chapter v the darjeeling gorkha hill council (dghc...
TRANSCRIPT
CHAPTER V
THE DARJEELING GORKHA HILL COUNCIL (DGHC): ANALYSIS OF ITS
ROLE AND WORKING AND OTHER RELATED ISSUES
The Tripartite Agreement between the Centre, State and GNLF brought
a relief to the hills of Darjeeling. The Agreement showed that in India,
democratic values and processes are widely prevalent and the genuine
aspirations of the people can never be crushed by the government. Though
the Gorkha people's main demand, creation of a separate state, Gorkhaland,
could not be fulfilled, Ghisingh and his men seemed satisfied with the creation
of a semi-autonomous Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. It was a new kind of
politico-administrative institutional framework. A framework now existed to
enable the Gorkhas to realize their aspirations, especially those pertaining to
their identity, without disturbing the parameters of West Bengal. They seemed
satisfied with their identification as Gorkhas of Indian origin. "We will no longer
be dismissed as foreigners. We have found an identity, we are first class
citizens."1.
One of the reasons for using the term "Gorkhas" was to differentiate
themselves from the Nepalese of Nepal. The Indian Nepalis and the Nepalese
of Nepal are identical having same names, physical features, traditions,
culture and language with some dialectical variations.
ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE AND FUNCTIONING OF THE DGHC
It was the triangular talks held between the Centre, State and GNLF
that resulted in the working agreement of the DGHC administration. The
DGHC elections were held on 13th December 1988, and the Council Office
was opened on 1 ylh January 1989. Ghisingh assumed office as Chief
Executive Councillor on 18th January 1989. The DGHC would be the apex
body and would replace the existing Zilla Parishad. It would have
supervisionary powers over the Panchayat Samitis and Municipal bodies in
the Darjeeling hill sub-divisions. The DGHC would have two arms namely the
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General Council and Executive Council. The General Council consists of 42
members, amongst whom 28 are elected and 14 are nominated. The
nominated members were to consist of members of Parliament, MLAs from
Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong and the Chairman of Municipalities of
Hill Areas, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Women. There was
apprehension against the concept of nomination of members in the Executive
Council, thinking that it was a means to control over the Council from withi"n by
the State Government. Later on, the DGHC (Amendment) Act 1994 brought
some changes (Section 5 (1A)) in the Council. Amongst the 14 members, 11
were to be nominated by the Government and 3 by the Chairman. The
General Council was to formulate the Integrated Development Plan and to
implement schemes and programmes for the development of the hill areas,
but was to work within the framework of general policy and direction of the
State Government. The executive council would also be there and chairman
and vice-chairman of the general council would be ex-officio-members of the
executive council with the chairman of the general council functioning as the
Chief Executive Councillor.
The DGHC was formed under the state legislature and not by any
statute in the Parliament. No part of the Constitution was amended to include
the DGHC and no part of the Indian Constitution talks about it. The DGHC
acts an agent of the State Government of West Bengal, which is like the
Central government. It has the power to prepare development plans and
budgets for the hill areas, but all these have to be approved by the State
Government first. Moreover, they can formulate such plans taking into
consideration various national and state five year plans.
As regards to funds, the Hill Council under Act of 1988 has meager
sources of revenue. The Council has the power to levy (1) Fees on boats and
vehicles , (2)Fees for providing sanitary arrangements at such places of
worship or pilgrimage or Fairs or Melas within its jurisdiction , (3) Fees for
licenses , (4) water and lighting rate . There is a fund called Council Fund
under the General Council to perform various functions as laid down in the
Act. All funds received by the General Fund are credited to the Council Fund.
Funds are given both by the Centre and State .There are three methods of
getting funds, namely, assigned revenue, shared revenue and grants-in-aid,
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but the Council is not empowered to expand out of the council funds, unless
such expenditure is covered by a current budget grant. "Ghisingh observed
that total grant committed by Central and State Governments was to the
extent of Rs 260 crores during 5 years in 1989-90, allocation was Rs 60
crores. At the end of the financial year, Rs 37 crores were made available to
DGHC and this fell far short of the commitments."2.
Moreover all funds have to flow through the State Government
including the Central funds. Like the Vlth Schedule Autonomous District
Councils, the DGHC cannot derive any fund from the Consolidated Fund of
the state. Article 280 deals with finance but it does not say anything about the
funds for the Autonomous District Council. Funds are given by the Centre to
the States from Consolidated Fund but there is no accountability on how or
who distributes the funds of the Autonomous District Council.
Regarding the personnel of DGHC, there are:
1. Personnel directly recruited by the DGHC,
2. Personnel who have been transferred from Darjeeling Zilla Parishad,
3. Personnel of different service cadres and existing staff of the different
state government departments transferred to DGHC,
4. Officers of lAS, WBCS cadre and other service cadres working in the
DGHC on deputation basis, but the DGHC can appoint officers and
employees only with the approval of the government. It can appoint
employees only equivalent to groups C and D of the government.
There are 23 departments under the DGHC like Public Health (other
than TB sanitarium), Engineering, Irrigation, Tourism, Public Works
Department (Road Construction), Education (other than Higher Education),
Fisheries, Animal Resources, Agriculture , Informal and Cultural Affairs (only
Drama and Song Unit and Nepali Printing Press), Forest (other than Reserve
Forests), Labour (only Industrial Training Institutes, Tung and Creche
Houses). However, mixed personnel in the functioning of the DGHC have
brought more confusion.
The presence of two administrative and planning units in Darjeeling
have been bringing more inefficiency than development. Tourism for example,
has been given to the DGHC but there is also the West Bengal Tourism
Development Corporation. In case of land, the DGHC is given the power of
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allotment, occupation, use or setting apart of land other than land under
reserved forest, but activities with respect to land reforms and land acquisition
are with the state. Tea gardens too have been exempted from the DGHC
authority and also the cantonment areas of Sukna, Lebong and Jalapahar.
The State Government was also forced to open a separate PWD for the
Council because the plains PWD employees working in Darjeeling and
Nargrakatta refused to work under the Council.
The DGHC has brought about some integrated development plans for
the hill areas, which include road construction, tourism, electricity and primary
education. The following data shows some of the electrification programmes
undertaken by the DGHC. It has helped to bring electrification to various
villages.
The first scheme was the District Planning Scheme (DPS) where 90
lakhs was sanctioned by West Bengal Electricity Board (WSEB). In the
second scheme known as the first phase, 19 Gram Panchayats (GP) were
included where 03 crores were sanctioned for electrification. In the third
scheme called the second phase, the West Bengal State Electricity Board
sanctioned 06 crores to the DGHC which covered 44 gram panchayats for
electrification. In the fourth scheme called the third phase, the West Bengal
Rural Electricity Development Corporation sanctioned 08 crores which
covered 37 gram panchayats.
This phase is also called the 2002-03 project and covers the following
gram panchayats and villages:-
Pokrebong GP : ( Sukhiapokhri Block) (Tamkule Rai gaon ) (under Avon
Group Tea Estate)
Raibong Tola, Gorkha Tola and Lower Thakuri gaon.
Rangbang GP: (Sukhia Block)- Rangbang basti, Gairigaon, Kotwaligaon.
Sukhia GP Block (Darjeeling Block) : Pubong Phatak in Alubari, Lepcha gaon.
Lodhama GP (Rimbick Block) : Mane dara gaon, Newar gaon, Rajbhir gaon,
Dhanbir gaon.
Sonada GP (Sukhiapohkri block): Raidhura (under Rangmuk Tea Estate).
Kurseong;
Gayabari GP (Kurseong Block): Semanatar basti, Lower Khundrukey basti,
Kopche basti.
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Seton GP (Kurseong Block): Ghaleytar, Shelpu basti, Lower Turuk basti,
Upper and Middle Mamring basti.
Mirik:
Soureni GP (Mirik Block): Naole to Chotta Tingling Tea Gardens, Dara gaon
and Gairi gaon.
Kalimpong:
Pabringtar GP (Kalimpong Block): Deorali, Ratay, Tamyang.
Samther Basti. (Kalimpong Block: Lower Menchu.
Gorubathan GP (Gorubathan Block): Phaphar Kheti, Kwapani, Sherpatar,
Allaygaon 1&11
Rongo GP (Jaldhaka Block):
Naxalbasmey, 52 Block Dara gaon, 46 Block, Kalishar, Upper gaon and
Lower gaon, Maid an gaon, Bikh Bare, Ryang Bari, Mini gaon, Sundar gaon.
Sansey GP (Kalimpong Block):
Lower Mansong basti, Barmek Cinchona Plantation.
SOURCE: Power Department, DGHC Scheme, Oarjeeling.
In the field work survey conducted in various towns and villages in
Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong, the respondents were asked whether
they felt that the Gorkhaland agitation was productive with the formation of the
DGHC. 38% of the answered in positive, but 63% answered in the negative.
Amongst those who said "yes",
16% felt that economic conditions have improved.
56% said that after the formation of the DGHC they have greater say in
political decisions and 24% felt it has given political identity to Indian Nepalis.
Amongst those who answered in the negative, none said the earlier
system was better.
16.6% said there is not much change in economic conditions.
17.3 % felt that social conditions have deteriorated.
14.6 % said there is more partiality and favouritism,
28 % agreed on all the above three factors i.e. there is not much change in
economic conditions, social conditions have deteriorated and there is partiality
and favouritism after the formation of the OGHC and 23 % agreed on all the
above four factors.
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Regarding another question i.e : Do you think you have benefited from
the DGHC? , asked to the respondents, 38 % answered in the positive
whereas 63% answered negatively.
Amongst those who said they (themselves as individuals) have
benefited from DGHC, 2.2 %said they have because they got loans, 68.2 %
said in terms of employment, 26.6 % in terms of education and scholarship
they had got from DGHC, and 2.2 % cited other reasons like they have got a
chance to contest in the DGHC elections.
Asked whether their village or region has improved in terms of any
available socio-economic amelilities from the DGHC, 50% answered in the
positive, 50 % answered in the negative.
Amongst those in the former group, 30 % said their village has
benefited because of construction of roads, 05 % said their village has
benefited because of supply of drinking water, 10 % said there has been
supply of electricity, 45 % said that DGHC has established schools in their
area, whereas 10 % cited other reasons like the construction of small bridges
by the DGHC in their villages (eg. In Ngassey village), made drains and wells
in landslide prone areas.
Regarding establishment of schools, it was learnt that DGHC had
made efforts to establish Madhyamik Sikshya Kendra (eg; Soreng village)
Sishu Siksha Kendra (Lodhama village). The people in various villages ( eg:
Chungthung, Chegra, Arobutiya, Lower Bong basti, Soreng, Bijanbari and
Upper Ecchey (KPG I) ) said that in various schools, mid-day meals were also
provided to children.
lnspite of some positive responses, the DGHC has been criticized of
misusing the development funds. The DGHC under GNLF has no doubt
constructed roads but there are complaints of it been carried out in haphazard
manner. It also has been said that no open tender has been issued and no
proper estimates have been carried out in handing of contracts. Moreover the
contracts to construct roads and other development work only go to a
particular section of the people and the majority of the people still suffer from
deprivation and oppression.
The Communist Party Revolutionary Marxist (CPRM), which is a
member of the opposition party, the People's Democratic Front, has brought
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various allegations against the DGHC under the GNLF. "While the DGHC
spent 32 lakhs to construct a bridge, 16ft by 60ft near Mungpo, a similar
bridge. 20ft by 60ft was built by the PWD near Garidhuri for 08 lakhs.
Disbursing Rs 28.01 lakhs in April,1992 for construction of Raidhap drinking
water project. Work order issued to a contractor in Februar;y 1992 for laying of
pipes at Chhoto Manzing at an estimated cost of Rs.07.69 lakhs. The work,
which was scheduled to be completed within 120 days started only in 1996.
Meanwhile, material to the tune of Rs.04.58 lakhs was sanctioned during the
no work period".3.
The Chairman of the DGHC complained that the Left Front
Government was not assisting it properly for the implementation of various
programmes. He stated that there were no administrative, legislative powers
and no politico-administrative freedom. Looking into the field of education, the
DGHC has been given executive powers in the primary, secondary and higher
secondary education, but it is the state government which still holds the reins
over the secondary and higher secondary education. It was mainly because of
this, that frequent conflicts arose between the State Government and DGHC.
Formerly the State Government had instituted the School Service
Commission (Hill Region) and the GNLF had welcomed it. The first SSC
examinations were conducted in the year 2000 and around 172 candidates
were empanelled, but later all appointments were blocked as the DGHC
demanded that the SSC (Hill Region) be completely handed over to them.
The candidates still await appointment and there are complaints that the
various posts can be obtained only by some party faithfuls, without
considering educational qualifications and experience. Recently, the SSC (Hill
Region) has been brought to an end by the government. Another complaint
has been launched recently against the DGHC educational department.
Funds worth 5.5 crores had been given for the implementation of Sarva
Siksha Abhiyan for the development of primary schools across the hills, but
none of the institutions have received the amount. Though documents show
that the money was released from the District Central Co-operative Bank
between December 4th 2004 and March 23rd 2005.4.
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What the Council is demanding is that there has to be transfer of real
powers to the DGHC, adequate flow of funds and the implementation of the
Accord in totality.
The people in the hill areas seem dissatisfied with the running of the
DGHC because of its structural weakness, functional limitations and
operational disabilities. Moreover they complain that there is no transparency
in governance and no democracy in its functioning. The DGHC was formed
mainly to combat regionalism but the euphoria was too short lived. Autonomy
was given to the Darjeeling hills in the form of some autonomy to the DGHC
but this autonomy was only seen as the GNLF as a political party.
There is criticism against the autocratic way of functioning of the
political leadership. The economic condition of the people has not improved,
water shortage and bad roads remain a perennial problem in the hills. There
is wide scale unemployment, rampant corruption, oppression and deprivation.
The DGHC has failed to produce concrete results for the people at large. The
interests of the minority groups like the Lepchas, Bhutias and plainsmen have
not been met either. "The DGHC, has failed to energize the tribal society".5.
The people at the grass root level are still suffering. There has to be more
decentralization and devolution of powers. "Entitlement from below rather than
endowment from above must be the order of the day".6.
ELECTIONS OF THE DGHC
The elections of the DGHC showed overwhelming support to the
GNLF. The following tables support this view.
134
ELECTIONS FOR GENERAL COUNCIL OF DGHC (1989)
Candidate Elected Party Affiliation Name of Constituency Votes Polled
Shiv Kumar Lama GNLF Rimbick Lodhama 8406
K.B.Watter ----------- --CPI(M) ___ ·Pulbazar Bijanbari 6807
Padam Lama CPI(M) Chingtong Rishihaat 7836 '
Rudra K Pradhan GNLF Singamari Tukvar Valley 7195
NetraKumar Thakuria GNLF Lebong Valley 6420
Ram Prasad Waiba GNLF Darjeeling Sadar 9620
Lal Bahadur Gurung GNLF Ghoom Jorebungalow 10545
KB Rai GNLF Lopchu Peshek 9645
Kesha~ Ch. Tamang GNLF Takdah Teesta Valley NA
Binod Lama GNLF (INI) Mongpu Latpanchar 7540
Cheten Sherpa GNLF Sukhia Maneybhanjyang NA
Dipak Gurung GNLF Pokrebung NA
L.B.Rai GNLF Mirik Valley 5446
Subhash Ghisingh GNLF Panighata (Soureni Valley) NA
N.B. Pradhan GNLF Rangbull Dhotre Rangmuk 6062
NarBahadurKhawas GNLF Sonada Tung 4050
Nimcheki Pradhan GNLF Kurseong Town 6021
Hema Delma GNLF Pankhabari Gidapahar 18820
lndra Narayan Pradhan GNLF Tindharia Sukna 10025
Benjamin Bhutia GNLF Kalimpong Khasmahal NA
Dawa Sherpa GNLF Kalimpong Town (Dr.Grahams NA
Homes)
Bijoy Kumar Rai GNLF Bong Dungra 9082
Tshering Sherpa GNLF Gidabling Sinji NA
Dawa Pakhrin GNLF Lava Pedong NA
Chandra Kumar Pradhan GNLF Algarah 8081
!. Khus Narayan Subba GNLF Gorubathan 9257
Bhakta Kumar Jairu GNLF TodayTangta Jaldhaka 6085
Source: Office of the District Magistrate, Darjeeling.
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ELECTION RESULTS FOR GENERAL COUNCIL OF DGHC (1994)
Candidate Elected Party Affiliation Name of Constituency Votes Polled
Shiv Kumar Rai GNLF Rimbick Lodhama 7810
Prakash Thung GNLF Pulbazar Bijanbari 6973
Padam Lama CPI(M) Chingtong Rishihaat 7136
R.K Pradhan GNLF Singamari Tukvar Valley 7195
Netra K.Thakuria GNLF Lebong Valley 4281
N.K.Kumai GNLF Darjeeling Sadar I 8445
Karna B. Gurung GNLF Darjeeling Sadar II 6521
Gopimaya Gurung GNLF Ghoom Jorebungalow 7488
R.B.Rai GNLF Lopchu Peshok 7835
Keshab Lama GNLF Takdah Teesta Valley NA
KB Gurung GNLF Mongpu Latpancher 6967
Cheten Sherpa GNLF Sukhia Maneybhanjyang NA
Oipak K.Gurung GNLF Pokrobong Nagri 9102
R.P.Waiba GNLF Mlirik Valley 2445
Subhas Ghisingh GNLF Soureni Valley NA
N.B. Pradhan GNLF Rangbull Dhotre Rangmuk 8042
NB Khawas GNLF Sonada Tung 8644
Pasang Bhutia Independent Kurseong Town 678
(supported by GNLF)
Hema Lama GNLF Onkhabari Gedhapahar 7773
lndra N. Pradhan GNLF Tindharia Sukna 8878
C.K .. Pradhan GNLF Kalimpong Khasmahal NA
Tara Sundas CPI(M) Bong Dungra 7068
Tshering Sherpa GNLF Gidabling Sinji NA
Dawa Pakhrin GNLF Lava Pedong NA
Reshan Rai GNLF Algarah 8082
Khus Narayan Subba GNLF Gorubathan 8949
Bhakta Kumar Jairu Independent Today Tangta Jaladhaka 5095
(supported by GNLF)
Source : Office of the District Magistrate , Darjeeling.
The results indicate the anger of the Gorkhas against past regimes,
whether the Left or the Congress. The Congress had been totally wiped out
though the Left managed to make a light presence. In 1989, out of the 28
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seats. 26 were won by the GNLF, the CPI (M) managed 02 seats from the
Pulbazar-Bijanbari and Chingtong-Rishihaat constituencies.
The Congress was nowhere in the political scene. In 1994 again,
majority was won by the GNLF, two seats by CPI (M) ( Chingtong-Rishihaat
and Bong Dungra) and two by Independent candidates supported by the
GNLF.
Democracy means, of, by and for the people but in most cases, it
means for, by and of the majority group. Nepalis or the Gorkhas are the
dominant community in the Darjeeling Hills, who form around 65 % of the
population. Minority groups include the Lepchas and Bhutias amongst others.
Lepchas comprise 12 %, Bhutias 13 % and Plainsmen about 10% of the
population. "Minorities tend to suffer disproportionately from a democratic
deficit in terms of numbers and influence in many political systems."?.
Analyzing the elections of the DGHC General Council, the results
showed only one non-Nepali Councillor in both 1989 and 1994. (viz Benjamin
Bhutia in 1989 and Pasang Bhutia in 1994), who are both from the Bhutia
ethnic group.
The Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalis in spite of having cultural, traditional
and linguistic dissimilarities fought against the Bengali domination together.
T B.Subba calls this "negative solidarity." It was the fear of being wiped
away as a single group that brought them together to pose a united front
against Bengali chauvinism. As the Lepchas and Bhutias were in minority they
did not oppose the Gorkhaland movement.
NEW DEMANDS AND CLAIMS OF THE GNLF: ELECTIONS OF 1999
Ghisingh had assured that he would not raise the demand for a
separate state again, but in 1992 he sought to bring out the matter again
indirectly. He specifically brought out Article VIII of the Indo-Nepal Treaty of
1950.1t was claimed that the 1950 Treaty cancels all previous treaties,
agreements and engagements entered into on behalf of India between the
British Government and the Government of Nepal. Both the Central and State
Governments were called to clarify the legal status of the said land, failing
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which, the GNLF party would admit that the real masters of the said land are
no one except the Gorkhas. On the contrary, it was told that Article VIII
actually says "So far as matters dealt with herein are concerned, the Treaty
cancels all previous treaties."8.
Only the subject matters dealt within that particular treaty were to be
revoked. The treaty had no concern with boundaries and ownership of lands.
It was said that the Treaty at Segauli (1815) and the Indo-Nepal Treaty of
Peace and Friendship ( 1950) do not deal with the same subject and therefore
cannot operate to terminate the earlier treaty of Segauli of 1815.
Nevertheless, the G N LF boycotted the 1996, 1998 and 1999
Parliamentary elections, maintaining that Darjeeling Hills had never been
incorporated into the Indian territory and they had been deceived and
betrayed for long.9. It was mainly because of this that it was possible for the
CPI (M) candidates to win the votes during these periods.ln December 1996,
the hill unit of the CPI (M) had broken away from its parent body of the state
to form the Communist Party Revolutionary Marxist (CPRM) mainly because it
too supported the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland unlike the CPI
(M).1 0 The CPRM, Congress, All India Gorkha League (AIGL), BJP and
GNLF (C) now form the People's Democratic Front (PDF), the coalition group
against the GNLF.
In spite of much criticism leveled against the DGHC under GNLF
leadership, the DGHC elections held on March 171h 1999, showed
overwhelming support to the GNLF. The following table shows the election
results of 1999 to the DGHC.
138
RESULTS OF ELECTIONS TO DGHC 1999 ·--
CANDIDATE PARTY NAME OF VOTES GOT TOTAL
ELECTED AFFILIATION CONSTITUENCY ELECTORS
S.K.Lama GNLF Rimbock - Lodhama 4764 14,779
Prakash Theeng GNLF Pulbazar Bijanbari 5638 14,145
Aitaraj Dewan GNLF Chongtong Rishihaat 5096 15,383
R. K Pradhan GNLF Singamari Tukvar Valley 2897 18,562 ·-
Amar. 8 Thapa GNLF Darjeeling Sadar I 4480 17,340
Karna.B Gorkha GNLF Darjeeling Sadar II 5418 18.459
Gopi Maya Gurung GNLF Ghoom Jorebungalow 5954 19,545
Bhanu Lama already GNLF backed Lopchu Peshok
declared victorious Independent I unopposed Candidate
I.N.Norbu Tamang GNLF Tukdah Teesta Valley 6924 19,703
Kul Bahadur Gurung GNLF Mungpoo Latpancher 7625 19,334
N.K.Kumai GNLF Sukhia Maneybhanjyang 4685 17,854
Deepak Gurung GNLF Pokrebung Nagri 7582 I 17,360
Basant Kumar Rai United Front Mirik Valley 4298 17,441
Subhash Ghisingh GNLF Soureni Panghatta 9062 17,412
N.B.Pradhan GNLF Rangbull Dhoteria 6750 16,231
Rangmuk
N.B. Khawas GNLF Sonada Tung 8755 18,948
Nim Cheki Pradhan GNLF Kurseong Town 5467 19,808
Rajen Dewan United Front Pankhabari Giddapahar 5719 17,802
I.N. Pradhan GNLF Tindharia Sukna 7636 '17,596
C.K.Pradhan GNLF Kalimpong Khasmahal 7525 16,252
Dawa Sherpa GNLF Kalimpong Town Dr. 5897 17,829
Graham's Homes
Hangu Limbu GNLF Bong Dungra 5565 20,127
Tshering Sherpa GNLF GidablingSinji 8059 18,257
Dawa Pakhrin GNLF Lava Pedong 8139 17,290
Roshan Rai GNLF Algarah 7333 16,159
K.N.Subba GNLF Gorubathan 7276 16,180
Shakarmani Rai Independent Today- Tangta Jaldhaka 5178 16,404
Source : Office of the District Magistrate , Darjeeling.
139
If we see the above table, it can be said that in almost all
constituencies, the GNLF was victorious. The United Front won only in two
constituencies, namely, in Mirik Valley and Pankhabari - Gidapahar. An
Independent candidate won in Today Tangta Jaldhaka with 5178 votes. The
GNLF victories were won by large numbers of votes polled. Its main political
plank was the demand for the creation of a separate state, but it had another
issue too, that is, the territorial status of Darjeeling would be decided by
Supreme Court of Nepal because, the Indian Supreme Court had put off the
case of Darjeeling as "No man's Land" without a hearing. All other parties in
the hills also had used the Gorkhaland demand as its main manifesto "For all
political parties to survive, playing the ethnic card becomes an imperative."11.
Looking at the ethnic category of the 28 elected councillors to the
DGHC, the Bhutia and Lepcha representation is nil. The Lepchas, the original
inhabitants of Darjeeling or "Mayel Lyang" as they fondly call it, feel they are
exploited and discriminated in their own land. They have been numerically
swept by the majority of the ethnic group, the Nepal is.
In the· Parliamentary elections held in May 2004, the Congress
candidate (It is part of the five party opposition alliance in the hills) Mr. Dawa
Norbula, backed by the GNLF won. Dawa Norbula is one of the Congress
veterans in the hills. A lawyer by profession and a Bhutia ethnically, he is one
of the few Bhutia politicians in the Darjeeling hills.12. '
The Lepchas and Bhutias, even while nursing apprehension against
the Nepalis who are the majority group, nevertheless support them in their
main demand - formation of Gorkhaland. Being the numerically inferior
groups, they can never hope to challenge the ethnic group in power, knowing
that they will be crushed in the long run.
THE OBC ISSUE: DEMAND TO INCLUDE ALL NEPALIS AS OTHER
BACKWARD CLASSES
Looking at the scenario in the post DGHC period, there is actually no
difference in the pre-DGHC and post-DGHC Darjeeling. There is a lot of
bureaucratization in the way of the functioning of the Council and the
participation of the hill people in decision making is far from satisfactory. The
140
hill people have already suffered a great deal of oppression and deprivation.
On top of this, people at the top have failed to understand the genuine needs,
problems and aspirations of the people. The way the Nepalis pf Darjeeling
were identified and categorized as Backward Classes is another failed
attempt to understand them in a better perspective.
The Mandai Commission's visit to Darjeeling in 1980 had used
scientific and sound principles to identify backward classes. The Mandai
Commission has basically a Hindu-centric approach but this was irrelevant in
the multi - religious and plural society of Darjeeling. The caste system has
never been rigid here and there has never been caste based violence. It had
thus failed to understand and comprehend the complex nature of the Nepali
society. The Nepali community is a super structure of various communities.
Economically, politically, educationally, they are all backward and politically
under represented. Taking into consideration, the points mentioned by the
Kaka Kalekar Commission (1955), to identify communities as backward, four
criteria have to be identified.
I. Low social position in the traditional caste hierarchical Hindu society
II. Lack of general educational advancement among the majority of the
caste I community
Ill. Inadequate or lack of representation in government services
IV. Inadequate representation in trade, commerce and industry. 13.
From the above, the first criteria cannot be applied in the case of the
Nepali society, it being a multi- religious and plural one. But taking the other
points into consideration, the entire Gorkha community would be categorized
as backward. Unfortunately, later only some communities were identified as
backward.
The Mandai Commission submitted its report in 1980 and was placed
before Parliament in April 1982, but the report was kept in the backburner by
the Congress Government. It was only on August ih 1990, that the then
Prime Minister, Mr. V P Singh of the National Front Government announced
that the Mandai Commission Report would be implemented, giving job
reservations of 27 % to Other Backward Classes. This was to the already
existing reservations for Scheduled Castes and Tribes, which was 22.5 %. It
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was following this that the West Bengal Government set up the "Other
Backward Classes Committee" on March 151h 1994, vide MP-8 (1) /94.
Various Nepali communities competed to get OBC status. Aware of the
various privileges and facilities in education and employment got by the
Bhutias, Yolmos Lepchas and Sherpas, who are the Scheduled Tribes of the
region, some of the Nepalis even tried to project themselves as Non - Hindu
Tamang Buddhist, mainly to be identified as Scheduled Tribes. All political
parties, the CPI (M), GNLFand AIGL demanded that all Nepalis should be
included as OBCs. They were anxious that if only a few Nepali groups were
classified as Other Backward Classes, it would split the Nepali society.
The West Bengal Government in 1995 had recognized only some of
the Nepali castes and sub-castes as OBCs, namely, Bhujel, Newar, Mangar
(Thapa, Rana),Nambung, Sampang, Bungcheng, Thami, Jogi and Dhimal. 14.
In neighboring Sikkim, Sikkim Government Gazetteer on OBC had laid
down "After having examined the recommendations of the Mandai
Commission with respect to declaring Socially and Educationally Backward
Classes (SEBC) or Other Backward Classes (OBC) in Sikkim, the State
Government hereby recognizes the following communities as Socially and
Educationally Backward Classes or OBCs for the state of Sikkim. Namely,
Bhujel, Gurung, Limboo, Rai, Mangar, Sunuwar and Tamang .(Limboo
includes Tseng, Subba and Yakthungba. Sunuwar includes Koincha I
Mukhia).15.
In fact the division of the Nepali community into OBC and NBC (Newar,
Bahun and Chettri) or the exclusion of the NBC in the OBC was blamed on
the Sikkim Sang ram Paris had (SSP) leader, Mr. N B Bhandari. Soon after the
Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF) leader, Mr. Pawan Chamling became the
Chief Minister of Sikkim in the first week of April 1995, the Official Language
Bill was passed. This provided official recognition to six more languages
namely, Rai, Newar, Tamang, Sherpa, Mangar and Gurung, in addition to the
already existing languages of Nepali, Lepcha, Bhutia and Limbu, thus taking
the number of official languages in the state to ten. 16.
As pointed out earlier, the Nepali community consists of coming
together of various people having their own cultures and tradition. No one
particular tradition can be pinpointed of being typically Nepali. They have
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been living in harmony with each other, assimilation and acculturation among
them has taken place. It would be a danger to the entire Nepali community if
anyone of these communities would adopt a separate ethnic identity. There is
no clear cut line of demarcation between the forward and backward classes
too.
It was mainly because of this that the leaders of both Darjeeling and
Sikkim demanded the same backward class status to the entire Gorkhas
under the DGHC and Sikkim. Discrepancies would lead to social tension and
would affect the peaceful community sense that was prevalent till present.
Today under the DGHC, all Nepali communities including the Rai,
Mangar, Gurung, Bhujel, Jogi, Thami, Newar, Sunuwar have been included in
the OBC list except the Bahuns and the Chettris. Even the Nepali Scheduled
Castes namely the Kamis, Damais and Sarkis were to be included as Other
Backward Classes. An Anti-Casteism Forum had been formed requesting the
Nepali Scheduled Castes to be OBCs. But it was the tireless efforts of the All
India Nepali Scheduled Caste Association (AINSCA), an apolitical and non
governmental organization that succeeded in excluding the Nepali Scheduled
Castes from being included in the OBC list. Today they are still included as
Scheduled Castes, a facility they have been enjoying since August 101h 1950.
CONCLUSION
The Tripartite talks between the Centre, State and GNLF in 1988
had given a semi-autonomous council to the hill people of Darjeeling, the
Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. The people seemed pleased with the insertion
of the word "Gorkha" in the Council as they felt their identity issue would be
solved. They would now identify themselves as Gorkhas of Indian origin,
different from the Nepalese of Nepal. The DGHC was to meet the demands
and needs of the local community, so that people could have a stronger voice
in decision making, planning and implementation of development objectives.
Unfortunately, the running of the DGHC under the GNLF showed that it
added many woes to the already existing problems of the people, instead of
solving them. The State Government is also to be blamed. Although the
DGHC enjoys freedom to prepare development plans and budgets for the hill
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areas, they cannot be implemented without the approval of the State
Government. Moreover, it has been created under an act of the state
legislature and not under an act of Parliament. Its creation is political rather
than constitutional. The DGHC is run only by a handful of politicians and the
local people still suffer from oppression and deprivation. The granting of the
OBC status only to some Nepali communities is another failed attempt by the
government to understand the Nepali society with all its complexities.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Himalaya Today, New Delhi, September 1988.
2. Quoted in Dr. D K Sarkar and Dr Dhrubjyoti Bhawmick, Empowering
Darjeeling Hills: An Experience with Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council,
Indian Publishers Distributors, Delhi ,2000, pp.1 00.
3. The Telegraph, Calcutta, July 30th 2005.
4. The Telegraph, Calcutta, June 5th 2006.
5. Dilip Sarkar and D Bhawmick, op.cit., pp.173.
6. ibid., pp. 175.
7. A S Narang, "Ethnic Conflicts and Minority Rights," Economic and
Political Weekly, July 6th 2002, pp. 2696-2699.
8. Article VIII of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Nepal and
India, dated July 31st 1950.
9. Earlier the GNLF had helped the Congress candidate to win the 1989
and 1991 elections.
10. Leaders of CPRM include two time MP and former State Animal
Husbandry Minister, Mr. Tamang Dawa Lama, former Lok Sabha
member, Mr. R B Rai and party spokesman, Mr. D S Bomzon.
11. Mr. R B Rai's comment, The Statesman, March 18th 1999.
12. Very few Bhutias are seen playing an active role in politics in the
Darjeeling Hills and there are even fewer Bhutia politicians. The other
well known Bhutia politicians in the hills were Sonam Wangyal Ladenla,
who has already been mentioned in the earlier chapters. The next
important Bhutia politician was Mr. Tenzing Wangdi from Kalimpong.
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He was the first from Darjeeling to graduate from Presidency College,
Calcutta and in 1929 he completed his law studies from Calcutta
University. He was a member of the Congress party and contested
elections for the Legislative Assembly from the hills, from the Naxalbari
- Phansidewa constituency and remained undefeated for three terms.
He also became the Deputy Minister in Charge of Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes Welfare. Information got from personal interview
with Dr. Sonam Wangyal Bhutia, a practicing Doctor and Writer.
13. A S Narang, Indian Government and Politics, Gitanjali Publishing
House, New Delhi, 1992, pp. 607.
14. Tl1e Calcutta Gazette, December 151 1995, Government of West
Bengal, Scheduled Castes and Tribes Welfare Department.
15. Sikkim Government Gazette on OBC, Gangtok, June 2nd 1994, No.60.
Government of Sikkim, Welfare Department, Gangtok.
16. Mr. P K Chamling as Cabinet Minister had been expelled from the Nar
Bahadur Bhandari government for inciting the Mongoloid section of the
Nepali community.
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