why is climate change seen as a security issue?

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    Why is climate change seen as a security issue?

    By Arjun Patel

    This essay argues that climate change has become a security issue for two main

    reasons. The first reason is the debate over whether and how climate change can lead

    to conflict, focusing on conventional, state-level analyses. This may include general

    debates about causal mechanisms that may lead to conflict through factors such as

    water supply, and also more specific debates about the effects of climate change upon

    the geopolitics concerning Arctic sea passages. The second reason is the shift in post

    Cold-war discourse that stretches conceptualizations of what 'security' might entail, to

    include for example, the global ecosystem or the individual as referent objects, instead

    of the state. Whilst these re-definitional approaches also point to increased risks of

    conflict from environmental changes such as climate change, the conceptualization of

    this process shifts the focus from state-level actors and organizations to broader social

    and environmental concerns.

    In the broadest terms then, climate change has started to appear on the security

    agenda, either because it is a new factor that affects traditionally conceptualized security

    concerns, or because the fundamental concept of security itself has changed. It is

    extremely difficult to distinguish between the two in the extant literature, however, which

    Gleditsch (1998) points out contains frequent lapses in conceptual clarity. He argues

    that, at least in part due to a lack of systematic research and reliable evidence, many

    participants in the debate resort to muddled argumentation including unjustified

    conjecture, a lack of clarity on the level of analysis, and reverse causality. As this debate

    is not a purely academic one, but also includes a large number of broader political

    interests, this seems justifiable - if a political actor can get climate change onto the

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    security agenda regardless of the conceptual clarity behind such a proposition, then this

    would further their political goals. Indeed Norman Myers, who admitted to 'heroic

    extrapolations' in some of the figures he cited on this regarding climate migrants, seems

    a prime example of this case (Brown 2008).

    The fact that scholars are not conceptually clear on how climate change might generate

    security threats, despite the issue already being discussed at high levels within fora such

    as the UN Security Council, suggest that an overarching answer to the question above is

    the following: climate change has become a security issue out of political expediency.

    This process of securitization has been a collaborative one in which journalists,

    politicians, international organizations and NGO's have all participated. Deudney also

    suggests that many security organizations and experts welcome this, as it helps to

    maintain the currency of national security in the post Cold-War world (1990). And the

    widely disparate view of security scholars on the issue allows this to occur without clear

    or unified contestation from academia.

    Scholars have, however, of course made many substantial arguments in support of

    securitizing the climate change agenda. The rest of this essay discusses the core

    reasons proposed within Security Studies that support climate change as a security

    issue, firstly by looking at the at the arguments surrounding security threats with the

    state as the referent object, and secondly by exploring wider definitions of the term

    security.

    There is much debate as to what extent climate change might affect the risks of conflicts

    at the international level. Deudney (1990) questions whether the impact of environmental

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    material to generate trends. As such, they provide little predictive power to assess future

    security threats from climate change.

    In spite of this, there have been several attempts to establish broad patterns of the

    security implications of climate change. Scholars such as Thomas Homer-Dixon have

    proposed that climate change will have neo-Malthusian consequences, i.e. population

    pressures and the consequent resource scarcities and migration will increase the

    likelihood of violent conflict. He does however stress that his models are hypothetical,

    and require verification though testing using historical and contemporary data (1991).

    The causal mechanisms proposed by Homer-Dixon and others, supporting the links

    between climate-change and increased violence, have been summarized by Gleditsch

    as follows:

    Population growth/high resource consumption per capita > deteriorated environmental

    conditions > increasing resource scarcity > harsher resource competition > greater risk of

    violence (1998, p. 383)

    This broad model has been proposed by a number of scholars that conceptualize

    environmental security from several different perspectives, ranging from biologists to

    critics of capitalism (Gleditsch 1998, p. 383).

    Recently, however, empirical analyses attempting to test such hypothetical models have

    emerged. In looking at migration, for example, Reuveny (2007) argues that climate

    change can cause migration effects that contribute to conflict risk. However, he writes

    that the response of migration to environmental changes is one of three potential

    reactions to climate change. The choice between staying in place and doing nothing,

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    staying in place and mitigating problems, and migrating, depends upon both the severity

    of conditions, and the capacity of the population to mitigate the problems. Hendrix and

    Glaser (2007) also find some positive associations between reduced freshwater

    availability, land degradation and climate suitability for Eurasian agriculture and an

    increased risk of civil war. They also find that this is a weak association, particularly in

    comparison to inter-annual variations in precipitation, which is a much better determinant

    of conflict risk. The paper seems to show that short-term triggers are more important

    than long-term climate changes.

    What both the above papers show then is that climate-change and security threats can

    be shown to be causally linked, but the significance of these links depends upon the

    time-scale over which such changes occur, and of their severity. No-one has, of course,

    managed to make long-term accurate predictions about climate change, the severity or

    speed of climate change, and by extension the implications for the security of states

    from conflict remain unclear. I would nevertheless argue that climate change deserves

    its position on the security agenda, as recent empirical studies show that climatic

    changes may well contribute to security threats, even where the term security is

    narrowly defined. The arguments that the causal links are weak and offer little predictive

    power do not negate the reason that they exist as security threats and uncertain

    causality and low predictability are surely trademark characteristics of this subject as a

    whole.

    Many of the security threats outlined in the examples above could be shown to apply to

    conceptualizations of environmental security where the nation-state was not the referent

    object. Climate change has also become a security issue as a consequence of a

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    paradigm shift in Security Studies through a redefinition of the concept security. Many

    of the paper titles during the early years of environmental security scholarship confirm

    this aim - for example Redefining Security (Brown 1977), Redefining Security again

    (Ullman 1983), and An expanded concept of International Security (Westing 1986).

    A human security approach, for example, to environmental security regards the referent

    object as individuals (Barnett 2010), and the focus is often on threats of conflict at the

    intra-state level. This is perhaps a more useful lens for looking at conflict such as Darfur,

    where the causes and the impacts of the conflict are clearly not simply at the state level.

    Defining environmental security from a human security perspective is at the same time

    problematic, as it limits the usefulness of the study for policymakers almost any area of

    public policy can be made a human security issue from this perspective, and the idea of

    security loses its focus to wider, long-term socioeconomic issues, that may well

    necessitate new legislation, rather than the use of security forces.

    However, as mentioned above, many seeking to place climate-change under the policy

    umbrella of security, are not necessarily seeking to further our understanding of the

    relationship between security and climate change, but simply to raise its political profile.

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    Reference List

    Barnett, J., 2006. Environmental Security. In: Alan Collins, ed. Contemporary Security Studies.

    Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ch 11.

    BBC, 2007. Russia plants flag under North Pole.Available at:

    [Accessed 11 January 2011].

    Brown, L., 1977. Redefining Security, WorldWatch Paper, 14. Washington, D.C.: WorldWatch

    Institute.

    Brown, O.,2008. Migration and Climate Change, IOM Migration Research Series, 31 Geneva:

    International Organization for Migration; p. 12

    Busby, J.W. 2008. Who cares about the weather? Climate change and US national security,

    Security Studies, 17(3), pp. 468-504.

    Cullen H. & Sarah G., 2007. Trends and triggers: climate, climate change and civil conflict in Sub-

    Saharan Africa. Political Geography26(6), pp. 695-715.

    Deudney D., The Case Against Linking Environmental Degradation and National Security,

    Millennium 19/3 (1990), pp. 461-476.

    Gleditsch, N., 1998. Armed conflict and the environment: a critique of the literature. Journal of

    Peace Research 35: 381-400.

    Homer-Dixon, T., 1991. On The Threshold: Environmental Changes as Causes of Acute Conflict,

    International Security, 16 (2) (Fall), pp. 76-116.

    Rafael R., 2007. Climate change-induced migration and violent conflict. Political Geography

    26(6), pp. 656-673.

    Ullman, R.H. 1983. Redefining Security, International Security, 8(1) Summer 1983.

    Westing, A.H. 1986. An Expanded Concept of International Security, In: Global Resources and

    International Conflict, ed. Arthur H. Westing. Oxford: Oxford University Press.