making sense of the relationship between trafficking in persons human smuggling in nigeria

8/19/2019 Making Sense of the Relationship Between Trafficking in Persons Human Smuggling in Nigeria

1/23

TOM ELLISPrincipal Lecturer, Institute of Criminal Justice Studies,University of Portsmouth

JAMES AKPALA Former Masters student, Institute of Criminal Justice Studies,University of Portsmouth

MAKING SENSE OF THERELATIONSHIP BETWEEN

TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS,HUMAN SMUGGLING, ANDORGANISED CRIME: THE CASEOF NIGERIA

Trade in human beings, and Nigeria’s role in it, is a contested

area. This article first sets out to provide an integrated picture,from the varied academic and policy output, of human traffick-ing and smuggling, focused on a market picture that is able toincorporate both genders and diverse forms of exploitation,i.e., forced labour, prostitution and domestic servitude. It thenoutlines how organised crime operates under this model in thespecific Nigerian context. Finally, the article reports the mainresults of a small exploratory study carried out with Nigerianlaw enforcement officers who work on the front line in tackling

trafficking and smuggling.

Keywords: human smuggling; human trafficking; lawenforcement; Nigeria; organised crime

IntroductionTrafficking in persons has become more widespread and com-plex since the end of the Cold War (Truong & Angeles, 2005: 1),forming what Morrison and Crosland (2000: 5) described as the‘dark side of globalisation’, with a disproportionate impact onthird world countries ( Parent & Bruckert 2002: 4) International


2/23

organised crime, after traf ficking in narcotics and weapons (USDepartment of State (USDS), 2004, cited in Smit, 2004: 25–6).

The article first gives some background and context to

human traf ficking and smuggling in general and establishes whatwe hope is an integrated set of definitions. We then develop ourmodel of the relationship between traf ficking, smuggling andorganised crime, and define the three key markets involved inexploiting human capital, before moving on to outline how thismodel operates in the Nigerian context, including both internaland trans-border operations. The final section of the articlereports the main results of a small exploratory study we carried

out with Nigerian law enforcement of ficers who work on thefront line in tackling traf ficking and smuggling.

Background and ContextTraf ficking in Nigeria can be viewed from a migration per-spective, as both legal and illegal forms of migration are drivenby the same factors. The shift is always from more economicallydisadvantaged regions to those which are economically more

secure. Even within Nigeria, internal traf ficking from rural areasto metropolitan areas is common (UNODC, 2006a: 29). Anestimated 83% of child victims were traf ficked internally forexploitation in: domestic service; street trading; commercial sexwork; labour on plantations; work in construction, quarries andmines; and drug trading (Dave-Odegie, 2008: 65).

Since the 1990s, due to lack of opportunity at home, cross-border traf ficking has also increased from Nigeria (Onyejekwe,

2005: 144). Nigerian migrants are driven by a range of ‘pushfactors’ to seek the services of traf fickers or smugglers, e.g.poverty, lack of education, lack of parental care, poor socialservices, traditional practices and a desire for a higher standardof living (Maicibi, 2008: 4). Young Nigerians are treated ascommodities to be bought and sold in markets as diverse asthe sex industry, forced agricultural labour and sweatshops(Nalyvayko, 2006: 8).

DefinitionsThe failure of organisations and states to agree on the definition


3/23

ing in persons, trade in human beings and commodification of human beings. The lack of coherent definitions reflects the factthat this is still an under-researched area where no compre-

hensive studies have been carried out. A clear analysis andagreed statement of the different types of traf ficking and traf-ficked migrants have therefore become essential.

First, traf ficking in persons and human smuggling are bothforms of irregular migration and this can be within nationalborders, across them or both, in a staged process. Focusing ononly trans-border traf ficking means that important parts of thetrade in human beings are missed. Second, Parent and Bruckert

(2002: 4) argue that the conceptualisation of traf ficking by somescholars rules out any form of autonomy on the part of those whoare traf ficked, due to a narrow focus on testimony from traf-ficked women from various parts of the world who exhibit highlevels of fear, leading some researchers to call for separatedefinition of this aspect of illegal migration (Salt, 2000: 34). Forinstance, working in the sex industry is rejected as ever being anacceptable way to earn a living, while other forms of traf ficking

in the domestic, agricultural and textile sectors or with respect tomail-order brides and human organs are completely ignored(Ruggiero, 1997; Richards, 2004; Truong, 2001, cited by Parentand Bruckert, 2002: 4). We are not arguing that the sexualexploitation of women should be downgraded, but rather that allhuman traf ficking studies should take into account the muchbroader migration of workers, both male and female, becauseotherwise many of the markets that drive traf ficking in persons

will be missed, as will opportunities to tackle them. The mostimportant factor here is that organised crime is unlikely torespect such tight definitions in its constant evolution.

The United Nations has already offered a more systematicapproach, perhaps due to its focus on enforcement, which goessome way to developing an integrated understanding of thevarious forms of traf ficking and smuggling within an overallcontext of organised crime. We have therefore summarisedbelow, in Figure 1, the elements of Article 3 of the UNConvention against Organised Crime (2000) (also referred to asthe Palermo Convention) which are key to our approach


4/23

definitions allow us to make a relatively clear distinctionbetween trafficking and its three combined core elements,

(1) movement or harbouring of persons(2) use of deception or coercion

Traf ficking inpersons

● Recruitment, transportation, transfer,harbouring, or receipt of persons, bymeans of threat, use of force, or otherforms of coercion such as abduction,fraud, deception, abuse of power of aposition of vulnerability including thegiving or receiving of payments orbenefit to achieve the consent of aperson having control over anotherperson, for the purpose of exploitation.

Exploitation ●

Prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour orservices, slavery or practices similar toslavery, servitude or the removal of organs.

Humansmuggling

● Procurement, in order to obtain directlyor indirectly, a financial or othermaterial benefit, of the illegal entry of a

person into a State Party of which theperson is not a National or PermanentResident.

Organisedcriminalgroups

● A structured group of three or morepersons existing for a period of time andacting in concert with the aim of committing one or more serious crimesor offences, in order to obtain, directly

or indirectly, a financial or othermaterial benefits. (UNODC, 2006a: 20)

Figure 1 Key definitions from the UN Convention againstOrganised Crime (2000) (Palermo Convention)


5/23

● consent to be illegally transported from the country of origin to the country of destination;

● the relationship between smuggler and smuggled ends

shortly after entry into the country of destination, withoutdeliberate placement in an exploitative situation.

As we develop our model below, it will become clear that theoverlap between traf ficking in persons and human smugglingmay be blurred in reality, as individuals who have consented tobe smuggled may find they were deceived and have effectivelybeen traf ficked, i.e. they are not freed on arrival (Europol, 2005,

and Crosland, 2000, cited in Foy, 2007: 13).

Human Traf ficking and Human SmugglingTraf ficking in persons and human smuggling require differentlevels of involvement on behalf of the victims. Traf fickingalways involves some level of deception, coercion and exploita-tion, which continues after the traf ficked individuals have arrivedat their destination. Richards (2004: 152) argues that traf ficking

involves a long-term relationship between the traf ficker and thetraf ficked person. It usually involves the traf ficker, or associates,subjecting the traf ficked person(s) to exploitative labour environ-ments through removal of identity documents, withholding of payment, abuse and ill-treatment, and the continual threat of exposure to authorities and deportation (Richards, 2004: 152).

In contrast, human smuggling occurs where young Nigerianmigrants freely consent to take part in the illegal migration

journey. Smugglers will therefore often be present and parti-cipate actively during the recruitment and transport processes.However, if consent is withdrawn at any point, the resultingcoercion or exploitation as part of a transport process then turnswhat started as smuggling into traf ficking (see United NationsConvention Against Transnational Organized Crime and theProtocols Thereto, 2002 at http://www.unodc.org/documents/ treaties/UNTOC/Publications/TOC%20Convention/TOCebook-e.pdf).

The waters are muddied still further in Nigeria’s casebecause both smuggling and trafficking thrive as a result of


6/23

different motivations and processes of those involved in organ-ised crime.

Human Traf ficking, Smuggling and Organised CrimeParent and Bruckert (2002: 19) have argued that the associationbetween traf ficking, smuggling and organised crime is neitherself-evident nor always very substantial, but that it can be foundin all phases of activity, e.g. recruitment, transport, working inthe host country, etc. During the recruitment phase, thoseresponsible at the local level may utilise either a central means of recruitment such as the media, internet, employment agency,

etc., or a decentralised means of recruitment which involvesrecruiters in towns and villages (Truong, 2001: 18). Methodsused in the destination countries will include: corruption andbribery; forged travel documents; false job offers; false pass-ports; false husbands, wives or fiancé(e)s, false family members,etc.

In Nigeria, organised criminal groups rely on the complexityof travel agencies’ arrangements to assist in obtaining visas,along with corrupt truck drivers and law enforcement agents(Truong, 2001: 18). The many dynamic variations in the rela-tionship between organised crime, smuggling and traf ficking inpersons make it dif ficult to capture at any one point, due tochanges in political, social and economic circumstances, as wellas peculiarities of the locations concerned. However, the meta-relationship between these elements can be summarised as inFigure 2 below.

Organised crime (A) involves the commodification of human

beings by a number of individuals in close social interaction.Their involvement in illicit migration can involve both legal andillegal elements, in order to maximise financial return for theleast effort or danger to the traf fickers. For instance, the UKHouse of Commons Home Affairs Committee (HAC, 2009: 71)cites ‘Anti-Slavery International’ findings (at http://www.antislavery.org/english/) that airport workers in Nigeria could belinked to traf ficking gangs because some victims were dis-

covered but re-traf ficked so swiftly. This also requires co-optinggovernment of ficials who become key players or facilitators bothlocally and internationally a phenomenon not just confined to


7/23

slavery, but rather are freed to pursue their own work once thesmuggling fees have been paid (A+B). However, they also argue(ibid .) that organised human smuggling is no longer a simpleactivity of helping migrants to cross a single nearby border for afew hundred dollars. Rather, it is a business that requiresresources and manpower to move people, documents and moneyacross such barriers, with a high demand and a low risk. Most of

those who are smuggled are undocumented or falsely docu-mented from Africa (especially Nigeria), Asia, Eastern Europeand South America, and are generally poorer migrants who donot qualify for tourist or student visas. They are therefore forcedto pay individuals and organisations specialising in profitingfrom the mobilisation of people across great legal, physical andcultural barriers (Kyle & Liang, 2001: 3–4). Human commodifi-cation nearly always requires intermediaries, ‘middlemen’, or

facilitators who provide a range of legal and illegal services tomake the clandestine trip feasible.In Nigeria illicit migration services therefore typically

Figure 2 The relationship between traf ficking, smuggling andorganised crime


8/23

intercepted at a border town linking Nigeria and Cameroon bya patrol team of the Nigerian Immigration Service (Gusau, 2009:1). The group of young Nigerians had willingly sought the

services of smugglers, but it was not clear whether they would befree of them once they became aware that the promises of employment in Europe and elsewhere were false. It is morelikely they had been tricked by traf fickers (or faux smugglers),for whom it is easy to exploit willingness to be smuggled for aprice to be converted into exploitation and traf ficking (B+C) dueto the ignorance, naivety and vulnerability of the victims. Ruth-less ploys are used to target vulnerable children and young

women, often involving promises of a better life throughemployment, educational opportunities or marriage (US Depart-ment of State, 2009: 8).

However, Kyle and Koslowski (2001, cited in Kyle & Liang2001: 4) also suggest that, while some victims are tricked andexploited as slaves (A+C), other migrants seek out smugglers’services (A+B). From an enforcement perspective, traf fickingand smuggling are part of the same continuum of the fastestgrowing ‘criminal industry’ along with drugs and arms traf fick-ing (Skrivankova, 2006: 5), but different approaches will berequired, depending on which part of the continuum is beingtackled.

Kelly and Regan (2000, cited in Foy, 2007: 14) have arguedthat globalisation, growth in sex markets internationally, thepush factor of poverty in developing nations and the dispropor-tionate effect of this on women leading to the increased femin-isation of migration all have a role to play in fuelling the growth

in traf ficking and smuggling. This is compounded by increasingborder controls (especially stringent visa and asylum restrictionsfor EU entry) and a lack of opportunity at home, leavingmigrants with little choice but to rely on traf fickers or smugglersto gain access to more advanced countries (Skrivankova, 2006:5). All of these factors are at play in Nigeria, where humantraf ficking and smuggling have been referred to as a ‘con-sequence of the commodification of migration’, with traf ficking

networks now viewed as business organisations (Foy, 2007: 14,citing IOM, 2000a). Indeed, traf fickers create employment inhidden or informal sectors including both legal and illegal


9/23

we will examine the three seemingly most common areas of exploitation through migration (internal and external) in Nigeria:forced labour; prostitution; and domestic servitude.

The Unholy Trinity: Forced Labour, Prostitution andDomestic ServitudeAs argued above, high global demand for cheap labour, growingdisparity in wealth and tight migration controls all lead to greaterpotential rewards for Nigerian traf fickers and smugglers. Figure3 above represents the most common forms of exploitationencountered by young Nigerians.

Many more national economies have had to adapt to market

economics, privatisation, trade liberalisation and changing formsof trade cooperation (Taran, Moreno-Fontes & Chammartin,2002, cited by Richards, 2004: 150). In Nigeria, the mostobvious effects have been: reduced likelihood of public sectoremployment; disappearance of traditional industries; eliminationof other jobs; and subsidies through structural adjustment pro-grammes. Most of this occurred during Ibrahim Babangida’smilitary regime (1985–93) and it created a thirst for a better life

abroad (Onyejekwe, 2005: 144).There are many resultant or additional push factors thatcombine to make Nigeria a prolific generator of migrants for

Figure 3 Labour migration, prostitution and domesticservitude


10/23

Nations Development Programme, 2004). A persistent financialcrisis has caused gross national product to stagnate and the priceof food and other goods to rise rapidly. The purchasing power of

the lower classes has steadily declined since the beginning of theearly 1980s. Nigeria is also alleged to be one of the most corruptnations in the world (Carling, 2006: 17). Increasing rates of poverty, high unemployment, lack of opportunity and the questto simply survive all drive human traf ficking and smuggling inNigeria (UNESCO, 2006: 32) and are rooted in systematic ageand gender discrimination. The key reasons for this are:

●Unequal access to education limits most Nigerians’ accessto skilled occupations, particularly in rural communities(Carling, 2006: 31);

● Lack of awareness of the risks involved in illegal migra-tion (UNESCO, 2006: 33);

● Increasing demand for foreign workers as domesticservants/care roles but lack of adequate supporting regu-latory frame work (ibid .);

● Growth of tolerated billion-dollar sex and entertainmentindustry demand which essentially exploits and criminal-ises children and young women (UNODC, 2008: 96);

● Ease with which organised criminals can control andmanipulate vulnerable children, young women and youngmen (UNESCO, 2006: 33).

There has been little emphasis on the exploitation of youngNigerian men for forms of forced labour (D) and it is therefore

important to include this in any integrated model of humantraf ficking and smuggling. Many legitimate employment sectorsdepend on seasonal or casual workers, e.g. agriculture, mining,stone quarries and food processing sectors (House of Commons(HAC), 2009: 20). However, many young Nigerian men aretraf ficked to work against their will in exploitative conditions inthese sectors, through a variety of coercive mechanisms such asdebt bondage, the removal of their identity documents or the use

of intimidation and threats (Skrivankova, 2006: 1).Prostitution (E) markets (and to a lesser extent the wider sexindustry) have received more attention Here predominantly


11/23

generate a good income base in respect to the comparativeearning in Nigeria (see Aronowitz, 2001: 116, citing Ojomo,1999), but have no idea of the violence and degradation to which

they will be subjected (House of Commons (HAC), 2009:11–12). Others who expected to find themselves in legitimate

jobs are deceived into thinking that they will be working inrestaurants, domestic work, child minding and even accountancy,or they are promised education or training opportunities (Houseof Commons (HAC), 2009: 11).

According to the Home Of fice, domestic servitude (F) is akey driver of demand in the traf ficking of children and young

women. Any deception is based on similar promises to thoseoutlined above, but, on arrival, the migrants are put to work in ahouse and usually never allowed out. They will have no docu-ments and many are also regularly physically, psychologicallyand sexually abused, not paid, and may be compelled to work long hours without rest (Upadhyay, 2007; African Child PolicyForum, 2008: 7).

There is a grey area between prostitution (E) and domesticservitude (F), with many of the same types of abuse taking place.Indeed, commodification and the adaptability of traf fickersmeans that there is some fluidity between these two markets, andmore research is needed into the forced career path of childrenwho are initially traf ficked for domestic service, but may later bemoved into prostitution. Equally, children who are initiallytraf ficked for domestic servitude (F) may be moved into forcedlabour if it is thought they will be more profitable there.Currently, the assumption would be that girls are moved into

prostitution and boys into forced labour, but it is important toconsider both genders for both markets, and also the possibilityof child prostitution. Perhaps the best way forward in identifyingand explaining such a dynamic phenomenon is to develop furtherSmith’s (cited by Lyman & Potter, 2000: 81) ‘enterprise theory’of organised crime, which argues that a certain rate of consump-tion is required to justify the level of investment and risk, whichin turn leads the perpetrators to bribe corrupt law enforcement

agents, and apply different types of extortion in order to expandtheir markets, increase revenue and protect the business.In sum the relationship between forced labour (D) prostitu


12/23

in which exploitation can take place. Exploitative practices suchas wage reductions, failure to pay, long working hours, lack of breaks, holidays, and health and safety provisions are directly or

indirectly experienced by a significant proportion of traf fickedvictims in low-pay sectors, which Skrivankova (2006: 9) typifiesunder the ‘3 Ds’: dif ficult; dangerous; and dirty.

The appeal of smuggling may also be much broader. Theconstant pressure on employers to cut costs and increase pro-ductivity has caused a growth in subcontracting and outsourcing(Anderson, 2006, cited by Skrivankova, 2006: 9). Workers inthis system are temporary, available on demand and can be laid

off when not needed. These are ideal conditions in whichtraf ficking might be presented as smuggling by intermediary‘agents’ to desperate and relatively na ï ve and vulnerablevictims.

Trends in Human Traf ficking and Smuggling in NigeriaApplying what we know about human traf ficking and smugglingin Nigeria, it is clear that we examine both internal and externaltraf ficking. Internal traf ficking from rural to metropolitan areasis common throughout the country, while trans-border traf fick-ing may represent a second stage in this process (UNODC,2006a: 29).

Differential development within Nigeria is at least as impor-tant as the differentials among Africa, Europe and the USA, andHaas has argued that internal migration in Nigeria is ‘immense’(Haas, 2006: 6) due to its relative ease. The dominant destinationfor internal migrants, the bulk of whom are children, young

women and young men, is towards the densely populated coastalareas such as Lagos, Rivers, and Delta; Kano, Minna andKaduna in the North and Abuja (the capital) in the centre.

The strong traditional belief in ‘fostering’ Nigeria can allowpoor rural families to send their children and, to a lesser extent,young adults, to family members in the cities with the under-standing that their urban relatives will genuinely offer theirchildren education and employment opportunities. In practice,

unfortunately, most of these individuals are overworked and notschooled, while some are sent to the street to hawk food asbeggars scavengers wheelbarrow pushers etc This internal


13/23

erty and deceptive accounts of the ‘heavenly’ urban life in ruralareas (Dave-Odegie, 2008: 4) and the relatively sophisticatedsocial infrastructure provision in the urban centres, such as

electricity, clean drinking water, health facilities and employ-ment opportunities.

Organised begging is a key element of internal traf ficking inNigeria but, despite its ubiquity, there is little research on it.Physically disabled people are lured into the begging businessand experienced adult beggars often also traf fic children in theircustody; anecdotal evidence also suggests that these children arerewarded with only meagre daily meals (Dave-Odegie, 2008:

65). These children are denied access to formal education, propersocial upbringing and basic human rights. It is a dif ficult area toresearch and it perhaps requires the development of new method-ologies but this is essential to understanding the process bywhich those who are internally traf ficked may become those whoare traf ficked across borders, and Nigeria is a major source of trans-border human traf ficking in West Africa. Nigerian childrenand young adults are traf ficked into Mali, Benin, Togo, Ghana,

Gabon, Côte D’Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea and South Africa (USDepartment of State, 2009: 81–283). However, in order of priority, countries such as Belgium, Spain, France, United King-dom, Russia, Germany, Italy, Norway, Sweden and Holland arethe ultimate goal of many illegal Nigerian migrants (Alemike &Chukwuma, 2005: 88).

Recruitment by Organised Crime

The political and economic malaise in Nigeria since the 1990shas facilitated a sharp increase in human traf ficking and smug-gling, and this in turn has seen the re-emergence of a century-oldinstitution. So-called ‘middlemen’ or ‘facilitators’ provide anintegrated network of legal and illegal services needed to make aclandestine trip across borders. Nigerian traf ficking and smug-gling networks are built on ‘pacts’ between the traf ficked and thetraf fickers. Both groups have specific organisational hierarchies,which interact in a complex way, both locally and internation-ally. The victim’s initial contact with these facilitators is usuallythrough a relative friend or acquaintance (Carling 2006: 26) as


14/23

n g ( 2 0 0 6 : 2 7 ) M i g r a t i o n , H u

m a n S m u g g l i n g a n d T r a f fi c k i n g f r o m N i g e r i a

t o E u r o p e .

F i g u r e

4

H u m a n

t r a f fi c k e r s a n d h u m a n

s m u g g l e r s ’

n e t w o r k s i

n N i g e r i a


15/23

countries, false passports, etc. (Kyle & Liang, 2001: 8). Follow-ing this, victims are put in contact with a ‘madam’ who is thenetwork ’s most important person in Nigeria. She (occasionally

they are male) liaises with an equivalent madam in a Europeancountry and the latter is responsible for controlling and collect-ing money through the victims after their arrival (UNODC,2006a: 57). Other key players are voodoo priests (see Davies,2010, for the role of juju oaths in the control of young Nigerianwomen traf ficked into the sex industry in Ireland), religiousleaders and lawyers in Nigeria. A local Nigerian ‘trolley’,usually a male assistant to the madam in Europe, is responsible

for accompanying the victims on the journey (Carling, 2006: 26).Trolleys facilitate smooth passage of traf ficked or smuggledvictims through the various border controls.

Nigerian traf ficking and smuggling routesIntensified measures to control and deter human traf ficking andsmuggling have resulted in Nigerian organised crime utilisingmore hazardous means and routes. We have therefore sum-marised the key routes from the available sources.

Ume-Ezeoke (2004: 16) argues that in the past, traf fickers,smugglers and victims travelled to Europe by air, but the recentcrackdowns internationally, and by the Nigerian ImmigrationService, have forced them to use the Sahara desert and otherWest African routes, using transit countries, i.e., Benin Republic,Togo, Ghana and Mali. This is a view supported by the twoairline agents we interviewed (see below).The extensive use of forged documents to provide citizenship status and thereby valid

travel documentation within these transit countries allowsNigerians then to fly to their destination countries attracting lessattention or suspicion (Carling, 2006: 34).

Another key strategy is to travel from Nigeria to Moscowand other Eastern European cities, or Turkey, then cross theborder illegally into Western Europe (Smit, 2001; Okojie et al.,2003, cited in UNODC, 2006a; Carling, 2006: 34, citing Prina,2003).

Schapendonk and Van Moppes (2007: 10) found that manyillegal Nigerian migrants also travel through the Sahara in four-wheel drive vehicles or lorries en route to Europe by sea


16/23

Europe after crossing the Sahara are from the western Sahara tothe Canary Islands, Morocco to Spain, Tunisia or Libya to Italyand Dakar en route to the Cape Verde Islands and then to the

Canary Islands (Carling, 2006: 34).Other traf ficking routes are from Kebbi or Sokoto to the

Republic of Benin, on to Niger, Ghana, Senegal and from thereon to destinations such as Libya, Algeria or Morocco, which inturn are usually transit countries for destinations in Europe andthe Middle East (UNODC, 2006a: 32). Zindel in Katsina Stateand Megatel in Jigawa State also serve as exit routes fromNigeria through Niger to Mali, Burkina Faso, en route to Libya,

Algeria, Morocco and Southern Sahara to Europe, while Egypt isused as a transit route to the Middle East. There is also the ‘Hajjby land’ route starting from Maiduguri in Borno State, throughGamboru (a border town) en route through Gala, to N’djamenain Chad and through the Sudan to Saudi Arabia (UNODC,2006a: 32, citing Okojie, 2004). Finally, almost all victimsrescued by law enforcement agents in 2006–09 were interceptedat border towns in northern Nigeria, suggesting the open desertterrain is ideal for organised criminals to engage in humantraf ficking and smuggling. The complexity of these transit routesis summarised by the map below (Figure 5).

This complex picture is very fluid as traf fickers and smug-glers react to changes in enforcement and new business oppor-tunities. For this reason, and given the paucity of systematicresearch evidence on Nigerian people traf ficking and smuggling,we decided to carry out our own small-scale exploratoryresearch, which suggests that the picture is more complicated

still, with some of the Western nations originally assumed to bedestination countries now serving as transit hubs as well.

The Views of Nigerian Law Enforcement and Airline AgentsThe following results are based on semi-structured telephoneinterviews with 10 Nigerian law enforcement agents and 3 front-line airline agents. While the number of respondents is small,they are also ‘hard to reach’ and a lot of work was put into

convincing them to respond and ensuring anonymity. We feel theresults give a clearer contemporary picture of the issues faced bythose dealing with trafficking and smuggling in and from Nigeria


17/23

community in Nigeria but was indicative of law enforcementagents and front-line airline staff. Therefore, the results will onlyrepresent law enforcement agents and front-line airline.

The effectiveness and ef ficiency of these law enforcementagencies has been criticised due to both internal and external

constraints (Alemika & Chukwuma, 2005: 101). Respondentswere therefore asked what were the most important barriers andchallenges they faced in combating human traf ficking and smug-gling. As Table 2 shows, 54% of respondents acknowledged thatlack of information remains the main barrier to investigation of both crimes.

Ume-Ezeoke (2004: 28) argues that most victims wereunlikely to assist the police and other agencies as a result of theoath of secrecy sworn by victims before their departure (see alsoDavies, 2010) and fear of possible reprisal attacks on membersof their families. It is clear that resources and research need to be

Table 1 Occupation of respondents

Occupation of respondents

No. of

respondents (%)

Immigration service 4 31Frontline airline agents 3 23Police 2 15State security service 2 15Customs 1 8NDLEA 1 8

Total 13 100

Table 2 Barriers and challenges faced by law enforcementagencies in Nigeria

Respondents’ views

No. of

respondents (%)

Lack of information 7 54


18/23

devoted to victim protection and education if information is to begained successfully and used for investigation and prosecution.

Nearly a third (31%) of the respondents thought that lack of

training and basic knowledge in identifying cases of humantraf ficking and smuggling were the biggest obstacle to successfulenforcement. This supports UNESCO’s (2006: 40) assertion thathuman traf ficking and smuggling have continued to flourish inNigeria due to enforcement agents’ lack of technical know-how.

Poor legislation, and implementation of it, was criticised bytwo front-line agents, again supporting the findings of previous

research (Ume-Ezeoke, 2004: 28) that shows offenders tried fortraf ficking often escape prosecution or are given short custodialsentences or small fines.

Table 3 shows that most respondents (85%) thought humantraf fickers and smugglers were now most likely to take landroutes through the Sahara en route to Europe by sea.

The enforcement task is immense. Nigeria’s land border isapproximately 4,046km: 800km with Benin; 1,500km withNiger, 80km with Chad, 1,680km with Cameroon; and over800km of coast (Alemika and Chukwuma, 2005: 189). Animmigration of ficer suggested that ‘the extensive border betweenNigeria, Chad, Niger, Benin and Cameroon hampers propersurveillance in addition to inadequate manpower’. This supportsUme-Ezeoke’s (2004: 180) argument that the volume of traf fick-ing and smuggling is possible because of the limited capacity of border enforcement agencies and Aronowitz’s view (2001: 185)that there are extensive unguarded borders, weak patrolling, and

limited manpower and resources in countering Nigerian smug-gling and traf ficking.

One of the airline agents argued that the most popular targetdestinations for human traf ficking were France, Italy, Russia,Austria, Cyprus, Turkey, Ireland, Poland, Romania, Finland,

Table 3 Traf ficking and human smuggling routes fromNigeria

R d t ’ iNo. of

d t (%)


19/23

Czech Republic, UAE, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Oman. Theyalso felt the traf fickers were now so well structured that it waseasy to procure business visas to the Middle East, student visasto Western and Eastern Europe, and tourist visas or visiting visasto some EU countries.

As Table 4 shows, only 38% thought they were effective incombating human traf ficking smuggling, and they even thoughtimprovements were needed. Typically, 62% argued that ‘thesystem is underfunded lacked manpower and communicationequipment’, supporting UNESCO’s (2006: 40) argument out-lined above.

ConclusionIt is clear that there are many contributory factors as to whyNigeria has so many people traf ficking and smuggling, bothinternally and transnationally, on such a large scale. Many of these factors, such as poverty, lie seemingly outside the scope of law enforcement and/or criminal justice, while others do liewithin its remit, such as tackling corruption, which may in turnhelp to improve the economic situation. In the current situation,

it seems unlikely that Nigerian law enforcement will receivehigher funding, better training, etc. However, we hope this studywill have contributed to the knowledge base of law enforcers in

Table 4 Emerging trends in the fight against traf ficking andhuman smuggling in Nigeria

How effective is the strategy or system?

Respondents’ viewsNo. of respondents (%)

No, adequate training andequipment needs to beprovided 8 62

Yes, it’s fair but needsimprovement 5 38

Total 13 100


20/23

commitment and high motivation (Alemika & Chukwuma, 2005:20). Ironically, the criminal networks involved seem to possesthose very characteristics that the law enforcement agents lack.

ReferencesAfrican Child Policy Forum (ACPF), (2008) Sexual Exploitation of

Children in Africa. Retrieved 2 June 2009 from .

Alemike, E.O. and Chukwuma, I.C. (2005) Crime and Policing in Nigeria: Challenges and Options. Ikeja: Clean Foundation.

Aronowitz, A. (2001)’ Smuggling and Traf ficking in Human Beings:

The Phenomenon, the Markets that Drive it and the Organisationthat promotes it’ European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research 9 (2): 163–95.

Carling, J. (2006) Migration, Human Smuggling and Traf ficking from Nigeria to Europe. Retrieved on 18 January 2009 from .

Dave-Odegie, C. (2008) Human Traf ficking Trend in Nigeria. Retrievedon 2 June 2009, from .

Davies, C. (2010) ‘Couple Jailed after Using Traf ficked Girls in HugeProstitution Ring,’ Guardian 5 February 2010, retrieved on 9February 2010 from .

Dowling, S. Moreton, K. and Wright, L. (2007) Traf ficking for thePurpose of Labour Exploitation: A Literature Review. Retrieved 23January 2009 from .

Foy, S. (2007) ‘Human Traf ficking: Sex, Lies, and Organised Crime’.

Unpublished Dissertation, University of Portsmouth, Portsmouth.Gusau, I.U. (2009) ‘Nigeria: Borno Turns Gateway for Human Traf-

fickers’, Daily Trust , 22 March, p. 2. Retrieved 12 April 2009, from.

Haas, H. (2006) International Migration and National Development:Viewpoints and Policy Initiatives in Countries of Origin: The Caseof Nigeria. Retrieved 14 April 2009, from .

House of Commons Home Affairs Committee (HAC) (2009) The Trade

in Human Beings: Human Traf ficking in the UK . Retrieved 17 July2009, from


21/23

Maicibi, A.N. (2008) The Push Pull and Stop Factors in HumanTraf ficking: Perspectives from Africa. Retrieved 12 April 2009,from .Morrison, J. and Crosland, B. (2000) The Traf ficking and Smuggling of

Refugees: The End Game in European Asylum Policy? Retrieved17 December 2008 from .

Nalyvayko, K. (2006) Social Assistance for Victims of Human Traf fick-ing: A Comparative Study of Social Measures for Victims of Traf ficking in the Netherlands and Ukraine based on the Council of European Convention on Action against Traf ficking in Human

Beings. Retrieved 2 June 2009 from .Onyejekwe, C. J. (2005) ‘Influence of Global Human Traf ficking Issues

on Nigeria: A Gender Perspective’ Journal International Women’sStudies 7 (2): 141–9.

Parent, C. and Bruckert, C. (2002). Traf ficking in Human Beings and Organised Crime: A Literature Review. Retrieved 3 March 2009from .

Richards, K. (2004) ‘The Traf ficking of Migrant Workers: What Are

the Links between Labour Traf ficking and Corruption?’ Inter-

national Migration 42 (5): 147–68. Retrieved 18 April 2009, from.

Ruggiero, V. (1997) ‘Criminals and Service Providers: Cross-nationalDirty Economies’ Crime, Law and Social Change 28(1): 27–38.

Salt, J. (2000) Traf ficking and Human Smuggling: A European Per-spective. London: Blackwell Publisher Limited.

Schapendonk, J. and Moppes, D. (2007) The Migration Process.Retrieved 2 June 2009, from .

Skrivankova, K. (2006) Traf ficking for Forced Labour: UK Country Report . Retrieved 18 April 2009, from .

Smit, V. (2004) Safe Migration: A Role in Curtailing Human Traf fick-ing? A Theoretical Discssion and Case Study of Human Traf ficking from Nepal to India. Retrieved 12 April 2009, from .Truong, T. (2001) Human Traf ficking and Organized Crime. Institute of


22/23

Ume-Ezeoke, J. (2004) Desk Review for the Programme of Action Against Traf ficking in Monors and Young Women from Nigeria into Italy for the Purpose of Prostitution. Retrieved 10 April 2009, from

.

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation(UNESCO) (2006) Human Traf ficking in Nigeria: Root Causes and Recommendations. Paris: UNESCO.

United Nations Of fice on Drug and Crime (UNODC) (2006a) Traf fick-ing in Human Beings in Benin, Nigeria and Togo. Retrieved 16December 2008 from .

United Nations Of fice on Drug and Crime (UNODC) (2006b) Traf fick-ing in Persons: Global Patterns. Retrieved 16 December 2008 from.

United Nations Of fice on Drug and Crime (UNODC) (2008) An Introduction to Human Traf ficking: Vulnerability, Impact and Action. Retrieved 14 April 2009 from .

United States Department of State (USDS) (2009) Traf ficking inPersons Report: June 2009

. Retrieved 14 August 2009, from.Upadhyay, J. (2007) ‘Ensuring Meaningful Child and Youth Participa-

tion in the Fight against Commercial Sexual Exploitation: TheECPAT Experience. ECPAT International, online at http://www.ecpat.net/ei/Publications/CYP/CYP_report_Ensuring_ENG.pdf>.


23/23

Copyright of Police Journal is the property of Vathek Publishing Ltd and its content may not be copied or

emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission.

However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.

making sense of the relationship between trafficking in persons human smuggling in nigeria

Documents