Tradition 277 Fighting for Control 278 “Free Labor” 278

PATTERNS OF INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY 279 The Rich and the Poor 279 Social Mobility 281 Middle-Class Life 281 The Changing Family 282 Women and the “Cult of Domesticity” 282 Leisure Activities 287

THE AGRICULTURAL NORTH 288 Northeastern Agriculture 288 The Old Northwest 288 Rural Life 290

AP Consider the Source Nativism and Anti-Immigration Sentiment 260

AP Consider the Source Rules for Employees 272

AP Consider the Source Family Time 284


11 COTTON, SLAVERY, AND THE OLD SOUTH 293

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 294 THE COTTON ECONOMY 294

The Rise of King Cotton 294 Southern Trade and

Industry 295 Sources of Southern

Difference 298

WHITE SOCIETY IN THE SOUTH 298 The Planter Class 298 “Honor” 300 The “Southern Lady” 300 The Plain Folk 301

SLAVERY: THE “PECULIAR INSTITUTION” 303 Varieties of Slavery 303 Life under Slavery 303 Slavery in the Cities 305 Free African Americans 306 The Slave Trade 307 Slave Resistance 308

THE CULTURE OF SLAVERY 310 Language and Music 310

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viii • CONTENTS

Americans in Texas 342 Tensions between the United States

and Mexico 342 Oregon 343 Westward Migration 344 Life on the Trail 344

EXPANSION AND WAR 346 The Democrats and Expansion 346 The Southwest and California 347 The Mexican War 348

THE SECTIONAL DEBATE 351 Slavery and the Territories 351 The California Gold Rush 351 Rising Sectional Tensions 353 The Compromise of 1850 353

THE CRISES OF THE 1850S 354 The Uneasy Truce 354 “Young America” 355 Slavery, Railroads, and the West 355 The Kansas-Nebraska Controversy 355 “Bleeding Kansas” 356 The Free-Soil Ideology 357 The Pro-Slavery Argument 358 Buchanan and Depression 358 The Dred Scott Decision 358 Deadlock over Kansas 359 The Emergence of Lincoln 359 John Brown’s Raid 360 The Election of Lincoln 360


14 THE CIVIL WAR 364

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 365 THE SECESSION CRISIS 365

The Withdrawal of the South 365

The Failure of Compromise 366 Fort Sumter 366 The Opposing Sides 368

THE MOBILIZATION OF THE NORTH 368

Economic Measures 368 Raising the Union Armies 370 Wartime Politics 370 The Politics of Emancipation 372 African Americans and the Union Cause 376 The War and Economic Development 377 Women, Nursing, and the War 377

THE MOBILIZATION OF THE SOUTH 378 The Confederate Government 378 Money and Manpower 378 States’ Rights versus Centralization 379 Economic and Social Effects of the War 380

African American Religion 311 The Slave Family 312

AP Debating the Past The Character of Slavery 306

Patterns of Popular Culture The Slaves’ Music 310


12 ANTEBELLUM CULTURE AND REFORM 314

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 315 THE ROMANTIC IMPULSE 315

Nationalism and Romanticism in American Painting 315

Literature and the Quest for Liberation 316

Literature in the Antebellum South 317 The Transcendentalists 317 The Defense of Nature 318 Visions of Utopia 318 Redefi ning Gender Roles 319 The Mormons 320

REMAKING SOCIETY 321 Revivalism, Morality, and Order 321 The Temperance Crusade 322 Health Fads and Phrenology 323 Medical Science 324 Reforming Education 325 Rehabilitation 326 The Indian Reservation 326 The Emergence of Feminism 327

THE CRUSADE AGAINST SLAVERY 330 Early Opposition to Slavery 330 Garrison and Abolitionism 331 Black Abolitionists 331 Anti-Abolitionism 332 Abolitionism Divided 333

AP Consider the Source The Rise of Feminism 328

AP America in the World The Abolition of Slavery 334

Patterns of Popular Culture Sentimental Novels 336


13 THE IMPENDING CRISIS 339

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 340 LOOKING WESTWARD 340

Manifest Destiny 340

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CONTENTS • ix

THE ABANDONMENT OF RECONSTRUCTION 414

The Southern States “Redeemed” 414 The Ku Klux Klan Acts 414 Waning Northern Commitment 414 The Compromise of 1877 415 The Legacies of Reconstruction 417

THE NEW SOUTH 418 The “Redeemers” 418 Industrialization and the “New South” 419 Tenants and Sharecroppers 420 African Americans and the New South 421 The Birth of Jim Crow 422

AP Debating the Past Reconstruction 416

Patterns of Popular Culture The Minstrel Show 420

AP Consider the Source Remembering Black History 426


16 THE CONQUEST OF THE FAR WEST 430

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 431 THE SOCIETIES OF THE FAR WEST 431

The Western Tribes 431 Hispanic New Mexico 433 Hispanic California and

Texas 434 The Chinese Migration 434 Anti-Chinese Sentiments 436 Migration from the East 437

THE CHANGING WESTERN ECONOMY 438 Labor in the West 439 The Arrival of the Miners 439 The Cattle Kingdom 441

THE ROMANCE OF THE WEST 443 The Western Landscape 443 The Cowboy Culture 443 The Idea of the Frontier 443 Frederick Jackson Turner 445 The Loss of Utopia 445

THE DISPERSAL OF THE TRIBES 447 White Tribal Policies 447 The Indian Wars 449 The Dawes Act 452

THE RISE AND DECLINE OF THE WESTERN FARMER 453

Farming on the Plains 453 Commercial Agriculture 455 The Farmers’ Grievances 455 The Agrarian Malaise 455

STRATEGY AND DIPLOMACY 381 The Commanders 381 The Role of Sea Power 382 Europe and the Disunited States 383 The American West and the War 384

THE COURSE OF BATTLE 385 The Technology of Battle 385 The Opening Clashes, 1861 387 The Western Theater 388 The Virginia Front, 1862 388 The Progress of War 391 1863: Year of Decision 392 The Last Stage, 1864–1865 394

AP Debating the Past The Causes of the Civil War 372

AP Consider the Source Wartime Oratory 374

Patterns of Popular Culture Baseball and the Civil War 384

AP America in the World The Consolidation of Nations 386


15 RECONSTRUCTION AND THE NEW SOUTH 399

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 400 THE PROBLEMS OF PEACEMAKING 400

The Aftermath of War and Emancipation 400

Competing Notions of Freedom 401

Issues of Reconstruction 402 Plans for Reconstruction 403 The Death of Lincoln 403 Johnson and “Restoration” 404

RADICAL RECONSTRUCTION 404 The Black Codes 405 The Fourteenth Amendment 405 The Congressional Plan 405 The Impeachment of the President 407

THE SOUTH IN RECONSTRUCTION 407 The Reconstruction Governments 407 Education 408 Landownership and Tenancy 409 The Crop-Lien System 410 The African American Family in

Freedom 412

THE GRANT ADMINISTRATION 412 The Soldier President 412 The Grant Scandals 412 The Greenback Question 413 Republican Diplomacy 413

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x • CONTENTS

The Ethnic City 490 Assimilation 491 Exclusion 492

THE URBAN LANDSCAPE 494 The Creation of Public

Space 494 Housing the Well-to-Do 495 Housing Workers and the

Poor 495 Urban Transportation 496 The “Skyscraper” 497

STRAINS OF URBAN LIFE 497 Fire and Disease 497 Environmental Degradation 498 Urban Poverty 498 Crime and Violence 499 The Machine and the Boss 499

THE RISE OF MASS CONSUMPTION 500 Patterns of Income and Consumption 500 Chain Stores and Mail-Order Houses 501 Department Stores 501 Women as Consumers 502

LEISURE IN THE CONSUMER SOCIETY 502 Redefi ning Leisure 502 Spectator Sports 503 Music and Theater 506 The Movies 507 Working-Class Leisure 507 The Fourth of July 507 Mass Communications 508

HIGH CULTURE IN THE AGE OF THE CITY 508

The Literature of Urban America 508 Art in the Age of the City 509 The Impact of Darwinism 509 Toward Universal Schooling 510 Education for Women 511

AP America in the World Global Migrations 490

Patterns of Popular Culture Coney Island 504


19 FROM CRISIS TO EMPIRE 514

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 515 THE POLITICS OF EQUILIBRIUM 515

The National Government 516 Presidents and Patronage 516 Cleveland, Harrison, and the Tariff 517 New Public Issues 517

THE AGRARIAN REVOLT 520 The Grangers 520 The Farmers’ Alliances 521

Patterns of Popular Culture The Wild West Show 444

AP Debating the Past The “Frontier” and the West 446


17 INDUSTRIAL SUPREMACY 458

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 459 SOURCES OF INDUSTRIAL GROWTH 459

Industrial Technologies 459 The Airplane and the

Automobile 461 Research and Development 462 The Science of Production 462 Railroad Expansion 463 The Corporation 464 Consolidating Corporate

America 465 The Trust and the Holding Company 466

CAPITALISM AND ITS CRITICS 467 The “Self-Made Man” 467 Survival of the Fittest 471 The Gospel of Wealth 471 Alternative Visions 472 The Problems of Monopoly 473

INDUSTRIAL WORKERS IN THE NEW ECONOMY 475

The Immigrant Workforce 476 Wages and Working Conditions 476 Women and Children at Work 477 The Struggle to Unionize 478 The Great Railroad Strike 479 The Knights of Labor 480 The AFL 480 The Homestead Strike 481 The Pullman Strike 482 Sources of Labor Weakness 483

AP Consider the Source Philanthropy 468

Patterns of Popular Culture The Novels of Horatio Alger 472

Patterns of Popular Culture The Novels of Louisa May Alcott 474


18 THE AGE OF THE CITY 486

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 487 THE URBANIZATION OF AMERICA 487

The Lure of the City 487 Migrations 488

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CONTENTS • xi

THE ASSAULT ON THE PARTIES 560 Early Attacks 560 Municipal Reform 561 New Forms of Governance 561 Statehouse Progressivism 562 Parties and Interest Groups 563

SOURCES OF PROGRESSIVE REFORM 564 Labor, the Machine, and Reform 564 Western Progressives 565 African Americans and Reform 565

CRUSADE FOR SOCIAL ORDER AND REFORM 566 The Temperance Crusade 567 Immigration Restriction 568

CHALLENGING THE CAPITALIST ORDER 568 The Dream of Socialism 568 Decentralization and Regulation 570

THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND THE MODERN PRESIDENCY 570

The Accidental President 571 Government, Capital, and Labor 571 The “Square Deal” 574 Roosevelt and Conservation 574 Roosevelt and Preservation 575 The Hetch Hetchy Controversy 575 The Panic of 1907 576

THE TROUBLED SUCCESSION 577 Taft and the Progressives 577 The Return of Roosevelt 578 Spreading Insurgency 578 Roosevelt versus Taft 578

WOODROW WILSON AND THE NEW FREEDOM 579 Woodrow Wilson 579 The Scholar as President 579 Retreat and Advance 580

AP Debating the Past Progressivism 556

AP America in the World Social Democracy 562

AP Consider the Source Dedicated to Conserving America 572


21 AMERICA AND THE GREAT WAR 583

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 584 THE “BIG STICK”: AMERICA AND THE WORLD, 1901–1917 584

Roosevelt and “Civilization” 584 Protecting the “Open Door” in

Asia 584 The Iron-Fisted Neighbor 585 The Panama Canal 586

The Populist Constituency 523 Populist Ideas 523

THE CRISIS OF THE 1890S 524 The Panic of 1893 524 The Silver Question 525

“A CROSS OF GOLD” 527 The Emergence of Bryan 528 The Conservative Victory 529 McKinley and Recovery 530

STIRRINGS OF IMPERIALISM 531 The New Manifest Destiny 532 Hemispheric Hegemony 533 Hawaii and Samoa 534

WAR WITH SPAIN 538 Controversy over Cuba 538 “A Splendid Little War” 539 Seizing the Philippines 539 The Battle for Cuba 542 Puerto Rico and the United States 543 The Debate over the Philippines 543

THE REPUBLIC AS EMPIRE 545 Governing the Colonies 545 The Philippine War 545 The Open Door 547 A Modern Military System 548

Patterns of Popular Culture The Chautauquas 524

AP Debating the Past Populism 528

AP America in the World Imperialism 534

Patterns of Popular Culture Yellow Journalism 536

AP Consider the Source Memorializing National History 540


20 THE PROGRESSIVES 551

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 552 THE PROGRESSIVE IMPULSE 552

Varieties of Progressivism 552 The Muckrakers 552 The Social Gospel 553 The Settlement House

Movement 553 The Allure of Expertise 554 The Professions 555 Women and the Professions 555

WOMEN AND REFORM 556 The “New Woman” 556 The Clubwomen 557 Woman Suffrage 559

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xii • CONTENTS

Changing Ideas of Motherhood 624 The “Flapper”: Image and Reality 625 Pressing for Women’s Rights 626 Education and Youth 627 The Disenchanted 627 The Harlem Renaissance 630

A CONFLICT OF CULTURES 631 Prohibition 631 Nativism and the Klan 631 Religious Fundamentalism 634 The Democrats’ Ordeal 635

REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT 635 Harding and Coolidge 635 Government and Business 637

AP Consider the Source Communications Technology 618

AP America in the World The Cinema 626

Patterns of Popular Culture Dance Halls 628


23 THE GREAT DEPRESSION 639

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 640 THE COMING OF THE GREAT DEPRESSION 640

The Great Crash 640 Causes of the Depression 641 Progress of the Depression 643

THE AMERICAN PEOPLE IN HARD TIMES 643

Unemployment and Relief 644 African Americans and the

Depression 645 Mexican Americans in Depression America 646 Asian Americans in Hard Times 648 Women and the Workplace in the

Great Depression 648 Depression Families 649

THE DEPRESSION AND AMERICAN CULTURE 649 Depression Values 649 Artists and Intellectuals in the Great Depression 650 Radio 650 Movies in the New Era 651 Popular Literature and Journalism 653 The Popular Front and the Left 654

THE UNHAPPY PRESIDENCY OF HERBERT HOOVER 655

The Hoover Program 656 Popular Protest 657 The Election of 1932 658 The “Interregnum” 658

AP Debating the Past Causes of the Great Depression 642

Taft and “Dollar Diplomacy” 587 Diplomacy and Morality 587

THE ROAD TO WAR 589 The Collapse of the European Peace 589 Wilson’s Neutrality 589 Preparedness versus Pacifi sm 590 A War for Democracy 590

“WAR WITHOUT STINT” 591 Entering the War 591 The American Expeditionary Force 592 The Military Struggle 593 The New Technology of Warfare 594

THE WAR AND AMERICAN SOCIETY 596 Organizing the Economy for War 596 Labor and the War 596 Economic and Social Results of the War 597

THE FUTILE SEARCH FOR SOCIAL UNITY 599 The Peace Movement 599 Selling the War and Suppressing Dissent 599

THE SEARCH FOR A NEW WORLD ORDER 603 The Fourteen Points 603 Early Obstacles 603 The Paris Peace Conference 604 The Ratifi cation Battle 605 Wilson’s Ordeal 605

A SOCIETY IN TURMOIL 606 Industry and Labor 606 The Demands of African Americans 607 The Red Scare 609 Refuting the Red Scare 611 The Retreat from Idealism 611

AP Consider the Source Race, Gender, and Military Service 600


22 THE “NEW ERA” 614

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 615 THE NEW ECONOMY 615

Technology and Economic Growth 615

Economic Organization 616 Labor in the New Era 617 Women and Minorities in the

Workforce 617 The “American Plan” 621 Agricultural Technology and the

Plight of the Farmer 621

THE NEW CULTURE 622 Consumerism 622 Advertising 622 The Movies and Broadcasting 623 Modernist Religion 624 Professional Women 624

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CONTENTS • xiii

ISOLATIONISM AND INTERNATIONALISM 690

Depression Diplomacy 691 America and the Soviet Union 691 The Good Neighbor Policy 691 The Rise of Isolationism 692 The Failure of Munich 694

FROM NEUTRALITY TO INTERVENTION 695

Neutrality Tested 695 The Third-Term Campaign 698 Neutrality Abandoned 699 The Road to Pearl Harbor 699

AP America in the World The Sino-Japanese War, 1931–1941 692

Patterns of Popular Culture Orson Welles and the “War of the Worlds” 696

AP Debating the Past The Question of Pearl Harbor 700


26 AMERICA IN A WORLD AT WAR 704

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 705 WAR ON TWO FRONTS 705

Containing the Japanese 705 Holding Off the Germans 706 America and the Holocaust 708

THE AMERICAN PEOPLE IN WARTIME 709

Prosperity 709 The War and the West 712 Labor and the War 712 Stabilizing the Boom 712 Mobilizing Production 713 Wartime Science and Technology 713 African Americans and the War 715 Native Americans and the War 716 Mexican American War Workers 716 Women and Children at War 716 Wartime Life and Culture 718 The Internment of Japanese

Americans 720 Chinese Americans and the War 721 The Retreat from Reform 721

THE DEFEAT OF THE AXIS 722 The Liberation of France 722 The Pacifi c Offensive 724 The Manhattan Project 726 Atomic Warfare 727

AP Consider the Source The Face of the Enemy 710

Patterns of Popular Culture Life: The Great Magazine 718

AP America in the World The Global Depression 644

Patterns of Popular Culture The Films of Frank Capra 652


24 THE NEW DEAL 661

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 662 LAUNCHING THE NEW DEAL 662

Restoring Confi dence 662 Agricultural Adjustment 663 Industrial Recovery 663 Regional Planning 667 Currency, Banks, and the Stock

Market 668 The Growth of Federal Relief 668

THE NEW DEAL IN TRANSITION 669 Critics of the New Deal 669 The “Second New Deal” 670 Labor Militancy 671 Organizing Battles 671 Social Security 672 New Directions in Relief 673 The 1936 “Referendum” 673

THE NEW DEAL IN DISARRAY 675 The Court Fight 675 Retrenchment and Recession 676

LIMITS AND LEGACIES OF THE NEW DEAL 678 The Idea of the “Broker State” 679 African Americans and the New Deal 679 The New Deal and the “Indian Problem” 681 Women and the New Deal 682 The New Deal in the West and the South 683 The New Deal and the National Economy 683 The New Deal and American Politics 684

AP Consider the Source Banking Crises 664

Patterns of Popular Culture The Golden Age of Comic Books 676

AP Debating the Past The New Deal 680


25 THE GLOBAL CRISIS, 1921–1941 686

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 687 THE DIPLOMACY OF THE NEW ERA 687

Replacing the League 687 Debts and Diplomacy 688 Hoover and the World Crisis 689

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xiv • CONTENTS

THE EXPLOSION OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY 758

Medical Breakthroughs 758 Pesticides 759 Postwar Electronic Research 759 Postwar Computer

Technology 760 Bombs, Rockets, and Missiles 760 The Space Program 761

PEOPLE OF PLENTY 762 The Consumer Culture 762 The Landscape and the Automobile 763 The Suburban Nation 763 The Suburban Family 764 The Birth of Television 764 Travel, Outdoor Recreation, and Environmentalism 765 Organized Society and Its Detractors 766 The Beats and the Restless Culture of Youth 767 Rock ’n’ Roll 768

THE “OTHER AMERICA” 770 On the Margins of the Affl uent Society 770 Rural Poverty 770 The Inner Cities 771

THE RISE OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT 772 The Brown Decision and “Massive Resistance” 772 The Expanding Movement 773 Causes of the Civil Rights Movement 773

EISENHOWER REPUBLICANISM 774 “What Was Good for . . . General Motors” 774 The Survival of the Welfare State 774 The Decline of McCarthyism 775

EISENHOWER, DULLES, AND THE COLD WAR 775 Dulles and “Massive Retaliation” 775 France, America, and Vietnam 776 Cold War Crises 776 Europe and the Soviet Union 778 The U-2 Crisis 778

Patterns of Popular Culture On the Road 756

Patterns of Popular Culture Lucy and Desi 768


29 CIVIL RIGHTS, VIETNAM, AND THE ORDEAL OF LIBERALISM 781

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 782 EXPANDING THE LIBERAL STATE 782

John Kennedy 782 Lyndon Johnson 783 The Assault on Poverty 784 Cities, Schools, and Immigration 784 Legacies of the Great Society 785

AP Debating the Past The Decision to Drop the Atomic Bomb 728


27 THE COLD WAR 732

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 733 ORIGINS OF THE COLD WAR 733

Sources of Soviet-American Tension 733

Wartime Diplomacy 734 Yalta 734

THE COLLAPSE OF THE PEACE 735 The Failure of Potsdam 735 The China Problem 735 The Containment Doctrine 736 The Marshall Plan 737 Mobilization at Home 738 The Road to NATO 739 Reevaluating Cold War Policy 740 The Conservative Opposition to Containment 740

AMERICAN SOCIETY AND POLITICS AFTER THE WAR 741 The Problems of Reconversion 741 The Fair Deal Rejected 742 The Election of 1948 742 The Fair Deal Revived 744 The Nuclear Age 744

THE KOREAN WAR 745 The Divided Peninsula 745 From Invasion to Stalemate 745 Limited Mobilization 746

THE CRUSADE AGAINST SUBVERSION 747 HUAC and Alger Hiss 748 The Federal Loyalty Program and the

Rosenberg Case 748 McCarthyism 749 The Republican Revival 749

AP Debating the Past Origins of the Cold War 736

AP Debating the Past “McCarthyism” 750


28 THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY 753

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 754 “THE ECONOMIC MIRACLE” 754

Sources of Economic Growth 754 The Rise of the Modern West 755 The New Economics 755 Capital and Labor 756

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CONTENTS • xv

Expanding Achievements 820 The Abortion Controversy 821

ENVIRONMENTALISM IN A TURBULENT SOCIETY 821 The New Science of Ecology 821 Environmental Advocacy 822 Environmental Degradation 822 Earth Day and Beyond 823

NIXON, KISSINGER, AND THE WAR 824 Vietnamization 824 Escalation 825 “Peace with Honor” 826 Defeat in Indochina 826

NIXON, KISSINGER, AND THE WORLD 827 China and the Soviet Union 827 The Problems of Multipolarity 827

POLITICS AND ECONOMICS UNDER NIXON 828 Domestic Initiatives 828 From the Warren Court to the Nixon Court 828 The Election of 1972 829 The Troubled Economy 830 Inequality 832 The Nixon Response 832

THE WATERGATE CRISIS 832 The Scandals 832 The Fall of Richard Nixon 833

Patterns of Popular Culture Rock Music in the Sixties 810

AP America in the World The End of Colonialism 824

AP Debating the Past Watergate 830


31 FROM THE “AGE OF LIMITS” TO THE AGE OF REAGAN 837

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 838 POLITICS AND DIPLOMACY AFTER WATERGATE 838

The Ford Custodianship 838 The Trials of Jimmy Carter 839 Human Rights and National

Interests 840 The Year of the Hostages 840

THE RISE OF THE NEW AMERICAN RIGHT 841

The Sunbelt and Its Politics 842 The Politics of Religion 842 The “New Right” 844 The Tax Revolt 845 The Campaign of 1980 845

THE “REAGAN REVOLUTION” 846 The Reagan Coalition 846 Reagan in the White House 846

THE BATTLE FOR RACIAL EQUALITY 786

Expanding Protests 786 A National Commitment 787 The Battle for Voting Rights 787 The Changing Movement 788 Urban Violence 789 Black Power 790 Malcolm X 791

“FLEXIBLE RESPONSE” AND THE COLD WAR 792

Diversifying Foreign Policy 792 Confrontations with the

Soviet Union 793 Johnson and the World 793

THE AGONY OF VIETNAM 793 The First Indochina War 794 Geneva and the Two Vietnams 795 America and Diem 795 From Aid to Intervention 796 The Quagmire 798 The War at Home 799

THE TRAUMAS OF 1968 801 The Tet Offensive 801 The Political Challenge 802 The King and Kennedy Assassinations 803 The Conservative Response 804

AP Debating the Past The Civil Rights Movement 788

AP Debating the Past The Vietnam Commitment 794

Patterns of Popular Culture The Folk-Music Revival 798

AP America in the World 1968 802


30 THE CRISIS OF AUTHORITY 807

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 808 THE YOUTH CULTURE 808

The New Left 808 The Counterculture 811

THE MOBILIZATION OF MINORITIES 813

Seeds of Indian Militancy 813 The Indian Civil Rights

Movement 815 Latino Activism 816 Gay Liberation 817

THE NEW FEMINISM 818 The Rebirth 819 Women’s Liberation 819

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xvi • CONTENTS

SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN THE NEW ECONOMY 862

The Digital Revolution 862 The Internet 863 Breakthroughs in Genetics 863

A CHANGING SOCIETY 863 A Shifting Population 863 African Americans in the Post–Civil Rights Era 865 Modern Plagues: Drugs and AIDS 866

A CONTESTED CULTURE 866 Battles over Feminism and Abortion 866 The Growth of Environmentalism 867

THE PERILS OF GLOBALIZATION 867 Opposing the “New World Order” 868 Defending Orthodoxy 870 The Rise of Terrorism 870 The War on Terrorism 872 The Iraq War 872

TURBULENT POLITICS 875 The Unraveling of the Bush Presidency 876 The Election of 2008 and the Financial Crisis 876 The Obama Presidency 877

Patterns of Popular Culture Rap 868

AP Debating the Past Women’s History 870

AP America in the World The Global Environmental Movement 874


APPENDIXES A-1 GLOSSARY OF AP TERMINOLOGY A-16 CREDITS C-1 INDEX I-1

“Supply-Side” Economics 846 The Fiscal Crisis 847 Reagan and the World 848 The Election of 1984 849

AMERICA AND THE WANING OF THE COLD WAR 850 The Fall of the Soviet Union 850 Reagan and Gorbachev 850 The Fading of the Reagan Revolution 851 The Election of 1988 851 The First Bush Presidency 851 The First Gulf War 852 The Election of 1992 853

Patterns of Popular Culture The Mall 842


32 THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION 856

AP CONNECTING CONCEPTS 857 A RESURGENCE OF PARTISANSHIP 857

Launching the Clinton Presidency 857

The Republican Resurgence 858

The Election of 1996 858 Clinton Triumphant and Embattled 859 The Election of 2000 859 The Second Bush Presidency 860 The Election of 2004 860

THE ECONOMIC BOOM 861 From “Stagfl ation” to Growth 861 The Two-Tiered Economy 862 Globalization 862

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“VOTES FOR WOMEN,” BY B. M. BOYE This striking poster was the prize-winning entry in a 1911 contest sponsored by the College Equal Suffrage League of Northern California. (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University)

20 THE PROGRESSIVES

APHISTORICAL THINKING

1. Argumentation To what degree and in what ways were progressives able to make the American political system more democratic at the national, state, and local levels?

2. Argumentation To what degree and in what ways did the progressive movement improve life for average Americans through the regulation of big business?

3. Argumentation To what degree and in what ways were progressives able to enact social welfare legislation?

4. Contextualization Analyze the sources of support for progressive reform and the reasons for that support.

5. Contextualization Analyze the role of women in the progressive movement, reforms they sought to attain, and their relative success in realizing those goals.

6. Comparison Compare and contrast the views of big business and conservationists on the use of natural resources.

7. Comparison Compare and contrast New Nationalism with New Freedom.

8. Comparison Compare the positions of Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois on how to best attain equal rights for African Americans.

Key Concept CorrelationsAnalyze the ways the historical developments you learn about in this chapter connect to one or more of these key concepts in AP U.S. History coursework.

6.3.I.C A number of artists and critics, including agrarians, utopians, socialists, and advocates of the Social Gospel, championed alternative vi-sions for the economy and U.S. society.

6.3.II.B Many women sought greater equality with men, often joining voluntary organizations, going to college, promoting social and political reform, and, like Jane Addams, working in settlement houses to help im-migrants adapt to U.S. language and customs.

7.1.II.A Some Progressive Era journalists attacked what they saw as political corruption, social injustice, and economic inequality, while reform-ers, often from the middle and upper classes and including many women, worked to effect social changes in cities and among immigrant popula-tions.

7.1.II.B On the national level, Progressives sought federal legislation that they believed would effectively regulate the economy, expand democ-racy, and generate moral reform. Progressive amendments to the Constitution dealt with issues such as prohibition and woman suffrage.

7.1.II.C Preservationists and conservationists both supported the establish-ment of national parks while advocating different government responses to the overuse of natural resources.

7.1.II.D The Progressives were divided over many issues. Some Progressives supported Southern segregation, while others ignored its pres-ence. Some Progressives advocated expanding popular participation in gov-ernment, while others called for greater reliance on professional and technical experts to make government more efficient. Progressives also disagreed about immigration restriction.

Thematic Learning ObjectivesCUL-1.0, 2.0, 3.0; NAT-2.0; POL-1.0, 2.0, 3.0; GEO-1.0

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552 •

Belief in Progress

CONNECTING CONCEPTSAPCHAPTER 20 discusses the progressive reform movement and the beliefs and philosophies that drove

the impulse. It discusses the strategies of reformers for realizing their agenda, as well as their relative success.

The chapter deals extensively with the positive contributions of women to general social reform and to specific

issues of interest, such as prohibition and suffrage. As you study the chapter, you should also focus on the

political agendas of Theodore Roosevelt, William Taft, and Woodrow Wilson, particularly on comparing and

contrasting the ideas of Roosevelt’s New Nationalism and Wilson’s New Freedom. Pay close attention also to the

discussion of diverse views concerning environmental protection. As you read, evaluate the following ideas:

• Progressives pressured government to take a more active role in democratizing the political system,

reining in the power of big business, and enacting social welfare legislation.

• The middle class, women, and journalists played prominent roles in initiating progressive reforms.

THE PROGRESSIVE IMPULSE

Progressivism was, first, an optimistic vision. Progressives believed, as their name implies, in the idea of progress. They believed that society was capable of improve-ment and that continued growth and advancement were the nation’s destiny.

But progressives believed, too, that growth and progress could not continue to occur recklessly, as they had in the late nineteenth century. The “natural laws” of the marketplace, and the doc-trines of laissez faire and Social Darwinism that celebrated those laws, were not sufficient. Direct, purposeful human intervention in social and economic affairs was, they argued, essential to order-ing and bettering society.

Varieties of ProgressivismProgressives did not always agree on the form their intervention should take, and the result was a variety of reform impulses that sometimes seemed to have little in common. One powerful impulse was the spirit of “antimonopoly,” the fear of concentrated power and the urge to limit

and disperse authority and wealth. This vaguely populist impulse appealed not only to many workers and farmers but to some middle-class Americans

as well. And it encouraged government to regulate or break up trusts at both the state and national level.

Another progressive impulse was a belief in the importance of social cohesion: the belief that individuals are part of a great web of social relationships, that each person’s welfare is dependent on the welfare of society as a whole. That assumption produced a concern about the “victims” of industrialization and other people who had difficult lives.

Still another impulse was a deep faith in knowledge—in the possibilities of applying to society the principles of natural and social sciences. Many reformers believed that knowledge was more

important than anything else as a vehicle for making society more equitable and humane. Most progressives believed, too, that a modernized government could—and must—play an important role in the process of improving and stabi-

lizing society. Modern life was too complex to be left in the hands of party bosses, untrained amateurs, and antiquated institutions.

The MuckrakersAmong the first people to articulate the new spirit of reform were crusading journalists who began to direct public attention toward social, economic, and political injustices. They became known as the “muckrakers,” after Theodore Roosevelt accused one of them of raking up muck

“AntimonoPoly”

fAith in Knowledge

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THE PROGRESSIVES • 553

through his writings. They were committed to exposing scandal, corruption, and injustice to public view.

At first, their major targets were the trusts and particularly the railroads, which the muckrakers considered powerful and

deeply corrupt. Exposés of the great corpo-rate organizations began to appear as early as the 1860s, when Charles Francis Adams Jr. and others uncovered corruption among

the railroad barons. One of the most notable muckrakers was the journalist Ida Tarbell’s enormous study of the Standard Oil trust (published first in magazines and then as a two-volume book in 1904). By the turn of the century, many muckrakers were turning their attention to government, particularly to the urban political machines. The most influential, perhaps, was Lincoln Steffens, a reporter for McClure’s magazine and the author of a famous book based on his articles, The Shame of the Cities (1904). His portraits of “machine government” and “boss rule”; his exposure of “boodlers” in cities as diverse as St. Louis, Minneapolis, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago, Philadelphia, and New York; his tone of studied moral outrage—all helped arouse sentiment for urban political reform. The alternative to leaving government in the hands of corrupt party leaders, the muck-rakers argued, was for the people themselves to take a greater interest in public life.

The muckrakers reached the peak of their influence in the first decade of the twentieth century. By presenting social problems to the public with indignation and moral fervor, they helped inspire other Americans to take action.

The Social GospelThe growing outrage at social and economic injustice helped produce many reformers committed to the pursuit of what came to be known as “social justice.” (Social justice is a term widely used around the world to describe a kind of justice that goes beyond the individual, seeking justice for society as a whole. Advocates of social justice are likely to believe in an egalitarian society and support for poor and oppressed people.) That impulse helped create the rise of what became known as the “Social Gospel.” By the early twentieth cen-tury, it had become a powerful movement within American Protestantism (and, to a lesser extent, within American Catholicism and Judaism). It was chiefly concerned with redeeming the nation’s cities.

The Salvation Army, which began in England but soon spread to the United States, was one example of the fusion of religion with reform. A Christian social welfare organization with a vaguely military structure, by 1900 it had recruited 3,000 “offi-cers” and 20,000 “privates” and was offering both material aid and spiritual service to the urban poor. In addition, many minis-ters, priests, and rabbis left traditional parish work to serve in the troubled cities. Charles Sheldon’s In His Steps (1898), the story of a young minister who abandoned a comfortable post to work among the needy, sold more than 15 million copies. It was one of the most successful novels of the era.

idA tArBell And lincoln

steffens

Walter Rauschenbusch, a Protestant theologian from Rochester, New York, published a series of influential dis-courses on the possibilities for human salvation through Christian reform. To him, the message of Darwinism was not

the survival of the fittest. He believed, rather, that all individuals should work to ensure a humanitarian evolution of the

social fabric. Some American Catholics seized on the 1893 publication of Pope Leo XIII’s encyclical Rerum Novarum (New Things) as justification for their own crusade for social justice. Catholic liberals such as Father John A. Ryan took to heart the pope’s warning that “a small number of very rich men have been able to lay upon the masses of the poor a yoke little bet-ter than slavery itself.” For decades, he worked to expand the scope of Catholic social welfare organizations.

The Settlement House MovementAn element of much progressive thought was the belief in the influence of the environment on individual development. Social Darwinists such as William Graham Sumner had argued that people’s fortunes reflected their inherent “fitness” for sur-vival. Progressive theorists disagreed. Ignorance, poverty, even criminality, they argued, were not the result of inherent genetic failings or of the workings of providence; they were, rather, the effects of an unhealthy environment. To elevate the distressed, therefore, required an improvement of the condi-tions in which they lived.

Nothing produced more distress, many urban reformers believed, than crowded immigrant neighborhoods, which publicists such as Jacob Riis were exposing through vivid

photographs and lurid descriptions. One response to the problems of such commu-nities, borrowed from England, was the settlement house. The most famous, and one of the first, was Hull House, which

opened in 1889 in Chicago as a result of the efforts of the social worker Jane Addams. It became a model for more than 400 similar institutions throughout the nation. Staffed by members of the educated middle class, settlement houses sought to help immigrant families adapt to the language and customs of their new country. Settlement houses avoided the condescension and moral disapproval of earlier philan-thropic efforts. But they generally embraced a belief that middle-class Americans had a responsibility to impart their own values to immigrants and to teach them how to create middle-class lifestyles.

Young college women (mostly unmarried) were important participants in the settlement house movement. Working in a settlement house, which was a protected site that served mostly women, was consistent with the widespread assump-tion that women needed to be sheltered from difficult envi-ronments. The clean and well-tended buildings that settlement houses created were not only a model for immigrant women, but an appropriate site for elite women as well.

fAther John ryAn

JAne AddAms And hull

house


554 • CHAPTER 20

The settlement houses helped create another important element of progressive reform: the profession of social work. Workers at Hull House, for example, maintained a close relationship with the University of Chicago’s pioneering work in the field of sociology. A growing number of programs for the professional training of social workers began to appear in the nation’s leading universities, partly in response to the activities of the settlements.

The Allure of ExpertiseAs the emergence of the social work profession suggests, pro-gressives involved in humanitarian efforts placed a high value on knowledge and expertise. Even nonscientific problems, they believed, could be analyzed and solved scientifically. Many reformers came to believe that only enlightened experts and well-designed bureaucracies could create the stability and order America needed.

Some reformers even spoke of the creation of a new civili-zation, in which the expertise of scientists and engineers could be brought to bear on the problems of the economy and

society. The social scientist Thorstein Veblen, for example, proposed a new economic system in which power would reside in the hands of highly trained engineers. Only they, he argued, could fully understand the “machine process” by which modern society must be governed.

The ProfessionsThe late nineteenth century saw a dramatic expansion in the number of Americans engaged in administrative and profes-sional tasks. Industries needed managers, technicians, and accountants as well as workers. Cities required commercial, medical, legal, and educational services. New technology required scientists and engineers, who, in turn, required insti-tutions and instructors to train them. By the turn of the cen-tury, those performing these services had come to constitute a distinct social group—what some historians have called a new middle class.

The new middle class placed a high value on education and individual accomplishment. By the early twentieth cen-tury, its millions of members were building organizations and

“THE BOSSES OF THE SENATE” (1889), BY JOSEPH KEPPLER Keppler was a popular political cartoonist of the late nineteenth century who shared the growing concern about the power of the trusts—portrayed here as bloated, almost reptilian figures standing menacingly over the members of the U.S. Senate, to whose chamber the “people’s entrance” is “closed.” (© The Granger Collection, New York)



to keep the numbers down, to ensure that demand would remain high.

Women and the ProfessionsBoth by custom and by active barriers of law and prejudice, American women found themselves excluded from most of the emerging professions. But a substantial number of middle-class women—particularly those emerging from the new women’s colleges and coeducational state universities—entered profes-sional careers nevertheless.

A few women managed to establish themselves as physi-cians, lawyers, engineers, scientists, and corporate managers in

the early 1900s. Several leading medical schools admitted women, and in 1900 about 5 percent of all American physicians were female (a proportion that remained

unchanged until the 1960s). Most, however, turned by neces-sity to those “helping” professions that society considered vaguely domestic and thus suitable for women: settlement houses, social work, and most important, teaching. Indeed, in the late nineteenth century, more than two-thirds of all gram-mar school teachers were women, and perhaps 90 percent of all professional women were teachers. For educated black women, in particular, the existence of segregated schools in the South created a substantial market for African American teachers.

Women also dominated other professional activities. Nursing had become primarily a women’s field during and after the Civil War. By the early twentieth century, it was

femAle-dominAted Professions

establishing standards to secure their position in society. The idea of professionalism had been a frail one in America even as late as 1880. When every patent-medicine salesman could claim to be a doctor, when every frustrated politician could set up shop as a lawyer, when anyone who could read and write could pose as a teacher, a professional label by itself carried lit-tle weight. There were, of course, skilled and responsible doctors, lawyers, teachers, and oth-ers; but they had no way of controlling or distin-guishing themselves clearly from the amateurs, charlatans, and incompetents who presumed to practice their trades. As the demand for profes-sional services increased, so did the pressures for reform.

Among the first to respond was the medical profession. In 1901, doctors who considered

themselves trained profes-sionals reorganized the American Medical Associa-tion into a national profes-

sional society. By 1920, nearly two-thirds of all American doctors were members. The AMA quickly called for strict, scientific standards for admission to the practice of medicine, with doc-tors themselves serving as protectors of the standards. State governments responded by passing new laws requiring the licensing of all physicians. By 1900, medical education at a few medical schools—notably Johns Hopkins in Baltimore (founded in 1893)—compared favorably with that in the lead-ing institutions of Europe. Doctors such as William H. Welch at Hopkins revolutionized the teaching of medicine by moving students out of the classrooms and into laboratories and clinics.

There was similar movement in other professions. By 1916, lawyers in all forty-eight states had established profes-sional bar associations. The nation’s law schools accordingly expanded greatly. Businessmen supported the creation of schools of business administration and created their own national organizations: the National Association of Manufacturers in 1895 and the United States Chamber of

Commerce in 1912. Even farmers, long the symbol of the romantic spirit of individualism, responded to the new order by forming, through the National Farm Bureau Federation, a network of

agricultural organizations designed to spread scientific farming methods.

While removing the untrained and incompetent, the admission requirements also protected those already in the professions from excessive competition and lent prestige and status to their trades. Some professionals used their entrance requirements to exclude blacks, women, immigrants, and other “undesirables” from their ranks. Others used them simply

AmericAn medicAl

AssociAtion

nAtionAl AssociAtion of mAnufActurers

THE INFANT WELFARE SOCIETY, CHICAGO The Infant Welfare Society was one of many “helping” organizations in Chicago and other large cities—many of them closely tied to the settlement houses—that strove to help immigrants adapt to American life and create safe and healthy living conditions. Here, a volunteer helps an immigrant mother learn to bathe her baby. (The Library of Congress (LC-DIG-npcc-33267))


556 •

Progressivism

UNTIL the early 1950s, most historians generally agreed on the central characteristics of progressivism. It was just what progressives themselves said it was: a move-

ment by the “people” to curb the power of the “special interests.”George Mowry challenged this traditional view in The California Progressives (1951). He

described the reform movement in California not as a people’s protest, but, rather, as an effort by a small and privileged group of business and professional men to limit the power of large new corpora-tions and labor unions. Richard Hofstadter expanded on this idea in The Age of Reform (1955), describing progressives throughout the country as people suffering from “status anxiety”—old, for-merly influential, upper-middle-class families seeking to restore their fading prestige by challenging the powerful new institutions that had begun to displace them.

The Mowry-Hofstadter thesis provoked new challenges and new interpretations of the meaning of progressivism. Gabriel Kolko, in The Triumph of Conservatism (1963), rejected the Mowry-Hofstadter idea that progressivism represented the efforts of a displaced elite. Progressivism, he argued, was an effort to regulate business undertaken, not by the “people” or “displaced elites,” but by corporate leaders, who saw in government supervision a way to protect themselves from competition. Martin Sklar’s The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism (1988) is a more sophisticated version of a similar argument.

A more moderate challenge to the “psychological” interpretation of progressivism came from historians embracing a new “organizational” view of history. In The Search for Order, 1877–1920 (1967), Robert Wiebe presented progressivism as a response to dislocations in American life brought on by rapid changes in the economy. Economic power had moved to large, national organizations, while social and political life remained centered primarily in local communities. The result was wide-spread disorder and unrest. Progressivism, Wiebe argued, was the effort of a “new middle class”—a class tied to the emerging national economy—to stabilize and enhance their position in society by creating national institutions suitable for the new national economy.

Some historians continued to argue that progressivism was a movement of the people against the special interests. J. Joseph Huthmacher argued in 1962 that much of the force behind progressivism came from members of the working class, especially immigrants, who pressed for such reforms as

workmen’s compensation and wage and hour laws. John Buenker, in Urban Liberalism and Progressive Reform (1973), claimed that political machines and urban “bosses” were important sources of reform energy and helped create twentieth-century liberalism.

Other historians writing in the 1970s and 1980s attempted to link reform to some of the broad pro-cesses of political change that had created the public battles of the era. Richard L. McCormick’s From Realignment to Reform (1981), a study of political change in New York State, argued that the crucial change in this era was the decline of the political parties and the rise of interest groups working for particular social and economic goals.

Many historians see progressivism as rooted in gen-der and have focused on the role of women (and the vast network of voluntary associations they created) in shaping and promoting progressive reform. Historians Kathryn Sklar, Linda Gordon, Ruth Rosen, and Elaine Tyler May, among others, argued that some progres-sive battles were part of an effort by women to protect their interests within the domestic sphere in the face of jarring challenges from the new industrial world. This protective urge drew women reformers to such issues as temperance, divorce, prostitution, and the regulation of female and child labor. Other women worked to expand their own roles in the public world. Progressivism cannot be understood, historians of women contend,

adopting professional standards. And many women entered academia—often receiving advanced degrees at such predomi-nantly male institutions as the University of Chicago, MIT, or Columbia, and finding professional opportunities in the new and expanding women’s colleges.

WOMEN AND REFORM

The prominence of women in reform movements is one of the most striking features of progressivism. In most states in the early twentieth century, women could not vote. They almost

never held public office. They had foot-holds in only a few (and usually primarily female) professions and lived in a culture in which most people, male and female,

Key role of women in

reform cAuses

believed that women were not suited for the public world. What, then, explains the prominent role so many women played in the reform activities of the period?

The “New Woman”The phenomenon of the “new woman,” widely remarked upon at the time, was a product of social and economic changes that

affected the private world as much as the public one, even if such changes affected mostly middle-class people. By the end of the nineteenth century, almost all

income-producing activity had moved out of the home and into the factory or the office. At the same time, children were begin-ning school at earlier ages and spending more time there. For many wives and mothers who did not work for wages, the home

socioeconomic origins of the new womAn

DEBATING THE PASTAP


• 557

McGerr, in A Fierce Discontent (2003), and Alan Dawley, in Changing the World (2003), have characterized pro-gressivism as a fundamentally moral undertaking. McGerr viewed it as an effort by the middle class to create order and stability, whereas Dawley saw it as an effort by groups on the left to attack social injustice.

Given the range of disagreement over the nature of the progressive movement, it is hardly surprising that some historians have despaired of finding any coherent definition for the term. Peter Filene, for one, suggested in 1970 that the concept of progressivism as a “move-ment” had outlived its usefulness. But Daniel Rodgers, in an important 1982 article, “In Search of Progressivism,” disagreed. The very diversity of progressivism, he argued, accounted both for its enormous impact on its time and for its capacity to reveal to us today the “noise and tumult” of an age of rapid social change. •

ARGUMENTATION AND INTERPRETATION

Questions assume cumulative content knowledge from this chapter and previous chapters.

1. Identify five interpretations concerning the progressive era made by historians. For each, provide one piece of historical evidence that supports the argument.

2. Identify the interpretations that view progressivism through a psychological lens. Identify the arguments that view progressivism through a gender lens. Identify the arguments that view progressivism through an organizational lens.

3. With which historian’s interpretation do you most agree? Explain why, supporting your argument with historical evidence.

(© Private Collection/The Bridgeman Art Library)

was no longer an all-consuming place. Technological innovations such as running water, electricity, and eventually household appliances made housework less onerous (even if higher stan-dards of cleanliness counterbalanced many of these gains).

Declining family size also changed the lives of many women. Middle-class white women in the late nineteenth century had fewer children than their mothers and grandmothers had borne. They also lived longer. Many women thus now spent fewer years with young children in the home and lived more years after their children were grown.

Some educated women shunned marriage, believing that only by remaining single could they play the roles they envi-sioned in the public world. Single women were among the most prominent female reformers of the time: Jane Addams and Lillian Wald in the settlement house movement, Frances Willard in the temperance movement, Anna Howard Shaw in

the suffrage movement, and many others. Some of these women lived alone. Others lived with other women, often in

long-term relationships—some of them quietly romantic—that were known at the time as “Boston marriages.” The divorce

rate also rose rapidly in the late nineteenth century, from one divorce for every twenty-one marriages in 1880 to one in nine by 1916; women initiated the majority of them.

The ClubwomenAmong the most visible signs of the increasing public roles of women in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were the women’s clubs, which proliferated rapidly beginning in the 1880s and 1890s and became the vanguard of many important reforms.

“Boston Marriages”

without understanding the role of women and the importance of issues involving the family and the private world within it.

Other historians have sought to place progressivism in a broader context. Daniel Rodgers’s Atlantic Crossings (1998) is a study of how European reforms influenced American progressives. Both Michael

AP

bri136299_ch20_551-582_sampler.indd 557 10/15/15 8:51 AM

558 • CHAPTER 20

The women’s clubs began largely as cultural organizations to provide middle- and upper-class women with an outlet for their intellectual energies. In 1892, when women formed the

General Federation of Women’s Clubs to coordinate the activities of local organiza-

tions, there were more than 100,000 members in nearly 500 clubs. By 1917, there were over 1 million.

By the early twentieth century, the clubs were becoming less concerned with cultural activities and more concerned with contributing to social betterment. Because many club members were from wealthy families, some organizations had substantial funds at their disposal to make their influence felt. And ironically, because women could not vote, the clubs had a nonpartisan image that made them difficult for politi-cians to dismiss.

Black women occasionally joined clubs dominated by whites. But most such clubs excluded blacks, and so African Americans formed clubs of their own. Some of them affiliated with the General Federation, but most became part of the independent

gfwc

National Association of Colored Women. Some black clubs also took positions on issues of particular concern to African Americans, such as lynching and aspects of segregation.

The women’s club movement seldom raised overt challenges to prevailing assumptions about the proper role of women in society. Few clubwomen were willing to accept the arguments

of such committed feminists as Charlotte Perkins Gilman, who in her 1898 book, Women and Economics, argued that the tra-ditional definition of gender roles was

exploitive and obsolete. Instead, the club movement allowed women to define a space for themselves in the public world without openly challenging the existing, male-dominated order.

Much of what the clubs did was uncontroversial: plant-ing trees; supporting schools, libraries, and settlement houses; building hospitals and parks. But clubwomen were also an important force in winning passage of state (and ultimately federal) laws that regulated the conditions of woman and child labor, established government inspection

A PuBlic sPAce for women

THE COLORED WOMEN’S LEAGUE OF WASHINGTON, D.C. The women’s club movement spread widely through American life and produced a number of organizations through which African American women gathered to improve social and political conditions. The Colored Women’s League of Washington, D.C., members of which appear in this 1894 photograph, was founded in 1892 by Sara Fleetwood, a registered nurse who was the wife of Christian Fleetwood, one of the first African American soldiers to receive the Congressional Medal of Honor for his heroism in the Civil War. The league she founded was committed to “racial uplift,” and it consisted mostly of teachers, who created nurseries for the infants of women who worked and evening schools for adults. Members of the League are shown here gathered on the steps of Frederick Douglass’s home on Capitol Hill. Sara Fleetwood is in the second row on the far right. (The Library of Congress)



of workplaces, regulated the food and drug industries, reformed policies toward the Indian tribes, applied new standards to urban housing, and, perhaps most notably, outlawed the manufacture and sale of alcohol. They were instrumental in pressuring state legislatures in most states to provide “mother’s pensions” to widowed or abandoned mothers with small children—a system that ultimately became absorbed into the Social Security system. In 1912, they pressured Congress into establishing the Children’s Bureau in the Labor Department, an agency directed to develop policies to protect children.

In many of these efforts, the clubwomen formed alliances with other women’s groups, such as the Women’s Trade Union

League (WTUL), founded in 1903 by female union members and upper-class reformers. It was committed to persuading women to join unions. In addition to work-

ing on behalf of protective legislation for women, WTUL mem-bers held public meetings on behalf of female workers, raised money to support strikes, marched on picket lines, and bailed striking women out of jail.

Woman SuffragePerhaps the largest single reform movement of the progressive era, indeed one of the largest in American history, was the fight for woman suffrage.

It is sometimes difficult for today’s Americans to understand why the suffrage issue could have become the source of such enormous controversy. But at the time, suffrage seemed to many of its critics a very radical demand, in part because of the rationale some of its early

women’s trAde union

leAgue

rAdicAl chAllenge of

women’s suffrAge

supporters used to advance it. Throughout the late nineteenth century, many suffrage advocates presented their views in terms of “natural rights,” arguing that women deserved the same rights as men—including, first and foremost, the right to vote. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, for example, wrote in 1892 of woman as “the arbiter of her own destiny . . . if we are to con-sider her as a citizen, as a member of a great nation, she must have the same rights as all other members.” This was an argu-ment that boldly challenged the views of the many men and women who believed that society required a distinctive female “sphere” in which women would serve first and foremost as wives and mothers. And so a powerful antisuffrage movement emerged, dominated by men but with the active support of many women. Opponents railed against the threat suffrage posed to the “natural order” of civilization. Antisuffragists, many of them women, associated suffrage with divorce (not without some reason, since many suffrage advocates also supported making it easier for women to obtain a divorce). They linked suffrage with promiscuity, immorality, and neglect of children.

In the first years of the twentieth century, the suffrage movement began to overcome this opposition and win some substantial victories, in part because suffragists were becoming better organized and more politically sophisticated than their opponents. Under the leadership of Anna Howard Shaw, a Boston social worker, and Carrie Chapman Catt, a journalist

from Iowa, membership in the National American Woman Suffrage Association

(NAWSA) grew from about 13,000 in 1893 to over 2 million in 1917. The movement gained strength because many of its most prominent leaders began to justify suffrage in “safer,” less threatening ways. Suffrage, some supporters began to argue, would not challenge the “separate sphere” in which women resided. It was, they claimed, precisely because women occupied

nAwsA

SHIRTWAIST WORKERS ON STRIKE The Women’s Trade Union League was notable for bringing educated, middle-class women together with workers in efforts to improve factory and labor conditions. These picketing women are workers in the “Ladies Tailors” garment factory in New York. (The Library of Congress (LC-DIG-ggbain-04507))


560 • CHAPTER 20

SUFFRAGE PAGEANT, 1913 On March 3, 1913—the day before Woodrow Wilson’s inauguration as president—more than 5,000 supporters of woman suffrage staged a parade in Washington, D.C., that overshadowed Wilson’s own arrival there. Crowds estimated at over half a million watched the parade, not all of them admirers of the woman suffrage movement, and some of the onlookers attacked the marchers. The police did nothing to stop the attacks. This photograph depicts a suffragist, Florence Noyes, costumed as Liberty, posing in front of the U.S. Treasury Building, part of a pageant accompanying the parade. Woman suffrage was one of the most important and impassioned reform movements of the progressive era. (The Library of Congress)

a distinct sphere—because as mothers and wives and home-makers they had special experiences and special sensitivities to bring to public life—that woman suffrage could make such an important contribution to politics.

In particular, many suffragists argued that enfranchising women would help the temperance movement, by giving its largest group of supporters a political voice. Some suffrage advocates claimed that once women had the vote, war would become a thing of the past, since women would—by their calming, maternal influence—help curb the belligerence of men. That was one reason why World War I gave a final, decisive push to the movement for suffrage.

Suffrage also attracted support for other, less optimistic rea-sons. Many middle-class people found per-suasive the argument that if blacks, immigrants, and other “base” groups had access to the franchise, then it was a matter

not only of justice but of common sense to allow educated, “well-born” women to vote.

The principal triumphs of the suffrage movement began in 1910, when Washington became the first state in four-

teen years to extend suffrage to women. California followed a year later, and four other western states in 1912. In 1913,

Illinois became the first state east of the Mississippi to embrace woman suffrage. And in 1917 and 1918, New York and Michigan—two of the most populous states in the Union—gave women the vote. By 1919, thirty-nine states had granted women the right to vote in at least some elections; fifteen had allowed them full participation. In 1920, finally, suffragists won ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, which guaranteed political rights to women throughout the nation.

To some feminists, however, the victory seemed less than complete. Alice Paul, head of the militant National Woman’s

conservAtive Arguments

for suffrAge

nineteenth Amendment

Party (founded in 1916), never accepted the relatively conservative “separate sphere” justification for suffrage. She argued that the Nineteenth Amendment alone would not be sufficient to protect women’s rights. Women needed more: a constitutional amendment that would provide clear, legal protection for their rights and would prohibit all discrimina-tion on the basis of sex. But Alice Paul’s argument found limited favor even among many of the most important leaders of the recently triumphant suffrage crusade.

THE ASSAULT ON THE PARTIES

Sooner or later, most progressive goals required the involve-ment of government. Only government, reformers agreed, could effectively counter the many powerful private interests that threatened the nation. But American government at the dawn of the new century was, progressives believed, poorly

adapted to perform their ambitious tasks. At every level, political institutions were out-moded, inefficient, and corrupt. Before pro-

gressives could reform society effectively, they would have to reform government itself. Many reformers believed the first step must be an assault on the dominant role the political par-ties played in the life of the state.

Early AttacksAttacks on party dominance had been frequent in the late nineteenth century. Greenbackism and Populism, for example, had been efforts to break the hammerlock with which the Republicans and Democrats controlled public life. The Independent Republicans (or mugwumps) had also attempted to challenge the grip of partisanship.

reforming government



These early assaults enjoyed some success. In the 1880s and 1890s, for example, most states adopted the secret ballot. Prior to that, the political parties themselves had printed ballots (or “ tickets”), with the names of the party’s candidates, and no others. They distributed the tickets to their supporters, who then simply went to the polls to deposit them in the ballot box. The old system had made it possible for bosses to monitor the voting behavior of their constituents; it had also made it difficult for voters to “split” their tickets—to vote for candidates of different parties for different offices. The new secret ballot—printed by the government and distributed at the polls to be filled out and deposited in secret—helped chip away at the power of the parties over voters.

Municipal ReformMany progressives, such as Lincoln Steffens, believed the impact of party rule was most damaging in the cities. Municipal government therefore became one of the first targets of those working for political reform.

The muckrakers struck a responsive chord among a power-ful group of urban, middle-class progressives. For several decades after the Civil War, “respectable” citizens of the nation’s large cities had avoided participation in municipal government. Viewing politics as a debased and demeaning activity, they shrank from contact with the “vulgar” elements

who were coming to dominate public life. By the end of the century, however, a new generation of

activists—some of them members of old aristocratic families, others a part of the new middle class—were taking a growing interest in government.

These activists faced a formidable array of oppo-nents. In addition to challenging the powerful city bosses and their entrenched political organiza-tions, they were attacking a large group of special interests: saloon owners, brothel keepers, and, per-haps most significantly, those businessmen who had established lucrative relationships with the urban political machines and who viewed reform as a threat to their profits. Finally, there was the great constituency of urban working people, many of them recent immigrants, to whom the machines were a source of needed jobs and services. Gradually, however, the reformers gained in polit-ical strength.

New Forms of GovernanceOne of the first major successes came in Galveston, Texas, where the old city government proved unable

to deal with the effects of a destructive tidal wave in 1900. Capitalizing on public dismay,

reformers, many of them local businessmen, won approval of a new city charter. The mayor and

middle-clAss Progressives

commission PlAn

council were replaced by an elected, nonpartisan commission. In 1907, Des Moines, Iowa, adopted its own version of the commis-sion plan, and other cities followed.

Another approach to municipal reform was the city-manager plan, by which elected officials hired an outside expert—often a professionally trained business manager or engineer—to take

charge of the city government. The city manager would presumably remain untainted by the corrupting influence of

politics. By the end of the progressive era in the early 1920s, almost 400 cities were operating under commissions, and another 45 employed city managers.

In most urban areas, the enemies of partnership had to set-tle for less absolute victories. Some cities made the election of mayors nonpartisan (so that the parties could not choose the candidates) or moved them to years when no presidential or congressional races were in progress (to reduce the influence of the large turnouts that party organizations produced). Reformers tried to make city councilors run at large, to limit the influence of ward leaders and district bosses. They tried to strengthen the power of the mayor at the expense of the city council, on the assumption that reformers were more likely to succeed in getting a sympathetic mayor elected than they were to win control of the entire council.

Some of the most successful reformers emerged from con-ventional political structures that progressives came to control.

city-mAnAger PlAn

TOM JOHNSON As sentiment for municipal reform grew in intensity in the late nineteenth century, it became possible for progressive mayors committed to ending “boss rule” to win election over machine candidates in some of America’s largest cities. One of the most prominent was Tom Johnson, the reform mayor of Cleveland. Johnson made a fortune in the steel and streetcar business and then entered politics, partly as a result of reading Henry George’s Poverty and Progress. He became mayor in 1901 and in his four terms waged strenuous battles against party bosses and corporate interests. He won many fights, but he lost what he considered his most important one: the struggle for municipal ownership of public utilities. (© Western Reserve Historical Society)


562 •

Tom Johnson, the celebrated reform mayor of Cleveland, waged a long war against the powerful streetcar interests in his city, fighting to lower street-

car fares to 3 cents, and ultimately to impose municipal owner-ship on certain basic utilities. After Johnson’s defeat and death, his talented aide Newton D. Baker won election as mayor and helped maintain Cleveland’s reputation as the best-governed city in America. Hazen Pingree of Detroit, Samuel “Golden Rule” Jones of Toledo, and other mayors effectively challenged local party bosses to bring the spirit of reform into city government.

Statehouse ProgressivismThe assault on boss rule in the cities did not, however, always produce results. Consequently, many progressives turned to state government as an agent for reform. They looked with particular scorn on state legislatures, whose ill-paid, undistin-guished members, they believed, were generally incompetent, often corrupt, and totally controlled by party bosses. Reformers

tom Johnson

began looking for ways to circumvent the boss-controlled legislatures by increasing the power of the electorate.

Two of the most important changes were innovations first proposed by Populists in the 1890s: the initiative and the

referendum. The initiative allowed reform-ers to circumvent state legislatures by submitting new legislation directly to the

voters in general elections. The referendum provided a method by which actions of the legislature could be returned to the electorate for approval. By 1918, more than twenty states had enacted one or both of these reforms.

Similarly, the direct primary and the recall were efforts to limit the power of party and improve the quality of elected

officials. The primary election was an attempt to take the selection of candidates away from the bosses and give it to the peo-ple. (In the South, it was also an effort to

limit black voting—since primary voting, many white southerners believed, would be easier to control than general elections.) The

initiAtive And referendum

direct PrimAry And

recAll

ENORMOUS energy, enthusiasm, and organization drove the reform efforts in America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth

centuries, much of it a result of social crises and political movements in the United States. But the “age of reform,” as some scholars have called it, was not just an American phenomenon. It was part of a wave of social experimentation that was occurring through much of the industrial world.

Several industrializing nations—the United States, Britain, Germany, and France—adopted the term “progressivism” for their efforts, but the term that most broadly defined the new reform energies was “social democracy.” Social democrats in many countries shared a belief in the betterment of society, not through religion or inherited ideology, but through the accumulation of knowledge. They favored improving the social condition of all people through economic reforms and government pro-grams of social protection. And they believed that these changes could come through peaceful politi-cal change, rather than through radicalism or revolution. Political parties committed to these goals emerged in several countries: the Labour Party in Britain, Social Democratic parties in various European nations, and the short-lived Progressive Party in the United States. Intellectuals, academics, and government officials across the world shared the knowledge they were accumulating and observed social programs. An important moment in the growth of social democracy were the many Paris expositions of 1889 and 1900. Their symbol was the famous Eiffel Tower, and their meaning for many progressives was the possibilities of progress through industrial innovation. Not only tour-ists, but progressive experts as well, visited the Paris expositions; and they held meetings while they were there to share their visions of the future.

At the turn of the century, American reformers visited Germany, France, Britain, Belgium, and the Netherlands, observing the reforms in progress there, while European reformers visited the United States. Reformers from both the United States and Europe were also fascinated by the advanced social experiments in Australia and, especially, New Zealand—which the American reformer Henry Demarest Lloyd once called “the political brain of the modern world.” New Zealand’s dramatic experiments in fac-tory regulation, woman suffrage, old-age pensions, progressive taxation, and labor arbitration gradually found counterparts in many other nations. William Allen White, a progressive journalist from Kansas, said of this time: “We were parts of one another, in the United States and Europe. Something was weld-ing us into one social and economic whole with local political variations . . . [all] fighting a common cause.”

Social democracy—or, as it was sometimes called in the United States and elsewhere, social justice or the Social Gospel—was responsible for many public pro-grams. Germany began a system of social insurance for its citizens in the 1880s while undertaking a massive

Social Democracy WOR-1.0

(© Archives Charmet/The Bridgeman Art Library)

AMERICA IN THE WORLDAP



recall gave voters the right to remove a public official from office at a special election, which could be called after a sufficient number of citizens had signed a petition. By 1915, every state in the nation had instituted primary elections for at least some offices. The recall encountered more strenuous opposition, but a few states (such as California) adopted it as well.

Other reform measures attempted to clean up the legislatures themselves. Between 1903 and 1908, twelve states passed laws restricting lobbying by business interests in state legislatures. In those same years, twenty-two states banned campaign contribu-tions by corporations, and twenty-four states forbade public offi-cials to accept free passes from railroads. Many states also struggled successfully to create systems of workmen’s compensation for workers injured on the job. And starting in 1911, reformers suc-cessfully created pensions for widows with dependent children.

Reform efforts proved most effective in states that ele-vated vigorous and committed politicians to positions of leadership. In New York, Governor Charles Evans Hughes exploited progressive sentiment to create a commission to

regulate public utilities. In California, Governor Hiram Johnson limited the political power of the Southern Pacific Railroad. In New Jersey, Woodrow Wilson, the Princeton University president elected governor in 1910, used execu-tive leadership to win reforms designed to end New Jersey’s widely denounced position as the “mother of trusts.”

The most celebrated state-level reformer was Robert M. La Follette of Wisconsin. Elected governor in 1900, he helped

turn his state into what reformers across the nation described as a “laboratory of progres-sivism.” Under his leadership the Wisconsin

progressives won approval of direct primaries, initiatives, and referendums. They regulated railroads and utilities. They passed laws to regulate the workplace and provide compensation for laborers injured on the job. They instituted graduated taxes on inherited fortunes, and they nearly doubled state levies on rail-roads and other corporate interests. La Follette used his per-sonal magnetism to widen public awareness of progressive goals. Reform was the responsibility not simply of politicians, he argued, but of newspapers, citizens’ groups, educational institutions, and business and professional organizations as well.

Parties and Interest GroupsThe reformers did not, of course, eliminate parties from American political life. But they did contribute to a decline in

party influence. Evidence of their impact came from, among other things, the decline in voter turnout. In the late nineteenth century, up to 81 percent of eligible voters

routinely turned out for national elections because of the

roBert lA follette

decline of PArty

influence

study of society that produced more than 140 volumes of “social inves-tigation” of almost every aspect of the nation’s life. French reformers pressed in the 1890s for factory regulation, assistance to the elderly, and progressive taxation. Britain pioneered the settlement houses in working-class areas of London—a movement that soon spread to the United States as well—and, like the United States, witnessed growing challenges to the power of monopolies at both the local and national level.

In many countries, social democrats felt pressure from the rising worldwide labor movement and from the rise of socialist parties in many industrial countries. Strikes, sometimes violent, were common in France, Germany, Britain, and the United States in the late nineteenth century. The more militant workers became, the more unions grew. Social democrats did not always welcome the rise of militant labor movements, but they took them seriously and tried to use them to support their own reform efforts.

The politics of social democracy represented a great shift in the character of public life all over the industrial world. Instead of battles over the privileges of aristocrats or the power of monarchs, reformers now focused on the social problems of ordinary people and attempted to improve their lot. “The politics of the future are social politics,” the British reformer Joseph Chamberlain said in the 1880s, referring to efforts to deal with the problems of ordinary citizens. That belief was fueling progressive efforts across the world in the years that Americans have come to call the “progressive era.” •

UNDERSTAND, ANALYZE, AND EVALUATE

1. What is social democracy? How does it differ from socialism? 2. What progressive era reforms in American social and political

life can be seen in other nations as well? 3. Social democratic political parties continue to exist in many

countries throughout the world. Why was the Progressive Party in the United States so short-lived?

ROBERT LA FOLLETTE CAMPAIGNING IN WISCONSIN After three terms as governor of Wisconsin, La Follette began a long career in the U.S. Senate in 1906, during which he worked uncompromisingly for advanced progressive reforms—so uncompromisingly, in fact, that he was often almost completely isolated. He titled a chapter of his autobiography “Alone in the Senate.” La Follette had a greater impact on his own state, whose politics he and his sons dominated for nearly forty years and where he was able to win passage of many reforms that the federal government resisted. (The Library of Congress (LC-DIG-ggbain-06406))


564 • CHAPTER 20

strength of party loyalty. In the early twentieth century, while turnout remained high by today’s standards, the figure declined markedly as parties grew weaker. In the presidential election of 1900, 73 percent of the electorate voted. By 1912, that fig-ure had declined to about 59 percent. Never again did voter turnout reach as high as 70 percent.

Why did voter turnout decline in these years? The secret ballot was one reason. Party bosses had less ability to get vot-ers to the polls. Illiterate voters had trouble reading the new ballots. Party bosses lost much of their authority and were unable to mobilize voters as successfully as they had in the past. But perhaps the most important reason for the decline of party rule (and voter turnout) was that other power centers were beginning to replace them. They have become known as “interest groups.” Beginning late in the nineteenth century and accelerating rapidly in the twentieth, new organizations emerged outside the party system: professional organizations, trade associations representing businesses and industries, labor organizations, farm lobbies, and many others. Social workers, the settlement house movement, women’s clubs, and others learned to operate as interest groups to advance their demands.

SOURCES OF PROGRESSIVE REFORM

Middle-class reformers, most of them from the East, dominated the public image and much of the substance of progressivism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. But they were not alone in seeking to improve social conditions. Working-class Americans, African Americans, westerners, and even party bosses also played crucial roles in advancing some of the important reforms of the era.

Labor, the Machine, and ReformAlthough the American Federation of Labor, and its leader Samuel Gompers, remained largely aloof from many of the reform efforts of the time (reflecting Gompers’s firm belief that workers should not rely on government to improve their lot), some unions played important roles in reform battles. Between 1911 and 1913, thanks to political pressure from labor groups such as the newly formed Union Labor Party, California passed a child-labor law, a workmen’s compensation law, and a limitation on working hours for women. Union pressures contributed to the pas-sage of similar laws in many other states as well.

One result of the assault on the parties was a change in the party organizations themselves, which attempted to adapt to the new realities so as to pre-serve their influence. They sometimes allowed their machines to become vehicles of social reform. One example was New York City’s Tammany Hall, the

Percentage

1876 1880 1884 1888 1892 1896 1900 1904 1908 1912 1916 1920

49.2

61.658.8

65.465.2

73.274.779.379.377.579.481.8

Year

VOTER PARTICIPATION IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS, 1876–1920 One of the striking developments of early-twentieth-century politics was the significant decline in popular participation in politics. This chart shows the steady downward progression of voter turnout in presidential elections from 1876 to 1920. Turnout remained high by modern standards (except for the aberrant election of 1920, in which turnout dropped sharply because women had recently received the vote but had not yet begun to participate in elections in large numbers). But from an average rate of participation of about 79 percent in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, turnout dropped to an average of about 65 percent between 1900 and 1916.

• What were some of the reasons for this decline?

nation’s oldest and most notorious city machine. Its astute leader, Charles Francis Murphy, began in the early years of the century to fuse the techniques of boss rule with some of the concerns of social reformers. Tammany began to use its political power on behalf of legislation to improve working conditions, protect child laborers, and eliminate the worst abuses of the industrial economy.

In 1911, a terrible fire swept through the factory of the Triangle Shirtwaist Company in New York City; 146 workers,

most of them women, died. Many of them had been trapped inside the burning build-ing because management had locked the emergency exits to prevent malingering.

For the next three years, a state commission studied not only the background of the fire but also the general condition of the industrial workplace. It was responding to intense public pressure from women’s groups and New York City labor unions—and to quiet pressure from Tammany Hall. By 1914, the commission had issued a series of reports calling for major reforms in the conditions of modern labor. The report itself was a classic progressive document, based on the testimony of experts, filled with statistics and technical data.

Yet, when its recommendations reached the New York legislature, its most effective supporters were not middle-class progressives but two Tammany Democrats from working-class backgrounds: Senator Robert F. Wagner and Assemblyman Alfred E. Smith. With the support of Murphy and the backing

triAngle shirtwAist

fire



of other Tammany legislators, they steered through a series of pioneering labor laws that imposed strict regulations on factory owners and established effective mechanisms for enforcement.

Western ProgressivesThe American West produced some of the most notable pro-gressive leaders of the time: Hiram Johnson of California, George Norris of Nebraska, William Borah of Idaho, and others—almost all of whom spent at least some of their political careers in the U.S. Senate. For western states, the most important target of reform energies was not state or local governments, which had relatively little power, but the federal government, which exer-cised a kind of authority in the West that it had never pos-sessed in the East. That was in part because some of the most important issues to the future of the West required action above the state level. Disputes over water, for example, almost always involved rivers and streams that crossed state lines. The

question of which states had the rights to the waters of the Colorado River created a political battle that no state govern-ment could resolve; the federal government had to arbitrate.

More significant, perhaps, the federal government exercised enormous power over the lands and resources of the western states and provided substantial subsidies to the region in the form of land grants and support for railroad and water projects. Huge areas of the West remained (and still remain) public lands, controlled by Washington—a far greater proportion than in any states east of the Mississippi. Much of the growth of the West was (and continues to be) a result of federally funded dams and water projects.

African Americans and ReformOne social question that received little attention from white progressives was race. But among African Americans them-selves, the progressive era produced some significant challenges to existing racial norms.

VICTIMS OF THE TRIANGLE FIRE, 1911 In this bleak photograph, victims of the fire in the factory of the Triangle Shirtwaist Company are laid out on the sidewalk near the building, as police and passersby look up at the scene of the blaze. The tragedy of the Triangle Fire galvanized New York legislators into passing laws to protect women workers. (© The Granger Collection, New York)


566 • CHAPTER 20

African Americans faced greater obstacles than any other group in challenging their own oppressed status and seeking reform. Thus it was not surprising, perhaps, that so many embraced the message of Booker T. Washington in the late nineteenth cen-tury, to “put down your bucket where you are,” to work for immediate self-improvement rather than long-range social change. Not all African Americans, however, were content with this approach. And by the turn of the century a powerful challenge was emerging—a challenge to the philosophy of Washington but, more important, to the entire structure of race relations. The chief spokesman for this new approach was W. E. B. Du Bois.

Du Bois, unlike Washington, had never known slavery. Born in Massachusetts, educated at Fisk University in Nashville and at

Harvard, he grew to maturity with a more expansive view than Washington of the goals of his race and the responsibilities of white

society to eliminate prejudice and injustice. In The Souls of Black Folk (1903), he launched an open attack on the philosophy of Washington, accusing him of encouraging white efforts to impose segregation and of limiting the aspirations of his race. “Is it possible and probable,” he asked, “that nine millions of men can make effective progress in economic lines if they are deprived of politi-cal rights, made a servile caste, and allowed only the most meager chance for developing their exceptional men? If history and reason give any distinct answer to these questions, it is an emphatic No.”

Rather than content themselves with education at the trade and agricultural schools, Du Bois advocated, talented blacks should accept nothing less than a full university education. They should aspire to the professions. They should, above all, fight for their civil rights, not simply wait for them to be granted as a reward for patient striving. In 1905, Du Bois and a group of his supporters met at Niagara Falls—on the Canadian side of the bor-der because no hotel on the American side of the Falls would

have them—and launched what became known as the Niagara Movement. Four years later, after a race riot in Springfield, Illinois,

they joined with white progressives sympathetic to their cause to form the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Whites held most of the offices at first, but Du Bois, its director of publicity and research, was the guiding spirit. In the ensuing years, the new organization led the drive for equal rights, using as its principal weapon lawsuits in the federal courts.

Within less than a decade, the NAACP had begun to win some important victories. In Guinn v. United States (1915), the Supreme Court supported its position that the grandfather clause in an Oklahoma law was unconstitutional. (The statute denied the vote to any citizen whose ancestors had not been enfran-chised in 1860.) In Buchanan v. Worley (1917), the Court struck down a Louisville, Kentucky, law requiring residential segrega-tion. The NAACP established itself, particularly after Booker T. Washington’s death in 1915, as one of the nation’s leading black organizations, a position it would maintain for many years.

Among the many issues that engaged the NAACP and other African American organizations was the phenomenon of lynch-ing in the South. Du Bois was an outspoken critic of lynching and an advocate of a federal law making it illegal (since state courts

w. e. B. du Bois

nAAcP founded

in the South routinely refused to prosecute lynchers). But the most determined opponents of lynching were southern women. They included white women such as Jessie Daniel Ames. The most effective crusader was a black woman, Ida Wells Barnett, who worked both on her own (at great personal risk) and with such organizations as the National Association of Colored Women and the Women’s Convention of the National Baptist Church to try to discredit lynching and challenge segregation.

CRUSADE FOR SOCIAL ORDER AND REFORM

Reformers directed many of their energies at the political process. But they also crusaded on behalf of what they consid-ered moral issues. There were campaigns to eliminate alcohol

THE YOUNG W. E. B. DU BOIS This formal photograph of W. E. B. Du Bois was taken in 1899, when he was thirty-one years old and a professor at Atlanta University. He had just published The Philadelphia Negro, a classic sociological study of an urban community, which startled many readers with its description of the complex class system among African Americans in the city. (© Hulton Archive/Getty Images)



Total immigration during five-year periods (in millions)

1.281.28

4.46

4.96

3.83

1901–1905

1906–1910

1911–1915

1916–1920

Year

TOTAL IMMIGRATION, 1900–1920 Emigration to the United States reached the highest level in the nation’s history to that point in the first fifteen years of the twentieth century. In the nineteenth century, there was no five-year period when as many as 3 million immigrants arrived in America. In the first fifteen years of the twentieth century, more than 3 million newcomers arrived in every five-year period—and in one of them, as this chart reveals, the number reached almost 5 million. (The Library of Congress (3a38144u))

• Why did the flow of immigrants drop so sharply in the period 1916–1920?

from national life, to curb prostitution, to limit divorce, and to restrict immigration. Proponents of each of those reforms believed that success would help regenerate society as a whole.

The Temperance CrusadeMany progressives considered the elimination of alcohol from American life a necessary step in restoring order to society. Scarce wages vanished as workers spent hours in the saloons. Drunkenness spawned violence, and occasionally murder, within urban families. Working-class wives and mothers hoped through temperance to reform male behavior and thus improve women’s lives. Employers, too, regarded alcohol as an impedi-ment to industrial efficiency; workers often missed time on the job because of drunkenness or came to the factory intoxi-cated. Critics of economic privilege denounced the liquor industry as one of the nation’s most sinister trusts. And politi-cal reformers, who (correctly) looked on the saloon as one of the central institutions of the urban machine, saw an attack on drinking as part of an attack on the bosses. Out of such senti-ments emerged the temperance movement.

Temperance had been a major reform movement before the Civil War, mobilizing large numbers of people in a

crusade with strong evangelical overtones. In 1873, the movement developed new

strength. Temperance advocates formed the Women’s Christian

wctu

Temperance Union (WCTU), led after 1879 by Frances Willard. By 1911, it had 245,000 members and had become the single largest women’s organization in American history to that point. In 1893, the Anti-Saloon League joined the temperance movement and, along with the WCTU, began to press for a specific legislative solution: the legal abolition of saloons. Gradually, that demand grew to include the complete prohibition of the sale and manufacture of alco-holic beverages.

Despite substantial opposition from immigrant and working-class voters, pressure for prohibition grew steadily through the first decades of the new century. By 1916, nine-

teen states had passed prohibition laws. But since the consumption of alcohol was actually increasing in many unregulated

areas, temperance advocates were beginning to advocate a national prohibition law. America’s entry into World War I, and the moral fervor it unleashed, provided the last push to the advocates of prohibition. In 1917, with the support of rural fundamentalists who opposed alcohol on moral and religious grounds, progressive advocates of prohibition steered through Congress a constitutional amendment embodying their demands. Two years later, after ratification by every state in the nation except Connecticut and Rhode Island (bastions of Catholic immigrants), the Eighteenth Amendment became law, to take effect in January 1920.

eighteenth Amendment


568 • CHAPTER 20

Immigration RestrictionVirtually all reformers agreed that the growing immigrant pop-ulation had created social problems, but there was wide dis-agreement on how best to respond. Some progressives believed that the proper approach was to help the new residents adapt to American society. Others argued that efforts at assimilation had failed and that the only solution was to limit the flow of new arrivals.

In the first decades of the century, pressure grew to close the nation’s gates. New scholarly theories, appealing to the

progressive respect for expertise, argued that the introduction of immigrants into American society was polluting the nation’s

racial stock. Among the theories created to support this argu-ment was eugenics, the science of altering the reproductive processes of plants and animals to produce new hybrids or breeds. In the early twentieth century, there was an effort, funded by the Carnegie Foundation, to turn eugenics into a method of altering human reproduction as well. But the eugenics movement when applied to humans was not an effort to “breed” new people, an effort for which no scientific tools existed. It was, rather, an effort to grade races and ethnic groups according to their genetic qualities. Eugenicists advocated the forced sterilization of the mentally retarded, criminals, and others. But they also spread the belief that

eugenics And nAtivism

human inequalities were hereditary and that immigration was contributing to the multiplication of the unfit. Skillful publi-cists such as Madison Grant, whose The Passing of the Great Race (1916) established him as the nation’s most effective nativist, warned of the dangers of racial “mongrelization” and of the importance of protecting the purity of Anglo-Saxon and other Nordic stock from pollution by eastern Europeans, Latin Americans, and Asians.

A special federal commission of “experts,” chaired by Senator William P. Dillingham of Vermont, issued a study filled with statistics and scholarly testimony. It argued that the newer immigrant groups—largely southern and eastern Europeans—had proven themselves less assimilable than earlier immigrants. Immigration, the report implied, should be restricted by nationality. Many people who rejected these racial arguments nevertheless supported limiting immigration as a way to solve such urban problems as over-crowding, unemployment, strained social services, and social unrest.

The combination of these concerns gradually won for the nativists the support of some of the nation’s leading progressives, among them former president Theodore Roosevelt. Powerful opponents—employers who saw immigration as a source of cheap labor, immigrants themselves, and their political repre-sentatives—managed to block the restriction movement for a time. But by the beginning of World War I (which effectively blocked immigration temporarily), the nativist tide was gain-ing strength.

CHALLENGING THE CAPITALIST ORDER

If there was one issue that overshadowed, and helped to shape, all others in the minds of reformers, it was the charac-ter of the dramatically growing modern industrial economy. Most of the problems that concerned progressives could be traced back, directly or indirectly, to the growing power and influence—and also, reformers believed, corruption—of corpo-rate America. So it is not surprising that prominent among progressive concerns was reshaping or reforming the behavior of the capitalist world.

The Dream of SocialismAt no time in the history of the United States to that point, and seldom after, did radical critiques of the capitalist system attract more support than in the period 1900–1914. Although

never a force to rival or even seriously threaten the two major parties, the Socialist

Party of America grew during these years into a force of considerable strength. In the election of 1900, it had attracted the support of fewer than 100,000 voters; in 1912, its durable leader and perennial presidential candidate, Eugene V. Debs, received nearly 1 million ballots. Strongest in urban immigrant

eugene deBs

6%

22%

22%

18%

18%

6%

4%4%

All othersGerman

Asian

Canadian

OtherNorthwestern

European

Russian andBaltic States

Austro-Hungarian

Italian

SOURCES OF IMMIGRATION, 1900–1920 At least as striking as the increase in immigration in the early twentieth century was the change in its sources. In the nineteenth century, the vast majority of immigrants to the United States had come from northern and western Europe (especially Britain, Ireland, Germany, and Scandinavia). Now, as this chart shows, the major sources were southern and eastern Europe, with over 60 percent coming from Italy, Russia, and the eastern European regions of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

• What impact did these changing sources have on attitudes toward immigration in the United States?



communities, particularly among Germans and Jews, it also attracted the loyalties of a substantial number of Protestant farmers in the South and Midwest. Socialists won election to over 1,000 state and local offices. And they had the support at times of such intellectuals as Lincoln Steffens, the crusader against municipal corruption, and Walter Lippmann, the brilliant young journalist and social critic. Florence Kelley, Frances Willard, and other women reformers were attracted to socialism, too, in part because of its support for pacifism and labor organizing.

Virtually all socialists agreed on the need for basic structural changes in the economy, but they differed widely on the extent of those changes and the tactics necessary to achieve them. Some socialists endorsed the radical goals of European Marxists; others envisioned a moderate reform that would allow small-scale private enterprise to survive but would

nationalize major industries. Some believed in working for reform through electoral

politics; others favored militant direct action. Among the mil-itants was the radical labor union the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), known to opponents as the “Wobblies”

“woBBlies”

(a nickname of unknown origin). Under the leadership of William (“Big Bill”) Haywood, the IWW advocated a single union for all workers and abolition of the “wage slave” system; it rejected political action in favor of strikes— especially the general strike. The Wobblies were widely believed to have been responsible for the dynamiting of railroad lines and power stations and other acts of terror in the first years of the twentieth century.

The IWW was one of the few labor organizations of the time to champion the cause of unskilled workers and had par-ticular strength in the West—where a large group of migratory laborers (miners, timbermen, and others) found it very difficult to organize or sustain conventional unions. In 1917, a strike by IWW timber workers in Washington and Idaho shut down production in the industry. That brought down upon the union the wrath of the federal government, which had just begun mobilizing for war and needed timber for war produc-tion. Federal authorities imprisoned the leaders of the union, and state governments between 1917 and 1919 passed a series of laws that outlawed the IWW. The organization survived for a time but never fully recovered.

MAY DAY, 1908 The American Socialist Party staged this vast rally in New York City’s Union Square to celebrate May Day in 1908. The Second Socialist International had designated May Day as the official holiday for radical labor in 1899. (© Corbis)


570 • CHAPTER 20

Moderate socialists who advocated peaceful change through political struggle dominated the Socialist Party. They empha-

sized a gradual education of the public to the need for change and patient efforts within the system to enact it. But World

War I dramatically weakened the socialists. They had refused to support the war effort, and a growing wave of antiradicalism subjected them to enormous harassment and persecution.

Decentralization and RegulationMost progressives retained a faith in the possibilities of reform within a capitalist system. Rather than nationalize basic indus-tries, many reformers hoped to restore the economy to a “more human” scale. Few envisioned a return to a society of small, local enterprises; some consolidation, they recognized, was inevitable. They did, however, argue that the federal

sociAlism’s demise

government should work to break up the largest combinations and enforce a balance between the need for bigness and the need for competition.

This viewpoint came to be identified particularly closely with Louis D. Brandeis, a brilliant lawyer and later justice of the Supreme Court, who wrote widely (most notably in his 1913 book, Other People’s Money) about the “curse of bigness.”

Brandeis and his supporters opposed bigness in part because they considered it inefficient. But their opposition had a moral

basis as well. Bigness was a threat not just to efficiency but to freedom as well. It limited the ability of individuals to control their own destinies. It encour-

aged abuses of power. Government must, Brandeis insisted, regulate competition in such a way as to ensure that large combinations did not emerge.

Other progressives were less enthusiastic about the virtues of competition. More important to them was efficiency, which they believed economic concentration encouraged. What gov-ernment should do, they argued, was not to fight “bigness,”

but to guard against abuses of power by large institutions. It should distinguish between “good trusts” and “bad trusts,” encouraging the good while disciplining

the bad. Since economic consolidation was destined to remain a permanent feature of American society, continuing oversight by a strong, modernized government was essential. One of the most influential spokesmen for this emerging “nationalist” position was Herbert Croly, whose 1909 book, The Promise of American Life, became an influential progressive document.

Increasingly, the attention of nationalists such as Croly focused on some form of coordination of the industrial econ-omy. Society must act, Walter Lippmann wrote in a notable 1914 book, Drift and Mastery, “to introduce plan where there has been clash, and purpose into the jungles of disordered growth.” To some nationalists, that meant businesses them-selves learning new ways of cooperation and self-regulation. To others, the solution was for government to play a more active role in regulating and planning economic life. One of those who came to endorse that position (although not fully until after 1910) was Theodore Roosevelt, who once said: “We should enter upon a course of supervision, control, and regula-tion of those great corporations.” Roosevelt became for a time the most powerful symbol of the reform impulse at the national level.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND THE MODERN PRESIDENCY

“Presidents in general are not lovable,” the famous writer and columnist Walter Lippmann, who had known many, said near the end of his life. “They’ve had to do too much to get where they are. But there was one President who was lovable—Teddy Roosevelt—and I loved him.”

the ProBlem of corPorAte

centrAlizAtion

“good trusts” And “BAd trusts”

LOUIS BRANDEIS Brandeis graduated from Harvard Law School in 1877 with the best academic record of any student in the school’s previous or subsequent history. His success in his Boston law practice was such that by the early twentieth century he was able to spend much of his time in unpaid work for public causes. His investigations of monopoly power soon made him a major figure in the emerging progressive movement. Woodrow Wilson nominated him for the U.S. Supreme Court in January 1916. He was one of the few nominees in the Court’s history never to have held prior public office, and he was the first Jew ever to have been nominated. The appointment aroused five months of bitter controversy in the Senate before Brandeis was finally confirmed. For the next twenty years, he was one of the Court’s most powerful members—all the while lobbying behind the scenes on behalf of the many political causes (preeminent among them Zionism, the founding of a Jewish state) to which he remained committed. (© Bettmann/Corbis)



Lippmann was not alone. To a generation of progressive reformers, Theodore Roosevelt was more than an admired pub-lic figure; he was an idol. No president before, and few since, had attracted such attention and devotion. Yet, for all his pop-ularity among reformers, Roosevelt was in many respects decidedly conservative. He earned his extraordinary popular-ity less because of the extent of the reforms he championed than because he brought to his office a broad conception of its powers and invested the presidency with something of its modern status as the center of national political life.

The Accidental PresidentWhen President William McKinley suddenly died in September 1901, the victim of an assassination, Roosevelt (who had been elected vice president less than a year before) was only forty-two years old, the youngest man ever to assume the presidency. “I told William McKinley that it was a mistake to nominate that wild man at Philadelphia,” party boss Mark Hanna was reported to have exclaimed. “Now look, that damned cowboy is President of the United States!”

Roosevelt’s reputation as a wild man was a result less of the substance of his early political career than of its style. As a

young member of the New York legisla-ture, he had displayed an energy seldom seen in that lethargic body. As a rancher in

the Dakota Badlands (where he retired briefly after the sudden death of his first wife), he had helped capture outlaws. As New York City police commissioner, he had been a flamboyant bat-tler against crime and vice. As assistant secretary of the navy, he had been a bold proponent of American expansion. As com-mander of the Rough Riders, he had led a heroic, if militarily useless, charge in the battle of San Juan Hill in Cuba during the Spanish-American War.

But Roosevelt as president rarely rebelled against the lead-ers of his party. He became, rather, a champion of cautious, moderate change. Reform, he believed, was a vehicle less for remaking American society than for protecting it against radi-cal challenges.

Government, Capital, and LaborRoosevelt allied himself with those progressives who urged regulation (but not destruction) of the trusts. At the heart of

Roosevelt’s policy was his desire to win for government the power to investigate the activities of corporations and publi-cize the results. The new Department of

Commerce and Labor, established in 1903 (later to be divided into two separate departments), was to assist in this task through its investigatory arm, the Bureau of Corporations.

Although Roosevelt was not a trustbuster at heart, he made a few highly publicized efforts to break up combinations. In 1902, he ordered the Justice Department to invoke the Sherman Antitrust Act against a great new railroad monopoly in the Northwest, the Northern Securities Company, a $400 million

roosevelt’s BAcKground

roosevelt’s vision of

federAl Power

enterprise pieced together by J. P. Morgan and others. To Morgan, accustomed to a warm, supportive relationship with Republican administra-tions, the action was baffling. He told the president, “If we have done anything wrong,

send your man to my man and they can fix it up.” Roosevelt proceeded with the case nonetheless, and in 1904 the Supreme Court ruled that the Northern Securities Company must be dissolved. Although he filed more than forty additional anti-trust suits during the remainder of his presidency, Roosevelt had no serious commitment to reverse the prevailing trend toward economic concentration.

A similar commitment to establishing the government as an impartial regulatory mechanism shaped Roosevelt’s policy toward labor. In the past, federal intervention in industrial dis-putes had almost always meant action on behalf of employers. Roosevelt was willing to consider labor’s position as well. When a bitter 1902 strike by the United Mine Workers endangered coal supplies for the coming winter, Roosevelt asked both the operators and the miners to accept impartial federal arbitration. When the mine owners balked, Roosevelt threatened to send federal troops to seize the mines. The operators finally relented. Arbitrators awarded the strikers a 10 percent wage increase and a nine-hour day, although no recognition of their union—less than they had wanted but more than they would likely have

northern securities comPAny

PRESIDENT THEODORE ROOSEVELT To a generation of progressive reformers, Theodore Roosevelt was an idol. No president before, and few since, had attracted such attention and devotion from the American people. (The Library of Congress (LC-DIG_ppmsca-37602))


572 •

CONSIDER THE SOURCEAP

A LEADER IN AMERICA’S CONSERVATION

MOVEMENT, naturalist John Muir (1838–1914) was

born in Scotland and grew up in Wisconsin. He went to California in 1868 and spent several years in the

American West exploring the land and studying the trees, forests, and glaciers of the area before settling perma-

nently in California in 1880. He campaigned for the establishment of Yosemite National Park, a goal achieved in

1890. Through his friendship with President Theodore Roosevelt, he persuaded the president to greatly increase

the amount of protected public land. As a dedicated conservationist, Muir wrote articles attempting to rouse the

public to the need to protect public lands. In addition to the public lands he helped protect and preserve, Muir

created another lasting legacy—the Sierra Club, an organization that he co-founded and that is still thriving today.

The two source documents below are thus both connected to John Muir. The first is an excerpt from his

book Our National Parks. The second is a reprinting of the Sierra Club’s current stated purposes and goals.

DEDICATED TO CONSERVING AMERICA

OUR NATIONAL PARKS—1901

from chAPter 1, “the wild PArKs And forest reservAtions of the west,” By John muir

The tendency nowadays to wander in wildernesses is delightful to see. Thousands of tired, nerve-shaken, over-civilized peo-ple are beginning to find out that going to the mountains is going home; that wildness is a necessity; and that mountain parks and reservations are useful not only as fountains of timber and irrigating rivers, but as fountains of life. Awakening from the stupefying effects of the vice of over-industry and the deadly apathy of luxury, they are trying as best they can to mix and enrich their own little ongoings with those of Nature, and to get rid of rust and disease. Briskly venturing and roaming, some are washing off sins and cobweb cares of the devil’s spinning in all-day storms on mountains; sauntering in rosiny pine-woods or in gentian meadows, brushing through chaparral, bending down and parting sweet, flowery sprays; tracing rivers to their sources, getting in touch with the nerves of Mother Earth; jumping from rock to rock, feeling the life of them, learn-ing the songs of them, panting in whole-souled exercise, and rejoicing in deep, long-drawn breaths of pure wildness. This is fine and natural and full of promise. So also is the growing interest in the care and preservation of forests and wild places in general, and in the half wild parks and gardens of towns. . . .

When, like a merchant taking a list of his goods, we take stock of our wildness, we are glad to see how much of even the most destructible kind is still unspoiled. Looking at our continent as scenery when it was all wild, lying between beautiful seas, the starry sky above it, the starry rocks beneath it, to compare its sides, the East and the West, would be like comparing the sides of a rainbow. But it is no longer equally beautiful. . . . [T]he continent’s outer beauty is fast pass-ing away, especially the plant part of it, the most destructible and most universally charming of all.

Only thirty years ago, the great Central Valley of California, five hundred miles long and fifty miles wide, was one bed of golden and purple flowers. Now it is ploughed and pastured out of existence, gone forever,—scarce a memory of it left in fence corners and along the bluffs of the streams. . . . The same fate, sooner or later, is awaiting them all, unless awaken-ing public opinion comes forward to stop it. . . .

The Grand Cañon Reserve of Arizona, of nearly two million acres, or the most interesting part of it, as well as the Rainier region, should be made into a national park, on account of their supreme grandeur and beauty. . . . No matter how far you have wandered hitherto, or how many famous gorges and valleys you have seen, this one, the Grand Cañon of the Colorado, will seem as novel to you, as unearthly in the color and grandeur and quantity of its architecture, as if you had found it after death, on some other star; so incomparably lovely and grand and supreme is it above all the other cañons in our fire-moulded, earthquake-shaken, rain-washed, wave-washed, river and glacier sculptured world. . . .

Source: Library of Congress, Materials from the General Collection and Rare Book and Special Collections Division of the Library of Congress.


• 573

sierrA cluB PurPoses And goAls

The purposes of the Sierra Club are to explore, enjoy, and protect the wild places of the earth; to practice and promote the responsible use of the earth’s ecosystems and resources; to educate and enlist humanity to protect and restore the quality of the natural and human environment; and to use all lawful means to carry out these objectives.

Ideal Goals—for Environment and Society

• To sustain natural life-support systems, avoid impairing them, and avoid irreversible damage to them.

• To facilitate species survival; to maintain genetic diversity; to avoid hastened extinction of species; to protect prime natural habitat.

• To establish and protect natural reserves, including representative natural areas, wilderness areas in each biome, displays of natural phenomena, and habitats for rare and endangered species.

• To control human population growth and impacts; to limit human population numbers and habitat needs within Earth’s carrying capacity; to avoid needless human consumption of resources; to plan and control land use, with envi-ronmental impact assessment and safeguards, and rehabilitation of damaged sites.

• To learn more about the facts, interrelationships, and principles of the Earth’s ecosystems, and the place and impact of humans in them; to understand the consequences of human activities within the biosphere.

• To develop responsible and appropriate technology matched to end-uses; to introduce sophisticated technology gradu-ally after careful assessment and with precautionary monitoring.

• To control pollution of the biosphere; to minimize waste residuals with special care of hazardous materials; to use the best available control technology at sources; and to recycle wastes.

• To manage resources soundly; to avoid waste with long-term plans; to sustain the yield of living resources and maintain their productivity and breeding stocks; to prolong availability of nonliving resources such as fossil fuels, minerals, and water.

• To impart a sense of social responsibility among consumers, developers, and public authorities concerning environmen-tal protection; to regulate threats to public health; to avoid private degradation of public resources; to minimize impacts on innocent parties and future generations.

As the Sierra Club prepares for its second century, we offer to America and the world our vision of humanity living in harmony with nature. We dedicate ourselves to achieving this vision as we reaffirm our passionate commitment to explore, enjoy, and protect the Earth.

(From the Current Articles of Incorporation & Bylaws, June 20, 1981, updated July 13, 2006. Excerpted from, Sierra Club Goals Pamphlet, 1985–1989. Reproduced from sierraclub.org with permission of the Sierra Club. ©2006 Sierra Club. All Rights Reserved.)

SIERRA CLUB—2006

1. Which of the following groups would most agree with the excerpt from Our National Parks?

(A) Southern romantic aristocrats

(B) Western settlers in the 19th century

(C) Those who championed ideas of self-reliance and self-realization in the mid-19th century

(D) Protestant evangelists

2. Which best describes how Muir’s argument in Our National Parks reflects the economic and social history of the time?

(A) Muir is responding to a sense of societal disorder due to develop-ments of his time, such as rapid industrialization.

(B) Muir is responding to a sense of political injustice, due to the relationship between government and big business at the time.

TEST PRACTICE


AP

(C) Muir is responding to the social critiques of the power of monopolies to do as they please.

(D) Muir is responding to the demands of farmers to increase arable lands through irrigation projects.

3. Which progressive value does the Sierra Club’s statement of purposes and goals best reflect?

(A) A strong belief in the ideal of spiritual self-improvement

(B) A strong belief in the role of government in regulating use of environmental resources

(C) A strong belief in the role of purposeful human action in bettering a society

(D) A strong belief in social justice


574 • CHAPTER 20

won without Roosevelt’s intervention. Roosevelt viewed himself as no more the champion of labor than as a champion of management. On several occasions, he ordered federal troops to intervene in strikes on behalf of employers.

The “Square Deal”During Roosevelt’s first years as president, he was principally concerned with winning reelection, which required that he not antagonize the conservative Republican Old Guard. By skillfully dispensing patronage to conservatives and progres-sives alike, and by winning the support of northern business-men while making adroit gestures to reformers, Roosevelt had neutralized his opposition within the party by early 1904. He won its presidential nomination with ease. And in the general election, where he faced a dull conservative Democrat, Alton B. Parker, he captured over 57 percent of the popular vote and lost no states outside the South.

During the 1904 campaign, Roosevelt boasted that he had worked in the anthracite coal strike to provide everyone with a “square deal.” One of his first targets after the election

was the powerful railroad industry. The Interstate Commerce Act of 1887, estab-

lishing the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC), had been an early effort to regulate the industry; but over the years, the courts had sharply limited its influence. Roosevelt asked Congress for legislation to increase the government’s power to oversee railroad rates. The Hepburn Railroad Regulation Act of 1906 sought to restore some regulatory authority to the government, although the bill was so cautious that it satisfied few progressives.

Roosevelt also pressured Congress to enact the Pure Food and Drug Act, which restricted the sale of dangerous or ineffective

hePBurn Act

medicines. When Upton Sinclair’s powerful novel The Jungle appeared in 1906, featuring appalling descriptions of conditions in the meatpack-ing industry, Roosevelt pushed for passage of

the Meat Inspection Act, which helped eliminate many diseases once transmitted in impure meat. Starting in 1907, he proposed, but mostly failed to achieve, even more stringent reforms: an eight-hour workday, broader compensation for victims of indus-trial accidents, inheritance and income taxes, regulation of the stock market, and others. He also started openly to criticize con-servatives in Congress and the judiciary who were obstructing these programs. The result was a widening gulf between the president and the conservative wing of his party.

Roosevelt and ConservationRoosevelt’s aggressive policies on behalf of conservation con-tributed to that gulf. Using executive powers, he restricted private development on millions of acres of undeveloped government land—most of it in the West—by adding them to the previously modest national forest system. When conservatives in Congress restricted his authority over public lands in 1907, Roosevelt and his chief forester, Gifford Pinchot, seized all the forests and many of the water power sites still in the public domain before the bill became law.

Roosevelt was the first president to take an active interest in the new and struggling American conservation movement. In the early twentieth century, the idea of preserving the natural world for ecological reasons was not well established. Instead, many people who considered themselves “conserva-tionists”—such as Pinchot, the first director of the National Forest Service (which he helped to create)—promoted policies to protect land for carefully managed development.

Pure food And drug Act

BOYS IN THE MINES These young boys, covered in grime and no more than twelve years old, pose for the noted photographer Lewis Hine outside the coal mine in Pennsylvania where they separated coal from slate in coal breakers. The rugged conditions endured by mine workers were one cause of the great strike of 1902, in which Theodore Roosevelt intervened. (The Library of Congress)



John Muir, the nation’s leading preservationist and the founder of the Sierra Club.

Roosevelt added significantly to the still-young National Park System, whose purpose was to protect public land from any exploitation or development. Congress had created the first national park—Yellowstone, in Wyoming, in 1872—and had authorized others in the 1890s: Yosemite and Sequoia in California, and Mount Rainier in Washington State. Roosevelt added land to several existing parks and also created new ones: Crater Lake in Oregon, Mesa Verde in Utah, Platt in Oklahoma, and Wind Cave in South Dakota.

The Hetch Hetchy ControversyThe contending views of the early conservation movement came to a head beginning in 1906 in a sensational controversy over the Hetch Hetchy Valley in Yosemite National Park. Hetch Hetchy (a name derived from a local Indian term

The Old Guard eagerly supported another important aspect of Roosevelt’s natural resource policy: public reclamation and irriga-

tion projects. In 1902, the president backed the National Reclamation Act, better known as the Newlands Act (named for its sponsor,

Nevada senator Francis Newlands). The Newlands Act provided federal funds for the construction of dams, reservoirs, and canals in the West—projects that would open new lands for cultivation and (years later) provide cheap electric power.

Roosevelt and PreservationDespite his sympathy with Pinchot’s vision of conservation, Roosevelt also shared some of the concerns of the naturalists—those within the conservation movement committed to pro-tecting the natural beauty of the land and the health of its wildlife from human intrusion. Early in his presidency, Roosevelt even spent four days camping in the Sierras with

federAl Aid to the west

North Cascades (1968)Olympic (1938)

MountRainier(1899)

Crater Lake(1902)

LassenVolcanic(1916)

Yosemite(1890)

Sequoia(1890)

GrandCanyon(1919)

PetrifiedForest(1962)

Capitol Reef(1971)

BryceCanyon(1924)Zion

(1919) Canyonlands(1964)

MesaVerde(1906)

RockyMountain

(1915)

Glacier(1910)

Yellowstone(1872)

Grand Teton(1929)

Theodore Roosevelt(1947)

(North Unit)

(South Unit)

Wind Cave(1903)

Platt(1906)

Carlsbad Caverns(1923)

GuadalupeMountains(1966) Big Bend

(1935)

HotSprings(1921)

Mammoth Cave(1921)

Great SmokyMountains

(1926)

Shenandoah(1926)

Everglades(1934)

Gates ofthe Arctic

KobukValley (1981)

DenaliMt. McKinley

(1917)Lake Clark

(1981)Katmai(1981)

KenaiFjords(1918)

Wrangel-St. Elias(1917)

GlacierBay

(1925)

Haleakala (1960)

HawaiiVolcanoes

(1916)

Voyageurs(1971)

Isle Royale(1931)

Acadia(1919)

Redwood(1968)

KingsCanyon(1940)

Arches(1971)

National Parks (date established)

National Forests

0 500 mi

0 500 1000 km

0 500 mi

0 500 1000 km

0 200 mi

0 200 4000 km

ESTABLISHMENT OF NATIONAL PARKS AND FORESTS This map illustrates the steady growth throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries of the systems of national parks and national forests in the United States. Although Theodore Roosevelt is widely and correctly remembered as a great champion of national parks and forests, the greatest expansions of these systems occurred after his presidency. Note, for example, how many new areas were added in the 1920s.

• What is the difference between national parks and national forests?


576 • CHAPTER 20

coalition of people committed to preservation, not “rational use,” of wilderness.

The Panic of 1907Despite the flurry of reforms Roosevelt was able to enact, the government still had relatively little control over the indus-trial economy. That became clear in 1907, when a serious panic and recession began.

Conservatives blamed Roosevelt’s “mad” economic policies for the disaster. And while the president naturally (and cor-

rectly) disagreed, he nevertheless acted quickly to reassure business leaders that he would not interfere with their recovery efforts. J. P. Morgan, in a spectacular display

of his financial power, helped construct a pool of the assets of several important New York banks to prop up shaky financial institutions. The key to the arrangement, Morgan told the president, was the purchase by U.S. Steel of the shares of the Tennessee Coal and Iron Company, currently held by a threat-ened New York bank. He would, he insisted, need assurances that the purchase would not prompt antitrust action. Roosevelt tacitly agreed, and the Morgan plan proceeded. Whether or not as a result, the panic soon subsided.

Roosevelt loved being president. As his years in office pro-duced increasing political successes, as his public popularity continued to rise, more and more observers began to assume that he would run for reelection in 1908, despite the long- standing tradition of presidents serving no more than two terms. But the Panic of 1907, combined with Roosevelt’s growing

tennessee coAl And iron

comPAny

meaning “grassy meadows”) was a spectacular, high-walled val-ley popular with naturalists. But many residents of San Francisco, worried about finding enough water to serve their growing population, saw Hetch Hetchy as an ideal place for a dam, which would create a large reservoir for the city—a plan that Muir and other naturalists furiously opposed.

In 1906, San Francisco suffered a devastating earthquake and fire. Widespread sympathy for the city strengthened the case for the dam; and Theodore Roosevelt—who had initially expressed some sympathy for Muir’s position—turned the decision over to Gifford Pinchot. Pinchot had no interest in Muir’s aesthetic and spiritual arguments. He approved construction of the dam.

For over a decade, a battle raged between naturalists and the advocates of the dam, a battle that consumed the ener-

gies of John Muir for the rest of his life and that eventually, many people believed, led to his death. “Dam Hetch Hetchy!” Muir once said. “As well dam

for water-tanks the people’s cathedrals and churches, for no holier temple has ever been consecrated by the heart of man.” To Pinchot, there was no question that the needs of the city were more important than the claims of preservation. Muir helped place a referendum question on the ballot in 1908, certain that the residents of the city would oppose the proj-ect “as soon as light is cast upon it.” Instead, San Franciscans approved the dam by a huge margin. Although there were many more delays in succeeding years, construction of the dam finally began after World War I.

This setback for the naturalists was not, however, a total defeat. The fight against Hetch Hetchy helped mobilize a new

comPeting conservAtionist

visions

ROOSEVELT AND MUIR IN YOSEMITE John Muir, founder and leader of the Sierra Club, considered Theodore Roosevelt a friend and ally—a relationship cemented by a four-day camping trip the two men took together in Yosemite National Park in 1903. Roosevelt was indeed a friend to the national park and national forest systems and added considerable acreage to both. Among other things, he expanded Yosemite (at Muir’s request). But unlike Muir, Roosevelt was also committed to economic development. As a result, he was not always a reliable ally of the most committed preservationists. (© Bettmann/Corbis)



In the midst of this mounting concern, Louis Glavis, an Interior Department investigator, charged Ballinger with having

once connived to turn over valuable public coal lands in Alaska to a private syndicate for personal profit. Glavis took the evidence to Gifford Pinchot, still head of the Forest

Service and a critic of Ballinger’s policies. Pinchot took the charges to the president. Taft investigated them and decided they were groundless. But Pinchot was not satisfied, particularly after Taft fired Glavis for his part in the episode. He leaked the story to the press and asked Congress to investigate the scandal. The president discharged him for insubordination. The congres-sional committee appointed to study the controversy, domi-nated by Old Guard Republicans, exonerated Ballinger. But progressives throughout the country supported Pinchot. The controversy aroused as much public passion as any dispute of its time; and when it was over, Taft had alienated the supporters of Roosevelt completely and, it seemed, irrevocably.

BAllinger-Pinchot disPute

“radicalism” during his second term, so alienated conservatives in his own party that he might have had difficulty winning the Republican nomination. In 1904, moreover, he had made a public promise to step down four years later. And so in 1909, Roosevelt, fifty years old, retired from public life—briefly.

THE TROUBLED SUCCESSION

William Howard Taft, who assumed the presidency in 1909, had been Theodore Roosevelt’s most trusted lieutenant and his handpicked successor; progressive reformers believed him to be one of their own. But Taft had also been a restrained and

moderate jurist, a man with a punctilious regard for legal process; conservatives expected him to abandon Roosevelt’s

aggressive use of presidential powers. By seeming acceptable to almost everyone, Taft easily won election to the White House in 1908. He received his party’s nomination virtually uncontested. His victory in the general election in November—over William Jennings Bryan, running for the Democrats for the third time—was a foregone conclusion.

Four years later, however, Taft would leave office the most decisively defeated president of the twentieth century, his party deeply divided and the government in the hands of a Democratic administration for the first time in twenty years.

Taft and the ProgressivesTaft’s first problem arose in the opening months of the new administration, when he called Congress into special session to

lower protective tariff rates, an old progres-sive demand. But the president made no effort to overcome the opposition of the

congressional Old Guard, arguing that to do so would violate the constitutional doctrine of separation of powers. The result was the feeble Payne-Aldrich Tariff, which reduced tariff rates scarcely at all and in some areas raised them. Progressives resented the president’s passivity.

Taft may not have been a champion of reform, but neither was he a consistent opponent of change. In 1912, he sup-ported and signed legislation to create a federal Children’s Bureau to investigate “all matters pertaining to the welfare of children and child life.” Julia Lathrop, the first chief of the bureau, was a veteran of Hull House and a close associate of Jane Addams. She helped make the Children’s Bureau a force for progressive change not just in federal policy, but also in state and local governments.

But a sensational controversy broke out late in 1909 that helped put an end to Taft’s popularity with reformers. Many progressives had been unhappy when Taft replaced Roosevelt’s secretary of the interior, James R. Garfield, an aggressive conservationist, with Richard A. Ballinger, a conservative cor-porate lawyer. Suspicion of Ballinger grew when he attempted to invalidate Roosevelt’s removal of nearly 1 million acres of forests and mineral reserves from private development.

williAm howArd tAft

PAyne-Aldrich tAriff WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT Taft could be a jovial companion in small groups, but his

public image was of a dull, stolid man who stood in sharp and unfortunate contrast to his dynamic predecessor, Theodore Roosevelt. Taft also suffered public ridicule for his enormous size. He weighed as much as 350 pounds at times, and wide publicity accompanied his installation of an oversized bathtub in the White House. (© Bettmann/Corbis)


578 • CHAPTER 20

election, the Democrats, who were now offering progressive can-didates of their own, won control of the House of Representatives for the first time in sixteen years and gained strength in the Senate. But Roosevelt still denied any presidential ambitions and claimed that his real purpose was to pressure Taft to return to progressive policies. Two events, however, changed his mind. The first, on October 27, 1911, was the announcement by the admin-istration of a suit against U.S. Steel, which charged, among other things, that the 1907 acquisition of the Tennessee Coal and Iron Company had been illegal. Roosevelt had approved that acquisi-tion in the midst of the 1907 panic, and he was enraged by the implication that he had acted improperly.

Roosevelt was still reluctant to become a candidate for president because Senator Robert La Follette, the great Wisconsin progressive, had been working since 1911 to secure the presidential nomination for himself. But La Follette’s candi-dacy stumbled in February 1912 when, exhausted, and distraught over the illness of a daughter, he appeared to suffer a nervous breakdown during a speech in Philadelphia. Roosevelt announced his candidacy on February 22.

Roosevelt versus TaftLa Follette retained some diehard support. But for all practical purposes, the campaign for the Republican nomination had now become a battle between Roosevelt and Taft. Roosevelt scored overwhelming victories in all thirteen presidential primaries. Taft, however, remained the choice of most party leaders, who controlled the nominating process.

The battle for the nomination at the Chicago convention revolved around an unusually large number of contested delegates: 254 in all. Roosevelt needed fewer than half the disputed seats to clinch the nomination. But the Republican National Committee, controlled by the Old Guard, awarded all

The Return of RooseveltDuring most of these controversies, Theodore Roosevelt was far away: on a long hunting safari in Africa and an extended tour of Europe. To the American public, however, Roosevelt remained a formidable presence thanks to intensive newspaper coverage of his every move abroad. His return to New York in the spring of 1910 was a major public event. Roosevelt insisted that he had no plans to reenter politics, but within a month he announced that he would embark on a national speaking tour before the end of the summer. Furious with Taft, he was becoming convinced that he alone was capable of reuniting the Republican Party.

The real signal of Roosevelt’s decision to assume leadership of Republican reformers came in a speech he gave on September 1,

1910, in Osawatomie, Kansas. In it he out-lined a set of principles, which he labeled the “New Nationalism,” that made clear he

had moved a considerable way from the cautious conservatism of the first years of his presidency. He argued that social justice was possible only through the vigorous efforts of a strong federal government whose executive acted as the “steward of the pub-lic welfare.” Those who thought primarily of property rights and personal profit “must now give way to the advocate of human welfare.” He supported graduated income and inheritance taxes, workers’ compensation for industrial accidents, regulation of the labor of women and children, tariff revision, and firmer regula-tion of corporations.

Spreading InsurgencyThe congressional elections of 1910 provided further evidence of how far the progressive revolt had spread. In primary elections, conservative Republicans suffered defeat after defeat while almost all the progressive incumbents were reelected. In the general

“new nAtionAlism”

ROOSEVELT AT OSAWATOMIE Roosevelt’s famous speech at Osawatomie, Kansas, in 1910 was the most radical of his career and openly marked his break with the Taft administration and the Republican leadership. “The essence of any struggle for liberty,” he told his largely conservative audience, “has always been, and must always be to take from some one man or class of men the right to enjoy power, or wealth, or position or immunity, which has not been earned by service to his or their fellows.” (© The Granger Collection, New York)



legislation. As a presidential candidate in 1912, Wilson pre-sented a progressive program that came to be called the “New Freedom.” Roosevelt’s New Nationalism advocated accepting economic concentration and using government to regulate and control it. But Wilson seemed to side with those who (like Louis Brandeis) believed that bigness was both unjust and inefficient, that the proper response to monopoly was not to regulate it but to destroy it.

The 1912 presidential campaign was an anticlimax. William Howard Taft, resigned to defeat, barely campaigned. Roosevelt campaigned energetically (until a gunshot wound from a would-be assassin forced him to the sidelines during the last weeks before the election), but he failed to draw any significant numbers of Democratic progressives away from Wilson. In November, Roosevelt and Taft split the Republican vote; Wilson held on to most Democrats and won. He polled only 42 percent of the vote, compared with 27 percent for Roosevelt, 23 per-cent for Taft, and 6 percent for the socialist Eugene V. Debs. But in the electoral college, Wilson won 435 of the 531 votes. Roosevelt had carried only six states, Taft two, Debs none.

The Scholar as PresidentWilson was a bold and forceful president. He exerted firm control over his cabinet, and he delegated real authority only to those whose loyalty to him was beyond question. His most powerful adviser, Colonel Edward M. House, was an intelligent and ambitious Texan who held no office and whose only claim to authority was his personal intimacy with the president.

In legislative matters, Wilson skillfully welded together a coa-lition that would support his program. Democratic majorities in

both houses of Congress made his task easier. Wilson’s first triumph as president was the fulfillment of an old Democratic (and pro-

gressive) goal: a substantial lowering of the protective tariff. The Underwood-Simmons Tariff provided cuts substantial enough, progressives believed, to introduce real competition into American markets and thus to help break the power of trusts. To make up for the loss of revenue under the new tariff, Congress approved a graduated income tax, which the recently adopted Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution now permitted. This first modern income tax imposed a 1 percent tax on individuals and corporations earning more than $4,000 a year, with rates ranging up to 6 percent on annual incomes over $500,000.

Wilson held Congress in session through the summer to work on a major reform of the American banking system: the Federal Reserve Act, which Congress passed and the pres-ident signed on December 23, 1913. It created twelve regional

banks, each to be owned and controlled by the individual banks of its district. The regional Federal Reserve banks would hold

a certain percentage of the assets of their member banks in reserve; they would use those reserves to support loans to private banks at an interest (or “discount”) rate that the Federal Reserve system would set; they would issue a new type of paper currency—Federal Reserve notes—that would become

lowering the tAriff

federAl reserve Act

but 19 of them to Taft. At a rally the night before the conven-tion opened, Roosevelt addressed 5,000 cheering supporters. “We stand at Armageddon,” he told the roaring crowd, “and we battle for the Lord.” The next day, he led his supporters out of the convention, and out of the party. The convention then quietly nominated Taft on the first ballot.

Roosevelt summoned his supporters back to Chicago in August for another convention, this one to launch the new

Progressive Party and nominate himself as its presidential candidate. Roosevelt approached the battle feeling, as he put it, “fit as a bull moose” (thus giving his new party an endur-

ing nickname).The “Bull Moose” party was notable for its strong

commitment to a wide range of progressive causes that had grown in popularity over the previous two decades. The party advocated additional regulation of industry and trusts, sweeping reforms of many areas of government, compensation by the government for workers injured on the job, pensions for the elderly and for widows with children, and (alone among the major parties) woman suffrage. The delegates left the party’s convention filled with hope and excitement.

Roosevelt himself, however, entered the fall campaign aware that his cause was almost hopeless, partly because many of the insurgents who had supported him during the primaries refused to follow him out of the Republican Party. His pessimism was also a result of the man the Democrats had nominated for president.

WOODROW WILSON AND THE NEW FREEDOM

The 1912 presidential contest was not simply one between con-servatives and reformers. It was also one between two brands of progressivism. And it matched the two most important national leaders of the early twentieth century in unequal contest.

Woodrow WilsonReform sentiment had been gaining strength within the Democratic as well as the Republican Party in the first years of the century. At the 1912 Democratic National Convention in Baltimore in June, Champ Clark, the conservative Speaker of the House, was unable to assemble the two-thirds majority necessary for nomination because of progressive opposition. Finally, on the forty-sixth ballot, Woodrow Wilson, the governor of New Jersey and the only genuinely progressive candidate in the race, emerged as the party’s nominee.

Wilson had risen to political prominence by an unusual path. He had been a professor of political science at Princeton

until 1902, when he was named president of the university. Elected governor of New Jersey in 1910, he demonstrated a com-

mitment to reform. During his two years in the statehouse, he earned a national reputation for winning passage of progressive

the Progressive

PArty

wilson’s “new freedom”


580 • CHAPTER 20

the nation’s basic medium of trade and would be backed by the government. Most important, they would be able to shift funds quickly to troubled areas—to meet increased demands for credit or to protect imperiled banks. Supervising and regu-lating the entire system was a national Federal Reserve Board, whose members were appointed by the president. Nearly half the nation’s banking resources were represented in the system within a year, and 80 percent by the late 1920s.

In 1914, turning to the central issue of his 1912 campaign, Wilson proposed two measures to deal with the problem of monopoly. In the process he revealed how his own approach to the issue was beginning to change. There was a proposal to create a federal agency through which the government would help busi-ness police itself—a regulatory commission of the type Roosevelt had advocated in 1912. There were also proposals to strengthen the government’s ability to break up trusts—a decentralizing approach characteristic of Wilson’s 1912 campaign. The two mea-sures took shape as the Federal Trade Commission Act and the Clayton Antitrust Act. The Federal Trade Commission Act created a regulatory agency that would help businesses determine in advance whether their actions would be acceptable to the govern-ment. The agency would also have authority to launch prosecu-tions against “unfair trade practices,” and it would have wide power to investigate corporate behavior. Wilson signed the Federal Trade Commission Bill happily. But he seemed to lose

interest in the Clayton Antitrust Bill and did little to protect it from conservative assaults, which greatly weakened it. The future, he had apparently decided, lay with government supervision.

Retreat and AdvanceBy the fall of 1914, Wilson believed that the program of the New Freedom was essentially complete and that agitation for reform would now subside. He refused to support the movement for national woman suffrage. Deferring to southern Democrats, and reflecting his own southern background, he condoned the reim-position of segregation in the agencies of the federal government (in contrast to Roosevelt, who had ordered the elimination of many such barriers). When congressional progressives attempted to enlist his support for new reform legislation, Wilson dismissed their proposals as unconstitutional or unnecessary.

The congressional elections of 1914, however, shattered the president’s complacency. Democrats suffered major losses in Congress, and voters who in 1912 had supported the Progressive Party began returning to the Republicans. Wilson would not be able to rely on a divided opposition when he ran for reelection in 1916. By the end of 1915, therefore, Wilson

WOODROW WILSON Woodrow Wilson, the 28th president of the United States, was a Virginian (the first southerner to be elected president since before the Civil War), a professor of political science and later president of Princeton University, governor of New Jersey, and known as a brilliant progressive. His election to the presidency brought the first Democrat to the White House since 1896. (The Library of Congress (3a21763v))

Electoral Vote Popular Vote (%) Candidate (Party)

58.8% of electorate voting

William H. Taft(Republican)

88

3,484,980(23.2)

435 6,293,454(41.9)

Woodrow Wilson(Democratic)

8

4,119,538(27.4)

Theodore Roosevelt(Progressive/Bull Moose)

— 900,672(6.0)

Eugene V. Debs(Socialist)

— 235,025Other parties(Prohibition; Socialist Labor)

5

74

43

5

5

4

3 3 10

11

2

3

6

8

10

20 10

9

18

13

1213

29

15

15 24

1312

10 12 14

6

9

12

128

38

454

6

4

57

18

1438

ELECTION OF 1912 The election of 1912 was one of the most unusual in American history because of the dramatic schism within the Republican Party. Two Republican presidents—William Howard Taft, the incumbent, and Theodore Roosevelt, his predecessor—ran against each other in 1912, opening the way for a victory by the Democratic candidate, Woodrow Wilson, who won with only about 42 percent of the popular vote. A fourth candidate, the socialist Eugene V. Debs, received a significant 6 percent of the vote.

• What events caused the schism between Taft and Roosevelt?



had begun to support a second flurry of reforms. In January 1916, he appointed Louis Brandeis to the Supreme Court, making him not only the first Jew but also the most progres-sive justice to serve there. Later, he supported a measure to make it easier for farmers to receive credit and one creating a system of workers’ compensation for federal employees.

Wilson was sponsoring measures that expanded the powers of the national government in important ways. In 1916, for example, he supported the Keating-Owen Act, the first federal

law regulating child labor. The measure prohibited the shipment of goods produced by underage children across state lines,

thus giving an expanded importance to the constitutional

child-lABor lAws

clause assigning Congress the task of regulating interstate commerce. The president similarly supported measures that used federal taxing authority as a vehicle for legislating social change. After the Court struck down Keating-Owen, a new law attempted to achieve the same goal by imposing a heavy tax on the products of child labor. (The Court later struck it down too.) And the Smith-Lever Act of 1914 demonstrated another way in which the federal government could influence local behavior; it offered matching federal grants to support agricultural extension education. Over time, these innovative uses of government overcame most of the constitutional objections and became the foundation of a long-term growth in federal power over the economy.

CONNECTING THEMES

Chapter 20 emphasized the goals, successes, and limitations of the progressive movement. Review the role of women in insti-tuting social reforms and consider how their participation in progressive reform efforts broadened opportunities and to what degree ideas concerning the “cult of domesticity” were affected. Also, you should now be familiar with the role of muckrakers in promoting reform, as well as knowing about geographical divisions and the bases for support or emphasis on various types of reform. Chapter 20 discussed Theodore Roosevelt’s actions regarding corporate trusts and environ-mental conservation. Also discussed was the unusual election of 1912 and the factors that led Woodrow Wilson to be elected president. Compare Wilson’s New Freedom program to Roosevelt’s New Nationalism program. Lastly, the chapter compared the respective views of Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois on achieving racial equality. Think about how the progressive movement played a role in assisting certain minorities in their struggles for equal rights.

The following themes have heightened importance in Chapter 20. You should now be able to do the following for each listed theme:

Culture and Society: Explain the ways in which class con-sciousness was accentuated during the progressive era and explain changes in the perception of gender roles.Work, Exchange, and Technology: Explain the conse-quences of economic hardship on both the domestic and inter-national scenes. Also, be able to explain the changing view toward big business on the part of the federal government.Politics and Power: Discuss the degree to which the progressive movement was successful in making the government more responsible to the people at the national, state, and local levels.Geography and the Environment: Describe the debate over conservation of resources versus preservation of resources.Politics and Power: Explain how concepts about the legiti-mate role of the federal government in looking out for the wel-fare of its citizens changed during the progressive era.

**Additional note: You should be able to contrast the reform movements of the progressive era with those of the Jacksonian era. Additionally, in looking ahead, you should ultimately be able to compare and contrast the progressive era with other eras of reform such as the New Deal and the Great Society.

AP

SUGGESTED STUDY

PEOPLE/PLACES/EVENTS As you study these items, think about how they demonstrate or relate to key concepts and historical themes from this chapter and previous chapters.

Alice PAul 560“BAd trusts” 570“Bull moose” PArty 579elizABeth cAdy stAnton 559eugene deBs 568eugenics 568fAther John ryAn 553federAl reserve Act 579gifford Pinchot 574“good trusts” 570hetch hetchy 575hull house 553

idA tArBell 553interstAte commerce Act 574iww (“woBBlies”) 569JAne AddAms 553lincoln steffens 553louis BrAndeis 570mucKrAKers 552municiPAl reforms 561nAAcP 566nAtionAl AmericAn womAn

suffrAge AssociAtion (nAwsA) 559

new freedom 579newlAnds Act 575new nAtionAlism 578PAnic of 1907 576ProfessionAl AssociAtions 555ProhiBition 567Pure food And drug Act 574referendum 562roBert lA follette 563settlement houses 553sierrA cluB 575sociAl gosPel 553

AP


582 • CHAPTER 20

TEST PRACTICE


MULTIPLE CHOICE Use the photograph on page 555 and your knowledge of U.S. history to answer questions 1–2.

1. The subject matter of the photograph most reflects which progressive belief?

(A) The progressive belief in participation in municipal government

(B) The progressive belief in the “natural laws” of the marketplace

(C) The progressive belief in individual accomplishment and professionalism

(D) The progressive belief in the influence of the environ-ment on human individual development

2. During which earlier period in American history was there a similar concern for social welfare for the underprivileged of different ethnic backgrounds?

(A) 17th century Puritan New England

(B) 18th century Enlightenment period

(C) Post Second Great Awakening secular movements

(D) Post-Civil War western towns

SHORT ANSWER Use your knowledge of U.S. history to answer questions 3–6.

3. Answer a, b, and c.

a) Briefly explain ONE example of a variety of progressive reform.

b) Briefly explain a SECOND example of a variety of progressive reform.

c) Briefly explain ONE example of a commonality in philosophy, motives, or goals between the varieties of movement you identified above.


a) For ONE of the groups below, identify a political, social, or economic issue it tackled in the progressive era.

• Labor

• Political Parties

• African Americans

b) Briefly explain ONE example of a success or advance-ment the group achieved regarding the issue.

c) Briefly explain ONE development that would support an argument that the success or advancement was limited.


a) For ONE of the areas below, briefly explain its influence on progressive ideals.

• Enlightenment

• Second Great Awakening

• Early 19th-century Romanticism

b) Provide ONE example of an event or development to support your explanation.

c) Briefly explain why ONE of the other options is not as useful to explaining influences leading to the development of progressivism at the turn of the 20th century.

6. Use the political cartoon on page 554 to answer a, b, and c.

a) Briefly explain the opinion expressed by the artist about ONE of the following:

• Monopolies

• Senators

• Public opinion

b) Briefly explain ONE development from 1889 to 1910 that might give some validity to its claim.

c) Briefly explain ONE way in which this political issue was reformed between 1889 and 1910.

LONG ESSAY For each question below, develop a thoughtful and thorough historical argument that answers the question. Begin your essay with a thesis statement and support it with relevant historical evidence.

7. Evaluate the extent to which the reform movements of the progressive era of the early 20th century were a con-tinuation as well as a departure from the reform move-ments of the 1820s and 1830s in regard to their philosophies, goals, and motivations.

8. Some historians have argued that the progressive era was a turning point in the women’s rights movement. Support, modify, or refute this interpretation, providing specific evidence to justify your answer.

AP

sociAl worK 553tAmmAny hAll 564the “new womAn” 556thorstein veBlen 554

triAngle shirtwAist comPAny fire 564

w.e.B. du Bois 566western Progressives 565

women’s christiAn temPerAnce union 567

womAn’s cluB movement 558


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“VOTES FOR WOMEN,” BY B. M. BOYE This striking poster was the prize-winning entry in a 1911 contest sponsored by the College Equal Suffrage League of Northern California. (The Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University)

20 THE PROGRESSIVES

APHISTORICAL THINKING

1. Argumentation To what degree and in what ways were progressives able to make the American political system more democratic at the national, state, and local levels?

2. Argumentation To what degree and in what ways did the progressive movement improve life for average Americans through the regulation of big business?

3. Argumentation To what degree and in what ways were progressives able to enact social welfare legislation?

4. Contextualization Analyze the sources of support for progressive reform and the reasons for that support.

5. Contextualization Analyze the role of women in the progressive movement, reforms they sought to attain, and their relative success in realizing those goals.

6. Comparison Compare and contrast the views of big business and conservationists on the use of natural resources.

7. Comparison Compare and contrast New Nationalism with New Freedom.

8. Comparison Compare the positions of Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois on how to best attain equal rights for African Americans.

Key Concept CorrelationsAnalyze the ways the historical developments you learn about in this chapter connect to one or more of these key concepts in AP U.S History coursework..

6.3.I.C A number of artists and critics, including agrarians, utopians, socialists, and advocates of the Social Gospel, championed alternative vi-sions for the economy and U.S. society.

6.3.II.B Many women sought greater equality with men, often joining voluntary organizations, going to college, promoting social and political reform, and, like Jane Addams, working in settlement houses to help im-migrants adapt to U.S. language and customs.

7.1.II. A Some Progressive Era journalists attacked what they saw as political corruption, social injustice, and economic inequality, while reform-ers, often from the middle and upper classes and including many women, worked to effect social changes in cities and among immigrant popula-tions.

7.1.II.B On the national level, Progressives sought federal legislation that they believed would effectively regulate the economy, expand democ-racy, and generate moral reform. Progressive amendments to the Constitution dealt with issues such as prohibition and woman suffrage.

7.1.II.C Preservationists and conservationists both supported the establish-ment of national parks while advocating different government responses to the overuse of natural resources.

7.1.II.D The Progressives were divided over many issues. Some Progressives supported Southern segregation, while others ignored its pres-ence. Some Progressives advocated expanding popular participation in gov-ernment, while others called for greater reliance on professional and technical experts to make government more efficient. Progressives also disagreed about immigration restriction.

Thematic Learning ObjectivesCUL-1.0, 2.0, 3.0; NAT-2.0; POL-1.0, 2.0, 3.0; GEO-1.0

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updated american history - s3. · pdf filethe “glorious revolution ... the first phase:...

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