Why Such Low Running head: WHY SUCH LOW GRADATION RATES AMONG BLACK MALES

Why Such Low Graduation Rates Among Black Male High School Students?

Loretta H.V. Faheem

Capella University

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Why Such Low

Abstract

Graduation rates have become a prominent feature in the landscape of high school reform and

within the larger world of educational policy. Studies conducted over the past several years have

repeatedly demonstrated that far fewer American students are completing high school with

diplomas than had previously been realized (Swanson 2008). Whereas the conventional wisdom

had long placed the graduation rate around 85 percent, a growing consensus has emerged that

only about seven in 10 students are actually successfully finishing high school. Graduation rates

are even lower among certain student populations, particularly racial and ethnic minorities and

males. We must do more for every high school student. Almost half of African-American and

Hispanic students will not graduate at all (Gates 2004).

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Why Such Low

Table of Contents

I. Introduction 4

II. Background and Statement to the Problem 5

III. Research Question 7

Figure 1: National High School Graduation Rates, 2003-2004 7

IV. Rationale 7

V. Theoretical and Conceptual Framework 9

VI. Literature Review 11

VII. Proposed Methodology 16

A. Qualitative Research

1. Educator’s perspective

2. Student’s perspective

B. Research Questions 17

C. Data Collection Procedures 17

VIII. Expected Results 17

IX. Implications for Research and Practice and Diversity and Ethics Considerations 18

X. Conclusion 19

References 21

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Why Such Low I. Introduction

The purpose of this proposal is to study graduation rates in school districts serving

America’s 50 most-populous cities as well as the larger metropolitan areas where they are situated.

Such rates are considerably lower in the largest cities than they are in the average urban setting.

Intense disparities emerge in many of the largest metropolitan areas. About 70% of students

graduate on time with a regular diploma. For Hispanic and Black students, the percentage drops to

about half. Not surprisingly, students served by suburban school systems may be twice as likely as

their urban counterparts to graduate from high school (The Associated Press 2008).

“Dropout factory” is how a high school is viewed when no more than 60 percent of

students who begin as freshmen make it to their senior year. This describes nearly four in 10

across this country; about 1,700 either regular or vocational high schools. This is according to an

analysis of Education Department data conducted by Johns Hopkins for The Associated Press.

That is 12 percent of all such schools, about the same level as a decade ago (The Associated Press

2007). The highest cluster of dropout factories is either in large cities or high-poverty rural areas in

the South and Southwest. Minority student enrollment is significant. The challenges these students

face are well beyond the academic ones. Oftentimes, they need to work as well as go to school or

they are in need of social services (The Associated Press 2008).

Disconnected youth is the term that refers to young people who have been out of school

and work for a year or more. They are not temporarily “idle” but are fully disconnected from the

mainstream worlds of schooling and work. Young Black men are by far the most likely to

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Why Such Low become

“disconnected”. To reverse the negative trends in education and employment that afflicts this

population, a comprehensive set of efforts is needed that will improve their skills and early

employment and prevent disconnection from school and work (Holzer, H. R. (2007) .

II. Background and Statement to the Problem

Of all racial and gender groups, young Black men are by far the most likely to become

“disconnected” from school and work. At the end of the 1990’s, employment rates among less-

educated, young Black men (ages 16 through 24) who were not enrolled in school and not

institutionalized were nearly 30 percentage points below the employment rates of young whites

and Latinos with comparable characteristics. These gaps grew even larger during the labor

market downturn that began in the year 2001. According to recent data from the National

Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY97), over 30 percent of young Black men drop out of high

school – a higher rate than is observed for any other group – and by some estimates, the dropout

rates among inner-city youth are much higher than that (Holzer, 2007).

The curricula in most public schools also fail to adequately engage Black students.

Disinterested students who are labeled as problems or disruptive often become the victims of

“zero tolerance” policies. These policies disproportionately impact African American students

and, thereby, contribute to the school-to-prison pipeline, especially among Black males (Knaus,

2007).

The risk of prison incarceration rises steeply with lower levels of education. Among

Black males, 30.2 percent of those who did not attend college had gone to prison by 1999.

Nearly 60 percent of Black high school dropouts born from 1965 through 1969 had served time

in state or federal prison by the time they reached their early 30’s. Thus, over the past 30 years,

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Why Such Low the risk of incarceration has grown for both Blacks and whites. However, it has grown the

fastest among men who have a high school diploma or less (Pettit, 2004).

Jimerson et al (2000) found a long dropout pathway. Psychosocial factors early

in development in the family, including the home environment, the quality of care giving and

maternal attachment, were powerful predictors of high school status at the age of 19. Strong

predictors in their analysis included being male; poor quality of early care giving; problem

behaviors and low achievement in 1st grade; low parent involvement in 6th grade; and poor peer

relations, problem behaviors and low achievement at age 16.

Other predictors that a student is likely to drop out are family characteristics such as:

socioeconomic status, family structure, family stress (such as death, divorce, family relocations),

as well as the mother's age. Students who come from low-income families, are the children of

single, young, unemployed (or underemployed) mothers are considered to be contributing

factors. Low socioeconomic status has been shown to bear the strongest relationship to students'

tendency to drop out. In one study, for example, students of lower socioeconomic status had a

dropout rate four times higher than that of students of a higher socioeconomic status (Alexander,

etal, 2001).

The tendency for students to drop out is also associated with their school experiences.

According to the U.S. Department of Education, among the reason students drop out of school

are: dislike of school; low academic achievement; retention at grade level; A sense that teachers

and administrators do not care about students; and inability to feel comfortable in a large,

depersonalized school setting (U.S. Department of Education 1999).

It has been argued that dropping out is a developmental process with significant markers

on a pathway to dropping out (Jimerson et al., 2000). It’s been discovered that patterns seemed to

be set by 3rd grade and that early events interact with later events to change progress on this

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Why Such Low

pathway. Early care giving starts the process and failing grades or discipline problems in

elementary or middle schools should be seen as “midcourse markers”. Truancy or failing grades in

high school should be viewed as “advanced markers” on this pathway.

III. Research Question

What are the Reasons Behind the High Dropout Rate Among Black Male High School Students?

IV. Rationale

Three new theories devoted to the inequitably poor academic outcomes experienced by

young males of color that may prove to be promising in studying this population are: Steele’s

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Why Such Low (1997) stereotyped threat model; Ogbu’s (1992) cultural-ecological perspective; and Majors and

Billson’s (1992) cool pose theory. While preliminary, these theories begin to explore the social

and cultural factors that can inhibit academic excellence. Steele (1997) argues that while all

students experience anxiety over possible failure in academic settings, individuals who are

members of groups that are viewed as intellectually inferior experience increased anxiety

because personal failure could confirm the negative group stereotype. Accordingly, because

anxiety is aversive, he proposed that members of these groups would seek to reduce anxiety by

detaching their self-esteem from academic outcomes or disidentifying. Theoretically, this

disidentification protects the student’s self-esteem from adverse academic outcomes. Students

who are more identified with academics are more motivated to succeed because there is a direct

linked to higher academic performance. Students not identified with academics, such as Black

males, are less motivated to succeed because there is no contingency between academic

outcomes and self-esteem – good performance is not rewarding and poor performance is not

punishing – leaving those who have disidentified with no compelling incentives to expend effort

in academic endeavors. Disidentified individuals may, therefore, be at higher risk for academic

problems, especially poor grades and dropping out, but also absenteeism, truancy and

delinquency. Steele (1997) further argues that young Black males do not begin schooling

disidentified and that identification with academics can be easily persuaded provided that

appropriate interventions are introduced.

Significant focus has been extended toward a rite-of-passage program as a course of action

for successfully transitioning Black young people into adulthood and fostering positive outcomes

in their lives. The program draws upon traditional African culture in order to impart values,

improve self-concept and develop cultural awareness. Participants perceived the rite-of-passage

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Why Such Low as

a community endeavor that facilitated their transition into adulthood (Piert, H. J. (2007) .

This study proves the social theory that has been espoused for a number of years within the

Black community. If and when positive re-enforcements are extended to young Black males, they

will emulate positive role models. More specifically, if they can see it, they can achieve it.

V. Theoretical and Conceptual Framework

Criminological theory suggests a number of mechanisms linking juvenile justice sanctions

to educational outcomes. Labeling, deterrence and propensity theories suggest different

effects of juvenile justice sanctions on education, and different mediating mechanisms. Labeling

theories predicts a negative relationship between official sanctions and educational attainment.

Deterrence theories predict the opposite, while propensity theories suggest that both official

sanctions and educational outcomes can be explained by stable individual characteristics (Lemert,

1951).

Two versions of labeling theory predict different mechanisms between juvenile justice

involvement and dropout. One version of labeling theory proposes that labeling induces a deviant

self-concept (Matsueda, 1992; Matsueda & Heimer, 1996). This, in turn, leads to deviant behavior

including delinquency, truancy and poor school performance. Disengagement from school,

particularly if it leads to grade retention, increases the likelihood of dropout (Finn, 1989; Jimerson,

Anderson, & Whipple, 2002). Another stream of labeling theory contends that official labeling

leads to further delinquency due to reduced conventional opportunities (Becker, 1963;

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Why Such Low Paternoster

& Iovanni, 1989; Sampson & Laub, 1997). This may also increase the likelihood of dropout due to

reduced resources available to “labeled” youth. Institutional responses to juvenile arrest can lead

to increased risk of dropout through disruption of educational progress. Between 79 and 94 percent

of schools have zero tolerance policies which impose automatic penalties, including suspension

and expulsion, for student offenses (US Department of Education, 1998). While these

zero-tolerance policies are designed to increase school safety, they may also induce labeled

students to drop out.

Sampson and Laub’s (1997) life-course theory of cumulative disadvantage further suggests

that the negative consequences of labeling accumulate faster for those in disadvantaged structural

positions, particularly for the urban poor. According to this theory, disadvantaged youths are less

able to avoid the negative consequences of labeling because they have less access to social

networks.

In contrast to both of these perspectives, propensity theories point to stable individual traits

that account for both offending and high school dropout (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990; Wilson &

Herrnstein, 1985). Propensity theories suggest that any apparent link between sanctions and

dropout is in fact false, as both are caused by common individual traits. In other words, the justice

system adjudicates the most serious offenders, who are prone to drop out of school and continue on

a path of deviant behavior.

A negative and statistically significant relationship would indicate support for deterrence

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Why Such Low theory. Positive and statistically significant results would support some form of labeling theory.

Furthermore, stronger labeling effects for minorities or those living below the poverty level would

be consistent with Sampson and Laub’s (1997) life course theory of cumulative disadvantage.

Jimerson (et al, 2000) argue that dropping out of school is a developmental process, not an

event, but a process influenced by social, political and economic factors. They argue that dropping

out of school is impacted by the coming together of one’s developmental history, educational

experiences and current circumstances. Each of these factors occurs within an arena of power.

In the case of Black males, many well-intentioned reform agendas have missed the mark.

Many face daunting challenges in school just as they are at risk in the larger spheres of society. It is

due, in part, to historical and ongoing inequality in society and institutionalized racism. The

criminalization of Black males such as in racial profiling, the continual disparaging media images

challenged by the NAACP, and the overrepresentation of Black males in state and federal prisons

are similar phenomena that are inextricably linked to educational at-risk conditions Waller (1932). VI. Literature Review

In response to unparalleled federal support and public interest, an unprecedented number

of high school reform efforts have emerged in recent years. High schools are rapidly emerging as

the “next frontier” of education reform. Philanthropic agencies such as the Gates Foundation, the

Carnegie Foundation, and the Open Society Institute have contributed tens of millions of dollars

to innovative programs for reforming American high schools. The No Child Left Behind Act is

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Why Such Low largely an elementary education law, however, high schools are also required to meet its

challenges and reform, if necessary, to address the needs of adolescents who enter unprepared to

do high school–level work. Improving high schools is also immensely important because

Americans continue to view education as a primary mechanism for redressing inequalities in

social life (Knaus, 2007).

Despite efforts to improve ineffective schools and raise academic achievement, there is a

well-documented, lingering achievement gap between affluent and poor students as well as

between White and Black students (Grissmer & Flanagan, 2001). Moreover, there is growing

evidence that low socioeconomic students of color are disproportionately taught by less qualified

teachers and attend deteriorated schools that are racially and socioeconomically isolated

(Darling-Hammond, 1997). In the report “What Matters Most: Teaching for America’s Future,”

Darling-Hammond and her colleagues (National Commission of Teaching and America’s Future,

1996) contended students enrolled in high-poverty and racially isolated high schools are unlikely

to have classroom teachers with certification or college degrees in their field. Such students, they

reported, have less than a 50% probability of taking a course with a math or science teacher

holding a state-issued license and undergraduate degree in the field she or he teaches (National

Commission of Teaching and America’s Future, 1996).

The educational system is the sole compulsory institution in the nation. As such, public

elementary and secondary schools must absorb disproportionate responsibility for ameliorating

the negative effects of inequality in society. Thus, the problems of many public schools are not

necessarily problems that are caused or cured by the schools. They are, instead, rooted in various

societal ills such as poverty, social class biases, and institutional racism. Conventional wisdom

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Why Such Low suggests one of the core purposes of schooling is to embody egalitarian principals such as

democracy and the maintenance of an equal opportunity social structure. It is believed, therefore,

that an ideal American educational system would be both transformative and reproductive. More

specifically, schools should act as a vehicle of social mobility for poor and minority students

while simultaneously helping middle-class students reproduce their social status. Good schools

encourage at-risk students to surpass the level of education of their parents to obtain social

progress (transformative) while allowing affluent students to at least reach the same level as their

parents (reproductive).

Recent national trends suggest Black and other minority students continue to be

disproportionately enrolled in schools in central cities (U.S. Department of Education, 2002). For

many Black high school students, this translates into overrepresentation in large, urban

comprehensive or “zoned” schools that are situated in racially isolated and high-poverty areas.

Academic achievement and graduation rates at these high schools are often very low in

comparison with affluent suburban schools. In the worst cases, less than one quarter of the

student body reaches 12th grade on time (Balfanz & Legters, 1998).

In light of the intractable nature of concentrated poverty, proliferating urbanization and

racial isolation, many scholars and educators have summarily concluded that little can be done

within the context of the existing educational system to significantly improve the conditions for

poor students in general and Black male students in particular (Alexander 2001). Despair about

the current conditions of education is at the core of the ongoing school choice debate. As a result,

some have advocated for establishing alternatives such as innovative all-male academies aimed

at addressing the unique needs of Black males and to buffer them from potential pitfalls.

Although controversial, several such academies have been created during past decades,

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Why Such Low beginning in the Milwaukee Public School District and spreading to other districts throughout

the nation.

The concept of Black adolescent male students as endangered is not new. For decades,

Black male students have been disproportionately at risk of school failure and diminishing life

chances. Numerous studies have chronicled the troubled status of Black male youth in school

and in social life. The metaphor, “endangered species” was based mainly on the increasing

numbers of Black men at risk of school failure and in the criminal justice system coupled with

their shrinking numbers in the higher education pipeline and in gainful employment. Compared

with other groups, Blacks men have higher dropout rates, lower standardized achievement

scores, higher suspension and expulsion rates, higher infant mortality rates, the highest

incarceration rates and the shortest life expectancy (Gibbs, 1998).

Whether it is perceived failure in the labor market or in educational pursuits, Black men

are socialized to view their self-worth as somewhat less than that of others (Hare, 1988) and their

locus of control as relatively lower. Kunjufu (1986) asserted that the social institution that

contributes most flagrantly to the destruction of the aspirations of Black men is the public

education system. He contended that educational institutions have historically evolved a series of

complex features that deny Black men equal access to opportunity. Special education, tracking

and ability grouping and standardized testing are examples of structural educational barriers. In

some cases, according to Kunjufu, learning and school engagement gaps between Black men and

other groups can be observed as early as the fourth grade. Unfortunately, many Black men never

recover from the initial slippage and are relegated to a poor-quality education with few chances

for upward mobility.

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Why Such Low

Considering the normative cultural values embedded in the social, political and economic

institutions of our society, Black men have come to resemble an endangered species. The

endangered status of Black males results from a combination of institutional racism, the inertia

of intergenerational poverty, and an inability to execute and sustain meaningful educational

reform and community development. In the crudest sense and with the exception of a few who

are widely admired, young Black males are largely perceived and stereotyped by one or more of

the five Ds: dumb, deprived, dangerous, deviant and disturbed (Gibbs, 1988). Although these

words are seldom spoken or written, they can reflect mainstream cultural values and are often

reflected in educational policy and practice.

A review of the literature by Jordan, McPartland, Legters, and Balfanz (2000) identified

the following three main components of comprehensive school reform models in high schools:

(a) structural reforms, (b) curriculum and instruction reforms, and (c) professional development

reforms. The first component, structural reforms, refers to policies and strategies aimed at

changing the social and/or physical organization of the school. They include various initiatives

such as career academies, small learning communities, class size reduction, the creation of

interdisciplinary teacher teams and block scheduling. Second, curriculum and instructional

reform refers to attempts to improve the content and delivery of core academic subjects.

Examples include innovative ways of teaching math and English as well as infusing culturally

relevant pedagogy and material into academic courses. Finally, ongoing professional

development refers to any number of training activities for teachers and school leaders aimed at

helping them to address changing dynamics of educational processes.

The broader issue of how staffing, especially teachers, affects a school’s capacity for

change has occurred separately from the discourse on comprehensive school reform. In this vein,

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Why Such Low it is argued that if the current wave of high school reform is to make a positive difference in the

overall schooling experiences of Black men, an important issue must be addressed: the

recruitment of Black male teachers. This issue is rooted in research findings suggesting that race

congruence and cultural synchronization may make a significant difference in motivating Black

students to learn (Jordan et al 2000).

Teacher background characteristics are critical factors in the success or failure of high

school reform. In addition, ascriptive characteristics such as gender and ethnicity/race as well as

achieved factors such as certification, education level and experience are also important. There is

mounting evidence that student engagement and achievement is positively affected by

improvements in school structure, curriculum and teaching and professional development

(Jordan et al., 2000). However, as ineffective high schools slowly improve, the distribution of

academic success within the school can be relatively unaffected. In other words, as the school

begins to manifest positive signs of improvement as a result of reform efforts, the achievement

levels by race/ethnic and socioeconomic status subgroups remain largely unchanged. Thus, the

gap between Black men and other subgroups remain intact.

This assertion is based partly on cultural synchronization theory coupled with an

understanding that overall teacher quality and effectiveness always trumps racial congruence

between students and teachers. That is, effective teachers of any racial/ethnic background are

more preferable for raising motivation and achievement generally and particularly among Black

male students than are unqualified Black teachers. Moreover, Black male teachers, perhaps, have

several important advantages in educating Black adolescents. These include, for example,

strategic use of shared knowledge, modeling appropriate behavior, and in some cases, common

social experiences. The rapport Black male teachers can rapidly establish with Black male

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Why Such Low students through their common cultural heritage can be maintained in the face of social class

differences. The value-added dimension of being exposed to good teachers who are Black men

might be a key factor in raising the probability of success for some Black male students (Holzer

2007) .

VII. Proposed Methodology

A. Qualitative Research

1. Educators’ perspective – The majority of students who enter Baltimore Talent

Development in ninth grade are reading at a fifth or sixth grade level. The position of some high

school principals is that the fact that students are entering high school with such poor literacy

skills raises questions about how much catch-up work high schools can be expected to do. The

unanswered question is whether more pressure should be placed on middle schools and even

elementary schools (The Associated Press).

2. Students’ perspective – A female, 17 years of age, enrolled in a GED program

after dropping out of a Washington, D.C. high school that she describes as huge, chaotic and

violent. According to her, girls got jumped on; boys got jumped on; and the teachers were

fighting and hitting students. Additionally, teachers had low expectations for students which led

to dull classes. A male GED classmate, age 23, attended and left two Washington, D.C. high

schools that were on the “dropout factory” list. According to him, he would’ve liked for

someone to have sat him down and told him that he needed to go to class; that they were going to

work with him; and that they were going to help him. Instead, he had no one (The Associated

Press).

B. Research Questions

a. What do you consider your learning style to be, visual, auditory?

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Why Such Low

b. Does the gender of your teacher matter to you? Why or Why not?

C. Data Collection Procedures

High school students from three schools who attend an after school academic remedial and

enrichment program will be interviewed over a period of three months. Surveys will be sent to the

staff at the end of the first semester. Since students are considered among the “special population”

and because the interviews will be conducted on school property, school officials must give

permission. Thus, written permission is needed for any subject who is a legal minor. Permission

to conduct the interview will be asked of the student as well (Neuman, 2003).

VIII. Expected Results

In a race-conscious society (such as ours), cultural synchronization can be an important

aspect of teaching and learning (Irvine, 1990). Teachers who have shared knowledge and

understandings with students can be better equipped in solving students’ problems and

motivating them to learn. We believe, however, that increasing the number of Black male

teachers alone is not the answer. Instead, we suggest that shared cultural knowledge (endowed as

a result of being a member of the same racial and gender group) can provide a value-added

dimension of teaching and learning, holding constant a teacher’s ability to teach, credentials and

level of experience. Perhaps a wrinkle in this conjecture is that although Black male teachers and

Black male students may share common cultural experiences, teachers are virtually, by

definition, middle class. Complete cultural congruence or synchronization between Black

teachers and Black students almost never exists and can have possible drawbacks. For example,

there are many racially isolated schools having many Black teachers where Black male students

consistently fail. Here, the persistent underperformance of Black male students can perhaps be

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Why Such Low explained by a combination of factors such as inadequate resources, unstable leadership, low

teacher quality, and a host of student inputs such as the intractable conditions brought on by

poverty. Thus, although there is a potential for positive influences, recruiting Black male

teachers to teach Black male students cannot be viewed as a panacea.

IX. Implications for Research and Practice and Diversity and Ethics Considerations

Primary focus of my integrated project will be on the target population of Black males between

the ages of 10 and 20. A comparison analysis of other cultures as well as females will be

illustrated. In my efforts to illustrate and document the gross disparities relative to educational

funding in this country, not to include both genders and not to be culturally diverse with my

information would be an exercise in futility (Knaus, 2007). My considerable research on this

subject matter has enhanced my position relative to the consequences of inequality of

educational funding in the Black communities.

Relative to diversity, only about 58% of Hispanic students and 53 percent of Black

students

will graduate on time with a regular diploma, compared to 80% of Asian students and 76% of

white students (EPE, 2007).

The U.S. Department of Justice provides written waivers for researchers studying

criminal

behavior (Neuman, 2006, p. 134). Western, Schiraldi and Ziedenberg (2003) indicate that during

the 1990s, incarceration became increasingly concentrated among men with little schooling.

They

show that in 1999, 13% of white and 52% of African American high school dropouts age 30 to

34

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Why Such Low had a prison record (110:7). (Their data also show that 3% of all white men and 22% of all

African

American men age 30 to 34 had a prison record.) Analyses of U.S. Department of Justice and

National Center for Education Statistics data by the Justice Policy Institute found “more African

American men of any age incarcerated (791,000) than were enrolled in higher education (603,000) in

2000” (110:9).

Peer-reviewed articles that are authored by subject-matter experts who acknowledge

research sponsored by government agencies are reviewed very carefully. Researchers may be

asked to compromise ethical or professional research standards as a condition for receiving a

contract or for continued employment. When confronted with an illegitimate demand, a

researcher has three basic choices: loyalty to an organization or larger group, exiting from the

situation or voicing opposition (Rubin, 1983). Researchers face pressure to build a career,

publish, advance knowledge, gain prestige, impress family and friends, hold on to a job and so

forth (Neuman, 2006, 130). A basic principle of ethical social research is not to humiliate

subjects. The topic of this project is of a very sensitive nature. Therefore, the ethical researcher

is cautioned not to create anxiety and discomfort among the subjects as they are asked to recall

any unpleasantness.

X. Conclusion

Many Black male adolescents are at risk of educational failure as a result of a complex

array of institutional and socioeconomic factors they face within their schools and the

communities in which they live. These current social and educational conditions have historical

linkages and indeed are intergenerational. Effective policies and strong interventions are needed

to improve the plight of Black men in society. Within a broader framework, it is important to

keep in mind that problems that manifest within school are not always school problems, per se.

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Why Such Low Black men are not only disproportionately at risk of school failure, but also at risk of many other

outcomes such as infant mortality, poor public health, drug abuse, crime and legal problems, and

unemployment (Gibbs, 1988). For this reason, multiple institutions serving Black communities

must seek remedies for shrinking the social mobility and achievement gap between Black men

and other groups. Of the institutions Black men encounter, schools, which are the sole

compulsory institution, appear to be the most malleable to change. Despite the challenges

outlined, high schools can be reformed and improved via policy and leadership that is guided by

research and theory as well as a strong commitment to ensure a qualitative education to all

students.

There is cause for hope that high schools attempting to prepare Black men for adult life

can be reformed into more effective organizations succeeding at helping greater numbers achieve

academically, but broader aspects of social life are more difficult to assess. There is considerable

evidence suggesting communities themselves and other social institutions such as the criminal

justice system and public assistance agencies are far more resistant to change than are public

schools. This is most apparent in racially isolated communities where concentrations of poverty

have existed for generations (Sweeten 2006). To be sure, the devastating effects of poverty are

often intractable, not only for educators, but also for public health, social service and housing

and workforce development agencies.

As posited by Waller (1932), the community is the whole and the school is fragment.

However, educational politics along with complex bureaucracy and institutionalism causes us to

lose sight of the fragmentary nature of schooling in social life. As a result, school reform

initiatives are often narrowly focused on creating more effective schoolhouses, paying little

attention to the demographics and cultural backgrounds of the student population.

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Why Such Low

In the case of Black men, many well-intentioned reform agendas have missed the mark.

Many Black men face daunting challenges in school just as they are at risk in the larger spheres

of society (Holzer, 2007). It is due, in part, to historical and ongoing inequality in society and

institutionalized racism. The criminalization of Black men such as in racial profiling, the

continual disparaging media images challenged by the National Association for the

Advancement of Colored People, and the overrepresentation of Black men in state and federal

prisons are similar phenomena that are inextricably linked to educational at-risk conditions

(Holzer, 2007). The strategies often used in high school reform represent a responsible but

incomplete approach to addressing the needs of Black male adolescents. Certainly, the overall

quality of a school, as measured by its structure or organization, curriculum and/or instruction,

and professional development are critical factors. Also, the quality, effectiveness, and

commitment of teachers are paramount issues. But holding these things constant, the cultural

issues affecting Black men and the possibilities and limits of bringing in Black male teachers

should be given thorough consideration and further study. At this point, the missing components

of comprehensive school reform are the lack of attention paid to the cultural uniqueness of Black

men and the relative shortage of Black male teachers. Suffice it to say, everything has its price.

Our society will pay immeasurably if we continue to choose not to focus on the circumstances

which lead to educational disinterest. Are we or are we not our Brother’s keeper?

XI. References:

1 in 10 schools is ‘dropout factory’. U.S. putting new emphasis on boosting graduation rates for high schools. (2007, October 29). The Associated Press. Retrieved April 18, 2008 from http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21532193.

Alexander, K., Entwisle, D. & Kabbani, N. (2001). "The Dropout Process in Life Course Perspective: Early Risk Factors at Home and School," Teachers College Record, 103 (5).

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Balfanz, R., & Legters, N. E. (1998). How many truly awful urban high schools are there? Some early estimates. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press

Becker, H. (1963). Outsiders: Studies in the sociology of deviance. New York: Free Press.

Darling-Hammond, L. (1997). Teachers and teaching: Testing policy hypotheses from a national commission report. Education Researcher, 27, 5-15

Editorial Projects in Education. (2007, June 12). Diplomas count: Ready for what? Preparing students for college, careers, and life after high school. Education Week, 26(40).

Finn, J. D. (1989). Withdrawing from school. Review of Educational Research, 59, 117–142.

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