the defence of byzantine africa from justinian to the arab conquest

8/16/2019 The Defence of Byzantine Africa From Justinian to the Arab Conquest

1/274

The Defence of

ByzantineAfrica from Justinianto the

Arab ConquestAn account of the military

history andarchaeology of the African

provinces

in the sixth and seventhcenturies

Denys

Pringle

Parti


2/274

BA !nternational"eries ##$%&

%#'%C(APT) !

"*+C)" A,D "C*P) *- "T+D.

-or a period of %/0 years1 from the time of thecapture of Carthage from the 2andals by

Belisarius in 033 until its fall to (assan ibn al4,ucman in /#'1 the prefecture of Africa formedan integral part of the Byzantine empire5 Duringthe 6rst century of Byzantine rule1 its territory7as progressively covered by a system offorti6cations1 built in most cases on ne7foundations5 !n their architecture these 7or8sare of particular interest in illustrating thetransition bet7een late oman and earlymedieval techniques for designing andconstructing forti6cations in stone5 !n their

siting1 they also shed light on the political1administrative and economic geography ofByzantine Africa5 "ome eighty sites that 7ereprovided 7ith o9cial 7or8s of forti6cation canbe identi6ed in Byzantine Africa by means oftheir surviving physical remains :r from 7rittenevidence5 To these may be added anotherforty 7hose identi6cation is much less certainand several hundred more defensive 7or8s of anad hoc character1 the possible dating of 7hichranges from the fourth cen4;4ary to the early

>5?@r7v & of Procopius of Caesarea1published bet7een the spring of 003 and thesummer of 0005 The de Aedi6ciis ta8es theform of a panegyric1 extolling Justinian@ s virtuesas a patron of t 5aiding throughout the empire5!n order to 7rite it1 Procopius seems to haveteen given access to o9cial documents inConstantinople his descriptions : f thebuildings in certain parts of the empire aretherefore accompanied by ists naming the


3/274

forti6cations built or restored by the emperor5 in vie7 of its detail and authority1 the deAedi6ciis is an indispensible source of infor4E ation for the archaeologist and architecturalhistorian interested in the reign:t Justinian5

+nfortunately1 ho7ever1 the 7or8 7as leftincomplete5 Thetoo8 that 7as to deal 7ith !taly7as never 7ritten and the section on Africa14rtich immediately precedes it1 seems to be nomore than a rough draft1 7hichFe authorintended to 6ll out 7ith more detail at a laterdate5 !ndeed1 ther rovisional nature of this section as it stands isillustrated by the fact that ;rocopius! s laterversion of the de Aedi6ciis1 represented by the2atican text1 names certain forti6ed places in

,umidia3 7hich are omitted from the earlierversion given by the Ambrosianus text5GDespite these shortcomings1 heEever1 the deAedi6ciis supplies the names of t7enty4eightcities forti6ed in Africa by Justinian1 as 7ell asthose of seven forts50

!n addition to the de Aedi6ciis1 Procopius hasleft us1 in Boo8s (! and !2 :: his (istory of theHars of the reign of Justinian1 a military historyof Africa trtm 033 to 0G'5 The value of this

history is enhanced both by its detailed


4/274

'

nature and by the fact that Procopius hadpersonal 8no7ledge of much of 7hat he

7as 7riting about5 (e had participated inthe campaign against Ielimer as a memberof Belisarius% s sta1 and had remained inAfrica after the 2andals@ defeat1 serving1 soit 7ould appear1 on the sta of Belisarius% ssuccessor "olomon until 03/1 7hen he and"olomon 7ere forced to Kee to "icily toavoid being captured by mutineers5 The6rst seven boo8s of the Hars 7ere begun inaround 0GL and published in 003 in vie7of the fact that Boo8 !2 ta8es the history of

Byzantine Africa no further than John Troglitas% s victory over the


5/274

made in the 7ritings of chroniclers 7hosemain concern 7as 7ith other parts of theempire5 The sixth4century Africanchronicler 2ictor Tonnennensis isunfortunately no more informative about

events in Africa than he is about thoseelse7here in the empire5 !n the last t7odecades of the sixth century1 the letters ofpope Iregory the Ireat shed some light onthe military and civil administration of theexarchate and the Descriptio *rbisomani of Ieorge of Cyprus gives a list ofcivil provinces and an incomplete list ofto7ns existing in around /LL5


6/274

the fact that the Persians are given aprominent position in the part of thetreatise 7hich describes the 6ghtingmethods of the empire@ s principal enemiessuggests a date probably before /L and

certainly before O5 /3L1 after 7hich thePersian empire had ceased to exist5Hhether the 7or8 7as 7ritten by theemperor


7/274


8/274

^ Iis al4Hazam1 other7ise 8no7n as eoAfricanus5 This 7riter 7as born in Iranadain the last decade of the 6fteenth century1

but 7as captured at sea by Christians andbaptised by the pope5 (e translated his o7ndescription of ,orth and Hest Africa into!talian in %0/5

The story of Thomas d@ Arcos 7as the exactreverse to that of al4Hazani5 Born a "panishChristian in around %0'/1 he 7as captured in%/' and sold as a slave in Tunis5 -ouryears later1 he became a


9/274

are A5 avoisie s collection of dra7ings ofoman and Byzantine architecture andsculpture1 published bet7een %'G/ and %'03and A5 (5 A5 de la by%#%L1 seven more oman to7n sites 7ere underexcavation1 and all but t7o of these chantiers7ere still active in %#G/5

G

-or many -rench Algerians of the latenineteenth and early t7entieth century1 thestudy of the oman past 7as stimulated bymore than simply antiquarian or scholarlyinterest1 since in the colonialist ideology ofthe day the -rench colon 7as seen as thenatural heir to oman Africa50 -or thecolonist1 the oman archaeology of Africacould also provide practical bene6ts1 someof 7hich 7ere analysed by Dr5 5 Carton in apaper published in %'#L5 Carton arguedthat by studying the methods by 7hich theomans had exploited the land of Africa1-rench colonists 7ould be able in a short7hile to rebuild from the agrarian base


10/274

up7ards a Kourishing urbanized society1such as that 7hich had existed in Africa inthe oman period5 Carton singled out forparticular attention oman techniques ofolive4farming1 forestry1 cereal4production1

the divining of mineral 7ater springs1 themining of metal ores1 quarrying1 hydraulicengineering and road4building5 M *neless fortunate aspect of the -rench colon@ sappropriation of his oman inheritance1ho7ever1 7as the acceleration thatoccurred in the rate at 7hich survivingbuildings 7ere destroyed either for theirbuilding materials or for agriculturalpurposes5 A number of -rench ne7 to7ns7ere also laid out over the ruins of

deserted oman ones at usicade1 forexample1 the oman street plan 7asretained almost unaltered in the -renchPhilippeville $no7 "8igda&5 At the sametime1 the Byzantine forti6cations atConstantina1 Theueste1


11/274

the 6eld5 0 it 7as his second ma>or 7or8and follo7ed a doctoral thesis on theByzantine exarchate of avenna1 7hich hadbeen published in %'''5 "ome of thefeatures of Byzantine government in !taly

that he had examined in the earlier 7or8 he7as able to discern again 7hen he came toloo8 at Africa5 These included1 forexample1 the progressive militarization ofthe civil administration1 the clash ofcultures provo8ed by the attempts made byConstantinople to impose religious andcultural uniformity on the 7esternprovinces and the fact that in the end1despite the military problems that hadfaced them and their eventual failure1 theByzantines had nevertheless been able to8eep hold of their 7estern possessions forsome t7o centuries5 Although Diehl@ sboo8 on Africa 7as in some respects anatural sequel to his thesis on !taly1 it bro8ene7 ground in relating the social1 politicaland administrative history of the prefectureto the survivingarchaeological evidence5 Diehl5paidparticular attention to the methodsadopted for defending Africa1 de6ningtypes of military 7or81 their relation tocontemporary sixth4century military theoryas illustrated by the treatises of the period1and to the military history of ByzantineAfrica5 Although he may be criticised forhaving accepted as Byzantine manyforti6cations 7hich are as li8ely to havebeen late oman or early


12/274

better than the barbarians themselves:through their military and culturaleeteness they not only allo7ed Africa1 tofall1 but they also destroyed much of itsoman architectural heritage in the

process5 A number of 7riters have seenthe Byzantines% forti6cations in Africa asparticularly symbolic of their culturaldecline5 !n %'#;1 for example1 Ballu 7roteof the fort at Thamugadi: Cette vastecitadelle1 edi6ee a la hate par lasoldatesque a demi4barbare du general"olomon1 est un des exemples les plusfrappants de ces constructions erigees1 auxdepens des ruines voisines1 par lesguerriers de cette epoque qui1 incapablesde concevoir ou d@ executer une oeuvrearchitecturale ayant un caractere propre1 n@ont laisse en Afrique que des pierresentasses les uns@sur les autres1 sans autrepreoccupation que celle de !% etablissementd@ une defense precipitee@ 5 M "imilarsentiments 7ere expressed by ouisBertrand 7riting of the fort at Thugga in%#%: @ es odieux Byzantins avaientetrangle le Capitole et le quartieravoisinnant dans une de leurs petitesforteresses massives1 bassement utilitaires1baclees a5 la hate avec des materiaux demprunt 551 ient n exite la mauvaisehumeur du passant comme la survivancede ces batiments parasites et miserables1qui symbolisent en quelque facon leretrecissement de %@ )mpire arrive a5 %Q extreme periode de sa decadence@ 5 ;

"uch hostility to7ards the Byzantines1although it 7as not al7ays expressed in so

forceful a 7ay1 may be variously explained5Partly1 no doubt1 it 7as a logical result of thetraditional art4historical approach to archaeologyand of the idea that oman imperial art hadfollo7ed a course of progressive decline from theclassical ideals inherited from Ireece5 +ntil7ithin the past t7o decades1 relatively little 7as8no7n of Byzantine religious architecture inAfrica1 and in any case the remains of thechurches that had been excavated gave littleidea in themselves of ho7 the buildings 7ould

have appeared 7hen standing and 7ith theirinternal decoration still intact5 Another reasonfor the lo7 opinion held of the Byzantines1ho7ever1 is li8ely to have been that their failureto restore Christian oman Africa and to prevent


13/274

its collapse raised the uneasy question of thedurability of -rance@ s o7n colonial activity in,orth Africa5 !t 7as naturally the achievementsof the omans in Africa in the second and thirdcenturies rather than the apparent failures of the

By4zantines in the sixth and seventh that 6red theimagination of -rench Algerians it is nosurprise1 therefore1 to 6nd that it 7as generallyspea8ing the archaeology of these centuriesthat attracted more interest and moregovernment funds than that of any other duringthe colonial period5

!n the eighty years that have follo7ed thepublication of @ Afrique byzantine1 ideas on the

Byzantine forti6cations of Africa have progressedvery little5 This may seem particularly surprisingin vie7 of the great advances that have beenmade in the 6eld of the Christian archaeology ofByzantine Africa during the past t7enty years5*ne explanation may be the lac8 of sympathyfor the Byzantines and their forti6cations thathas already been mentioned5 Another1ho7ever1 7as probably that Diehl@ s o7nmasterly treatment of the sub>ect appeared tohave exhausted all its possibilities for a

considerable period thereafter5#Despite the absence of any general

reappraisal of the sub>ect of the Byzantineforti6cations of Africa during the course of thepresent century1 the means for underta8ing sucha study have been gradually accruing5 Anumber of sites1 for example1 have beenexcavated either in 7hole or only in part5 Theyinclude Tubunae $%#LL4L%&1 Thugga $from c5

%#LL&1 Thubursicu ,umi4diarum $from c5 %#LL&1 Tignica $%#L;&1


14/274

excavators 7ere more interested in 7hat laybeneath the forts than in the forts themselves5!ncalculable destruction 7as therefore 7roughtfor modest returns of useful information5"tratigraphic excavations of a limited nature

7ere underta8en1 ho7ever1 by the post47arBritish authorities in Tripolitania at epcis


15/274

evidence1 7hether documentary1epigraphic or structural1 is open to seriousquestion5 -inally1 Category B includessites at 7hich structural remains suggestno more than the possibility of their having

been forti6ed in the sixth century5As more information becomes available1 itshould be possible to add sites to those listed inthe Iazetteer and to promote some of thosealready listed from Category B to AC1 from AC toAB1 and so forth5 "ome of the sites at presentlisted in Category B may also have to be deletedaltogether5 !t is hoped that far from inhibitingfuture 7or8 on the forti6cations of ByzantineAfrica1 the Iazetteer may also serve as a base

upon 7hich ne7 research of a general orparticular nature may build1 7hile the discussion7hich precedes it may act as a guide and astimulus by raising questions 7hich in thepresent state of 8no7ledge cannot yet beadequately ans7ered5

C(APT) !!

tes enry:es JS

nog

3S

es

it


16/274

7edged bet7een the desert and the sea $see


17/274

and it 7as the


18/274

seaborne empire 7as still intact at the timethat Justinian 7as planning his campaigns inthe 7est5

!n Africa itself1 the area of 2andalsettlement 7as con6ned mainly toProconsularis and northern Byzacium5 "uchat least is the impression given by thegeographical distribution of epigraphic anddocumentary evidence1 %L 7hich also bearsout the statement of 2ictor 2itensis thatIaiseric settled his army on lands con6scatedfrom oman lando7ners in Proconsularis17hile retaining for himself the lands ta8en inByzacium1 ,umidia1 Iaetulia and Abaritana5 ( The number of the 2andals 7as small1 hence

the need to prevent their dispersion5% Atotal of 'L1 LLL1 senes1 iuuenes1 paruuli1 seruiuel domini and including some Alans1 "ueuiand Ioths1 had crossed the straits 7ithIaiseric1 %3 and although this number maybe expected to have increased before thedisappearance of the 2andals from history acentury later it can scarcely have been morethan about %LL1 LLL at the time of theByzantine re4conquest5 %G Compared to this1the total population of 2andal Africa may

have been as high as t7o millions5%0

!t 7ouldseem li8ely1 therefore1 not only that the2andals 7ere al7ays in a minority1 but alsothat they 7ere in the process of beingassimilated into the local population at thetime of the Byzantine re4conquest5 %/

The 2andals 7ho settled in Africa underIaiseric 7ere organized into at least eightydivisions1 each containing a theoreticalthousand souls and commanded by a xi\ia-

py.o


19/274


20/274

inKuence on the shaping of Belisarius@ sstrategy in the campaign of 03353U

The oman Africans

*n a number of occasions during thecampaign of reconquest Belisariusdeveloped the theme of liberation of theoman Africans1 or ibyans $ Atp7oi & Vfrom the 2andal yo8e1 and the sameargument 7as soon to appear in o9cialdocuments5 3/ The support of the localoman population1 ho7ever1 could not beta8en for granted5 At Caput 2ada1 7herethe Byzantine army landed1 Belisariusrebu8ed his troops for ta8ing fruit from the

trees of local proprietors through fear thatsuch actions might cause them to side 7iththe 2andals5 @ ,either 7as enthusiasm forthe @ liberators@ very apparent on the partof the oman African population5 !t is truethat a number of to7ns1 includingCarthage1 7ere delivered up by the localnotables1 7ho at "ullectum included thepriest3W but even at Carthage Belisarius7as compelled to execute one of theinhabitants for treason1 so that others

might be dissuaded from collaborating 7iththe 2andals53 At a later date1 thedisloyalty of some oman African farmersin Proconsularis became all too apparent7hen they presented the heads of campfollo7ers of the Byzantine army to the2andal 8ing

%%!!5 %

and 7hen the inhabitants of a placesituated t7o days@ from Carthage informedIelimer of the presence of a detatchmentof soldiers1 7ho in an ensuing ambush5escaped leaving t7o of their numberdead5GL

!t is evident1 therefore1 that not allclasses of ftoman Africans 7ere 8een forthe reinstatement of the imperial regime5*ne reason for this 7as that many

members of the lo7er classes of omanAfrican society appear to have been bettero under the 2andals than they or theirfathers had been under the omans5 !tappears li8ely that the system for


21/274

collecting taxes had at least partiallybro8en do7n by the time of the reconquest1since Procopius 7rites that the tax recordshad been lost and that 7hen Justinianordered a ne7 survey to be carried out the

ne7 assessments dre7 an angry responsefrom the Africans5G% The management ofmany estates had also probably becomelaxer 7hen the incentive to maintain highlevels of production 7as removed5 The la7sthat tied a colonus to his holding1 forexample1 had been less rigorouslyapplied1G and the Albertini Tablets suggestthat some


22/274

army openly1 and even those 7ho didcherish the hope that Africa 7ould oncemore be a part of the oman empire 7ouldhave felt disinclined to demonstrate theirloyalty to the emperor openly for fear of

reprisals if the campaign ended in failure5!t 7as therefore Ohe dispossessed andexiled lando7ners1 7ho had nothing left tolose1 7ho formed the most vociferoussection of the lobby urging Justinian tointervene in Africa5 0%

There 7as another reason1 ho7ever1apart from the material one1 for the omanAfrican aristocracy in general to desire therestoration of the im4pe5 @al administration5

As Courtois has sho7n1 in the 7ritings of2ictor 2itensis it is often di9cult toseparate the misfortunes of the omanupper class under the 2andals from thoseof the catholic church in eect1 the

!!5 %

%

3Sic

catholic hierarchyXs resistance in the face ofpersecution 7as strengthened by the feelingthat the cause of African catholics 7asindissolubly bound up 7ith that of romanitas5!t 7as natural1 therefore1 that1 during the period


23/274

of religious strife in Africa in the 6fth and earlysixth centuries1 African catholics should haveloo8ed to the emperor for support5 M Thecatholic source of support 7as also later givenencouragement by Byzantine propaganda5 2ictor

Tonnennensis1 for example1 repeats the storythat Justinian 7as inspired to send an expeditionto Africa by the appearance to him in a dream of the African martyr1 aetus1 the bishop of ,epta7ho had been put to death in G'G0G andProcopius stresses the fact that Carthage fell toBelisarius on the day follo7ing the feast of "aintCyprian5 M0

The attitude of oman Africans to Belisarius@ sexpedition 7as therefore to be unpredictable5

Those 7ho1 for ideological or materialisticreasons1 7anted a return to the oman systemcame for the most part from the lando7ningclass5 The cultores1 on the other hand1 mayhave had less desire for a return to theoppressive ancien regime5 Belisarius 7ascareful1 therefore1 to give the oman Africans nocause for antagonism this entailed 8eeping atight rein on his troops@ natural desire to en>oythe fruits of conquest5 After the 2andal8ingdom had been overthro7n1 ho7ever1 theAfrican population 7as readier to unite 7ith theimperial forces to oppose the


24/274


25/274

name of the part of the limes to 7hich theybelonged these divisions 7erecommanded in turn by praepositi limitum1/3"uch a system could last only as long asthe omans had a regular army of

su9cient strength to restore order 7hendi9culties arose5 The disputedinheritance of the


26/274

stretched as far as the desert and alsoshared a border 7ith the Aura4sianchiefdom of !audas1 suggesting that itencompassed the mountains of the (odnaand some of the areas further east5 ;M

*rtaias is mentioned again1 in 03;1 as aspectator of the contest bet7een Iermausand the rebel army of "totzas5;3 Aninscription from Arris1 in the *ued el4Abiodin the Aures1 indicates1 follo7ing Courtois@ sinterpretation1 that the


27/274

confederacy in Byzacium1 situated perhaps inthe Dorsal region5 This 7as controlled byIuenfan1 chief of the -rexes1 7ho 7assucceeded before 0%; by his son Antalas5 '% The devastation caused by the raids of these


28/274

of Curubis $=orbous& in Cap Bon1 7hich >oined inthe revolt begun by Antalas in 0GG1#/

*f the


29/274

During the campaign of 033403G1 only afe7 ority a7aited the outcome of the contestbefore committing themselves to the 7inningparty5 Byzantine relations 7ith the


30/274

The force 7as to be commanded byBelisarius1 the magister militum per*rientem5 ° (is sta included Archelaus1 aformer prefect of !llyricum1

!!5 %4%/

7ho 7as to serve as prefect of the army5 The historian Procopius >oined the expeditionas Belisarius@ s assessor%L and the eunuch"olomon1 one of Belisarius@ s bucellarii and acommander of foederati1 acted asdomesticus5 YN

The land army numbered about %'1 LLLmen5 !t included 6ve companies of regularinfantry $pedites comitatenses&1 numbering%L1 LLL men1 commanded by John of)yrrachium5 These 7ere supported by fournumeri $ aptZMoC1 xaxdoyot & of regularcavalry $equites comitatenses&1 numbering%10LL1 and nine T&yyaxa of foederati1numbering 310LL544M There 7ere also threecompanies of allied cavalry $ crfy>inaxoi &1serving under their o7n leaders: one of(eruls1 numbering GLL and t7o of (uns ofthe tribe of the


31/274

decisive battle of ad Decimum5 Belisarius@ landarmy 7ould therefore have numbered only about;1 0LL each of infantry and cavalry5 4M

Against this the 2andals could in theory raise

a force of about L1LLL1 all of 7hom 7ould havebeen cavalry5 !0 Although they may have hopedto dra7 support from the ority of the


32/274

regent Amalsuntha the Keet had put in to7ater and revictual1 % Belisarius hadalready learned from eastern merchants ofthe 2andals@ state of unpreparedness5 T7o options therefore lay open to him 7hen

the Keet reached Caput 2ada5 The 6rst7as to proceed straight7ay to Carthage bysea and enter the city before the 2andalshad time to prepare for its defence5A7are of his troops apprehensivenessabout a sea battle1 ho7ever1 the di9cultiesof landing on a defended beach and theunpredictable hazards of 7ind and tide1Belisarius chose the second course1 namelyto disembar8 forth7ith and proceed toCarthage overland5 3

The order of march of the Byzantine armyfrom Caput 2ada 7as so designed that itsstrength 7as concentrated in the rear17hich 7as the quarter upon 7hichBelisarius 7as expecting Ielimer@ s attac8to fall5 As far as Cap Bon1 the right Kan87as protected by the sea1 and up to thatpoint the army 7as able to maintain dailycontact 7ith the Keet5 The vanguard 7asformed by 3LL of Belisarius@ s bucellariiunder John the Armenian1 7ho 7as

9Zordered to stay L stadia $G5 L 8m&M infront of the main force5 The left Kan87as covered by the /LL mounted archersof the


33/274

army on around 3L August5 # About t7odays 7ould have brought the army to epti


34/274

from the city suggests that it 7as1 or had been1a road4station lying at the tenth milestone5 3/

There remains uncertainty1 ho7ever1 as to 7hichof the roads emanating from Carthage it stooodon5 -rom Irassa the Byzantine army probably

advanced along the road 7hich met the coast atad Aquas on the bay of Tunis and then follo7edit round to Carthage by 7ay of the ferry crossingat ebel [aiamand D>ebel bou =ournine1 to reach Carthagearound the 7est side of the la8e of Tunis andthence up the main Theueste4Carthage road5 A

point measured %L oman miles fromCarthage $Byrsa& along this road 7ould fallsome7here near Bab "oui8a in the northernsuburbs of modern Tunis1 directly on theproposed line of march5 The identi6cation ofad Deeimum 7ith such a position also ma8esgood sense of the other topographical detailssupplied by Procopius5 The narro7 de6le 7ouldbe the strip of land1 50 8m 7ide1 upon 7hich

Tunis no7 stands1 bet7een the la8e of Tunis andthe "eb8rat es4"ed>oumi5 The latter is a saltla8e1 7hich partially dries out during thesummer months it may be identi6ed 7ithne"Cov @A"iv 7hich Procopius describes as amarshy area 7here salt 7as extracted GL stadiafrom ad Deeimum on the left of the road as itapproached Carthage53Q

As the Byzantine army approached adDeeimum1 Ieiimer sent Iibamund1 his brother1out on the left Kan8 7ith 1LLL horsemen1 eitheracross or round one side of the salt la8e1 so that

7hen Belisarius reached the Theueste road he7ould have been trapped bet7een Ammata@ sforces approaching from Carthage1 Iibamund@ sfrom the other direction and Ieiimer himselffrom the rear5 3' The di9culty of co4ordinatingthe encirclement1 ho7ever1 and Belisarius@ sprecaution in maintaining a 7idely dispersedvanguard and Kan8ing force 7ere the mainreasons for the plan@ s failure1 though the result7as not to be a foregone conclusion53M

The Byzantine vanguard under John theArmenian1 at this time some 30 stadia $;5GL 8m&in front of the main force1 arrived at adDeeimum at about mid4day and ran into a smallforce under Ammata1 7ho had arrived on the


35/274

6eld earlier than Ieiimer had intended5Ammata1 ho7ever1 had evidently considered theByzantine army to be still far a7ay1 since hismen 7ere quite

!!5

%#unprepared and his main force 7as stillapproaching in piecemeal fashion fromCarthage5 !n a short engagement Ammatahimself 7as 8illed and the remaining 2andalsturned and Ked bac8 to7ards Carthage1 carrying7ith them the late4comers 7hom theyencountered along the 7ay5 John@ s menpursued them as far as the gates of the city18illing all those 7hom they overtoo81 and playedno further part in the battle that day5GL


36/274

Hhile they 7ere still 7aiting for furtherinstructions from Belisarius1 ho7ever1 Ielimerand the main 2andal army came into vie7 to thesouth5 Being heavily outnumbered1 thefoederati made for the most easily defensible

piece of high ground in the vicinity1 but 7ereunable to hold it for long and retreated headlongin the direction from 7hich Belisarius 7asapproaching5 "even stadia $%5G' 8m& from adDecimum1 they met 7ith +liaris and /LL ofBelisarius@ s bucellarii but he1 instead ofchec8ing their Kight1 >oined 7ith them in Keeingbac8 to7ards Belisarius5 Procopius considersthat at this point Ielimer could have 7on thebattle1 either by pursuing the Keeing Byzantinecavalry or by ma8ing straight for Carthage1

7here he could have reformed his army5!nstead he abandoned the high ground that hehad >ust ta8en and spent the rest of theafternoon seeing to the burial of his deadbrother5 This respite gave Belisarius the timethat he needed to regroup his cavalry and todeliver a 7ell4planned counter attac85 The2andals1 some7hat surprisingly1 7ere ta8enuna7ares and Ked headlong do7n the main roadto7ards Bulla egia and ,umidia5GG

The Byzantine cavalry spent the night of %3"eptember at ad Decimum1 and on the follo7ingday1 7hen the infantry had come up from itscamp1 the 7hole army moved for7ard to thegates of Carthage1 7hich it reached later thatevening5 Because he still feared the possibilityof a surprise attac81 Belisarius did not enterCarthage that night1 even though the inhabitantsopened the gates and displayed lights5 TheKeet1 mean7hile1 had entered the anchorage of"tagnum 7hich should probably be identi6ed

7ith the "eb8ret!!5

20er\iada north of the city5M0 Zn %0"eptember1 the day after the feast of "aintCyprian of Carthage1 the remaining troops7ere disembar8ed and the 7hole armyentered the city in an orderly fashion5 G/

Thus deprived of his capital1 Ielimerregrouped his remaining forces in the plainsouth of Bulla egia1 to 7hich he had Kedafter the battle of ad Decimum5G; (ere he7as >oined by a fe7


37/274

had hastily summoned bac8 from "ardinia5 G'(aving concentrated his forces1 Ielimermarched on Carthage and after cutting itsaqueduct1 he attempted to impose abloc8ade5 At the same time1 he tried to

dra7 support from some of the omaninhabitants of Carthage and from Belisarius@ sArian (un allies 7ith the latter he achievedsome success1 so that their loyalty 7as indoubt throughout the follo7ing stage of thecampaign5 G# in the meantime1 Belisariushad received the submission of the


38/274

placed the regular cavalry and on the left thefoederati5 The oining in thebattle50M The 2andals@ centre 7as composed of

Tata@ s 01 LLL pic8ed men they 7ere Kan8ed bythe 2andal levies commanded by their millenarii5 The allied


39/274

accidentally shot and 8illed by +liaris1 one ofBelisarius@ s bucellarii5 Ielimer thereforeescaped capture1 7hile John@ s men temporarilycalled o their pursuit to bury their leader and to7ait for further instructions from Belisarius5

(o7 much time 7as lost is uncertain5/

MBelisarius continued the pursuit as far as

(ippo egius1 7here he learnt that Ielimer hadalready sought refuge 7ith the


40/274

delivered the 2andal 8ingdom into the handsof the emperor5 During the 7inter andspring of 033 and 03G1 7ith Ielimer safelybloc8aded on mount Pappua1 Belisarius 7asable to spare troops to ma8e good the full

extent of this conquest5 The islands of"ardinia and Corsica 7ere occupied by troopsunder CyrilG Caesarea in


41/274

the area over 7hich "olomon had command7hen he too8 over from Belisarius andArchelaus in the summer of 03G 7asapproximately the same as that nominallycontrolled by the 2andals at the time of the

death of Iaiseric5%' (o7ever1 in practicalterms1 the extent of Byzantine control inAfrica 7ent only as far as it 7as possible tosecure the provinces against


42/274

and thro7ing4spears5 By ordering his mento dismount and 6ght on foot1 ho7ever1"olomon 7as able to penetrate the defenceand inKict a decisive defeat5 After thissuccess1 "olomon led his troops bac8 to

7inter quarters in Carthage5 3 The follo7ing spring $03G&1 MG Byzacium7as once more raided by the


43/274

enemy 7ould be located5 3L After three daysencamped at the foot of the mountain1 ho7ever17ithout having seen any sign of the enemy1"olomon began to doubt his guides@trust7orthiness and since insu9cient food

had been brought for a campaign of more than afe7 days1 he therefore 7ithdre7 hastily to theplain and put his troops into camp5 (avingachieved little in ,umidia1 "olomon thenestablished garrisons in the region and returnedto Carthage for the 7inter 7ith the remainder ofthe troops53%

-urther campaigning planned for 03/ 7asprevented by the outbrea8 of an army mutiny17hich too8 more than t7o years to quell53 The

problem of maintaining discipline in the sixth4century Byzantine army 7as made more acuteby reason of its heterogeneous nature5!ndiscipline amongst the barbarian allies andfoederati1 in particular the


44/274

«

:: -

!!5 3

("■'•-.;

24

*

:myrey

n

:ica4Uors ange

ose

dngrs#5rium5

3d3rs1amasV theaseguides

atimy1nt


45/274

re

$e%3R

f anDf reir4chto their temperament and lac8 of natural loyaltyto their employers1 as to the fact that at least %1LLL of their number 7ere Arians li8e the2andals5 33 After the fall of Carthage1 Justinian@ sattitude to7ards the Arians had at 6rst beentolerant5 A la7 of April 03G made provision forthe return of church property1 includingbuildings and sacred vessels1 to the catholicsbut1 for the time being1 Arian priests 7ereallo7ed to retain their ecclesiastical positions53G in response to the demands made by thecouncil of catholic bishops meeting in Carthagein -ebruary or


46/274

deprived of 7hat 7as theirs by right ofconquest5G3

The feelings of discontent crystallized intoactive revolt at )aster 03/1 7hen the Ariansfound themselves debarred from religiouscelebrations1 in particular from baptizing theirchildren5GG A plot 7as hatched to 8ill "olomonas he attended unguarded the )aster4dayceremony $


47/274

Despite their higher position1 the mutineersfound that the eectiveness of their arro7s7as reduced because a strong 7ind 7asblo7ing in their faces5 0L "totzastherefore abandoned his position and

attempted to move around the Kan8 ofBelisarius@ s force in order to obtain theadvantage of the 7ind5 But themanoeuvre 7as clumsily executed5Belisarius fell on the mutineers@ exposedKan8 and sent them Keeing to7ards,umidia5 (aving removed the immediatethreat to Carthage1 Belisarius returned to"icily1 7here his o7n forces 7ere mutinous1leaving !ldiger and Theodore the Cappa4docian in command at Carthage5 0%

The crisis1 ho7ever1 7as far from beingover5 The dux ,umidiae1 oined therebels1 their commanders 7ere 8illed7hile ta8ing sanctuary in a near4bychurch5 0

!n response to the deepening crisis1 Justinian sent his cousin1 the patrician andex4consul Iermanus to ta8e command ofthe army in Africa5 03 Iermanus arrived inCarthage to7ards the end of 03/accompanied by Dominicus1 7ho 7as toreplace John of Dyrraehium1 7ho had died1as commander of the infantry1 and

"ymacchus1 7ho 7as to be the ne7 prefectof Africa5 WG *nly one4third of the army inAfrica had remained loyal5 00 Beforeta8ing the 6eld against the rebels1Iermanus therefore attempted by meansof pay and promises to dra7 bac8 into theimperial camp as many of the rebellioustroops as possible5 0/ The policysucceeded so 7ell that in 03; "totzasdecided to commit his remaining forces tobattle 7hile they 7ere stall of roughly equalstrength 7ith those of Iermanus5 (e alsohoped in this 7ay to 7in over some of hisformer supporters 7ho1 at the criticalmoment might have been loth to 6ghtagainst their comrades5 Hhen Iermanus


48/274

led his army out from Carthage to confront"totzas 30 stadia $/50 8m& from the city1ho7ever1 his troops did not 7aver and"totzas 7as again forced to 7ithdra7to7ards !i#i$. %&

At Cellas 2atar>0' the mutineers 7ereoverta8en1 and forced to give battle5Iermanus placed his infantry1 underDominicus1 in the centre in front of a line of baggage 7agons to give them greatercon6dence5 0# (e himself commandedthe pic8 of the cavalry on the left 7ing5 The command of the three `/xot ofcavalry on the right 7as divided bet7een John Troglitas 7ith three others $nearest to

the centre&1 !ldiger and Theodore theCappadocian5 As silent spectators to thecontest came large numbers of


49/274

summer of 03# and again assumed the o9ce ofpraetorian prefect and too8 command of thearmy5 YY The 6ghting strength of the army of Africa had been sapped both by the mutiny of03/403; and by the drafting of reinforcements to

!taly1 7here they had been urgently needed byBelisarius5 !t had lost 6ve of its commanders8illed by the mutineers at Iadiaufala in 03/t7o more1


50/274

opened the irrigation dy8es fed by the river in anattempt to Kood Iuntarith@ s camp but beforethey could attac81 "olomon arrived 7ith his armyand forced them to retreat to BdMaxrt ^ 1 atthe foot of the mountains5 %L (ere they made

camp5 ,o further details are recorded of thema>or battle that follo7ed1 save that the


51/274

commentators 7ithout achieving anyconclusive results5 ^ !t 7ould appearli8ely1 ho7ever1 that the campaign 7asconcentrated in the northern and centralregions of the Aures5 This is suggested

not only by the fact that "olomon began hismarch from around Thamugadi1 but alsobecause1 in contrast to the campaign of0301 he too8 7ith him only infantry1 7hichindicates that the terrain 7as unsuitable forcavalry5 "olomon beseiged [eppoIt forthree days5 During this time so many ofthe defenders1 including the leaders1 7ere8illed by Byzantine archery that the fort7as deserted secretly at night and theByzantines 7ere able to occupy it 7ithout a6ght on the morning of the fourth day5 *■

eaving a garrison at epo\i\1 "olomonproceded to Tofyiap 5 After several daysspent in besieging the position and8no7ing that because of the shortage of7ater the siege could not be maintainedinde6nitely1 "olomon 7as preparing toorder the attac8 but1 before he could doso1 an optio from his o7n numerus beganthe assault alone5 After 8illing the three

oined by his comrades and theplace 7as stormed5 laudas1 7ounded inthe thigh by a >avelin1 Ked to ective of "olomon@ s campaign7as the roc8 of Ieminus1 or Ieminianus1on 7hich laudas had stored his money andhis 7ives5 !; Because the


52/274

28itself5 The distribution of Byzantineforti6cations1 ho7ever1 suggests that duringthis period the 7hole of the (odna region andthe high plains of "etif 7ere garrisoned andthe inhabitants no doubt made to pay atribute5 44 The mountains of Belezma andthe Aures 7ere also ringed 7ith forts1 butalthough Procopius suggests that garrisons7ere also established 7ithin the Aures massif1L nL Byzantine forti6cation has yet beenfound there5 !n the high plains andmountains of the Constantinois1 the system of forti6cation begun by Belisarius or by"olomon during his 6rst governorship 7as

no7 brought to completion5 % Thesouthern limit of Byzantine military controlno7 ran from[abi lustiniana through Tubunae to Thabudeos1 Badias1 ad


53/274

"olomon@ s death in 0GG as of ten full years ofprosperity5 ; But they 7ere not to last5

The security of Byzantine Africa relied at alltimes not only on the system of forti6cations andgarrisons 7hich covered the country1 but also oncontinuous diplomatic activity to maintaincordial relations 7ith the


54/274

principal quali6cation 7as that he 7as a protegeof the empress Theodora5 3% *ne of his 6rstacts on reaching epcis oined in Carthage by"ergius and by "ergius@ s brother Cyrus1 the duxof the Pentapolis5 As "olomon advanced on

Theueste1 near 7hich Antalas had gathered hisforces1 he dre7 further support from the


55/274

number of his o7n troops1 7ho 7ere moreinterested in dividing the spoils already gainedthan in 6ghting5 As "olomon 7as retiring fromthe 6eld of battle1 his horse stumbled 7hilenegotiating a ravine1 thro7ing him to the

ground5 Although his guards s7iftly set him onits bac8 again1 he 7as too numbed from the fallto 8eep hold of the reins and 7as soon overta8enand 8illed by the enemy5 3@

!!5 G

30"olomon@ s rule in Africa had been

7ise and moderate5 !t 7as to ta8e

t7o unhappy years of turmoil beforea 7orthy successor 7as to be foundin the person of John Troglitas1 and afurther t7o before order 7as 6nallyrestored5

3305


56/274

emperor@ s person1 but demanded that"ergius be removed from o9ce5 Justinianre>ected the oer of peace on such terms5 3

After the battle of Cillium $spring 0GG&1 Mthe euathae advanced as far north asaribus1 7hich they besieged for a short 7hilebefore accepting a bribe of 31 L0L gold solidiand departing home7ards5 0 Antalas1ho7ever1 7as still active in Byzacium1 7herehe 7as >oined by the mutineer "totzas1 7hohad returned from oin his forces 7ith those of the duxByzacii1 (imerius1 7ho 7as to march northfrom (adrumentum to meet him at


57/274

of "ergius by appointing a praetorian prefect anda second military commander5 The ne7 prefect7as Athanasius1 an elderly and experiencedadministrator1 7ho1 since the end of 03#1 hadserved

31!!5 G40as praetorian prefect of !taly5 *■


58/274

After the battle of Thacia1 "ergius 7as6nally recalled to7ards the end of 0G01 andAreobindus became overall commander of thearmy in Africa5 " This move came too late1ho7ever1 for any diplomatic advantage to be

gained from it5 !n any case1 disaection inAfrica 7as no longer con6ned to the oined them5

The dux ,umidiae1 Iuntarith1 0 7as alreadyplanning to overthro7 Areobindus and sethimself up as ruler in Carthage5

Hith great ingenuity Iuntarith persuaded theoin forces 7iththose of Antalas and march on Carthage5 Theirnumber 7as increased by "totzas@ s army1 no7

led by another man named John this includedsome 0LL deserters1 about 'L (uns and GLL ormore 2andals5 Confronted 7ith such a forceAreobindus summoned to Carthage 7hat troopshe could and put them under the command ofIuntarith1 about 7hose implication in the revolthe as yet 8ne7 nothing5 MW

*n the approach of the


59/274

emperor 7ere put to death5 To7ards the end of 0G01 Areobindus 7as also 8illed the prefectAthanasius 7as spared1 ho7ever1 apparently onaccount of his advanced years5 Artabanes Kedthe city1 but later accepted pledges for his

safety and agreed to serve Iuntarith5 !t ispossible that Iuntarith 7as ta8en in byArtabanes because of the latter@ s earlierdisloyalty to7ards the emperor 7hatever thereason1 ho7ever1 it 7as to prove a fatalmis>udgement5

Iuntarith@ s next concern 7as to gain imperialrecognition of his command m Africa byrepresenting himself to Constantinople as theman 7ho had restored order during the crisis5 3%

The


60/274

rounded up and sent to Constantinople5 30Artabanes no7 too8 over command of the

army in Africa5 Before the end of 0G/1ho7ever1 Justinian granted him his request to be

allo7ed to return to Constantinople5 There he7as made consul1 comes foederatorum andmagister

" l\A

militum praesentalis and 7as feted as a popularhero5 Y3L

/5 The governorship of John Troglitas $A5D5 0G/4C500&

John Troglitas1 7ho succeeded Artabanesas commander of the army in Africa1 arrivedin Carthage to7ards the end of 0G/5% Thepeace concluded 7ith the Persians in thespring of 0G0 allo7ed the emperor to entrustthe

33!!5 04/

magister militum 7ith a ne7 army1 7ith7hich to restore order to the diocese5 John7as probably a native of Tp&+,o 1 aregion of


61/274

coastal cities of Byzacium1 ' and1 in vie7 of the smallness of their number1 the duxByzacii1


62/274

large contingents of


63/274

of !6s4daias5/ Corippus presents theengagement as a series of attac8s andcounterattac8s1 d7elling in particular on thepersonal deeds of valour of the leaders of bothsides it is impossible1 therefore1 to achieve any

understanding of its tactical development5 !tculminated1 ho7ever1 in the storming of the


64/274

reduction in the cavalry strength of theByzantine 6eld4army1 bet7een the 7inter of 0G/S0G; and the summer of 0G;1 from eightto 6ve brigades $agmina&5 The 2isigoths1ho7ever1 7ere beaten bac85 +nder their

8ing1 Theudis1 they had managed to gainpossession of the castrum of "eptem5 but7hile they 7ere at "unday prayer theByzantines mounted a surprise attac8 anddestroyed their army1 cutting it o by landand sea5 33 The strength of John@ s army inAfrica 7as further reduced by the failure of!6sdaias to respond to his appeals for help53G Cusina1 ho7ever1 ans7ered his call1 30 and the Byzantine frontier troops 7eregathered together from the garrison points

7hich they had occupied since the end oftheprevious campaign

!t 7as midsummer1 but because of thedevastation suered earlier by the provincethe harvest yields of Byzacium 7ereinsu9cient to support a large army in the6eld5 ,evertheless1 John hoped that1 byma8ing 7ith all speed to the border 7ith Tripolitania1 he could head o the


65/274

John@ s di9culties1 unfavourable 7inds fromthe south prevented supplies reaching thearmy by sea from the coastal cities ofByzacium1 and a number of his troopsbegan to desert5G

The nomads 7ere mean7hile bloc8adedin the oases and suering from lac8 of foodand 7ater5 Hhen they realised that theirpursuers had 7ithdra7n1 ho7ever1 theyattempted once more to brea8 out to7ardsthe north5 John 6rst heard of theirmovement 7hen Byzantine and alliedscouts reported seeing camp 6res to thesouth but it 7as uncertain at 6rst 7hetherthese belonged to the euathae or to the

Astrices5

G3

Cusina1 ho7ever1 identifyingthe


66/274

Kight pursued by their comrades and at last John gave in to demands to commit hisremaining forces to battle5 This set the seal onthe disaster that follo7ed5 G' The river bed1chosen by the Byzantines as a defensive

position1 no7 placed them at a considerabledisadvantage 7hen they moved to the attac81Carcasan@ s main force1 7hich had played nopart in the s8irmishing1 fell on the Byzantinetroops as they clambered up the opposite side of the 7adi 7hile part of the Byzantine army thathad not yet begun to cross the river turned andKed along 7ith the oin them1 follo7ingthe coast so as to be in constant contact 7ith his

supply ships5 M

%

-rom lunci the remants of thearmy made its 7ay to aribus1 in themountainous region of ,umidia Proconsularis1 onthe main road leading from Carthage to

Theueste5 The position 7as 7ell chosen: itcommanded good communications 7ith thecapital and 7ith the parts of ,umidia from 7hichthe Byzantines dre7 their


67/274

aribus5 0G John 7as also able to patch up aquarrel that had arisen bet7een Cusina and!6sdaias and the follo7ing year1 7hen theeuathae and Austuriani again appeared inByzacium1 a force of


68/274

and John marched south on their heels untilhe reached ariscus $a "8hira&1 some GL8m south47est along the coast from !unci5/L (ere he billeted his o7n troops in theto7n1 7hile the


69/274

!!5 /38

and sixteen other


70/274

part of the reign of Justinian1 the strength ofthe armed forces stationed in both theeastern and 7estern provinces of the empirehad been reduced1 largely through neglect1from the 6gure of /G01 LLL recorded under

the earlier emperors to barely %0L1 LLL5MAlthough these 6gures appear to bepresented in such a 7ay as to magnify thescale of the reduction1 there are good reasonsfor accepting their general veracity5 Theearlier 6gure 7ould doubtless have beenderived from an o9cial document of theperiod before 3#01 7hen the administration of the empire 7as split into t7o5M The latterone1 ho7ever1 ma8es sense1 as A5 (5


71/274

7hen it had fallen1 gave the hope of life tothe Africans1 made peace1 put an end to7ar 7ithout 6ghting and conquered bycouncil those 7hom no one had conqueredby arms@ 5 %G This 7ould seem to indicate

that oices because the citizens arecontinually tal8ing about the generous

comforts they have received fromAnastasius@ 5 L Corippus himself1 ho7ever1appears to have suered the loss of mostof his possessions 7hen he departed fromthe land of his birth5 %


72/274


73/274

.;'+'..,•

!!5 ;

40it is possible to tell from the meagredocumentray sources of this period1insecurity may have lasted almostcontinuously until the end of the century5 !n0;% $or 0;L&1 the mon8 Donatus1 together7ith seventy of his companions1 abandonedAfrica1 7here life had become impossible forthem1 to see8 refuge in "pain5 '


74/274

reign1 7ith ne7 7or8s erected at lunci "o6ana$completed during Justin !!@ s lifetime&1 Ai@n el4=sar1


75/274

civil functions5 !t is probably nocoincidence1 therefore1 that the 6rst recordedexarch 7as the former magister militumAfricae1 Iennadius1 7ho 7ould have assumedhis ne7 title and function bet7een /


76/274

of "pain that belonged to the empire1 and thet7o islands of


77/274

#rv

The administrative overhaul of Africa allo7edthe 7ar against the


78/274

7ould therefore have replaced Iennadius asexarch bet7een "eptember or *ctober 0#' and,ovember /L5

'5 The seventh century

The emperor oying relative stability and evenprosperity5 Hhile the eastern provincesof the empire 7ere attac8ed and in partoverrun by the Avars1 "lavs1 Persians andArabs and those in the 7est by the2isigoths and ombards1 the central


79/274

(eraclius is unli8ely to have receivedfavourably the ne7s of the murders of


80/274

although she 7as to die 7ithin t7o years1the empress )udocia 7hom (eracliusmarriedMon the day of his coronation 7asalso an African1 -avia the daughter ofogatus5 % Hhen1 in /%;S/%'1 the Persians

stood at the gates of Chalcedon and famine!!5 '

44bro8e out in Constantinople on account of theloss of )gypt1 it is said that only theintervention of the patriarch "ergiusprevented the emperor ta8ing ship for thesafety of Carthage5%3

!t is unfortunately impossible to tell 7hetheror not Africa gained any practical bene6t fromthe accession of (eraclius5 !ndeed1 despite thedecisive role played by its exarch in the rebellionof /L'4/%L1 the chroniclers give little informationabout events in the exarchate itself5 Bet7eenthe time of the accession of (eraclius and the6rst appearance of Arab raiders in Byzacium1 thesources are even less informative5 !t istherefore not 8no7n precisely 7hen the exarch(eraclius died1 though John of ,i8iu mentions

that he did so 7hile still in o9ce sometime afterthe coronation of his son5%F ,either is hissuccessor 8no7n5 %0 The next exarch to berecorded is ,icetas1 the emperor@ s cousin andclose friend1 7ho too8 o9ce probably soon afterleaving )gypt 7hen it fell to the Persians in /%#5 The dynastic bonds that lin8ed Carthage andConstantinople 7ere further strengthened by themarriage that too8 place bet7een ,icetas@ sdaughter1 Iregoria1 and the heir to the throne1(eraclius Constantine5 %@ Apart from the name

of the exarch1 ho7ever1 next to nothing is 8no7nof Africa during this period and although ,icetasis 8no7n to have died by /'S/#1 it is not8no7n 7ho succeeded him5 %' in /;1 ho7ever1the name of the prefect 7as Iregory5 W

The next exarch of Africa to be recorded is thepatrician Peter1 7ho in /3/ is mentioned on areliquary inscription found near Constantina5$& A fe7 years earlier1 in /33 or /3G1 the samePeter1 as dux ,umidiae1 had at 6rst hesitated

and then1 follo7ing the advice of


81/274

in 7hich Peter 7as exarch5 The latestdocument 7hich appears to relate to him is anepitaph from "ufetula1 recording a Petrus emi4nentissimus1 7ho died on %; June /3;5

,o other exarch is mentioned before /G05 Bythen1 the military situation in Africa had becomeprecarious 7ith Tripolitania already sub>ect toArab raiding and African Christians on the vergeof schism 7ith Constantinople5 !n /GS/G31 *eaand "abratha 7ere both sac8ed by cAmr ibn al4cAsT5 3 The Arab conquest of )gypt and "yria1bet7een /3 and /G1 had already caused theKight of many easterners to Africa1 7here they7ere 7elcomed by the prefect Ieorge1surnamed Ilycas5 M The refugees1 ho7ever1

included a certain number of monophysites5"tories soon began to circulate of prosely4tismamongst the orthodox community1 such that theprefect and the bishop of Carthage found itnecessary to raise the matter 7ith the emperor5Constantine !!!1 7ho had succeeded (eraclius in-ebruary /G%1 too8 a more strictly orthodox lineon religious questions than his father1 andordered that the clergy in Africa 7ho persisted intheir heresy should be deprived of theirpossessions and be con6ned in catholic

monasteries50

At the end of


82/274

Africa and the central government5 '

The exarch of Africa in July /G0 7as thepatrician Iregory1 # 7ho may already havebeen holding o9ce since before the death

of (eraclius in /G%5

3L

Iregory1 li8e theprefect Ieorge1 7as a defender oforthodoxy and a supporter of


83/274

7as 7ell positioned to serve both as arallying point for forces dra7n from thegarrisons and oinedto the exarchate of Africa5 3#

Despite the success of Arab raids into Tripolitania and the -ezzan1 permanent erid5 -inally1 sometimebefore "eptember /G'1 the magnates of Africaagreed to buy them o for a sum of money put


84/274

by the Arab sources at either 3LL quintals ofgold or 1 0LL1 LLL dinars1 on receipt of 7hich!bn "acd 7ithdre7 to Cyrenaica 7ithoutestablishing a military base in Africa5 GL

Iregory 7as succeeded by a man 7hosename is given in Arabic sources as (ab"hiyah or

Janahah1 7hich may perhaps represent theIree8 name Iennadius5 The same sourcestell ho71 7hen the emperor sent an o9cialnamed Aulima to Carthage to levey a tax equalto the ransom paid to the Arabs1 Iennadius1 ifsuch 7as indeed his name1 evicted him5 !tseems possible1 therefore1 that Iennadiusmaintained the independence of Africa fromConstantinople for some years after Iregory@ s

death5 !n //31 ho7ever1 the emperor Constans!! established himself in "icily and1 in an attemptto build up the d7indling 6nances of the state1imposed heavy taxes on Calabria1 "icily1 "ardiniaand Africa5 M !t might seem more plausible1therefore1 to see this as the moment 7hichIennadius chose for expelling the tax4collectors5ater1 ho7ever1 Iennadius himself seems tohave been overthro7n by a popular revolt1 7hichreplaced him 7ith al4Atcriyun $)leutheriusQ&5GM

The assassination of the caliphc

+thman andthe ensuing civil 7ar in the east gave Africa atemporary respite5 !n July //L1 ho7ever1 thec+mayyad caliphate 7as established by


85/274

unable to gain access to the to7n!!5

' G;itself5 (aving removed the opposition in the6eld1 ust as theArabs 7ere abandoning the siege5 G0 aden7ith their spoils1


86/274

counteract the d>iplomatic activity of the


87/274

Proconsularis1 parts of ,umidia and a number ofcoastal to7ns1 extending as far 7est as "eptem5!n the late /'Ls1 the loss of =airouan 7asavenged5 [uhayr ibn Zays al4Bala7i1 entrusted7ith an army by the caliph cAbd al4


88/274

defended as in 033 by a chain dra7n across itsmouth1 and his men reoccupied the city andsome of the surrounding strongholds5 /3 Thefollo7ing year1 ho7ever1 (assan once againadvanced on the city by land1 7hile an Arab Keet

approached @f

rcm the sea5 The ByzantineKeet1 sheltering in the harbour1 7as force >ta8e to the open sea to avoid capture and thecity fell for the second and i \t time5 Johnreturned to the east 7ith his army1 7hile theremaining population Ked5 According to !bn cAbdal4(a8am1 (assan found the city practicallydeserted5/G

!!5

'G#

The defeat of the Byzantine army and thecapture of their capital city did not immediatelydeliver Africa into Arab hands5 Probably 7ithinthe same year as the city@ s fall1 (assan 7asdefeated on the ban8s of the *ued rLr three1 or more probably 6ve1 years the=ahina controlled virtually the 7hole of theformer Byzantine provinces of ,umidia andByzacium1 and possibly much of Carthago and,umidia Proconsularis as 7ell5 +nli8e =usayla1ho7ever1 7hose forces had often includedoman Africans and on occasion perhaps evenregular Byzantine troops1 the =ahina@ s support7as dra7n principally from the nomadic [anata5

The plundering of settlements and farm landthat too8 place during her period of rule may7ell have caused many of the sedentary


89/274

respectively on "ardinia and "eptem5 /W Thelast piece of African mainland to be held by theByzantines 7as "eptem itself5 !n ;L/1


90/274

5 The structure of military command inAfrica

The 6eld4commander1 magister militum andexarch of Africa

!n April 03G1 Justinian set out in t7o la7s1addressed respectively to the commander4in4chief and to the prefect of the army inAfrica1 the frame7or8 for the military andcivil administrations to be estblished in thereconquered provinces of Africa5 *■ Thesedocuments sho7 that Justinian intendedreestablishing a system similar to that 7hichhad operated in Africa before the 2andalinvasion1 in 7hich the civil and militarycommands 7ere separated from one another5

The prefect Archelaus therefore becamepraetorian prelect of Africa1 7hile Belisariusretained sole command of the army5

The ne7 praetorian prefect 7as to have hisheadquarters in Carthage and to exerciseauthority over all the civil governors of thevarious provinces 7hich made up the diocese ofAfrica5 The prefect also had a role to play inmilitary aairs1 since he 7as responsible for thepayment1of military expenses tut of the taxrevenues of the diocese these expensesincluded the salaries of the military provincialgovernors1 or duces1 their stas and the troopsunder their command1 3 the provision ofsupplies and transportM and the funding ofmilitary 7or8s5

The po7ers given to Belisarius as militarycommander 7ere considerable5 (e 7as chargedby the emperor 7ith the appointment of themilitary governors of the reconquered provinces1the extension of the reconquest up to the limitsoccupied by oman Africa before the 2andal and


91/274

!t 7as argued by Charles Diehl1 andsubsequently accepted by most other historians1that after Belisarius@ s departure from Africa in03G Justinian appointed a magister militumAfricae or per Africam to be the counterpart in

Africa of the m5m5 per !llyricum1 m5m5 per Thraciam and m5m5 per *rientem already inexistence else7here5 According to Diehl1 the6rst to have held this ne7 position 7as "olomon17ho 7as also praetorian prefect of Africa5 Q JeanDurliat@ s attentive examination of all thereferences to sixth4century military commandersin Africa1 ho7ever1 reveals that there is nospeci6c

!!!5 %

00reference to any magister militum Africae beforethe 0;Ls5 W "olomon is often referred to asmagister militum1 but this designation 7ouldappear to be simply a title1 the equivalent of$Ttparr>AaTi>s 1 and not to denote a function5 A7hole succession of military personnel holdingoverall command of the provincial garrisonforces and of specially imported 6eld units isdocumented during the 6rst t7enty years afterthe reconquest5 W T7o of these men1 "olomonhimself $03G403/1 03#40GG& and "ergius $0GG40G0&1 7ere at the same time praetorian prefect5 There is no evidence1 ho7ever1 to suggest thatthese commanders held anything more thantemporary or extraordinary army appointments1

>ust as Belisarius had1 created by the emperorin response to the particular needs of themoment5

A formal and permanent change in the patternof military command in Africa may be discernedin the 0;Ls and 0'Ls5 The chronicler John ofBiclar refers to Theoctistus in 0/#S0;L asmagister militum africanae prouinciae and toAmabilis in 0;LS0;% as magister militum Africae5

The only indication given of the nature of thepositions held by these men is that they 7ereduces of the oman army5 %L Hith Iennadius1ho7ever1 7hom John of Biclar refers to asmagister militum in Africam in 0;'1 it is possibleto form a clearer picture of the function of themagister militum Africae5 *n t7o inscriptions1from


92/274

suggest also that the magister militum Africae7as senior in ran8 to the prefect 7hile it ispossible that the second ma8es no mention ofthe prefect at all5 % *n a text from "ila $/


93/274

The progressive militarization of theadministration of Africa that seems tobe indicated by the creation of the postof magister militum Africae 7ent astage further bet7een


94/274

The practice of entrusting bucellarii 7ithspecial commands over regular troops7as repeated by "olomon in 03#1 7henhe gave Iuntarith command over half hisarmy5 3G Bucellarii are also mentioned

in the company of Iermanus30 and of John Troglitas5 3ittle is 8no7n of the members of sta

of the 6eld4commanders1 or later of themagister militum and exarch of Africa5!n 0331 Belisarius 7as assisted by adomesticus1 or personal military advisor1the future prefect "olomon3; the Persianecinarius may have held a similarposition on the sta of John Troglitas5 3'

!n the expeditionary army of 0331 asingle o9cer1 John of Dyrrachium1 heldoverall command of the infantry thispost 7as continued 7hen1 follo7ing hisdeath in 03/1 John 7as replaced byDominicus5 3# eference is also made1 in/L'1 to a macrrp?Tn.oc 1 second incommand to the crTpd4rrrfoc 5GLAfter the creation of the post of magistermilitum Africae1 it 7ould seem li8ely thata permanent o9cium1 or series of o9cia1

7ould have been set up dealing1 li8ethose of the prefect1 7ith >udicial and6nancial matters5 *f these1 ho7ever1nothing is 8no7n5 G% eference hasalready been made above to acancellarius1 7ho 7ould have controlledaccess to the exarch% s court5 G m legalmatters1 the military commander4in4chief7ould also have been advised by anassessor this 7as the post occupied byProcopius on Belisarius s sta in 033 and

held probably until 03/5G3Although the praetorian prefect had

his headquarters in Carthage1 theycannot no7 be located 7ith certainty5!t seems li8ely1 ho7ever1 that the

0;!!!5 %building occupied by the prefect1 and later bythe exarch1 7as the palace of the 2andal 8ings1

7hich Procopius mentions on a number ofoccasions5 This contained a prison from 7hichIelimer@ s captives 7ere able to see theByzantine Keet as it entered the bay of Tunis in033GG and1 naturally enough1 a triclinium5 G0


95/274

After the reconquest1 Justinian dedicated achapel 7ithin the palace to the


96/274

and for this reason 7ere not permitted to leavetheir posts5 0 They also represented theemperor in their dealings 7ith the paci6edudicial matters in bothmilitary and civil cases5 0G Their competence incivil aairs 7as probably extended during thecourse of the sixth century1 particularly after theestablishment of the exarchate5 !n the 0#Ls1for example1 the dux "ardiniae may be seenta8ing a hand in the execution of imperiallegislation1 00 the >udging of civil cases1 0/taxation0; and religious aairs50'+nfortunately there is no comparable evidencefor Africa proper during this period5 The

military provincial commanders $duces1 magistrimilitum&1 ho7ever1 7ere

)6clearly superior in ran8 to their civiliancounterparts $praesides1 iudices&1 the formerbeing quali6ed as uiri gloriosi1 0# the latter asuiri magni6ci5 /L

Although the 6rst duces appointed in Africa by

Belisarius 7ere to depend on him for theirorders1 in matters relating to the payment oftheir troops and the 6nancing of building4operations they dealt directly 7ith thepraetorian prefect1 to 7hose o9ce they alsopaid a tax of t7elve solidi for the certi6catecon6rming their appointment5/% i8e othermilitary commanders1 they had their o7npersonal men $homines&5/ *f these1 ho7ever1little is 8no7n5 Procopius refers to the bucellariiof the dux Tripolis "ergius and +litheus is

mentioned as a /op7#opoc of the dux,umidiae Iuntarith5/o He are some7hat betterinformed1 ho7ever1 about the household of thedux of ibya "uperior under Anastasius !1 7hichmay be ta8en as broadly analagous to thoseexisting in Africa under Justinian5 This o9cials house contained a domesticus and acancellarius1 a decanus $ma>ordomo&1 asubscribendarius $private secretary&1 aspatharius $bodyguard& and a bucinator$trumpeter&5 (e could also call on the services

of 3; soldiers seconded from the ran8s1 0 toserve as messengers1 0 as porters and ; asprison 7arders5/M Justinian 6xed the rates ofpay of the 6ve African duces1 together 7ith theirhomines1 at %1 0' solidi1 a sum made up of %#L


97/274

annonae and %0' capita1 each annona andcapitum being commuted at 0 and G solidirespectively5M These some7hat generousrates 7ere evidently intended to induce theduces to desist from the other7ise common

practice of dipping their hands into the pay andperquisites intended for the ran8s under theircommand5//

At the time of Justinian1 the African ducalo9cia consisted of an assessor and GL o9cials$duciani&1 graded as ,C*s and paid at ratherhigher rates than their counterparts in the o9ciaof the praetorian prefect5/Q The o9ciaRcomprised one o9cial ran8ing as primicerius1one as numerarius1 four as ducenarii1 six as

centenarii1 eight as biarchi1 nine as circitores andeleven as semissales5 Their pay1 distributedaccording to ran81 totalled /M solidi1representing ''M annonae and GG capitacommuted at the rates of 0 and G solidi to eachannona and capitum respectively5 !n addition1the assessor received 0/ solidi1 representing 'annonae and G capita5/' These rates appear tobe more generous than those paid to theo9cium of the dux of ibya "uperior underAnastasius !1 7hose GL members received a total

of GL annonae and GL capita1 excluding fees1 orthose of the o9cium of the dux of ibya !nferiorunder Justinian1 7hich1 though apparently thesame1 7ere commuted for 3';g solidi5 As Jonessuggests1 ho7ever1 the rates for Africa may havebeen set some7hat higher 7ith a vie7 to doinga7ay 7ith perquisites5/M *ne other o9cial1unattested at the time of Justinian butmentioned on the sta of the dux ,umidiae in/331 7as the dux s sacellarius or 6nancialmanager5 QL

As yet no ducal headquarters building hasbeen excavated in Africa itself1 although1 as 7illbe sho7n1 the location of some may besuggested5 The layout of the type of buildingthat one might expect to 6nd1 ho7ever1 isillustrated by a late 6fth4 or early sixth4centurystructure at Apollonia4"ozusa1 identi6ed as partof the palace of the dux of ibya "uperior $see-ig5 G0&5 As Ioodchild argued in his report on theexcavations of %#0#4/L1 the inspiration for the

building is more li8ely to have come from lateoman o9cial or private palace architecturethan from any military prototype5 The buildingat


98/274

in5%

25Apollonia had t7o stories1 measured roughly30 x GL m overall1 and 7as set around acentral peristyled or cloistered court5 !ts7alls 7ere built of un4mortared stone bloc8s1bonded by headers and an in6ll of mud andrubble5 The main entrance1 situated at theeastern end of the north 7all1 led into avestibule from 7hich opened1 on the right4hand side1 a hall 7ith a semicircular apse1identi6ed as an audience chamber5 Beyondthe hall1 through a door in the head of theapse1 lay a group of rooms1 7hich may have

served as guard4rooms and armouries andabove them there probably stood a signalplatform1 the fallen vault of 7hich 6lled thechamber beneath5 The east range of thepalace consisted of a series of rooms 7hosefunction is un8no7n though there appears tohave been domestic accommodation on theKoor above them5 !n the south range stoodthe remains of a small chapel or martyrium1containing a large marble reliquary in theshape of a sarcophagus5 !n the centre of the7estern range of rooms 7as a spacious apsedtriclinium1 7hich opened directly o thecentral courtyard and stood a full t7o storiesin height5 The formal layout of the triclinium1in particular its axial relationship to thecourtyard1 appears to mirror exactly Dyggves three4dimensional restoration of the 6fth4century mosaic representation of the Palaceof Theodoric1 7hich survives on the south 7allof the basilica of "ant% Apollinare ,uova inavenna5 ;%

The provinces of Byzantine Africa The establishment of ducal headquarters by

Belisarius at epcis ect to ome1 ho7ever1 boththe structure of local command and thechoice of military headquarters may be


99/274

expected to have changed5 The evidencefor the existence of military headquarters atsites other than those mentioned above andfor changes in the geographical extent of thedierent military circumscriptions 7ill be

discussed1 province by province1 in theremaining part of this section5 ;GCarthago Proconsularis or [eugi Carthago1

although one of the smallest 7asnevertheless the most important of all theprovinces of Byzantine Africa1 because itscapital1 Carthago !ustiniana1 7as also theheadquarters of the civil and later militaryadminstrations of the prefecture as 7ell asbeing the principal metropolitan see of theAfrican church5 !n 03G1 the province is

referred to as [eugi1 quae proconsularis anteauocatur1 Carthago5 ;0 Desanges departsfrom the usual interpretation of this passageby ta8ing it to refer to t7o provinces insteadof one5 !t is by no means certain1 ho7ever1as he maintains1 that@ [eugi and Carthagoare also counted as separate provinces in the2erona ist in any case this document iscorrupt1 as he himself admits5 "econdly1 thearea 7hich Desanges 7ould li8e to identify as [eugi corresponds 7ith the adminstrative

district 8no7n other7ise as ,umidiaProconsularis1 and this 7as a part of ,umidiaitself in the sixth century $see belo7&5 ;/ There is therefore no reason to suppose that@[eugi@ and @ Carthago 7ere not one and thesame province5 This province is alsoreferred to as npoxovcrouapCa !!!5 %

/Lby Procopius in 003S0001 ;Q Proconsularis in anovel of 0';' and =a4p4ray"7aNxpvxo7crottapea by Ieorge of Cyprusin around /LL5;# in extent it 7ould seem tohave covered the same area as the earlierprovince of Africa Proconsularis1 7ith thenotable omission of ,umidia Proconsularis17hich no7 formed part of ,umidia1 and aminor variation in the line of its south4easternborder1 to allo7 the to7ns of Pupput and(ergla to be attached to Byzacium5 'L

!n 03G1 Carthago Proconsularis 7as to beadministered by a consular civil governor1 butno mention is made of his militarycounterpart5 '% *ne obvious explanation forthis 7ould be that the troops stationed inCarthage and in the surrounding cities $e5 g52aga1 Thugga& came under the direct controlof Belisarius1 as commander4in4chief of the


100/274

6eld4army ' this force 7ould therefore havebeen some7hat analagous to the onecommanded by the comes Africae that is setout in the ,otitia Dignitatum5 '3

,umidia covered a larger area in the sixthcentury than the province established byConstantine in 3%G and 7as the mostextensive province of Byzantine Africa5Procopius states that in 033 (ippo egius lay7ithin ,umidia and that Bulla egia lay nearto its borders5 '0 >n the de Aedi6ciis $00G&1Procopius@ s ,umidia extends as far east as toinclude Calama1 -ussala1 "icca 2eneria1aribus1 *bba and Ammaedara1 '/ 7hilstIeorge of Cyprus $c5 /LL& includes Calama1Ammaedara1 (ippo egius1 aribus1 "cillium1

Theueste and even 2aga1 though the latter7as probably a mista8e5 '; -rom theseindications it 7ould appear that ,umidiaProconsularis1 7hich had formerly beenadminstered by a legate resident at (ippoegius and dependent on the proconsul ofAfrica1 7as attached to ,umidia foradministrative purposes throughout theperiod of Byzantine control in the sixthcentury5 ''

As has already been noted1 both Procopius

and Ieorge of Cyprus place Ammaedara in,umidia rather than in Byzacium5 '# !n sodoing they are in accord 7ith the evidencederived from a 6fth4century inscription atAmmaedara1 mar8ing the tomb of asacerdotalis prouinciae Africae1 AstiusDinamius5 !f1 as appears li8ely1 it 7as to theprovincial council of Africa Proconsularis1rather than Byzacium1 that this manbelonged1 it 7ould follo7 6rst thatAmmaedara 7as part of Africa Proconsularis$or more particularly of ,umidiaProconsularis& in the 6fth century andsecondly that ,umidia Proconsularis had notyet been ceded to ,umidia at that date5 The6rst conclusion necessitates a slight alterationof the course of the provincial boundarybet7een Proconsularis and Byzacium as it ismar8ed on "alama@ s map in order to placeAmmaedara1 and probably all the other to7nson the main Carthage 4Theueste road1 7ithinProconsularis5 #L The most li8ely date for thetransfer of ,umidia Proconsularis to ,umidia

7ould1 of course1 be 033S03G1 7hen thereconquered provinces of Africa received their6rst formal de6nition5

The border that ,umidia shared 7ith


101/274

been as unstable in the sixth century as it hadbeen in the 6fth5 #%Although


102/274

dux1 it seems probable that the headquartersbuilding 7ould have been sited at its highestpoint1 in the area no7 occupied by themedieval qasba and the nineteenth4centurybarrac8s5 %LG it is also possible that (ippo

egius 7as the centre of a militarycircumscription during the Byzantine period:it had formerly been the administrative centreof ,umidia Proconsu4laris1 %L0 and it mayperhaps be no coincidence that the seal of thedux Peter bears on its reverse a bust of "aintAugustine5 %L/ The discovery of t7oepitaphs of primicerii at Theueste might alsopoint to the existence of a militaryheadquarters there5 %L; Theueste 7as usedas a base by "olomon in 0GG1 >ust as aribus7as by John Troglitas in 0G;40G'5 Thereference to John1 dux de Tigisi1 in the /GLsalso raises the possibility of Tigisi having beena ducal seat if so1 ho7ever1 it 7ould notnecessarily follo7 that by that dateConstantina had ceased to function as ducalheadquarters5 %L'

Byzacium1 or Byzacena1 appears in the sixthcentury to have been little dierent in terms ofits administrative boundaries from the 2aleriaByzacena of Diocletian5 %W As alreadymentioned1 ho7ever1 the line of its northernboundary as traced by "alama needs to bemodi6ed to exclude Ammaedara and to include(ergla and Pupput5

!n 03G1 Byzacium 7as to be governed by aconsular civil governor and a military dux5 %L

The province 7as 6rst garrisoned byByzantine troops during the 7inter of033S03G5 (! The 6rst attested dux1 ho7ever1is the Thracian (imerius1 7ho in 0G0 fell intothe hands of the rebels and


103/274

un8no7n5 (G John Troglitas may previouslyhave served as dux Byzacii himself during thesecond governorship of "olomon $03#40GG&1unless it 7as in Tripolitania that he held hiscommand5 (0 T7o other undated duces

Byzacii are 8no7n: John1 7ho 7ascubicularius im4perialis1 spatharius etmagister Byzacenaelx/ and eontius1 7ho7as magister militum Byzacenae5(Q Anothert7o magistri militum1 !bmpeianus andCrescens1 are recorded on grave slabs at"ufetula1 though the fact that the latter isdescribed as peregrinus appears to suggestthat he 7as a strangerto the to7n

(e may perhaps have been ano9cer in the 6eld4army5

Justinian% s rescript of 03G madeprovision for the establishment oft7o ducal headquarters though asingle dux in Byzacium1 one atCapsa and the other at Thelepte5 (Both sites possess sixth4centuryto7n 7alls enclosing a smallerredoubt or fort5 At Thelepte1 aperistyled building lying inside the

north 7all of the to7n couldperhaps represent the palace of thedux1 though its plan and date areas yet uncertain5 !& (imerius isreferred to by Corippus1 as duxurbis in (adrumentum in 0G/1suggesting that the formerprovincial capital 7as at this timealso its military headquarters5% !ndeed1 later in the same year1 theentire provincial garrison 7as

bloc8aded 7ithin the 7alls of(adrumentum and the dux1


104/274

correct1 died there in /3;5 N@Y3 in/G/1 the usurper and former exarchIregory moved his militaryheadquarters to "ufetula fromCarthage1 a year before the

destruction of himself and his armyby the Arabs >ust outside the to7n5N@NG

Tripolis1 or Tripolitania1extended at the time of Justinianfrom the Iulf of "yrtes to Tacapes1 %0 though Byzantinecontrol of this area probably 7entno further than the immediateenvirons of the coastal cities5 To7ards the end of the sixth

century1 Tripolitania 7asdetached from the exarchate ofAfrica and added to Aegyptus5%/

The 6rst Byzantine general tohold command in Tripolitania in thesixth century 7as Tattimuth1 7hom Justinian sent in charge of anexpedition in 033 to bring supportto the revolt of the provincialomans led by Pudentius againstthe 2andals1 %; in 03G1 the

emperor sanctioned theappointment of a dux limitis Tripolitanae prouinciae as 7ell as acivil governor of consular ran85 %'it is possible that John Troglitas 7asdux Tripolitaniae bet7een 03# and0GG1 though1 as mentioned above1he may alternatively have been duxByzacii5%# >n 0G3 > "olomon% snephe7 "ergius 7as appointed dux1but 7ithin a year he had Ked toCarthage after provo8ing a rebellionof the eua4thae5 %3L Corippusmentions a due tor Tripolis1Pelagius1 in 0GG1 but he may simplyhave been "ergius under a dierentname5 %3% in 0G;1 the dux 7asu6nus%3 and1 in /L#1 idsil$CyrilQ&5%33

The headquarters of the dux Tripolitaniae 7ere established atepcis


105/274

Justinian @ rebuilt the palace1 7hich had beenhere in early times and no7 lay in ruins1 the7or8 of the ancient )mperor "everus1 7ho 7asborn in this place and so left the palace as amemorial of his good fortune% 5 %30 This @

palace@ 7as evidently the "everan -orum1 7hich1incorporated into the to7n defences andstrengthened by the addition of bastions1probably no7 housed the ducal palace5+nfortunately all trace of later buildings 7ithinthe forum square 7as removed by !talianexcavators in the 6rst decades of this centuryand no plans of them 7ere made5 Theidenti6cation of the forum 7ith the militaryheadquarters is strengthened1 ho7ever1 by thefact that the large forum basilica 7as converted

into a church in the sixth century there can belittle doubt1 given the size of the building1 thatthis 7as the shrine dedicated by Justinian to the


106/274

even be that the coastal to7ns of the province1including Choba1 7ere throughout the sixthcentury >oined to


107/274

until 03#1 it seems li8ely that Iaditana 7asone of the t7o $implied&


108/274

M The Byzantine army of the sixth century

comprised t7o separate formations1 the mobile6eld4army1 or armies1 commanded by the

emperor in person or by his magistri militum1and the more static provincial garrison armies1commanded by duces1 7hose principal duties7ere policing the provinces and

III.%4

6%defending the frontiers against attac85 *■ !t7as the former 7ith 7hich the historians and

military theorists of the period 7ere primarilyconcerned5 About the latter relatively little is8no7n except in )gypt1 7here the survival of arich harvest of papyrus documents has enableda detailed study of the military organization ofthe diocese to be made5 3 The relatively fullpicture of the military organization of Byzantine)gypt 7hich the papyrus documents allo7 to bereconstructed is of great value for interpretingthe often meagre sources of information that areavailable for the study of the military

organization of other Byzantine dioceses5 !nthe case of Africa1 the )gyptian material isparticularly useful1 since Byzantine Africa and)gypt shared a number of general points ofsimilarity5 Both1 for example1 contained richagricultural lands1 7hose defence 7as of vitalimportance to the economic life of the empireand both lac8ed 7ell4de6ned frontiers1 so thatlinear defensive systems 7ere for the most partimpracticable5

est it be too readily assumed1 ho7ever1 thatthe picture of military organization that 7epossess for Byzantine )gypt can be simplytransposed onto Africa1 some 8no7n points ofdierence bet7een the t7o should also benoted5 !n the 6rst place1 7hile in )gypt thestructure

the defence of byzantine africa from justinian to the arab conquest

Documents