bauhaus, design, ethics
DESCRIPTION
An essay on the Bauhaus' relationship to craft, design and capitalism.TRANSCRIPT
In 1919, Walter Gropius, putting on his best hierophant's voice, declared that the goal of the
Bauhaus was to help create a new unified art (reaching its apogee in Gropius' own discipline,
architecture) “which will rise one day towards heaven from the hands of a million workers like the
crystal symbol of a new faith.” In the process, architecture and the 'fine arts' would be restored to a
state of grace from which they had fallen. They would be “rescued” from their respective
“isolation” in the Goshen of the “salon” and given back their “architectonic spirit.”1
Although this proclamation, which was accompanied by Lyonel Feiniger's woodcut,
“Cathedral of Socialism,” was more headily messianic in its tone than was typical for Gropius, it
was dealing with issues that had already concerned him before the German Revolution, before even
the first world war, and which would continue to concern him all his life.
In “The Theory and Organization of the Bauhaus,” written four years after the
“Proclamation,” Gropius once again returned to the subject, more systematically and at greater
length. Here we learn that the “'academy'”
shut off the artist from the world of industry and handicraft, and thus brought about his complete isolation from the community. In vital epochs, on the other hand, the artist enriched all the arts and crafts of a community because he had a part in its vocational life...
With the development of the academies genuine folk art died away. What remained was a drawing room art detached from life.
Worse, the “lack of all vital connection with the life of the community led inevitably to barren
aesthetic speculation” on the part of fine artists. For Gropius, art has suffered a “disastrous
secession … from the workaday life of the people” so that our entire aesthetic life is impoverished.2
In registering this impoverishment, Gropius was standing in an honourable and, by then,
well established tradition stretching through the architect and designer, Henry van de Velde and
going at least as far back as William Blake. Although the issue is rarely spoken of in the dire
apocalyptic terms of a Blake or a Gropius, it is in fact an anxiety that continues to be felt to this day,
1 Walter Gropius, “The First Proclamation of the Weimar Bauhaus” in Bauhaus 1919-1928 ed. Herbert Bayer, Walter Gropius, and Ise Gropius (Boston: Charles T. Banford Company, 1959), p. 16.
2 Walter Gropius, “The Theory and Organization of the Bauhaus” in Bauhaus 1919-1928 ed. Herbert Bayer, Walter Gropius, and Ise Gropius (Boston: Charles T. Banford Company, 1959), pp. 21-24.
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and several attempts have been made to explain its existence which cut rather deeper than Gropius'.
Terry Eagleton suggests that the retreat of art from life into an autonomous existence is a
kind of pressure release valve for humanity's aesthetic impulses which are not easily accommodated
by the narrow (and typically philistine) instrumentality of commodity production. For Eagleton,
“Art comes to signify pure supplementarity, that marginal region of the affective/instinctual/non-
instrumental which a reified rationality finds difficulty incorporating.” But this occurs precisely via
art's integration “into the capitalist mode of production” because when art becomes, in and of itself,
a commodity, “it is released” from its older ties to the world.3
Esther Leslie, channelling Walter Benjamin, suggests that the retreat of art into itself can be
understood in terms of a “schism within the bourgeois class.” The isolated artist is here the figure of
the “critical bourgeois bohemian” in “defiance against philistine segments of the class” who come
to regard the producers of art as “redundant” and perhaps too devoted to ideals to be quite
trustworthy.4
Both authors equate this phenomenon with the “moment of modernity.”5
It is clear that any systematic history of the divorce of art from life would have to take into
account both these arguments, among others. Nevertheless, what both Leslie and Eagleton show is
that the divorce of art from life is a structural tendency for our aesthetic life under capitalism,
although one which unfolds unevenly and over time. To historicise this further, it is surely
significant that even in Germany the two people generally credited with bringing attention to this
divorce are English: John Ruskin and William Morris6. England had had its bourgeois revolution
long before Germany finally overthrew the Kaiser, and it was also in England that the Industrial
Revolution began – it is hardly surprising, therefore, that England would also engender the first
protests against that period's effects upon the aesthetic life of its people (although it is true that
Morris would only gain the theoretical framework with which he thought through this protest via
3 Terry Eagleton, The Ideology of the Aesthetic (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), pp. 367-368.4 Esther Leslie, Walter Benjamin: Overpowering Conformism (London: Pluto Press, 2000), p. 184.5 Eagleton, Ideology of the Aesthetic, p. 368. Leslie writes “Modernism begins in this period of coerced
marginalization” – which she dates as being around 1852 in the France of Napoleon III (p. 184).6 The are explicitly named in “The Theory and Organization,” p. 21.
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his engagement with the ideas of a German revolutionary: Karl Marx).
And it is in Morris' life, work and writing that Gropius, as well as the rest of the staff and
students at the Bauhaus, would have had the first model for the “reunion between creative artists
and the industrial world”7 which was so sought after. Morris gives three closely interrelated reasons
for what he regarded as the degraded state of the so-called “decorative arts,”8 the first is capitalist
alienation which makes labour into a drudge and so obviates the very possibility of art in its
products (Morris, after Ruskin, defines art as “man's expression of his joy in labour.”). According to
Morris, the “modern state of society,” is therefore “founded on the art-lacking or unhappy labour of
the greater part of men.”9
The second has to do with the priorities of capitalist production – put briefly, profits. And
the third is the net result of the development of the division of labour, aided by the particular form
in which capitalism develops the forces of production (especially machinery). Morris predicted that
the full development of this system would lead to production owned by a ruling class blind to
ugliness and indifferent to beauty and managed by technicians directing a labour process so
thoroughly routinised that no space could be required (or even desired) for the labourer's skill and
intelligence.10
Morris' solution to this was the famous workshops of the Firm of Morris & Co. in which the
division of labour was reduced to a minimum and every worker trained to be skilled in as much of
the production process as possible11 – that is to say, Morris' solution was craft work. Although craft
was also to play its role in the Bauhaus, the simple factor of time and development meant that
7 Ibid. 8 He defines these in contradistinction to “Intellectual” art, which “addresses itself wholly to our mental needs … the
[Decorative Arts], though so much of it as is art does appeal to the mind, is always a part of things which are intended primarily for the service of the body.” William Morris, “Art Under Plutocracy” in Political Writings of William Morris ed. A.L. Morton (New York: International Publishers, 1973), p. 59.
9 Ibid. p. 67. This is one of those instances where the fashion of using 'man' as a stand-in for the species is not only irritating, but actually obscures the meaning. Should we translate his definition as “humanity's expression of joy in its (collective) labour” or as “a human being's expression of joy in their labour”? This is an elision of some importance. It would be nice to excuse this phallocentricism on his times, but, in point of fact, Morris was a sexist even by the relatively low standard set by the socialist left of the 1880's.
10 Ibid. p. 70-72.11 E.P. Thompson, William Morris: Romantic to Revolutionary 1st American edition (New York: Pantheon Books,
1977), p.104-105.
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handiwork could not possibly be imagined as a commercially viable basis on which to build a
unification of art with life that would have any meaning for the aesthetic life of the German people.
Morris' model, which never produced affordable work in mass quantities, could not reasonably be
transplanted into the Germany of the 20s.
Gropius created a school centred around craft workshops under the twin direction of a form
master and a craft master, with the intention of allowing students to synthesise the abilities of both
in their own practice. Gropious, who in the “Proclamation” wrote, “Architects, sculptors, painters,
we must all turn to the crafts,” probably thought of this process in terms of art becoming productive
– but in fact, it would be more accurate to say that it tried to make production into art. It is clear
enough from the way the Bauhaus was run that Gropius regarded craft as being aesthetically empty.
The purpose of the craft masters was to provide what was thought of as purely technical know-how
for the workshops, they “were not included in the Masters' Council; they had no votes, and were
consulted only as occasional advisers.”12 Eva Forgacs even quotes Gropius as saying “the
composition corresponds to the historical evolution of the Bauhaus, which owes its concept and
inception not to craftsmen but to artists … And this is a spiritual, not a technical, concept.”13 The
role of craft training is therefore merely to familiarise the students with the nature of materials and
processes so that they would possess in themselves a total understanding of production – the better
to design for production. For Gropius, the “craft workshops [should] develop into industrial
laboratories: from their experimentation will evolve standards for industrial production.”14
The obviousness of this solution prevents us from seeing its true audacity. Gropius was
thoroughly aware of the anxieties regarding division of labour in the factory:
The principal difference between factory production and handicraft lies … in the fact that in the factory each operation involved in manufacturing a product is performed by a different man, whereas the craft product is made entirely by one person.15
12 Eva Forgacs, The Bauhause Idea and Bauhaus Politics Trans. John Batki (Budapest: Central European University Press, 1995), p. 46.
13 Gropius, “An die Werkstattenleiter', 22 April 1922, Bauhaus Archiv, Berlin, Gropius documents, unit no. 7/5, quoted in ibid. p. 47.
14 Gropius, “The Theory and Organisation” p. 25.15 Ibid. p. 25.
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But if Morris believed that this division of labour was partly responsible for the sorry aesthetic
quality of its products and therefore needed to be resisted, Gropius solution is to follow this division
all the way through. He was essentially theorising a new branch of labour emerging at this time
within the total social division of labour: aesthetic labour. Paradoxically, it is precisely by accepting
the reifying logic of capitalist production which threatened to expunge art from everyday life that
art's place there could be guaranteed.
The formal implications of this strategy are perhaps best exemplified in the chairs of Marcel
Breuer. His tubular chairs in particular (figure 1), which he began to develop in 1925, represent a
high watermark for clean and efficient modernist design. They are constructed from extruded and
bent metal tubes, making use of no more nor less material than was strictly required for comfort and
stability, and stretched fabric made from steel-thread for the seat and back rest. The Bauhaus'
insistence on familiarity with materials and techniques is clearly on display in the soundness of its
design and the innovative use of the chrome-plated tubes, while its pleasing and unassuming
neatness display an elegance and facility with form that is still imitated today.
No doubt with such objects in mind, Forgacs claims that the “Bauhaus objects made” in this
period are “flexible,” “graceful,” and possess an “aesthetic appeal”16 – she is wrong on two counts.
The first is in her definition of 'aesthetic appeal' which here can only mean roughly 'nice looking.'
She is thus operating under a fairly careless understanding of the aesthetic (which I have also had to
make some use of in this essay), but if by 'aesthetic appeal,' we were to mean instead an appeal to
the affective or the libidinal (which Eagleton suggests we should), then it would have to be pointed
out that this is precisely what the designers of the Bauhaus had managed to expunge from their
designs by the mid to late twenties.
Secondly, she is making an ontological error. To understand this, and in order, furthermore,
to understand the transformation that art underwent in its attachment to industrial design at the
Bauhaus, it is useless to look at a single chair: Breuer's chairs do not have a singular existence; we
16 Forgacs, The Bauhaus Idea, p. 200.
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need to view them en masse (figure 2). In their multiplied, reiterated, existence, the chairs become
abstractions of themselves. The objects, as it were, are not the real thing. Breuer's 'chair' would not
be diminished by the destruction of a single unit, nor by any number of units, nor by every last
tubular chair in existence. Breuer's chair is not in the objectly chair, but in its design, which has
acquired a Platonic, metaphysical existence that makes the actual chairs the equivalent of so many
(exactly identical) flickering shadows on the walls of a cave. Whatever charms it may possess
belong properly to this essence, the concrete objects are rather the medium by which we access
these charms.
The technical requirements of elevating the idea of an object into its unalterable code that
must be transcribed without error or mutation by material production, means that as a technical
practice, the development of design itself comes to mirror the development of machinery under
capitalism already touched on in the discussion of Morris' production philosophy. As Harvey
Braverman points, out under the rule of capital,
Machinery comes into the world not as the servant of “humanity,” but as the instrument of those to whom the accumulation of capital gives the ownership of the machines. The capacity of humans to control the labour process through machinery is seized upon by management from the beginning of capitalism as the prime means whereby production may be controlled not by the direct producer but by the owners and representatives of capital.
Thus, the unifying feature of mechanisation in the factory is
the progressive elimination of the control function of the worker, insofar as possible, and their transfer to a device which is controlled, again insofar as possible, by management from outside the direct process.17
For Braverman, therefore, (as for Morris) the development of mechanisation in the factory
exacerbates the reification of labour precisely because machinery takes the form of capital – by
definition, an instrument for the domination of labour.
Gropius and the Bauhaus designers turned this into a virtue. As Marcel Fransiscono
observes,
17 Harvey Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degredation of Work in the Twentieth Century (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1974), pp. 193 and 212.
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for Gropius the advantage of [mechanisation] lies just in its assurance that the designer's intentions will be carried out to the last detail and not left to the mercies of incompetent or indifferently minded artisans.18
Breuer's tubular chairs, built from homogenised materials along a regular and machine
formed geometry, are designed precisely to allow and to demand exact repetition at every step of
the production process.19 And although this is in one sense an understandable desire on the part of
an artist eager to preserve the integrity of his work – we should remember that the choice to accept
the role of 'aesthetic labourer' as separate from material production was a deliberate one on the part
of the Bauhaus.20 Furthermore, although this choice was more or less inevitable given their goal to
bring art into industry, this goal itself was not entirely innocent. It was in fact part of a liberal
nationalism which wanted “quality work,” at least in part because this was “necessary in order to
compete in foreign markets.”21
It seems, therefore, that the betrothal of art to industry effected by the Bauhaus came at a
heavy price – and this has to do, in part, with the inability of its theoreticians to see the possibilities
of craft as a distinct aesthetic practice and strategy. The progression of Bauhaus chairs once again
offers a demonstration of this. In 1926, Breuer prepared a tongue-in-cheek film strip which he titled
“A Bauhaus Movie lasting five years,” and listed the author as “life demanding its rights;” a
different chair is in each frame of the strip and every chair is attached to a year (figure 3). The first
is his oppressively solid “African chair” of 1921; this is followed by the much more pleasant and
comfortable looking “chair with coloured wool straps,” which he made with Gunta Stolzl dated
18 Marcel Fransiscono, Walter Gropius and the creation of the Bauhaus in Weimar: The ideals and artistic theories of its founding years (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971) p. 33.
19 This issue offers an opportunity to discuss a related one, that of handiwork. Handiwork is often fetishised – e.g.: John Ruskin or Bernard Leach. I don't think it is sustainable to claim that immediate muscular contact with materials is by its very nature superior to labour mediated by tools or machines. Still, it is the case that most machines and many modern materials are designed precisely to cut the direct producer off from their product, whereas certain materials and processes (while certainly not banishing the possibility of alienation and reification) are by their nature less homogenised and more recalcitrant. Working with such materials and processes necessarily means that each act of production is somewhat distinct from every other. This in turn requires the direct producer to make certain decisions afresh every time – in other words, to apply their skills and knowledge to the subtly different problems posed by each distinct act of production. It is this character which makes them relatively resistant to total reification and open to variability. Such processes are obviously not suited to 'total management' by people standing above the workforce and so are comparatively unattractive for capitalist industry. For this reason, it has generally been left to the crafts and artisan labour to explore their aesthetic potential. I suspect that this, probably more than anything else, is the rational kernel behind the romanticism surrounding the hand.
20 Forgacs, The Bauhaus Idea, p. 104.21 Fransiscono, Walter Gropius, p. 19.
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1921 ½; followed by one of Breuer's “easy chairs,” 1924; then by Erich Dickmann's “kitchen chair,”
which shares the year 1925 with the chair that follows it; one of Breuer's early “Wassily chairs;”
and the final frame is an image of a woman sitting cross legged, suspended in the air, given the date
19??.
Two parallel, and I believe intertwined, progressions are apparent in the film strip. The first
is the increasing de-materialisation of the chairs, culminating in the image of a woman sitting on
nothing at all. The second is the movement from craft to industrial design. This begins with the
African chair, folky, mawkish, ostentatiously a craft object (if not a very good one) is followed by
the three lighter constructions (or perhaps, deconstructions) more and more borrowing the spare,
geometric vocabulary of modernist design but still produced by the artists themselves, and finally
ends with the industrially manufactured Wassily chair.
The link between these two progressions is provided by Breuer himself, who wrote:
A piece of furniture is … in itself impersonal, it takes on meaning only from the way it is used or as part of a complete scheme.
… It must be able to serve both those needs which remain constant and those which vary. This variation is possible only if the very simplest and most straightforward pieces are used...22
For Breuer, therefore, furniture's only goal is functionality. It accomplishes this goal, as we have
seen, via the instrumentalised efficiency of its production, but also by being itself unobtrusive,
invisible (and what better way to achieve this than by replacing the chair with air?).
The kind of relationship to the work required to produce such an aesthetic is, in my view,
precisely one which already sees the work as essentially un-material. What is required is that such
psychological investment as the artist makes is placed not in the executed objects but in their
intellectual conception. Craft works very much in contradistinction to this.
Forgacs opines that “craftsmanship is not merely style and technique, but an approach as
well, a worldview embraced by the traditional folk artist, and craft methods cannot create anything
22 Marcel Breuer, “Bibl. no. 15” in Bauhaus 1919-1928 ed. Herbert Bayer, Walter Gropius, and Ise Gropius (Boston: Charles T. Banford Company, 1959), p. 126.
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contrary to the craft worldview, or transcending it.”23 Apart from the lazy equation of craft with folk
art, I am not really sure what any of that is supposed to mean. She seems, in effect, to be accusing
craft of being ineluctably reactionary – but whatever the claim exactly is, any survey of
contemporary studio crafts would probably convince her that it is less than accurate. What she gets
right, however, is that there is an ethos indigenous to craft production and which is distinct from the
ethos apparent in the kind of industrial design exemplified by Beuer.
The contrast between this design ethos and the one which Gropius himself attributes to craft
production could not be more stark:
The craftsmen sit between the doors of their stalls and [their] work. When a stranger asks about the price of their wares, they answer in a sullen monotone; for they are in love with their work and will not be disturbed. They part only unwillingly even from their finished work.24
Because craft lacks the division between the one who conceives and the one who executes the work,
it is necessarily devoted to the material production of objects. Gropius' craft worker, in fact, is so
invested in the objects they produce (via their unalienated labour), and is apparently so little
enamoured of functionality, that they are hardly willing to sell them at all: a step which would be
necessary if the object's potential to function is ever to be activated. Without taking the
exaggerations of the fable too seriously, the point still stands: contrary to popular belief, craft, as an
aesthetic practice, does not necessarily fetishise functionality. Function is not its goal, it is its idiom
and the typical arena in which it does its aesthetic labour. It works precisely by what it does in
excess of functionality.25
In fact, with its obdurate refusal of industrial divisions of labour, craft processes are by
definition obsolescent in relation to the average standards of capitalist productivity – it already
requires an investment of labour greater than the average. More importantly, precisely because its
23 Forgacs, The Bauhaus Idea, p. 105.24 Walter Gropius, “Baugeist oder Kramertum?” Die Schuhwelt (Pirmasens), no. 37 (October 15, 1919), p. 821. in
Marcel Fransiscono, Walter Gropius and the creation of the Bauhaus in Weimar: The ideals and artistic theories of its founding years (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971) p. 19.
25 I am not aware of any theorist of craft that has put this case quite this baldly. The closest approximate to this formulation that I have come across is Theodore Adorno's claim that “purposefulness without purpose is ... really the sublimation of purpose” from Adorno “Functionalism Today” in Craft in Theory ed. Glenn Adamson (Oxford: Berg, 2010) p. 398.
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aesthetic work exists in its objectly self and not in its design or conception, it cannot afford to be
invisible. Craft objects must insist, as the 'fine arts' do, upon a response to them that is conscious
and operates at the level of the “affective/instinctual/non-instrumental” which Eagleton insists
belongs to a more fully developed aesthetic life – but which, unlike the operation of the 'fine arts,' is
situated in the 'workaday life' of its users. That such a production practice would be absolutely
incapable of penetrating widely into people's general lives under capitalism may at this point be
taken for granted.
It seems therefore that we are left with two alternatives to art's divorce from everyday life.
The first, is a design practice which rescues the aesthetic for life, but only at the expense of
truncating it drastically – and which, moreover, is dependent (to varying degrees) upon capitalist
reification. The second, is a studio craft practice which resists reification and attempts to prefigure
in some dim way an aesthetic life unmarked by art's retreat from the world but which is from the
beginning incapable of actually producing that life at a general level.
Gropius banned politics at the Bauhaus,26 in so doing he cut the school off from participating
in the only process that could have broken the Gordian Knot presented by these two alternatives. It
is tempting and amusing to argue, in moralistic fashion, that the Bauhaus should have raised a
slogan such as 'Neither craft nor design, but social revolution,' but the truth of the matter is that this
would not have saved Germany from Fascism nor the bungling leadership provided by the
revolutionary wing of the German working class (the various anarchists, left communists, and
Spartacists) or the disastrous advice of the Comintern.27
The most likely result of greater radicalism on the part of the Bauhaus staff is simply that
they would have been shut down sooner. What we got instead was one of the most productive
experiments in industrial design of the twentieth century – and the one which made all subsequent
experiments possible. Whatever else one might think of the Bauhaus, its politics, its ethos, or even
26 Forgacs, The Bauhaus Idea, p. 41.27 The best history of the defeat of the German Revolution is Pierre Broue, The German Revolution: 1917-1923, trans.
John Archer (Leiden: Brill, 2005)
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its products – that is no mean achievement.
Work cited:
Adorno, Theodor. “Functionalism Today” in Craft in Theory. Edited by Glenn Adamson. Oxford: Berg, 2010.
Braverman, Harvey, Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degredation of Work in the Twentieth Century. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1974.
Breuer, Marcel. “Bibl. no. 15” in Bauhaus 1919-1928. edited by Herbert Bayer, Walter Gropius, and Ise Gropius, 126. Boston: Charles T. Banford Company, 1959.
Broue, Pierre. The German Revolution: 1917-1923. Translated by John Archer. Leiden: Brill, 2005.
Eagleton, Terry. The Ideology of the Aesthetic. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990.
Forgacs, Eva. The Bauhause Idea and Bauhaus Politics. Translated by John Batki. Budapest: Central European University Press, 1995.
Fransiscono, Marcel. Walter Gropius and the creation of the Bauhaus in Weimar: The ideals and artistic theories of its founding years. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971.
Gropius, Walter. “The First Proclamation of the Weimar Bauhaus” Bauhaus 1919-1928. edited by Herbert Bayer, Walter Gropius, and Ise Gropius, 20-29. Boston: Charles T. Banford Company, 1959.
Gropius, Walter. “The First Proclamation of the Weimar Bauhaus” in Bauhaus 1919-1928. edited by Herbert Bayer, Walter Gropius, and Ise Gropius, 16 Boston: Charles T. Banford Company, 1959.
Leslie, Esther. Walter Benjamin: Overpowering Conformism. London: Pluto Press, 2000.
Morris, Williams. “Art Under Plutocracy” in Political Writings of William Morris. Edited by A.L. Morton. New York: International Publishers, 1973.
Thompson, E.P. William Morris: Romantic to Revolutionary. 1st American edition. New York: Pantheon Books, 1977.
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Figure 1: Marcel Breuer, Chair (B33), 1927-28
32 15/16 x 19 5/16 x 25 3/8"
Source: The collection of The Meuseum of Modern Art
Images:
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Figure 2: Bauhaus Auditorium, chairs by Marce Breuer. 1926.
Source: Bauhaus 1919-1928. edited by Herbert Bayer et al.
Figure 3: A Bauhaus Movie lasting five years
Source: Bauhaus 1919-1928. edited by Herbert Bayer