rio conflict assessment finalforhill[v.final]
TRANSCRIPT
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Marcella Marucci 2010
by Regina Joseph and Marcella Marucci
FAVELAS ON
FIRE:
BRAZILS
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Organized crime gangs in Rio de Janeiros favela slums have terrorized residents and underscored the states loss of control
since 1979. The battle for control between gangs and law enforcement created open urban warfare in Rio for the last three
decades.
Neglected since their creation as illegal settlements, favelas have been both site and source of this violent conflict. But now,
with the deadlines of the 2014 FIFA World Cup event and the 2016 Summer Olympics looming, Brazil and Rio de Janeiro have
an urgent need to finally address this complex problem and get it under control. Initial attempts at intervention have mostly
taken aim at directly suppressing the favela drug gangs, but the correlated factors of corruption, social and income
inequality require far more attention in order to achieve a sustainable peace.
This conflict assessment, prepared for the governments of Rio de Janeiro State and Brazil, consists of two phases: this report
constitutes the first phase, which employs the U.Ks Department for International Developments (DfID) Strategic Conflict
Assessment (SCA) framework. This desk study analyzes the structures, actors and dynamics of the conflict and identifies
responses, concluding with recommendations requiring city and state cooperation. The second phase involves a workshop-
oriented in-country assessment influenced by the principles of Participatory Action Research (PAR). Workshops include all
relevant stakeholders in order to effectively implement the recommendations of the first phase. The ideas of Mary
Andersons Do No Harm approach1
guide the creation of this entire assessment, in that we view identified facets behind
conflict as also critical factors for peace.
PHASE ONE: DESK STUDY
1. CONFLICT OVERVIEW
1Mary Anderson, Do No Harm: How Aid Can Support Peace or War (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1999)
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Topographically, the city of Rio de Janeiro is an intricate puzzle of mountains, beaches and bays, and rainforests that
surround a dense city of over 6 million inhabitants.2
Vast hillsides of shacks that comprise the more than 900 favelas that
weave through Rios high-density urban landscape house more than a sixth of the citys people.3
The disparity between the
wealth of Rios middle and upper class denizens and the abject poverty of favela-dwellers has not only contributed to Brazils
high GINI index coefficient of income equality (55.0 in 2009 and comparable to such locales as Haiti at 59.5 and South Africa
at 57.8)4, it also serves as a principal driver behind the citys violent conflict.
Drug trafficking and arms running in the service of Colombian cocaine cartels and neighboring crime factions in Bolivia, Peru
andParaguay helped propel the creation of Rios own gangs in 1979, which in turn have been responsible for the explosion
of violence in Rio from the 1980s until now. The gangs got their start in Rios penitentiary system, where they shared cells
with political prisoners incarcerated by the military dictatorship at the time, and learned from them the jargon, skills (bomb-
making, tunnel system building) and command systems of radicalized movements.
Rios gangs operate a linked criminal network between members still in prison and members on the outside, with jailed
leaders typically communicating to their free cohort through smuggled mobile phones. On the outside, the gangs act as
virtual owners of their favelas, controlling not only the lives of the residents, but also basic services they require and that the
government has neglected to providecooking oil/fuel; utilities; medicine; transport; and security,5
all for a profit at higher-
than-market rates. Thus a complex interdependence exists between favela residents and the organized crime gangs.
Drug gangs, however, are not the only instigators of violent conflict in Rio. By the late 1990s, armed militias formed by
favela-dwelling active and ex-policemen and firemen turned vigilante against the drug gangs and usurped the racketeering
of the gang cells they vanquished. Militias now control 41.5% of the slums, against 40% now in the hands of the largest
2Based on 2008 IGBE (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografica e Estatistica) census statistics (accessed 1 March 2011);
http://www.ibge.gov.br/english/presidencia/noticias/noticia_visualiza.php?id_noticia=1435&id_pagina=13
Ibid.4United Nations Development Program, Human Development Report 2009 (accessed 1 March 2011);
http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/indicators/161.html5
Ibid.
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drug gang, the Comando Vermelho.6
Thus most favela dwellers lives are dictated, not by the state or rule of law, but by
violent groups at war with each other who exploit and extort the destitute neighborhoods over which they claim dominion.7
After historic neglect, the government is nowattempting to stabilize Rios security through a program best characterized as
a massive firepower response followed by community policing efforts. The method of pacification involvesfavela-by-favela
secure-and-hold counterinsurgency strategies in which SWAT teams invade then establish a semi-permanent presence in a
cleansedfavela. Pacifications are bloody and victims include scores of innocent bystanders.
While inaccurate reporting methods and the potential for corruption require careful assessment of reliability, homicide rates
in Rio have dropped since pacifications began three years ago (the first quarter of 2010 saw 2566 homicides, a 20% drop
compared to the same quarter in 2009).8
But it is too early to estimate whether this decrease constitutes a trend.
2.CONFLICT ANALYSIS
2.1 STRUCTURES
2.1(a) SECURITYSecurity constitutes the most visible element of Rios conflict. To eradicate organized crime gangs, the state deploys a
plethora of civil and military special police forces, accompanied by military-grade firepower. In particular, the intentionally
recognizable special operations battalions trained in counter-insurgency warfare known as the BOPE can be seen
throughout favelas that have been pacified.Favela dwellers, however, often complain of menacing behavior and extortion
at the hands of security forces.
Rio Governor Sergio Cabrals installation of urban Pacification Police Units (known as UPP forces), poses a stronger potential
peace dividend. The UPP forces semi-permanently integrate into the favela community and assist in daycare, teach skills
6Luiz Agosto Gollo, Vigilante Groups Trump Drug Gangs and Become Rios New Authority, 11 November 2009 (accessed 1
March 2011): http://www.brazzil.com/home-mainmenu-1/200-january-2009/10295-vigilante-groups-in-brazil-trump-drug-
gangs-and-become-rios-new-authority.html
7Carlos Amorim, interview by Regina Joseph, 13 April 2011, New York, email interview.
8ISP (Institute of Public Security) Reportagem, 5
thAugust 2010 (accessed 1 March 2011);
http://www.isp.rj.gov.br/Conteudo.asp?ident=216
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(like sports, athletic training, music) and seek social opportunities to engender trust and make favela life better. This is
where the greatest opportunity to create change in favelas may lie changing the public perception of the police from
corrupt and violent abusers to fellow community members.9
Corruption and abuse are pervasive: a 2010 anti-corruption sting operation known as Operation Guillotine10
revealed police
collaboration at the highest level with gangs and militias. Over 50 law-enforcement officialsincluding Allan Turnowski,
Rios police chiefwere caught aiding the groups law enforcement sought to stop.
While these visible structures require directional change, the least visible component of security, namely that of Brazils
prison systems, remains in equally dire need of reform. Prisonsovercrowded, filthy and violentare the cauldrons of
Brazils organized crime problem. Without an overhaul of the prison system, the structure of security in Brazil cannot be
successful.
2.1(b) POLITICAL
Political structures address the problem of urban warfare, but they also directly sustain the problem. Successive
governments derogated the establishment of basic public services to the poor, allowing favelas to grow and fester through
neglect.
Former President Luiz Ignacio Lula da Silva sought to address this with the creation of the 4-year US$350 billion
infrastructure investment programs PAC (2007) and PAC2 (2010, Programa de Acelerao do Crescimento or Growth
Acceleration Programs). PAC is supposed to address urban housing, sewage, electricity and more.11
However, widespread
corruption in Lulas and current president Dilma Rousseffs governments lead critics to scoff at PAC as unachievable publicity
9Anonymous. Drug Violence Drops in Rio as New Policing Techniques Introduced,Latin America News Dispatch Online, 20
May, 2010 (accessed 1 March 2011): http://latindispatch.com/2010/05/20/drug-violence-drops-in-rio-de-janeiro-as-new-
policing-techniques-introduced/
10Cecilia Ritto,Operao Guilhotina estanca vazadouro nos gabinetes da cpula da segurana pblica no Rio, Veja Online,
11 February 2011: http://veja.abril.com.br/noticia/brasil/operacao-guilhotina-estanca-vazadouro-nos-gabinetes-da-cupula-
da-seguranca
11Brazil Online, PAC,http://www.brasil.gov.br/pac/investimentos/
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stunts. However, Bolsa Familia, Lulas conditional cash transfer program that lifted 20 million people out of poverty has been
successful, so elements of PAC2, if managed effectively, may still be viable.
The toughest political challenge to surmount lies in the fact that organized crime has become embedded into state
institutions. Drug gangs fund political campaigns, deploy members into police forces and customs agencies, and can thus
effectively render the state powerless to act.
2.1 (c)ECONOMIC
As Brazil emerges as an economic power, the impact of its urban wars and organized crime may potentially
destabilize the increasing growth trend. Currently Brazil offers a very attractive foreign direct investment
opportunityChina has been actively pouring billions of dollars into Brazil, which has in turn served as the
capital used to create investment programs like PAC. But if security continues to elude the Brazilian government,
the current upward trajectory may yet stall, which is why the tests of World Cup 2014 and the 2016 Olympics are
eyed so nervously by internal analysts. According to President of Cisco Brazil Rodrigo Abreu: Brazils high crime
rate has acted as an obstacle to the creation of a virtuous circle in which security brings investment, which in turn
brings resources that can be used to continue improving security.12 That investment also brings jobs, a factor in
changing the underlying structures that maintain favela life.
2.1(d) SOCIAL
Social and cultural forces can serve as both peace capacities as well as conflict sources. Institutions like religious
organizations often serve as mediators and charity providers within favelas; however, churches and officials have also
12Ibid.
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become participants in the conflict by protecting gang members and in some cases, even running guns and drugs on their
behalf.13
But even the power of devotion, a critical social binder in Brazil, cannot override the central social structure that maintains
the status quo of favela misery: the prosperity gap. For the poor, that gap creates resentment that has been reinforced by
the legacy of slavery, centuries of racism and a class hierarchy that still favors whites of European ancestry above all others.
The wealthy close themselves off into bunkered oases and reduce their contact with the majority of Rios population.
Researchers of Rios urban violence say such resentment serves as a source of the culture of hypermasculinity that
glamorizes guns and power, leading the most vulnerable into lives of crime.14
Myriad NGOs and community groups have sought to minimize the violence by creating programs that offer an alternative
path for young people excluded from participation in wider Brazilian society via education and employment. Many of these
focus particularly on programs for women, as they serve not only as the primary breadwinning forces within favelas, but
also as a factor in the cycle of violence: Abra Zaluar of NUPEV Violence Research Center, in observing the highest number of
deaths among men under the age of 30 in her study on favela violence, says the chances of dying between the ages of 15
and 30 is directly linked to the mother's schooling. Based on this observation, Zaluar insists the group in most need of the
states attention constitutes the poor, female slum residents that have spent little or no time in school.15
13Anonymous, MS: pastores esto envolvidos em trfico de armas, Jornal Globo Online, 11 March 2010 (accessed 1 March
2011): http://jornalnacional.globo.com/Telejornais/JN/0,,MUL1526040-10406,00-
MS+PASTORES+ESTAO+ENVOLVIDOS+EM+TRAFICO+DE+ARMAS.html
14Interview with Alba Zaluar, Director of Violence Studies of Nupev-Uerj, by Antonio Gois, June 2009 (accessed online 1
March 2011): http://www.ims.uerj.br/nupevi/artigos_midia/Hiperm.pdf
15Luiz Agosto Gollo, Vigilante Groups Trump Drug Gangs and Become Rios New Authority, 11 November 2009 (accessed 1
March 2011): http://www.brazzil.com/home-mainmenu-1/200-january-2009/10295-vigilante-groups-in-brazil-trump-drug-
gangs-and-become-rios-new-authority.html
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Certain social needs must be urgently addressed. Rio has yet to implement a public health policy to deal with the addiction
problems now rife in favelas; without this, eradication of drug gangs from favela life can never really be complete.
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2.2ACTORS
ACTORS INTERESTS RELATIONS PEACE
AGENDAS
INCENTIVES
Brazilian Govt security; stability; growth corrupted; crime
embedded; critic/public
skepticism
need to unify cities and public;
engender trust; establish domestic
stability
economic stability; global
prestige and power
Rio Govt
Police
Drug Gangs
Militias
Favela
Residents
security; stability; growth corrupted; crime
embedded; critic/public
skepticism
UPP; unify favela & asfalto residents;
engender trust & quality of life
economic stability; global
prestige; structural cohesion
public order; reduce
organized crime; prestige
corrupted; crime
embedded; critic/public
skepticism
UPP; unify favela & asfalto residents;
engender trust & quality of life
increased budgets; public
respect
profit; power; area
control; employment
violence; resident
dependence; security
gang exit = longer lives; better
community relations
survival
gang eradication; profit;
power; employment
violence; corruption;
resident dependence;
security
peaceful coexistence; better
community relations
avoidance of prison; public
respect; peaceful
neighborhoods
peace; stability; services;
equality; employment
violence; gang
dependence; mistrust;
sense of neglect
cooperation in improvement
programs; favela structural
improvement
peace; employment;
education; better living
conditions; stability
Intl OlympicComm. (IOC)
Intl Football
Federation
(FIFA)
Security
Consultants
Bad Neighbors
Co./Bo./Para.
profitable 2016 SummerOlympics; stability
profitable 2014 World
Cup; stability
profit; prestigious client
base
profit; domestic stabilityin own states
good relations; concernover stability
successful Olympics helps to establishpeace and economic growth
good public relations; growthof Olympic brand & profit
good relations; concern
over stability
successful World Cup helps to
establish peace and economic growth
good public relations; growth
of FIFA brand & profit
Brazilian interest &
skepticism; consultant
interest
consultancy success dependent on
ability to establish peace and security
good public relations; growth
of consultancy tactics & profit
complex diplomaticrelations; resource
dependencies
greater peace & stability for all iforganized crime brought under
control
economic stability; increasedprestige & power; better
relations
NGOs
Religious
Organizations
progressive change;
economic stability
some very community-
involved, others less so
aid programs not as successful as
community-building (esp. arts)
increase peace and stability
and use as models for other
countries
increase numbers of the
faithful; bind community
positive=charity &
community build;
negative=gang support
creating peace as a devotional work
of faith
extend devotional
communities
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2.3 DYNAMICS
2.3(a) LONG TERM TRENDS OF CONFLICT AND SCENARIOS
Social programs from the Lula administration from 2003-2010 have yielded a 6% reduction in crime and early attempts at
pacification appear to be generating decreases in favela violence. But only 13 of Rios nearly 1000 favelas constitute as
pacified. Furthermore, until Rocinha, the largest favela in Rio, is effectively pacified for a sustained period, state
representatives cant truly claim success with such measures.
Since Operation Guillotine in late 2010 removed several top law enforcement officials for corruption, the Rio civil police force
must quickly rebuild and reform to stanch the corrosive effect of abuse of power. But rebuilding and simultaneously
mounting the largest single organized crime counter-insurgency plan in historyand completing both successfully and
sustainably by 2014starts to look like over-reaching.
Even in a scenario where Rio is able to accomplish these twinned tasks, larger trends lurk ominously:
1.) Assuming a best-case scenario where violence does not mar either the World Cup or the Olympics, what happens after
the events are over?
2.) Should state investments (such as those in oil and agriculture) not yield the revenues required for continuation of core
infrastructure development programs beyond those required immediately to fulfill sporting event obligations, their removal
would put recent individual economic gains from Bolsa Familia at risk. Unless state and national governments devise a long-
term funding strategy now for Rio infrastructure, regardless of the World Cup and the Olympics and while Brazilian cash-
flow remains positive and liquid, economic wild cards can disrupt efforts aimed at overall social improvementnecessary
steps in quelling violence long-term.
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3.) Rio is experiencing new cataclysmic storm patterns, possibly due to climate change from Amazon clear-cutting. Hillside
structures like favelas face the worst threat from storms, since their flimsy constructions tend to be swept away by
mudslides and soil erosions. An infrastructural replacement plan for the favelas cannot be put off much longer.
2.3(b)TRIGGERS FOR INCREASED VIOLENCE
Pacifications trigger violence between law enforcement and gangs, so when Rio commences tackling its larger and more
dangerous favelas, violence may be triggered on a much bigger scale. The World Cup and the Olympics may certainly serve
as further potential violence triggers as drug gangs may use these events for retaliation and display. Long-term, Brazil must
consider long overdue prison reforms that may also serve as further triggers for instability and conflict. In any aspect of
reform the necessary upheaval involved could pose a real threat to peace and stability in the cities.
2.3(c) CAPACITIES FOR MANAGING CONFLICT
Several facets serve as both sources of conflict as well as sources of peaceamong them, police forces like the UPP;
reformed militia members who forego racketeering and exploitation of their communities; and uncorrupt political officials
who refuse to seek gain or employ jeito (shortcuts) when opportunities to take advantage appear. Until now, managing
conflict has primarily taken the form of matching firepower with firepower; however, managing conflict may be more
sustainably maintained through building shared identity. The prosperity gap and racism reinforce the class hierarchy
between favela residents and wealthy urbanites. However, Brazilians share common identity traits, such as a love of music,
sports, arts and patrimonial pride. By targeting identity-related issues, a build-up of trust may smooth future pacifications.
3. EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL RESPONSES
3.1 ROLE OF THE IOC and FIFA
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In his visit to Rio in 2010, President of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), Jacques Rogge emphasized that the
success of the Olympic Games lies in all the parties coming together and offered his organizations assistance to realizing
this goal.16
Although construction of some Olympic venues is already well underway, other proposed areas for the Games have little
infrastructure and will require much more construction and fundingConcerns surrounding the 2016 Olympic Games extend
to the World Cup, which occurs even sooner in 2014. Government lack of transparency in allocation of funds and budget
overages threaten to derail progress; Brazils Federal Accounting Authoritystates that severalof Brazils World Cup projects
face poor planning, and exploding costs,17
which may negatively impact more vital social improvements.
3.2ARMS, DRUG CONTROL and SECURITY
The Tri-Border Area (TBA) between Brazil, Argentina and Paraguay is a hot spot for the flow of weapons and drugs.. The
Brazilian Federal Police currently maintain surveillance over the TBA, but heavily forested and poorly defined boundaries
make controlling the more than 1000 kilometer border extremely difficult. Illicit operations along the TBA continue to go
unnoticed.
In Rio, the U.S. Consulates Public Affairs Office has worked with Brazilian police agencies to assist in pacification efforts. It
also invited two U.S. security specialists to lead social development resolutions, including assessing effective dialogue
between police officers and youths and sharing knowledge on community policing and peacekeeping training from different
regions in the US, including New York City.18
The Brazilian government has also sought outside consultants like Rudolph
Giuliani to advise on security.
16Ibid.
17Tribunal das Contas da Unio - Plennary Judgement 742/2009. AC-0742-14/09-P. http://contas.tcu.gov.br 2009 (accessed
on 22 April 2011).18Anonymous. U.S. Security Specialists Exchange Shared Knowledge with Rio de Janeiro Police OfficersConsulate General
of the United States, Rio de Janeiro, 15 April 2011. http://riodejaneiro.usconsulate.gov/ev-041-5-2011.html(accessed 20
April 2011).
http://riodejaneiro.usconsulate.gov/ev-041-5-2011.htmlhttp://riodejaneiro.usconsulate.gov/ev-041-5-2011.htmlhttp://riodejaneiro.usconsulate.gov/ev-041-5-2011.html -
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3.3 FOREIGN AID AND NGOs
Some organizations stand out as having an impact on both policy and social consciousness:
The International Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA), active in Rio, plays a crucial role in supporting efforts towards
human safety by reducing the demand for small arms and strengthening arms transfer controls.19
Thanks to movements like
IANSA, the disarmament campaign in Brazil resulted in the collection of more than half a million weapons between 2003 and
2009,20
and on September 28, 2010, the Brazilian Minister of Justice signed an agreement with IANSA member Viva Rio,
establishing the disarmament campaign as a permanent state policy.21
The Luta Pela Paz (Fight for Peace) project in the Complexo da Mare favela in northern Rio is perhaps the most visible
example of a successful international (Anglo-Irish founded) effort addressing urban violence.22
Luta Pela Paz uses boxing and
martial arts combined with education and personal development to help youth in conflict-laden societies realize their
potential.23
Most recently, a meeting organized by Luta Pela Paz and the British Consulate in Rio brought together
authorities involved in the organization of cultural projects for the London 2012 and Rio 2016 Olympic Games to reinforce
the social legacy for favela youth after the Games are overfor the first time, the three spheres of Brazilian government
(Municipal, State and Federal) were present in showing interest in such an organization.
24
4. INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT POLICIES AND PROGRAMS
4.1 FEDERAL, STATE AND MUNICIPAL INITIATIVES
19Anonymous. About Us,IANSA Online. http://www.iansa.org/aboutus (accessed 22 April 2011).20
Anonymous. Brazil government announces permanent disarmament campaign.IANSA Online.
http://www.iansa.org/update/item/2010/10/brazil-government-announces-permanent-disarmament-campaign (accessed
22 April 2011).21
Ibid.22
Shyne, James. Interview by Marcella Marucci, 18 April 2011, New York, NY. Email interview.23Anonymous. About Us.Fight For Peace Online. http://www.fightforpeace.net/default.asp?contentID=2&lang=1
(accessed 20 April 2011).24
Ibid.
http://www.iansa.org/aboutushttp://www.iansa.org/update/item/2010/10/brazil-government-announces-permanent-disarmament-campaignhttp://www.iansa.org/update/item/2010/10/brazil-government-announces-permanent-disarmament-campaignhttp://www.fightforpeace.net/default.asp?contentID=2&lang=1http://www.fightforpeace.net/default.asp?contentID=2&lang=1http://www.fightforpeace.net/default.asp?contentID=2&lang=1http://www.fightforpeace.net/default.asp?contentID=2&lang=1http://www.iansa.org/update/item/2010/10/brazil-government-announces-permanent-disarmament-campaignhttp://www.iansa.org/update/item/2010/10/brazil-government-announces-permanent-disarmament-campaignhttp://www.iansa.org/aboutus -
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In December 2003, the Brazilian Congress passed the Disarmament Statuteits first national gun law which imposed
restrictions on the use of firearms and laid out newly established crimes and penalties for small arms possession.25
In July
2004, the Brazilian Federal Government launched the Disarmament Campaigna gun buyback programwith extremely
positive results.26
Then in August 2007, the Brazils Ministry of Justice implemented the Program of Public Security and
Citizenship (PRONASCI) to focus on at-risk youth and the high rates of violence in major Brazilian cities.27
PRONASCIs innovative campaign targets citizen involvement and includes: modernizing police forces and the penitentiary
system; training security professionals; eradicating police corruption; fighting criminality; promoting womens human rights;
and keeping young adults away from criminality by offering them government-led options.28
The PRONASCI programs and the disarmament statute compound the gains that have been created by PAC, PAC2, Bolsa
Familia, and the UPP community policing forces. These elements taken togetherstarting with the UPP in particularmake
it possible for people in occupied favelas to play a role and have a voice in the control of violence.
4.2 LOCAL NGOs and COMMUNITY PROGRAMS
Many non-governmental organizations have formed in response to Rios growing violence. Viva Rio, the oldest and the
largest NGO created by favela residents, has developed a wide range of successful activities and strategies including Viva
Favela, a community news project that serves as both a virtual bridge between favela residents and the outside world and a
resource for intra-favela news.29
25 UN Website. Response of Brazil to the Secretary General's Request for Views on the Interrelation Between Armed violence
and Development, as Per Section 2 of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 63/23. (accessed 22 April 2011):
http://www.un.org/disarmament/convarms/SALW/Docs/AV-MemberStatesViews/Brazil-E.pdf26
Ibid.27
Ibid.28
UN Website. Response of Brazil to the Secretary General's Request for Views on the Interrelation Between Armed violence
and Development, as Per Section 2 of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 63/23. (accessed 22 April 2011):
http://www.un.org/disarmament/convarms/SALW/Docs/AV-MemberStatesViews/Brazil-E.pdf29
Viva Rio Online (accessed 20 April 2011);http://www.vivario.org.br/
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4.3(a) MUSIC, ART, and SPORT-BASED PROGRAMS
Brazilians identify strongly with their cultural heritage of the arts and athletics; some of the most successful peace
capacitors are music, art and sport programs. Grupo Cultural AfroReggae, a music and drumming collective, created by a
former Comando Vermelho member, uses music workshops to resist drug gangs across hundreds of Rios favelas;30
artists
have harnessed the collective power of favela residents to transform their hillside communities into massive artworks,
painting sweeping images directly onto shacks that create effects that can be seen from miles away; and youth programs in
soccer and volleyball have been central in creating safe places to play, as well as providing aspirational opportunities for the
gifted.
5. METHODOLOGY
By adopting DfIDs SCA framework our aim is to harmonize Brazils and Rios action plan with potential responses from all
stakeholders.
Our intensive desk study involved in-field experts (See Annex I) who helped broaden the understanding of the situation on
the ground. Given the acute sensitivity of the findings and the wide-range of actors, implementing a Do No Harm approach
requires in-country research and workshops with local and international development organizations, economists, scholars,
government actors and favela residents to exchange ideas and establish a basis for continued strategic planning; this will be
the next phase of our research.
Our approach requires flexibility: we encourage shared analysis among government actors (in particular security sector
actors like the police and prison system officials). That flexibility also requires the information sharing and participation to
extend to the various conflict actors, including drug gang members, militia members, and favela residents. The complexity of
Rios conflict requires dynamic profiling an aspect emphasized by the SCAframeworks focus on the nexus where change
30Neate, Patrick and Damian Platt. Culture is Our Weapon: Making Music and Changing Lives in Rio de Janeiro (New York:
Penguin, 2010); 1-72.
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intersects with root causes of violence.31
Rios 500-year legacy of colonialism, military dictatorships, and elite oligarchic
capitalism have entrenched behaviors, resentments, and aspirations that seem static and cant be easily undone; however,
the nature of the conflicts violence morphs daily. But the conflicts instability poses a direct challenge to Brazils current
economic ascendance. Brazil and Rio cannot afford to allow the tenuous security condition to threaten future investment,
development and growth. The he framework employs a strong political economy lens in which to view the relations
between actors; its multidisciplinary approach allows a range of ideas from various sectors to influence a sustainable plan of
action.32
To date, Brazil and Rios response to the conflict consists of a law enforcement-based response in which massive
firepower is used to counter firepower of conflict actors. This approach, while effective to some extent by slightly reducing
the overall level of violence, causes harm by inflicting collateral damage, killing innocent civilians and increasing fear and
resentment. We propose a sustainable plan of action that mitigates the harmful effects of current strategy by creating
direct dialogue between antagonistic actors to establish trust.
6. RECOMMENDATIONS AND NEXT STEPS
6.1A PUBLIC AWARENESS CAMPAIGN: ARRIVAL CITIES NO MORE
Much of Rios conflict rests on negative perceptions of the poor and the favelas themselves. Income inequality, racism and
unequal land distribution combined with state neglect have stigmatized favelas and residents, effectively containing them as
borderline elements of society. We recommend turning this view on its head by essentially rebranding favelas as launching
pads for the rural poor in their transition to urban life a theme expounded upon by Doug Saunders,33
the author of Arrival
City. Favelas, seen as arrival cities, determine the success of rapidly urbanizing metropolises; by changing the perception
of favelas and unifying them within the larger urban social fabric of Rio, the dialogue between wealthy and poor may be re-
energized.
6.2 PRELIMINARY POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
31Department for International Development (2002) Conducting Conflict Assessments: Guidance Notes (London: DfID) p. 7
32Ibid, p. 8
33Saunders, Doug, interview by Tom Ashbrook. "Global Migration and Arrival Cities." On Point. NPR. March 23, 2011.
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Short-Term:
Expand efforts to expand UPP and UPP social programs to all urban areas within Rio Expand law enforcement/anti-corruption stings Begin Rio-based public relations program highlighting favelas as vital arrival c ity components of Rios society to
restore dignity to favela residents. Require all NGOs and aid agencies to assist in the effort to establish a unified Rio
identity.
o Key focus: sanitation and anti-corruption Increase government support for sports, music, and arts-based programs in the favelas Continue to work with international actors, NGOs and aid agencies to collaborate on violence reduction
Long-Term:
Overhaul and reform the prison system: prison construction must include cell phone transmission blockingmechanisms
State-wide anti-corruption programs: must investigate embedded relationships between organized crime activityand politicians
Education reform: must include the creation of adequate schools and facilities for favela youth
Public health and housing reform for the poor: continue addressing favela sanitation and safe public housing Implement a monitoring and evaluation (M&E) team to observe ongoing conflict dynamics and stakeholder
progress
PHASE TWO: IN-COUNTRY ASSESSMENT
7.FIELD WORK AND PARTICIPATORY ACTION RESEARCH
The in-country phase of our assessment will include additional research in the form of interviews and workshops. We
propose individual workshops for each stakeholding group, concluding with a final workshop where all actors meet to
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debrief on their individual workshops. We use Participatory Action Research (PAR) principles to guide a more collaborative
response. PAR requires conflict actors to be directly involved in the process of peace-building, so that adoption of sustainable
policies potentially increases.34
To that end, one of the workshops that we require as part of the methodology consists of an
interaction exercise to take place on Rios beaches. Historically, the beaches of Rio have been a neutral, class -free space in
which all members of Rios society congregate. Our recommendation requires state government officials, gang members,
favela residents, and law enforcement officers to participate together in trust-building culturally-oriented exercises including
soccer games, volleyball games and musical performances.
8.CONCLUDING REMARKS
Brazil and Rio must amplify their current counter-insurgency-based response to the conflict by combining a public awareness
campaign to unify Rio with reform of the security sector, pubic services and education. Income inequality remains the
principle driver behind Rios urban conflict and therefore must be the states long-term ultimate goal. Certain elements of
current practice, like the UPP, constitute a step in the right direction; but they must be significantly reinforced through
extension to larger areas of the city and coupled with active policies of redistributing social equality over the next decade.
With the opportunity to project its soft power and substantiate Brazils emergence as a global leader, the city and nation
face tremendous short-term pressure to fulfill the responsibilities they have fought so hard to get. Should Rio and Brazil fail
at getting the security situation under control, not only are lives of its citizens at stake, but so is the more visible issue of
Brazils standing as a competent and reliable actor in world affairs.
34Stiefel, Matthias. "Participatory Action Research as a Tool for Peacebuilding: The WSP Experience." In Peace-Building: A
Field Guide, by L. Reychler & T. Paffenholz, 573. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., (2001), p. 266.
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Annex I
Interviewees:
Carlos Amorim
Carlos Amorim is a Rio native and resident and is considered the world's most prolific expert on Brazilian organized crime. He
is a documentary director, print and broadcast investigative journalist, and the author of a critically-lauded trilogy on
organized crime, including Assalto ao Poder (Assault on Power); CV-PCC: A Irmandade de Crime (CV-PC: The Brotherhood of
Crime); and Comando Vermelho: A Historia Secreta dor Crime Organizdo (Red Command: The Secret History of Organized
Crime). Amorim spent 20 years working for Globo, Brazil's largest media conglomerate, in a variety of executive production
roles and is also the founding editor of Brazilian newspaper Jornal de Manchete.
Marcio Kahn
Marcio Kahn is a Rio native and resident. Kahn is a senior engineer at Petrobras as well as a founding shareholder in Casa de
Carinho, a daycare center located in the Santa Marta favela. As a member of the Mangueira samba club, Kahn is also
involved in social and cultural events in that favela community. He is Regina Joseph's first cousin.
James Shyne
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James Shyne is a PhD candidate in international economics at the Fletcher School at Tufts University. He is currently working
on a multiple-essay dissertation examining public policy and human security in Brazil and was a William J. Fulbright Fellow in
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil in 2009.
Email: [email protected]
Cel. (Brazil) +55.21.9689.3908
Cel. (USA) +1.617.320.8377
Interview transcripts available on request.
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Favelas on Fire: Rios Urban War
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Favelas on Fire: Rios Urban War