buddhist visual culture in medieval china
TRANSCRIPT
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Reviews
E U G E N E
Y.
WANG
Shaping the Lotus Sutra Buddhist Visual
Culture in Medieval China
Seattle: UniversityofWashington Press,
2005.
50 1
pp.;
21 color ills.,
119 b/w.
160.00
Eugene Wang's bookon theworldof the
Lotus Sutrain medieval Chinais a new and
challenging contribution
to the
field
of art
history
of
east Asia,
an
ambitious undertak-
ing that exploresthevisual cultureof the
most importantand popular Buddhist scrip-
ture
in
China. While Wang's main focus
is
on
the
popular genre
of
painting called
transformation tableaux Jingbian) found
among muralsin the cave templesatDun-
huang,
he has no
hesitation
in
turning
to a
wide range
of
visual
and
textual m aterials
to
outline
the
proper spatial, temporal,
and
cognitive contextsofLotusSutraimagery.
ShapingtheLotus Sutra
is
also
a
book about
the complicated relation between text
and
image, including
the gap
between textual
and pictorial representation (p. xiv) that
Wang bridgesin an unconservative method-
ological manner. Instead
of
treating
Chi-
nese
Lotus
Siitradepictions
in a
systematic
chronological order, Wang takestheLotus
Sutraasa linchpinfor observations about
Buddhist pictorial
art and
culture
of
mainly
the seventh
and
eighth centuries
and
carries
these observations beyond traditionalart
historical categoriesandconsiderationsof
iconography.
O neofWang 's major claimsistbat a cer-
tain mental topography
or
imaginary world
(p .
xiv)
shaped
Lotus Sutra
representations
and determined what was depictedand how
it was depicted,aswellaswhat wasnot de-
picted
at
all. This position causes Wang
to
overemphasize
the
role
of the
individual
painter (see especially chapters2 and 5),
almostto theneglectof theinfluenceof
wealthy don ors, workshops,
and
clergy mem-
bers who advised painters
and
craftsmen
in
religious matters. 'In thecourseofhis book
Wang elucidates acollective 'proto pictu re,'
or mental picturethe sort
of
stuff that
dreams
are
made
of, so to
speak
(p. 75).
The main strength of the book liesin
Wang's ability
to
analyze
and
describe visual
objects according
to
their inherent composi-
tional principles,
an
ability that distin-
guishesanexcellentarthistorian fromthe
common observer
of
art.
In
this respect,
chapter
5,
titled Mirroring
and
Transfor-
mation,
is
truly outstanding
in
detecting
the guiding principles
of
the visual cultu re
of world making
(p.
xiii).
He
knows
how to
surprisehis readers with unexpected,and
eye-opening, juxtapositions
of
Buddhist
and
non-Buddhist pictorial schemes
and
illumi-
nating diagrams.In addition, thebookof-
fers numerous side-by-side illustrations
of a
certain sculptureor a paintingin photo-
graphs
and in
drawings, sometimes even
in
rubbings. Theseare helpful devicesfor the
reader
to
survey quickly
the
visual materials.
Fo rallthis,thebookischaracterized byless
than thorough research,
and
this reader was
often puzzledbyconclusions th atdid not
appear
to
match
the
visual evidence.
In
the
first chapter, Wang deals with
the
motifof the Many Treasures Stupa from
chapter 11
of theLotus
Sutra.
His aim is to
showhowtbis very popu lar imageof tbe
twin Buddbas Sakyamuni
and
Prabhtaratna
sitting sidebysidecan beconnected to pre-
Buddbist models
in
China, since
it
was
un-
knownin Indiaandcentral Asia. Further,
tbe Many Treasures Stupa motif consti-
tute s]a locus around whicha topography
of visionary experien ce could
be
built
(p . xxiii)
for the
further development
of the
imagery
of theLotus Sutra.
Wang then
dis-
cusses several versions
of the
Many Trea-
sures Stupa motifand their accompanying
votive inscriptions, from
the
first extant wall
paintinginCave169 atBinglingsi (420 CE)
to sculpted images
in the
cave temples
of
Yungang,theearliestonedatedto 489 CE
in
the
imperially donated Cave
5.
In Yungang Cave 38, wbich was founded
by
a
certain
Wu
family
in the
early sixth
century, Wang finds
a
good example
of a
cave whose tempora l-spatial schem e. . . is
remarkably consistent, which
he
describes
asa chronotope (p.55). While themain
wall
is
dominated
by an
image
of the
Many
Treasures Stupa,theside wallsare occupied
by depictions
of the Six
Buddhas
of tbe
Past, Buddha Sakyamuni,andMaitreya.The
author identifies Buddha Sakyamuni
in a
pointed arcb nicheand hispredestinedsuc-
cessor,
the
bodhisattva Maitreya, above
in a
trabeated nicheon theeast wall.He points
out that
the
Buddha figure seated with
pen-
dant legson the west wall also represents
Maitreya,
as the
trabeated niche
in
which
he
sits indicates.In this cavehe identifies two
distinct spatial
and
temporal realms
(p. 57)
in alluding
to the two
aspects
of the
Mai-
treya cult, well known since Jan Na ttier 's
study
of
1988,^ namely,
the
ascent
to
Tusita
Heaven, where the bodhisattva Maitreyacan
be
met
here
and
now,
and the
descent
to
Maitreya's paradise
in
Ketumati, where
tbe
Buddhist believers might join his Three
assemblies under
the
Dragon Flower Tree
thereand in th efuture (Wang's italics).
Wang prefers
to
identify
tbe
west wall
Bud-
dhaas Maitreya Buddha presiding overthe
Tusita Heaven
and
greeting
the
newly
ar-
rived deceased soul (p. 57).However,he
gives
no
explanation why Maitreya should
be depicted twiceinTusita Heaven , firstas
a bodhisattva
and
second
as a
Buddha. Tbis
doesnot make sense because Maitreya will
achieve Budd bahood
in our
world
and not
in Tusita Heaven, albeitin a distant future.
It turns
out
that Wang needs
the
Maitreya
Buddha
in
Tusita Heaven in terpreta tion
because
of the
motif
of
flying
apsaras,or
heavenly musicians, that
is
more p rom inen t
on thenorthandwest walls tha n it is on the
east wall
(but not, as he
states
on p. 65, to-
tally absent) .Thefiyingapsarasservehim as
a station
on the
way th at
the
soul
of the Wti
family's deceasedson issupposed to take
from
the
Many Treasures Stupa upward
to
the ceiling, where more apsaras ride fantas-
tic animals,
and
tben further
on to the so-
called Buddha Maitreyain Tusita Heaven,
where
two
newborn figures
on
lotuses
are
shownon the trapezoidal arch abovethe
Budd ha niche. Again, since tbis widely used
motifof newborn figuresisalso foundon
the arch
of the
opposite wall, where
the
bodhisattva Maitreya sits,itcannotbe ex-
ploited
for
this interpretation.
Wang's treatment
of
Yungang Cave
38
exemplifies someof them ethodological
flaws
in
ShapingtheLotus Sutrathat might
be
characterized as acombination ofnegli-
gence
and
interpr etation toward
a
predeter-
minedend.Thisis also evidentin Wang's
new
and
provocative look
at the
Wei Wen-
lang stela dated to 424CE,so far theearli-
est known stela
of a
distinct Buddhist-Daoist
flavor (figs.1.22-23). Since Wang considers
tbe Wei Wenlang stela
to be an
importan t
link between
Han
funerary carvings
and the
Many Treasures Stupa motif from
theLotuj
Sutra,
he
identifies
the two
figures inside
th e
big
niche
on the
obverse
as
Sakyamuni
and Prabhtaratna.
The
fact that
the
figure
tothe left doesnot look Buddhistat all but
wears
a
Daoist gown
is
explained
as not un-
usualfor theearly fifth century, wbenBud-
dhism still borrowed many concepts,
as
well
as terms, from the indigenous Daoist reli-
gion. While Wang
has a
po in t
in
arguing
thatthewordingfodaoxiangof thevotive
inscription might well
be
understood
as an
imageof tbeBud dhist Way insteadof a
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B U L L E T I N S E P T E M B E R 2 0 0 8 V O L U M E X C N U M B E R 3
Buddhist and Daoist image, his further
conclusions about the overall composition
of the stela are less convincing. As in the
case of Yungang Cave 38, he reconstructs a
symbolic topography traversed by the spirits
of Wei's deceased parents (p. 45) along
the four sides of the stela. In fact, this as-
sumed movement around the stela explains
neither the change of hand gestures in the
two Daoist-clad figures on the left-hand side
of the stela that are still called Budd has
nor the identity of the figure on the reverse,
which resembles a pensive bodhisattva but
one wearing a secular, or Daoist, robe.
Wang sees in this figure a meditative Mai-
treya image that marks the end of the jour-
ney of the deceased souls. This identifica-
tion is problematic . Asjung hee Lee has
demonstrated, not one single pensive bodhi-
sattva figure in early Chinese Buddhist art
can be identified as an image of Maitreya.^
Rather, these figures represent Prince Sid-
dhartha. * Interpretations of the Wei Wen-
lang stela as a Buddhist-Daoist stela^ or, as
Wang puts it, a monstro us hybrid yoking
hetero geneo us universes together (p. 41),
seem more reasonable, particularly in light
of numerous Buddhist-Daoist stelae in the
museum s of Yaoxian and Lintong in China
and in the Chicago Field Museum. These
stelae date from the sixth century on and
clearly illustrate how a particular Daoist ico-
nography was formed, first by borrowing
from B uddhist iconography, then by estab-
lishing its own iconographie formulas.^
To justify the journey of the soul inter-
pretation, Wang proposes that the composi-
tional scheme of a carriage procession
placed immediately beneath a niche with
two figures sitting side by side, as found on
the Wei Wenlang stela, was derived from
Han tomb carvings and bricks and repre-
sents a boundary-crossing situation
(p . 41). This might be true for the two
smaller figures sitting in an open building
to the lower left of the main niche of the
Wei Wenlang stela that are identified as the
donor's parents in an inscription. But to
extend this argument to the twin figures of
the main niche stretches it too far.
In laying out chapters 2 and 3 in the in-
troduction, Wang promises a new icono-
graphie identification of the early-eighth-
century
Lotus Sutra
tableau in Cave 217 at
Dunhuang, which he places in the tradition
of an imaginary topography (p. xxiv). In
an attempt to identify the scenes narrated
clockwise, starting from the lower right cor-
ner of the composition, he looks through
all the chapters of the Lotus Sutrafor textual
cues, and he finds them not only in the
well-known parable of the Burning House
from chap ter 3 but also in the four peace-
ful acts of bodhisattvas in chapte r 14, the
story of the Medicine King from chapter 23,
and , last bu t not least, in the Form er Af-
fairs of King Wonderful A dorn men t from
chapter 27, which justifies the host of royal
persons whom Wang identifies on the left
side ofthe tableau (fig. 2.10). At times
Wang turns to sources outside the
Lotus
Sutra
for identification, for example, when
he explains the two figures next to a skele-
ton, one kneeling and one standing (fig.
2.11 and p. 92), as two princes practicing
the Lotus Samadhi, which had been de-
scribed by the founder of the Tiantai
school, Zhiyi (538-597) in his
Mohe
zhiguan
as partly walking and partly sitting ban-
xing banzuo).
This association seems far-
fetched; it does not correspond to what is
depicted, since the second figure is not
walking at all but standing next to the body,
slighdy bending forward, with his arms
reaching out for the deceased in a gesture
of mourning and despair. The new icono-
graphie identification Wang introduces also
includes his recognition of the celestial
spheres on top of the painting as the Sum-
mit of Being AkanisthaHeaven), inhabited
by ancestral spirits, which nicely fits into his
otherworld scenario of Chinese medieval
Buddhism.
To cut a long story short, thejingbian
painting on the south wall of Cave 217 has
recently, and more convincingly, been iden-
tified as an illustration of the Sutra of
the
Dharani of the Jubilant
orona
(Taisho no.
967.19.349-53). This identification has been
accepted and comm ented on by Wang
Huimin from the Dunhuang Research Insti-
tute . ' According to the new interpretation,
the right side of the panel in Cave 217 tells
the story of Buddhapalita, traditionally re-
garded as the translator of the D harani of
the
JubilantCorona, who traveled from Khotan
to China and met an old man on Mount
Wutai. This old man advised Buddhapalita
to return to his home country immediately
to fetch theJubilant Corona. When the old
man suddenly disappeared, Buddhapalita
recognized him as a divine manifestation
and traveled to central Asia. Buddhapalita
finally brought the
siitra
to China and pre-
sented it to the emperor, who gave orders
for its translation. The scene in Cave 217 of
Buddhaplita's encounter with the old man
compares nicely to the large mural Manifes-
tations
on Mount Wutaion the west wall of
Cave 61 at Dunhuang, where it is provided
with an explanatory text in a cartouche.
Now we understand that the city with a
four-gated stupa inside, identified by Wang
as the Phantom City of the
Lotus
Sutra,rep-
resents the place in central Asia where Bud-
dhapalita found theJubilantCorona. T he
large palace compound underneath is by no
means an illustration of the parable of the
prodigal son; it actually shows the palace of
the Chinese emperor, to whom the scrip-
ture is presented. The scenes at the bottom
and left side of the painting depict ritual
uses of the
Jubilant orona
and the benefits
that are to be achieved by reciting or teach-
ing it, including recovery from sickness and
safeguarding the passage of the souls of the
deceased to the heavens. Wang's host of
royal persons who listen to the teachin g
Buddha turn out to be Sakra Devnm-In-
dra and his entoura ge, who have just de-
scended for this purpose from his heaven
on top of Mount Sumeru, which is shown
above, inhabited by more celestial beings.
In light of this interpretation of the paint-
ing in Cave 217, which neatly explains the
narrative sequence of all the scenes on the
right side of the painting and the majority
of the remaining scenes, Wang's new inter-
pretation comes across as rather unusual.
Certainly, Wang had remarked earlier that
the celebration of the power and reward of
venerating theLotus Sutrais the dom inant
theme that dictates the assemblage of
scenes of both the bottom and left side of
the tableau (p. 95), but he does not seem
to have considered that it might not be the
Lotus Sutra
illustrated here but a noth er
scripture more concerned with ritual. Wang
observes that on the right side the Phan-
tom City centers on an exotic, foreign-look-
ing stupa of Western Region style (p. 116),
but he did not recognize it as an illustration
of historical events in an uninterrupted nar-
rative, representing the homeland of Bud-
dhapalita.
In ch apter 3, Wang takes the royal sce-
nario of King Wonderful Adornm ent,
which is certainly unusually prominent
compared with other narrative situations
(p . 124), in Cave 217 as the point of depar-
ture to elaborate on the connection of the
donating Ym family with the imperial court
in Chang'an, and to assert the direct impact
of court policy on the formation of the jing-
bian.
He goes so far as to say that Emp ress
Wu Zetian's renewed interest in Daoism
about 700 CE left its traces on the tableau
in its depiction of several types of flights to
immortality that were current in Daoist
scriptures at that time. But since the trans-
formation tableau in Cave 217 does not de-
pict scenes from the
Loties
Sutra,or the story
about King Wonderful A dornment, there is
nothing left to sustain this claim.
In chapters 4 and 5, Wang traces two
modes of visual represen tation exemplified
by the tableau in Cave 217 to earlier exam-
ples in Chinese art. The sequence of narra-
tive scenes in a landscape setting at the bot-
tom left- and right-hand sides of the panel
is classified as a topo grap hic map, while
the central panel of the Buddha preaching
to an assembly, constructed in a perspectival
mo de, is com pared in its visual function to
that of a mirror. Concerning the first visual
mode, Wang lines up Han dynasty vessels
with early topographic representations, bird-
script decorations, a map from the tomb at
Mawangdui, and Daoist charts, in this case
on a mirror from the eighth century, to as-
sert that they belong to a type of talismanic
picture that is continued in the Dunhuang
wall paintings. As one example, he quotes
the so-called
Treasure
Rain Sutrain Cave 321
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REVIEWS: D'SOUZA ON CHU
489
(elsewhere alternatively identified as an il-
lustrationof the
Sutra oftheTen Wheels,
and
thereby closely conn ectedto the cultof
bodhisattva Ksitigarbha), which Wang
con-
sidersto becharacterized by an overwhelm-
ing iconographyofdem onology. In this
sense,the topograph ic mode both maps
out
the
existential anxiety
of the
living
world andassuresitsviewerofsurvivalby
wayof its tortuous form evocativeof the tal-
ismanic graphs
and
maps
(p. 237). In con-
trast, spatial
or
architectural illusionism
is
supposed topresent the ordered world of a
Buddha's Pure Land orparadise. While this
explanation works well with thereliefon a
stela from Wanfosi, which picturesa geo-
metrically arranged Pure Landat the top
and illustrates belowin topographic mode
all the calamities encountered in this world
from the Guanyin chapterof the
Lotus
Sutra,
it
cannot
be
generalized. There
are
instancesof Maitreya paradises that alsouse
the topographic mode of representation
(Dunhtiang Cave445 and Yulin Cave25),
albeit only describing
the
disaster-free,
peaceftil,
and
auspicious state
of the
human
world after the next Buddha has achieved
enlightenment.
Chapter 5 opens with astr iking charac-
terization of the preaching Buddha in the
recessed central panelof the tableau in
Cave
217 as a
mirror image
of its
implied
viewerthat is, us (p. 242). The plane
between the frontally depicted Budd ha
imageand the observer istantamount to a
mirror surface,
or
even
a
gate
to
another
world. Wang takes thisas his starting point
for investigations into the perceptualex-
change between mirrorand painting [that]
reached
its
apex
in the
early eighth
cen-
tury
(p. 249). He
tracks
the
mirror trope
down to traditional Chinese sources, suchas
The Master Embracing Simplicity {Baopuzi),
an d toBtiddhist sources like depictionsof
the so-called karma mirror, the famousmir-
ror installation by thescholar-monk Fazang
(643-712CE), the third patriarch of the
Huayan school,and other casesof textual
evidence
for
minor halls .
He
concludes that
Cave31 in Dunhtiang constitutes sucha
mirror hall. Even though the east ceiling
slopeofCave31 can no longerbe consid-
ered
a
Lotus Sutratableau
(but is,
like Cave
217,
an illustrationof theDhranofthe fubi-
tant
Corona), Wangis to be honored here
for being
the
first scholar
to
identify
the
objects
in
front
of the
meditating figures
or
on top of the architectural structuresas
rectangular mirrors. Wang might also have
remarked that rectangular mirrors seem to
have been used specifically
to
detect
and
wardoff evil spirits,and are thus morein
accord with protective rituals like those
propagated in the
Dhran
of
the fubilant
Co -
rona.
InZhiyi's
Creat Calmingand Contempla-
tion,the following procedure is explained:
Hermitsand asceticsall keep rectangular
mirrorsand hang them behind their seats.
Chosts cannot change their appearancesin
a mirror. When they lookin the mirrorand
recognize themselves, theycan banish them-
selves.In this way,the innerand outer
[spheres]
are
regulated. ^
A
similar explana-
tion isfound inZhiyi's commentaryon the
Vimalakrti-nirdesa-stra: For example, when
a person who practices meditation doesnot
discriminate
bad
ghosts,
he
should install
a
rectangular mirror. Even though aghostis
able
to
delude
the
human
eye, it
cannot
change itsoriginal shape in a mirror . '
Chapter 6 isdedicatedto the four trans-
formation tableaux reliefsof the Longhuta
(Dragon and Tiger Pagoda) of Shentong
monastery in Shandong Province. Wang
identifies the four reliefs iconographically
and then explains their underlying spatial
and temporal schemes.He observes thatthe
reliefson theopposite sides relate to each
other in a spatialized time scheme thathe
calls pastand future for thesymbolic
northsouth axis
and
here
and
there
for
the symbolic east-west axis.Tobuttresshis
case, Wang introdu ces the iconographie
program
of the
relic pagoda
at
Benyuan
monastery
in
Luquan, Hebei Province,
which isexplained in asurviving votivein-
scription. However, Wang overlooks the fact
that the iconographie program of this relic
pagoda
(fig. 6.35)
perfectly matches that
of
the Longhuta (fig.6.21).The relief oppo-
sitetheMaitreyain Tusita Heavenon the
symbolic north sideof the Longhuta should
be identified as Maitreya residingin Ketu-
mati insteadof Sakyamuniin his Pure
Land ofVulture Peak. Moreover, the Bud-
dha statue seated belowtheSubjugationof
Demons reliefof the symbolic east side,op-
posite Amitbhaand his Pure Land, which
Wang does
not
identify,
is
more likely
Sak-
yamuni. Again, Wangdid notcarefully in-
vestigate them aterialshe presentsand thus
misses
an
important point
by
single-mind-
edly followinghislineof interpretation.
Shaping theLotus Sutra
is abeautifullyil-
lustrated book that connectsa dazzlingar-
rayof visual objects under the intellectual
auspicesof notionsof Chinese medieval
world making, specifically throughDun-
huang transformation tableaux.Thebookis
more successful
in
uncovering similar prin-
ciplesofcomposition in different media
from Han to Tang times than it is in inter-
preting these objectsbymarshalingabroad
variety
of
textual sources, from votive
in-
scriptions, historical sources,and Buddhist
canonical scriptures to Daoist scriptures.All
the same,itoffers afreshand attimespro-
vocative perspective
on
unsolved problems
of Chinese Buddhistart.Vividly written, this
book guides the nonspecialist through the
complexitiesof medieval Buddhist visual
culture. Wang knowshow to engagehis au-
dience with materials that the non-Chinese
reader might otherwise never have known.
Albeit Wang's enthusiasmfor hism aterials
is appreciated, mo re consistency in matters
of methodology in Buddhist studies would
have proven useful in harvesting the fruits
ofan inquiry about the relation between
imagesand textsin Chinese Btiddhistcul-
ture. Altogether,
in the
fields
of art
histori-
cal
and
textual studies
it is
certain
to
foster
more lively discussion
and
debate.
And
that
isno small achievement.
CLAUDIA WENZEL isresearchfellow in the
project Buddhist Stone Scriptures
in
China
at theHeidelberg Academy ofSciencesand
Humanities [Heidelberger Akademie derWissen-
schaften, Buddhistische Steinschriften in China,
Seminarstrasse 4, 69117 Heidelberg, Germany].
Notes
1. Sarah E. Fraser, Performing
the Visual: The Prac-
tice of Buddhist Wall Painting in China and Cen-
tralAsia, 618-960
(Stanford: Stanford Univer-
sity Press, 2004).
2. DanNattier, TheMeaningsof the Maitreya
Myth:ATypological Analysis, in
Maitrtya, the
Future
Buddha,
ed.Alan S ponbergand Helen
Hardacre (Cambridge: Cambridge LJniversity
Press,
1988), 23-47.
3. Junghee Lee, TheOriginsand Development
of
the
Pensive Bodhisaitva Images
of
Asia,
rtihus AsiaebS,
nos. 3-4 (1993): 3n-.57.
4.
Afact observedin the reviewof Wang's book
by MiaoZhe, Yishushi zhongdevvenxianyii
'jiafa' [Textu al sourc esand dom estic disci-
pline in thehistoryofarts],
Dushu
(May
2006): 112-22.
5. Dorothy C. Wong,
Chinese Steles: Pre-Buildhist
and Buddhist
Us e
ofa Symbolic Form(Honolulu:
Universityof Hawai'i Press, 2004), 109-14,
who offers a more cautious analysisoficons,
donors,
and
votive inscription
on
this stela.
6. Ibid.; and Jean M.Jam es, Some Iconographie
Problems inEarly Daoist-Buddhist Sculptures
in China,
rchives of Asian Art
42
(1989):
71 -
76 .
7.
Wang Huimin, Cheng Tang shiji Dun huang
Foding zuns heng tuolu oni jing kaoshi [Inves-
tigations in the Siitra of
t he
Dhran of the Jubi-
lantCorona
atDunh uang from High Tang
dynasty] (pa per presen ted atthe Joint Semi-
na ron BuddhistArt,Yale Universityand Dun-
huang Academy, Jtily 11, 2006).
8. Wang Huimin, Dunhuang 321ku, 74 ku Shi-
km jingbian kaoshi [Investigationsin the
transformation tableauxof the
SutraoftheTen
Wheels
in Caves321 and 74 at Dunhnang],
Yishushi yanjiu6 (December 2004).
9. Zhiyi,
Great Calming and Contemplation,
T. 46,
n o .
1911, p. 116, a21-24 , trans. ChineseElec-
tronic Tripitaha Collection,
Feb.
2007: Taisho
Tripitaka Vol. 1-55 85; Shinsan Zokuzokyo
(Xuzangjing), Vot. 1-88,
CD-ROM, CBETA
(Chinese B uddhist Electronic Text A ssociation).
10. Ibid.,T. 38, no. 1778, p. 644, c8-9.
PETRA TEN DOESSCHATE
HU
The Most Arrogant
Man in
France:
GustaveCourbet
and
the N ineteenth-
Century Media Culture
Princeton: Princeton University Press,
2007.246 pp.; 49
color ills.,
88 b/w.
$45.00
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