i

Water Users Association and Irrigation Management: with Special Reference to Environmental Problems

A thesis submitted to the University of Mysore, Mysore, through the Institute for Social and Economic Change

(lSEC), Bangalore, for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Development Studies

by

G. Mini

Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bangalore

January 2006

DECLATATION

I hereby declare that the thesis titled "Water Users Association and Irrigation Management:

With Special Reference to Environmental Problems" is the result of research work carried

out by me at the Institute for Social and Economic Change (ISEC) Bangalorc, under the

guidance of Dr. M Venkata Reddy formerly Associate Professor, Ecology Economics Unit

ISEC, Bangalore.

I further declare that it has not been previously submitted either in part or full to this or any

other university for any degree, diploma, associateship or fellowship. Due

acknowledgements have been made whenever anything has been borrowed or cited from

other sources.

(0 Mini)

Date 91 \ \ 0 b

Phone: 91 080-23215468/5592/5519 FAX: 91-80-23217008

Website: www.isec.ac.in Email: admn@isec.ac.in

INSTITUTE FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE Nagarabhavi PO, BANGALORE-560 072

An all India Institute for inter-disciplinary research and training in the Social Sciences

CERTIFICATE

I certify that I have guided and supervised the preparation and writing of the present thesis on

the topic "Water Users Association and Irrigation Management:with Special Reference

to Environmental Problems" by Ms. G Mini who worked on the subject at the Institute for

Social and Economic Change (ISEC), Bangalore.

Date: 5-1-2006

Acknowledgement

I express my deep sense of gratitude to my research supervisor, Prof M Venkata Reddy This work would not have taken the present shape but for the inspiring gUidance and tenacious supervision of him at the institute, who is at present ''Team Leader and M&L Specialist" for Karnataka Community Based Tank Management Project, Bangalore. He helped to shape my disjoint thoughts into arguments and encouraged my somewhat fair attempts to combine socio-economic and environmental relationships in irrigated agriculture.

I also thank Prof Gopal Kadekodi, present Director and to Prof Govinda Rao and Dr P V Shenoy former Directors of the Institute, for their constant encouragement and support. I deeply appreciate the warmth and acceptance that I received from the villagers in Gundur and Hagedal during my fieldwork I wish to express my gratitude to all my respondents for having patiently listened to me and for replying to my questions and sharing their knowledge and experience and hence enabled me to complete this study My interactions with them have contributed beyond measure in developing my own insights towards understanding a very complex issue. During my fieldwork in Gangawathl; Chenappa and Parimalakka housed me, fed me and gave me a social base, I am grateful to them. In Gundur Murahkrishna and Jyothiakka warmly welcomed me into their house and devoted a great deal of time and energy in helping me become familiar with the local language in understanding certain concepts. I am thankful to the Administrator, CADA, Munirabad, Chief Engineer, Irrigation Department, Munirabad and other officials for providing me with the necessary information, office documents and reports. The help and support on the logistics front provided by the Irrigation Deparment and CADA was invaluable.

I acknowledge Prof R Maria Saleth who kept reminding me about the importance of not rushing to conclusions without doing proper homework My belief in the worth of inter/multi-disciplinary analysis was nurtured by exchanges with friends at the workshop organised by Wageningen Agricultural University The Netherlands. I thank Dr Peter Mollinga for giving me an opportunity to participate in these workshops and whose Ideas were useful in completion of this work I am obliged to Dr R S Deshpande, and Dr K V Raju, for their valuable comments that helped improve the contents. A while after I did my fieldwork I was awarded fieldwork grant by International Water Management Institute, Sri Lanka. The

grant was of great help in undertaking my later field research and the support is gratefully acknowledged

I have received excellent support from the members of the computer unit and library of ISEC and I am thankful to them. I express my deep sense of gratitude to the Institute of Economic Growth, Centre for Development Studies, Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research, Delhi school of Economics where I could get many books, documents, journals and reports. I would like to acknowledge Dr K M MaathOl; Dr Anand Inbanathan and Dr Madeshwaran for extending friendship and warmth. I have benefited greatly from the opportunity given to students to present bi-annual seminars. The comments given by the panellists are gratefully acknowledged It helped me to clarify and organise my information and thoughts. Mr. K S Narayana showed keen interest in my enquiries for which I am indebted to him. I thank Dr Narayan Raj for extending upright support to me. A special thanks goes to Prof G K Karanth for being with me in the hours of need

I am grateful to Dr Rangaswamy and his sisters, Sunitha and Manjula, for providing me a home away from home. I spent many long evenings with my friends Gagan, Deepthi and Deepika. I will not pretend that they significantly advanced my research, but more valuable they provided was many hours of companionship and cheerfulness. I appreciate Amal for many long afternoons of open-ended discussion and for his careful consideration of my work. I appreciate my friends Shivu, Jacks, KB, Sudhl; Sishya, Anitha, and Asha for provIding me the much­needed encouragement and support. I owe special thanks to Geetacheriamma, Maitrattae, Jyothi aunty, Sum; Vim; Dr. Prashant, Manas,; Sashi and Ranganath who has been a moral support more than I can adequately acknowledge. I would lIke to thank Piush, Gayatrl; Deepa, and Vinayan for their concern and support during various stages of my work. I fondly remember Madhu and Deepas amma for extending affection. A special thanks to Padmamma for shouldering some of my responsIbilities. I cherish Radha and Mohan who would never fail to ask how my work was coming along. My in-laws have stood by me selflessly and I owe them much more than the usual expression of thanks. That I will gain more time to spend with Bhanu and my little daughter Bhavana has been a considerable motivation to finish this work. Lastly and most importantly I would like to dedicate this work to my father Govindan Kutty and my mother Durga Devl:

Chapter 1 Introduction

Appendix 1.1

Contents

General Characteristics of Saline and Waterlogged Soils

Appendix 1.2 Committees for Addressing Salinity and Waterlogging

Chapter 2 Review of literature

Chapter 3 Objectives, Methodology and Theoretical Perspective

Appendix 3.1 Salient Features of Tungabhadra Project

Chapter 4 Profile of the Sample Villages

Appendix 4.1 Gundur Water Users' Association

Chapter 5 Farmers' Knowledge and Perceptions on Irrigation-Induced Environmental Problems

Chapter 6 Strategies Adopted to Manage Waterlogging and Salinity

Chapter 7 Water Users' Association and Irrigation System Performance

Chapter 8 Impact of Water Users' Association

Appendix 8.1 Water Availability at Farm Level

Chapter 9 Summary and Conclusion

Bibliography

Page. No.

1 - 21

22-24

25

26 - 50

51 - 66

67- 68

69 - 91

92 - 96

97 - 123

124 - 148

149 - 188

189 - 204

205 - 206

207 - 218

219 - 238

LIST OF TABLES

1.1: Outlay and Development of Irrigation Potential.

1.2: Extent of Waterlogging and Salt Affected Areas as Estimated

Page. No.

4

by Various Agencies. II

1.3: Incidence of Waterlogging and Salinity in Selected Irrigation

Command Areas. 12

3.1: Total Number of Farmers and Sample Fanners in Hagedal. 55

3.2: Total Number of Farmers and Sample Farmers in Gundur. 55

4.1: Designed Discharge in Distributary 3112. 73

4.2: Caste-wise Distribution of Sample Households. 77

4.3: Distribution of Respondents by Age Groups. 77

4.4: Distribution of Respondents by Education. 78

4.5: Distribution of Respondents by Mother Tongue. 78

4.6: Distribution of Respondents by Household Size. 79

4.7: Distribution of Respondents by Occupation. 79

4. 8: Distribution of Respondents by Experience in Irrigated Agriculture. 80

4.9: Distribution of Fanners by Location in Gundur. 81

4.10: Distribution of Fanners by Location in Hagedal. 81

4.11: Distribution of Fanners by Size of Holdings and Location in Gundur. 82

4.12: Distribution of Fanners by Size of Holdings and Location in Hagedal. 83

4.13: Crops Grown, Crop Localization, Unauthorization, and Violation

in Gundur and Hagedal. 85

5.1: Characteristic of Soil Types in Gundur and Hagedal. 99

5.2: Areas Affected Adversely in DY 31. 101

5.3: Distribution of Sample Farmers under Different Levels of Salinity

and Waterlogging in Gundur.

5.4: Distribution of Sample Fanners under Different Levels of

Salinity and Waterlogging in Hagedal.

5.5: Direction of Change of Waterlogged Area.

5.6: Direction of Change of Saline Area.

104

105

107

108

5.7: Fanners' Perceptions of Causes of Waterlogging and Salinity.

5.8: Level of Knowledge about the Localization Pattern.

5.9: Violation of Cropping Pattern by Fanners.

5.10: Reasons for Violation of Cropping Pattern by Location.

6.1: Curative Strategies Adoptcd by the Fanners to Solve Adverse

Effects on Soil.

6.2: Preventive Measures Adopted by the Fanners to Solve Adverse

109

I 13

114

116

125

Effects on Soil. 127

6.3: Water Applied During Kharif Crop Cycle in Gundur and Hagedal. 132

6.4: Distribution of Fanners who have Adopted Curative and

Preventive Strategies. 134

6.5: Logit Estimates of the Likelihood of Adoption of Management Strategies. 144

7.1: Fanners' Responses to Support WUA in Hagedal. 151

7.2: Fanners' Opinion Regarding Water Charges in Gundur. 154

7.3: Fanners' Response Regarding Payment of Water Charges in Hagedal. 155

7.4: Fanners' Contribution for Maintenance in Gundur. 158

7.5: Fanners' Response Regarding Contribution for Maintenance

of Infrastructure in Hagedal.

7.6: Fanners' Responses about Water Distribution in Gundur.

7.7: Fanners' Response about Maltimctions in Hagedal.

7.8: Reasons for Conflict in Gundur.

7.9: Reasons for conflict in Hagedal.

7.10: Source ofInfonnation to Fanners in Hagedal.

7.11: Leadership Representation in WUA.

7. 12:Fanners' Opinion of Support Service Needed from Agency.

7.13: Factors Contributing to the Sustainability of Association.

7.14: Conditions under which Fanners are Willing to Fonn WUA.

8.1: Descriptive Statistics of Important Variables used in

Rice Production in Gundur and Hagedal.

8.2: Correlation Coefficients ofImportant Variables with

Rice Yields under Salinity, Waterlogging and Good Lands

in Gundur and Hagedal.

160

162

164

166

167

170

I 7 1

174

179

181

193

194

8.3: Estimated Production Functions for Rice Crop in Good and

AtTected Lands of Gundur and Hagedal. 197

8.4: Decomposition of Differences in Yields in Affected

Lands and Good Lands into At1ected Land and Input Changes

in Gundur and Hagedal. 198

8.5: Costs and Net Revenue per Acre of Rice for Various Types of Lands. 199

8.6: How Farmers Prioritize Constraints on Production. 200

LIST OF FIGURES

Page. No.

1.1: Extent of Salinity in Some of the Major Countries 9

3.1 : Details of Sample Selection 55

3.2: Locations of the Study Villages 57

3.3: Factors Affecting Irrigation System Performanc6 62

3.4: Location of the Tungabhadra Left Bank Canal Irrigation

System in Karnataka State 65

4.1 : District Map of Koppal, Showing the Study Villages 69

4.2: Distribution of Rainfall in Gangavathi Taluk 70

4.3: Map of Gundur Village 71

4.4: Map of Hagedal Village 72

5.1 : Land Affected by Waterlogging and Salinity in

Gundur and Hagedal 102

5.2: Irrigation Officers' Perception of Causes for Waterlogging

and Salinity 110

5.3: Conditions Under Which Farmers are Ready to

Diversify Crops 119

6.1 : Tracing the Link Between Abundance Irrigation Water and

Externalities Generated 135

7.1 : Services and Information Provided by Association 168

7.2: Relationship between Water Scarcity and Returns to

an Organization 184

Chapter 1

Introduction

The natural limitations to ensure spatial and temporal uniformity in spread of rainfall to

sustain crop production necessitated evolving strategies to harvest the available surface and

ground water. As no grain can ever be produced without water, irrigation has obviously

been recognized as the most important single input for crop production. Different types of

irrigation systems were evolved from time to time, depending upon the local needs and

resources. This has enabled the extension of irrigation facilities even after the monsoon

period was over. Agricultural development is, therefore, inexorably interlinked with

irrigation development whether historically or in the present global or Indian context.

Irrigation accounts for 75 percent of the contemporary world's total use of water while

almost 30 percent of the average annual value of all developing countries' crop production

is from irrigated land. At present, 40 percent of all food production comes from 17 percent

of agricultural land that is irrigated and it provides employment for some 2.4 billion people

(DFID 1987). In fact, almost 60 percent of rice and 40 percent of wheat production in

developing countries is on irrigated land (World Bank-UNDP 1990). Irrigation plays a

crucial role in augmenting agricultural production to meet the food requirements of the

increasing population. Globally, the irrigated agricultural lands have increased almost by

2.4 percent in the 1970s to an additional 1.4 percent during 1980s and late 1990s. It is

projected to increase further by 0.4 percent per annum for the next 34 years (F AO 2000).

In India, irrigation constitutes the main use of water, which as of now is 84 percent of the

total water use. Food production has increased from 89.36 million tonnes in 1964-65 to

211.32 million tonnes in 2001-02 (Tenth Five Year plan). Following the economic

liberalization program that commenced in the early I 990s, agricultural commodities are

among India's fastest b1fowing export sectors. This has been mainly due to the expansion of

irrigation. Besides its contribution to food security and poverty alleviation, improvement of

the quality of life of the rural population has also been a significant spin-off from this

expansIOn.

A brief history of irrigation development in India during pre- and post- Independence

periods serves here as a prelude to this study's main concern, namely, a discussion of what

constitutes the ideal approach to irrigation management. Also dealt with here are the

problems that are a fallout of various irrigation strategies.

Irrigation during pre-Independence period

The advent of British rule in India added new dimensions to the development of irrigation.

British rulers could comprehend fairly the productivity potentials of fertile Indian soils and

their respective suitability to grow commercial and other tood crops. Efforts were,

theretore, made to exploit first these fertile soils to increase agricultural production. In

doing so the colonial rulers did not opt for gigantic projects involving unduly large

investments and technological sophistications but concentrated on improving already

existing systems and added new systems such as diversion weirs and barrages. But over the

years, drought and periodic famine coupled with the erratic behavior of the monsoon

became a regular phenomenon and the emphasis shifted from productive to protective

irrigation systems. Accordingly, the construction of many important major and minor

projects were taken up keeping in mind their financial viability, as financial returns on

investment became the main criteria for taking up irrigation projects.

Colonial rule not only expanded state intervention but also encouraged irrigation under the

private sector. Between 1900 and 1945, the area irrigated by public works had increased by

77.6 percent as against 75.4 percent in the private sector (GOI 1976). The performance of

the private sector, in terms of area irrigated, between 1921 and 1945 was not very

encouraging. The area irrigated by private sources increased by only 12.4 percent between

1921 and 1945, as against 29.8 percent under the public sector. Though irrigation

development in the British period took twists and turns in terms of thrust and direction, it

has set the tone for the emergence of a dynamic and vibrant irrigation sector in the country.

With the partition of the country in 1947, a major portion of the irrigation potential created

in undivided India during the pre-Independence period went to Pakistan. At the time of

partition, the net sown area in the country including that of the princely states was 116.8

million hectares, of which 28.2 million hectares or 24 percent was irrigated. At the time of

2

partition, 8.8 million hectares of irrigated land went to Pakistan and only the rest 9.5

million hectares was left with India (GOI 1976). While India was left with 80 percent of the

pre-partition population, it got only 69 percent of the total irrigated area. This has naturally

led to exploring the possibilities of constructing irrigation works in the regions endowed

with adequate water resources.

Irrigation under the Five Year Plans

The role of irrigation in increasing crop production, reducing yield instability and providing

insurance against periodic drought has been realized by the planners and was given priority

in the successive Plan periods after Independence. Constructions of big storage dams was

perceived as an inevitable strategy in the post-Independence period to promote, nurture and

sustain production-augmentative agricultural technology to meet the food and fiber

requirements of a burgeoning population. Such a perception has, understandably, led to the

explosion of investment in major and medium irrigation projects. Since the beginning of the

Plan era, a total of 295 major and 967 medium projects were taken up for construction till

the end of the Eighth Plan. Total investments ofRs. 1,01,649 crores have been made in the

major and medium sector till the end of the Ninth Plan and a potential of 32.96 million

hectares has been created (see Table 1.1). The growth of irrigation and food production has

been phenomenal since the introduction of the Five Year Plans and this has consequently

made India the largest irrigated area in the world (Singh & Datta 1997). This has facilitated

balanced regional development and distributive justice to a greater extent.

It has been observed that in spite of large investments made in the irrigation sector and the

phenomenal growth of irrigation during the past 50 years, the returns from the investment

both in terms of yield as well as finance are very disappointing. It is generally

acknowledged that the 15 billion dollars that used to be poured into the irrigation sub sector

in less developed countries annually have not produced more than 50 percent of the

anticipated output (Nijman 1993). The need for a greater number of projects in different

parts of the country and scarce financial resources to complete them on time has resulted in

enormous time over runs and consequently, cost over runs in almost all the major irrigation

projects in the country. At the end of the Eight Plan there were 171 major projects pending

completion with a spill over cost of Rs. 60,806 erores (Singhal 2003). In an article by

3

Chambers, case after case is cited where the construction of new projects or improvement

of existing projects has done little more than waste of money.

Table l.l: Outlay and Development ofIrrigation Potential (all India)

Plan Period Outlay/Expenditure Irrigation Potential (Rs. Crores) Cumulative (Million Ha)

Majorl Minor Total Majorl Minor Total Medium Medium

Pre-Plan - - 9.7 12.90 22.6

First 376.24 65.62 441.86 12.20 14.06 26.26 (1951-56) Second 380 142.23 522.23 14.33 14.75 29.08 (1956-61 ) Third 576 327. 73 903.73 16.57 17.00 33.57 (1961-66) Annual 429.81 326.19 756 18.10 19.00 37.10 ( 1966-69) Fourth 1242.30 512.28 1754.58 20.70 23.50 44.20 (1969-74 ) Fifth 2516.18 630.83 3147.01 24.72 27.30 52.02 (1974-78) Annual 2078.58 501.50 2580.08 26.61 30.00 56.61 (1978-80) Sixth 7368.83 1979.26 9348.09 27.20 37.52 64.72 (1980-85 ) Seventh 11107.29 3118.35 14225.64 29.92 46.61 76.53 (1985-90) Annual 5459.15 1680.48 7139.63 30.74 50.35 81.09 ( 1990-92) Eighth ( 1992-97) 21071.87 6408.36 27480.23 32.96 53.30 86.26 Ninth ( 1997-2002) 48259.08 8615.07 56874.15 - -

Source: Tenth Five-Year Plan. 2002-2007. Yol.1!. Pp.892 & R94.

The water use efficiency in most of the irrigation systems is poor being in the range of 30 to

40 percent against an ideal efficiency of 60 percent (Tenth Plan). Deficiencies in planning,

design and construction, loss in live storage due to sedimentation, obsolete laws and

regulations, faulty water allocation policies are said to be the contributing factors for such

low efficiency (CWC 1992). The productivity of crops also has not reached the expected

4

levels. This is more so with major irrigation projects) where per hectare cost of

development is high. Not only is there an unsatisfactory performance of irrigation in terms

of productivity of crops, but the irrigation potential created under the major and medium

schemes is also said to be underutilized. Even the potential utilized is believed to have

created distributional problems. The farmers at the head reaches and other influential and

powerful ones generally get more water than they are entitled to, depriving the tail-end

farmers of their legitimate share. Such inequitable distribution of water seems to have

created social tensions in the countryside apart from widening the income inequalities

between the rich and poor.

The Second Irrigation Commission (1972) was, therefore, appointed to suggest ways and

means to improve irrigation efficiency. This has led to creation of the Command Area

Development Program (CADP) in 1973 at the state level while the Command Area

Development Authority (CADA) was created at the project level for coordinating and

integrating the processes relating to water and crop management in the commands of major

irrigation projects. CADA had been established to reduce the gap between the irrigation

potential created and utilized and to increase production per unit of water and land. Although

there are not many systematic studies on CADA, some studies have noted that the

performance of CADA has not been very satisfactory in terms of on-farm development

works or for ensuring equity in the distribution of water (Reddy 1998).

Many of the major irrigation projects, apart from delivering a low and inefficient

performance, have also created negative externalities. Millions of people are being

displaced, thousands of hectares of forests are being submerged, some rare species of flora

and fauna are getting wiped out and millions of hectares of land are no longer fit for

cultivation due to waterlogging, salinity and alkalinity. Water pollution and water-borne

diseases too are on the rise. This has ultimately led to the questionable validity of the

investment priority given to the major irrigation projects and anti-major irrigation protests

have been emerging in the recent past.

I Per hectare cost of development of irrigation through a major irrigation project is estimated at over Rs. 1 lakh, while the cost per hectare in a watershed scheme is Rs. 5500, for tank renovation schemes is Rs. 15,000, and for a ground water scheme it is Rs. 10,000lhectare (Tenth Plan).

5

In this chapter, the environmental problems associated with major irrigation projects and

irrigation is discussed in detail to enable a better appreciation of the objectives for the

study.

Irrigation and environmental problems

Environmental problems created by large irrigation projects are of two types. They are first,

problems associated with the catchment zone (upstream of dam), and second, problems

associated with the command zone2 (downstream of dam). The causes and consequences of

thc environmental hazards in these two zones are distinctively different (Reddy \990). The

most important environmental problems visualized and normally associated with the

catchment zone of an irrigation project are the submergence of forests, agricultural lands,

fertile arable lands on river beds, human as well as animal habitats, disturbance to flora and

fauna, and displacement of people living in the area. Sedimentation and siltation reduce the

uscful life of the project, reduce power generation capacity and create backwater effects.

Although there are no strong evidences, fear exists that dam construction will increase

seismicity. But these problems are inevitable if an irrigation system has to be constructed.

The temporal and spatial dimensions may, however, vary from project to project.

The problems in the command zone are waterlogging, salinity and alkalinity, the spread of

disease carrying organisms and water pollution. These are a few of the serious problems

that have becn associated with the command zone apart /Tom changes in the microclimate

and other socio-economic conditions leading to the emergence of new cultural trends. The

adverse effects in the command area are mostly covert unlike the ones in the catchment

area. The processes are prolonged and their consequences manifest slowly. For instance,

the increase of soil salinity or a rise in the water table is a slow process and the interactions

between biophysical and social processes in the command area are complex.

The most senous problem in the command area consists of waterlogging and salinity

whereby substantial acreage of irrigated land has either bccome unproductive or has gone

out of production. Salinity and waterlogging conditions prevail either in isolation or in

combination with each other in arid and semi-arid irrigated areas and are often described as

2 Command zone is the area where crops are grown (Reddy 1990).

6

"twin problems" (Details of general characteristics are given in Appendix 1.1). UNEP

(1987) estimated that the rate of loss of agricultural land is approximately 5-7 million

hectares per year and overall, salinization is the second major cause of such losses3• In

irrigated areas it is the primary cause. In India, an estimated 7 million hectares has gone out

of cultivation because of excess salts (Umali 1993).

Many major irrigation projects are found to be deteriorating due to waterlogging, salinity,

water pollution and the spread of vector-borne diseases (Pallas 1993). Whitecombe (1972)

presents a bewildering array of adverse effects associated with the introduction of canal

irrigation. The World Commission on Dam Knowledge Base indicates that problems of

waterlogging and salinity for irrigation systems have reached serious levels globally and

have long-term and often-permanent impacts on land, agriculture and livelihoods. Despite

the fact that soil salinity and waterlogging endanger sustainability of agricultural

development, the information available on the extent of soil salinity and waterlogging and

externalities associated with these problems are scanty and partial. Hence this aspect must

receive greater attention.

Global magnitude of irrigation-induced salinity and waterlogging

Availability of data on waterlogging and salinity is a major bottleneck at the macro level.

Available definitions and estimates of damaged area vary considerably because different

agency and researchers use different norms. This is because neither a standardized

methodology nor a set of uniform criteria exists to assess the problem. Furthermore, due to

lack of appropriate information, it is also not known whether all waterlogging and

salinization are irrigation induced. The general lack of regular monitoring of saline and

waterlogged areas is also clearly evidenced by the dearth of field level information.

Nonetheless, the available information based on various estimates indicates alarming

signals on the extent and severity of the problem at a global level.

Estimates of annual global losses of agricultural land due to waterlogging and salinization

range from 160,000-300,000 hectares (Barrow 1991) to almost 1.5 million hectares (Kovda

1983). Most of the waterlogging and salinization has occurred in irrigated croplands of high

J Soil erosion is the primary cause of the decline in agriculture land area.

7

production potential. Further statistics reveal that at least 200,000 to 300,000 hectares of

irrigated area are lost every year because of soil salinization and waterlogging (Framji

1987). Currently, the planet Earth is losing 3 hectares of arable land a minute to the effects

of salinization (Abrol et al. 1988). Oldeman et al. (1991) estimated that worldwide 10.5

million hectares are affected by waterlogging and 76.6 million hectares are affected by

human- induced salinization. Dregne et al. (1991) estimated that about 43 million hectares

of irrigated land in the world's dry area are affected by various processes of degradation,

mainly waterlogging, salinization and alkalization. Barrow (1991), however, estimated that

in the late 1980s roughly 30 to 46 million hectares were in a poor state due to salinization.

According to a more recent survey by Ghassemi et al. (1995), 45.4 million hectares of

irrigated areas and 31.2 million hectares of non-irrigated lands are salt-affected. This

clearly shows that the estimates by different scholars, of the area affected by salinity and

waterlogging vary widely.

The problem of waterlogging and salinity seems to be more senous III developing

countries. Maredia & Pingali (200 I) reported that India, China, Pakistan and the Central

Asian countries are the most affected by salinity in the irrigated areas. The World

BankilCID (1989) assumed that in developing countries, waterlogging and salinity are

encountered at a signifIcant level in about 15 million hectares of irrigated land in the arid

and semi-arid zones. Other estimates reveal that of the 92 million hectares of irrigated land

in the developing countries, 45 million hectares require reclamation because of salinity and

poor drainage (F AO 1979). Notwithstanding the reliability of various estimates on the

adverse effects of irrigation on soil, there is a need to address this problem more

systematically and scientitlcally4.

Global estimates of the total area affected by salinity but still in production also vary

considerably. In developed and developing countries together the problem of waterlogging

and salinity account for a loss of about 1.1 million tonnes of grain output each year (Brown

& Young 1990). EI-Ashry (1991), Rhoades (1987), and Kayasseh & Schenck (1989)

estimate that salinity seriously affects productivity in 20 to 30 million ha of irrigated land.

4 For an extensive review of the scale of the salinity and waterlogging problems, see Wichelns (1999) and for a detailed discussion of the problems related to salinity and waterlogging, see Postel (1989) and Yudelman (1989).

8

•

Figure 1.1 gives the data from II major irrigation countries which indicate that

approximately 20 percent of irrigated land is affected by salinity. But the variation across

countries in the share of irrigated land affected by salt is also large, ranging from 15 percent

in China to 80 percent in Turkmenistan_

Figure 1_1: Extent of Salinity in some of the Major Countries

~r ~~~,~~

I Values represent ;~t~tallrri~~~~~ China 167_~ -

Ind ia I 7 Iland affect~d by salt ip millign_5.( ... ~.~ ..... _ ..

~-.. United S ta te s I 4.2 I - I I

Pakistan 42 I

Ira n 1.7 I -

Egypt 0.9 ~.----

I Uzbekistan .. "_~'"'' . <iF!;.;}! 2.4 ._--""--, ..

Turkemenlstan '- fm":-.. ~<;:"'1i "-t'. 1 "",,"._--

Sub-total I 28.1 I World E stim ate I 47.7 I I

,

0 20 40 60 80 100

10% of total irrigated land affectd by salt I

Source; Postel 1999~

Some of the most serious of these problems occur in the semi-arid regions associated with

the great river systems of Asia (Sehgal & Abrol 1992; Ahmad & Kutcher 1992). Although

only a small percentage of land has high and severe problems, there are a significant

number of areas affected by medium salinity and waterlogging. This problem is likely to

aggravate further as new areas are being brought under irrigation without proper water

management and drainage measures. Already the human race is creating less additional

irrigated farmland than it used to just ten years ago (van Schilfgaarde 1994). But at the

same time land is being removed from production due to salinization and waterlogging_

Since developing countries are among the worlds poorest they will, therefore, face greater

difficulties in meeting their food needs from either domestic production or through food

imports.

9

Indian scenario

Waterlogging in irrigated fields was first noticed in 1850 in the state of Punjab followed by

the reports of the same from other irrigation and canal projects in various states (CWC

1997). These problems were also observed in irrigated plots of the Western Yamuna Canal

command in 1865. Later this phenomenon was reported from the Sirhand command in

1870, the Aligarh district in 1876, the Sabri Doab in 1880, and the Lower Chenab Canal in

1882. In Northwest India, (Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan and Gujarat), the water tables were

generally at a 25 meter depth before irrigation development. Since the I 890s, the rate of

rise of the water table ranged from 25 to 30 cm/year (World Bank 1991). By 1950s

problems of irrigation-induced waterlogging and salinity began to be observed in almost all

the major irrigation projects of different states. Since then estimates have been made by

expert committees and individual researchers. An attempt is, therefore, made to review the

available information on the extent of irrigation-induced salinity and waterlogging

problems in the country.

Nearly 57 percent of the country's total geob'Taphical area is under various degrees and

categories of degradation. Soil erosion due to water and wind is the single largest cause

followed by waterlogging and salinity (Singh et al. 2003). FAO (1990) estimates that

salinity affected areas as a percentage to total irrigated area amount to 11 percent in India,

which translates to 4.7 million ha, and given the generally small farm sizes, this translates

to thousands of farm households. According to an estimate given by National Remote

Sensing Agency (NRSA) in 1988-89, lands affected by salinity amount to 1.99 million

hectares whereas the extent of lands affected by waterlogging is 1.22 million hectares

(NRSA 1995). The estimates of NRSA are expected to be more accurate as they are

generated using the remote sensing techniques covering the entire country. The salt affected

area in the country, as reported by the Central Soil Salinity Research Institute (CSSRI),

Kamal, aggregated at 7 million hectares in 1991, which amounts to 2.3 percent of the total

geographical area or about 4 percent of total cultivable land. The Ministry of Agriculture

has estimated that the waterlogged area is at about 8.5 million hectares and is of the view

that the area affected by waterlogging increased between 1972 and 1990. The assessments

consider areas affected both by over-irrigation and by rise in groundwater levels as

waterlogged. However, the estimates made by the Central Water Commission (CWC) are

10

much lower at 1.6 million hectares but they cover only areas waterlogged due to a rise in

the groundwater table. According to a 1991 study on the status of waterlogging, salinity

and alkalinity by the Ministry of Water Resources, the problem is widespread in irrigation

projects and a substantial part of area has either become unproductive or has gone out of

production.

Other estimates of salinity affected lands for India range from 7 to 16 million hectares or

from 27 to 60 percent of the irrigated land. Estimates for other countries are: Pakistan 14

percent of the irrigated land, Israel 13 percent, Australia 20 percent, China 15 percent, Iraq

50 percent, and Egypt 30 percent (Gleick 1993; Ghassemi et al. 1995\ These estimates

clearly show that the extent of land affected in India is relatively more than for some of the

other countries as above.

Although the phenomenon of waterlogging and salinity is not new, information available

on the severity and extent is limited. Lack of standardization for classifying the problems

of waterlogging and salinity is mentioned as one of the reasons (Singh & Datta 1997).

Statistics on land utilization in India, which are annually compiled and published by the

Ministry of Agriculture, Government of India, do not provide adequate data on land

affected by waterlogging and salinity. Although the spread of waterlogging and salinity is

monitored in some command areas, no reliable statistics are available at the state and

national levels. This is partly due to lack of simultaneous screening for salinity and

waterlogging. However, way back in 1887, the historic 'Indian Reh Commission' was

constituted and since then several committees, commissions and working groups were

formed to investigate the causes for waterlogging and soil salinity in different parts of the

country. Important committees/commissions and working groups specifically constituted

for salinity and waterlogging are listed in Appendix 1.2.

The extent of waterlogging and salinity in different states as estimated by the CWC and

Working Groups for diflerent states is given in Table 1.2. The data reveals that in Bihar

the incidence of waterlogging is greater according to both CWC and Working Group

5 A rich source of information on the worldwide incidence of salinity as a result of irrigation is given in this paper.

1 1

reports and the lowest incidence are reported from Jammu and Kashmir. Uttar Pradesh has

the highest area under salinity and Madhya Pradesh is least affected.

Table 1.2: Extent of Waterlogging and Salt Affected Areas (Jakh hectares) as estimated by Various Agencies

Waterlogged areas Salt affected

State Working ewe areas group

Andhra Pradesh 2.66 2.66 3.70 Assam NR NR -Bihar 3.63 6.20 3.20

f---. Guprat 0.89 1.72 12.10 Haryana 2.30 2.49 4.60 Jammu and Kashmir 0.02 0.01 -Kamataka 0.25 0.24 4.00 Kerala 0.12 0.12 -Madhya Pradesh 0.04 0.73 2.40 Maharashtra 0.60 0.15 6.00 Orissa 1.96 1.96 4.00 Punjab 2.00 2.00 5.20 Rajasthan 1.80 1.80 9.90 TamIl Nadu 0.02 0.16 5.40 Uttar Pradesh 0.35 4.30 13.00 West Bengal NR NR NR Delhi NR NR -

NR-Not reported. Source: Gupta & Tyagi (1996).

As an indication of the magnitude of salinity and waterlogging at the field level, Table 1.3

presents some figures on waterlogged and salinized areas in 12 command sites. Sriram

Sagar in Andhra Pradesh has the highest area under waterlogging whereas Ram Ganga in

Uttar Pradesh has the highest area under salinity. It should be noted, however, that the

some of the project areas overlap to a certain extent.

Smedema (1990) observes that irrigation induced waterlogging and salinization in India is

spreading rapidly. This conclusion can be supported by the fact that the recharge of

groundwater in the command areas from seepage and normal deep percolation from

irrigation continues mostly unabated. Various researchers have reported variously on the

extent of waterlogging and salinity in different states and different irrigation projects, the

details of which are presented in the literature review.

12

Table 1.3: Incidence of Waterlogging and Salinity in Selected Irrigation Command Areas

Project Area State Area (000 hectares)

Waterlogged Saline

Sharada Sahayak Uttar Pradesh 7.0 6.7 Ram Ganga Uttar Pradesh 9.7 17.6 Gandak Bihar 20.1 -Sriram Sagar Andhra Pradesh 27.6 0.8 Tungabhadra Andhra Pradesh

1.3 6.7 Kamataka

Ukai Kakarpar Gujarat 4.3 2.2 Mahi Kadana Raj astan. Gujarat 16.8 7.3 Chambal Madhya Pradesh, Rajastan 20.3 8.2 Tawa Madhya Pradesh - 3.8 Rajastan Canal Rajastan 8.0 5.4 N agarj unasagar··· Andhra Pradesh 5.7 2.3 Malaprabha· Kamataka 1.05**

Note: •• FIgures mclude waterloggmg and sahnlty. Sources: Central Soil Salinity Research Institute, Kamal, Haryana, cited in Smedema (1990). *Raghuvanshi et al (1990). cited in Chauhan 1993 . ••• IIPA (1988).

The damage due to adverse effects can be formulated in terms of the costs of waterlogging

and salinity. The National Bureau of Soil Sciences and Land Use (1990) have estimated

the loss of production due to salinity at 25 percent across soil qualities and crops.

However, some individual estimates based on micro studies put the losses at about 50

percent on an average for ditTerent crops and intensities of degradation (Joshi 1987). At

the micro level, the losses due to waterlogging are estimated at 40 percent in the case of

paddy and 80 percent in the case of potato (Joshi 1987). Loss of production due to

waterlogging is estimated as 61,040 million hectares whereas loss of production due to

salinity and alkalinity is put at 26,600 million hectares (Sehgal & Abrol 1994).

Apart from degradation of soils, waterlogging and salinity have many indirect ill effects. As

fertile land become scarcer, people extend their farmlands and destroy the forests. Thus,

secondary salinization and waterlogging caused by irrigation indirectly contribute to the

local disappearance of forests and wild life. The disappearance of forest cover causes an

exodus of wildlife and nomadism amongst people. Migrant peoplc and livestock then prey

on the adjoining areas or region, bringing distress to both the natural environment and

society. Waterlogging also destroys natural vegetation, damages houses, buildings and

13

roads. It increases the base flow of rivers, thus indirectly causing erosion by deepening the

valley floor.

In regions where perennial irrigation makes possible two crops a year, correspondingly it

increases the period during which mosquitoes have habitats to breed. These mosquitoes

could be vectors of malaria, filariasis or Japanese encephalitis (Verghese 1990). The

resurgence of malaria in India appeared to coincide with the green revolution as the new

hybrid varieties demanded more intensive irrigation. Raichur district in Kamataka became

highly endemic for malaria after construction of the Tungabhadra dam (ERRC 1996). In the

Sirhind Feeder Canal Command Area, there is a "menacing increase in mosquitoes" (Dhesi

1996). States such as Punjab, Haryana, Andhra Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh have now

become endemic for malaria on account of waterlogging and seepage in the canal

catchment area. There are also numerous cases of filariases in various irrigation commands

(FAO 2002). Furthermore, irrigation projects tend to substantially alter the local

environment that has resulted in the spread of new diseases like schistosomiasis,

dracunculiasis, etc. The prevalence of water borne diseases like Guinea worm in the

command area of Uppcr Krishna Project is attributed to the impoundment and stagnation of

water.

It is well known that in waterlogged and saline areas agricultural yield decreases. Farmers,

therefore, try to use excessive fertilizers and pesticides to increase yield. Those fertilizers

release toxin-elemcnts into the environment. It is estimated that only 0.1 percent of applied

pesticides reach the target pests, leaving the bulk of the pesticides (99.9 percent) to impact

the environment (Pimental 1995). Scientists have linked alarming discoveries of death and

reproductive failure in fish, birds and other wild life to agriculture drainage water laced

with toxic chemicals. In addition to pesticides, leaching of fertilizer salts from agricultural

land is also linked to groundwater pollution, espccially nitrate pollution with signi ficant

impacts on human health6. Salt-affected soils can also have indirect human health impacts

6 A study conducted by Gumtang et al. (1999) in the intensive rice cropping systems in the !locos Norte region of the Philippines found that thc use of nitrogen tertilizer had resulted in well water contamination such that the nitrate· nitrogen in R out of 19 wells in the study area were close to or exceeded the WHO recommended limit for drinking water.

14

as they severely limit the choice of crops, reducing crop diversity and adversely affecting

the diets and nutritional status ofthe rural people.

Evidences are available extensively on the extent and severity of the problem and the many

indirect ill effects associated with it. The direct environmental consequences of abandoned

land due to soil salinity and waterlogging problems is that, it creates a demand for more

new land to be brought under cultivation. Despite the knowledge gained through the

centuries regarding salinity and waterlogging and its deleterious etlects, it continues to

remain as a serious problem in present day irrigated areas. The following section examines

various factors that foster the advent of waterlogging and salinity.

Factors contributing to irrigation induced salinity and waterlogging

Although salinity and waterlogging is a technical problem, most of the time it is essentially

human-induced. The factors contributing to the existence of waterlogging and salinity are a

complex web of technical, economic, political and social elements. It is caused by the

interaction of a large number of factors such as groundwater recharge, drainage, over

irrigation, cropping patterns, groundwater pumping for irrigation, soil characteristics,

seepage from channels and distributaries (Bowonder & Ravi 1984).

Canal irrigation particularly in the arid and semi-arid areas, has been widely viewed as the

major cause for waterlogging and salinity. Introduction of irrigation in any area inevitably

results in a disturbance of the ground water balance that existed prior to irrigation. Because

of seepage from the water conveyance system and deep percolation losses from the field

during irrigation, the rate of recharge of the ground water increases, resulting in the

progressive rise of the water table which, if unchecked, leads to waterlogging and salinity

in irrigated lands.

Thus, canals, which seemed to be a solution for scarce water supply for crops and other

uses, became a reason for land degradation. Large areas in the region commanded by the

irrigation canals and their distributaries are increasingly becoming waterlogged and saline

necessitating massive rehabilitating programs. Nonetheless, an attempt is made to look at

some of the contributing factors of salinity and waterlogging in detail.

15

Water use efficiency

Poor water use efficienc/ is a major cause of rising water tables. Rosergrant (1991), cited

in Crosson & Anderson (1992), estimates the water use efficiency in many systems in Asia

and shows that it varies between 25 and 40 percent. That is, 60 to 75 percent of the total

volume of water channeled to farms is not available for crop use. The inefficient

application of irrigation water by farmers as a major contributory factor to increasing water

tables has been noted extensively (Aceves-Navarro 1985; Postel 1985; FAO 1988 and

1990; World Bank 1991).

Aceves-Navarro (1985) reports that in Mexico, when irrigation was introduced in the arid

areas, fanners believed that, as more water was applied, a higher yield was obtained. This

belief led to serious seepage and salinity problems in the Mexican irrigation districts. In the

Chashma project in Pakistan with a shift to more water-demanding crops such as rice and

sugarcane, there was excessive irrigation by farmers during the early stages of project

development when water was abundant. As a result, water tables rose more quickly than

expected leading to the need to invest in drainage works at an earlier date than anticipated

(World Bank 1991).

In India, the typical situation in most irrigated commands is violation of cropping pattern

and over watering in the head reaches and lack of water at the tail. This has contributed

significantly to localized waterlogging and salinization in the head reaches of the command

area of major protective irrigation projects. Waterlogging and salinization in the head

reaches especially aggravated monsoon waterlogging in eastern India (World Bank 1991).

The main cause of waterlogging appears to be excess water application due to excessive

paddy cultivation (Abbasi 1991). The Tenth Five Year Plan mentions that unsustainable

practices like excessive use of water together with imbalanced use of fertilizers especially

after the green revolution has affected the soil health and environment adversely.

Carruthes (1985) notes that the shift from seasonal to perennial irrigation in Egypt, India

and Pakistan could not be efficiently handled by farmers and seepage increased. In addition

7 Water usc efficiency refers to the relationship between the amount of water required for a particular purpose and the quantity of water delivered. Irrigation water use et11ciency is measured at three different levels: conveyance, distribution, and at the field.

16

water managers sometimes succumbed to pressure from farmers to increase water supply

and many canals were run bank-full much above the design. This contributed to increased

seepage and waste when the canal bank breaches occurred.

On thc one hand, poor on-farm water-use efficiency can be traced to poor water

management by both farmers and irrigation authorities. On the other hand, government

policics have played a major role in influencing the type of technology and water

application method used by the farmer and the volume of irrigation water applied.

Drainage

In most irrigation projects, the problem of irrigation induced waterlogging and salinity

arises because of the absence or insufficiency of drainage infrastructure. In some cases,

although drainage facilities are constructed, poor construction and/or maintenance lead to

rapid deterioration, rendering them ineffectual long before the end of their expected usual

life.

According to data available from the Drainage Working Group of the International

Commission on Irrigation and Drainage, over 50 percent of the world's irrigated lands have

developed drainage problems (Abdel-Dayem 2000). An evaluation study of the Operations

Evaluation Division of the World Bank (1991) reported that the soil salinity problems

found in the Pyongteak-Kumgang Irrigation Project in Korea, the Seyhan Irrigation Project

in Turkey, the San Lorenzo Project Irrigation and Land Settlement Project in Peru and the

Rio Sinaloa Project in Mexico were caused mostly by poor drainage. In India, although

waterlogging and salinity problems were observed in several areas due to poor drainage,

investments were channeled to further the expansion of irrigated areas, rather than the

construction of drainage infrastructure (Makin & Goldsmith 1988; Carruthers & Smith

1990). Several factors explain the negligence of the drainage component, despite its crucial

importance.

First, drainage facilities have been dif1icult to justify at the outset of a project under the

prevailing economic analysis as the main benefit of drainage is realized only after some

time. In India, the CWC, in the Theme Paper on Water and Environment, 1992 says:

17

"Provision of drainage is expensIVe and many water resources projects may not be

economically viable, if, this component is added to the cost of new projects. The issue

needs to be resolved quickly" (p 31). Hence, this remains one of the major hidden costs of

many of the dams. However, rcsolving waterlogging and salinity problems entails

significant rehabilitation costs (underestimation of project costs) and loss of productivity

over time (over estimation of benet its).

Second. despite the spread of waterlogging and salinity, the gravity of the problem is often

not gi\'en adequate attention by decision-makers (FAO 1990). In some cases, although

adequate plans for irrigation and drainage operations, maintenance and monitoring are

included. governments lack commitment to perform the necessary corrective tasks. In the

Sinaloa Project in Mexico. incomplete construction of the drainage system in the Left Bank

resulted in increasing salinity problems but at the same time, an irrigation and drainage

project was initiated in the Right Bank. Government policy and farmer pressure to expand

irrigated areas in the Right Bank at the expense of the completion of unfinished works in

the Left Bank prevented the shifting of funds to solve the drainage problems in the Left

Bank (OED data 1989).

Third. drainage infrastructure entails substantial investments where the benetits are realized

only at a later stage. For this reason, many policy makers believe drainage is less politically

advantageous. Also. due to scare financial resources in many developing countries,

drainage development is often postponed. In the case of India, much less emphasis has been

placed on drainage even where such investments are clearly needed and inadequate

provision of funds for maintenance of drains has been made, amounting to as little as 10 to

20 percent of funding requirements in most states (World Bank 1991). In many places,

obstruction of natural drainage by construction of roads, railways and embankments has

disturbed the surface hydrology and aggravated drainage problems.

Poor construction and maintenance

Canal and other intfastructure deterioration IS another important factor contributing to

excessive seepage and the deep percolation of water. Often, it is the result of inadequate

maintenance, but in some cases this can result from the poor quality of construction

18

(Carruthus 1981 & 1985; OED 1989; FAO 1990). An impact evaluation by the OED (1989)

of 21 World Bank projects found that the main factor adversely affecting the performance

of irrigation and drainage systems was the premature deterioration of civil works and water

control structures. This problem was noted in three projects in Africa, five projects in Asia

and tour in Latin America and the Caribbean. An irrigation sector review of India, made by

the World Bank in 1991. concluded that there was poor sector planning and financial

management on the one hand and inadequate water management and maintenancc on the

other, which led to a mediocre performance.

In several projects, low construction standards made it difticult to operate and maintain the

irrigation systems, causing higher water losses than anticipatcd, and substantially reducing

the life of the projects. The reasons for poor maintenance are identified as insufficient

funding, lack of systematic maintenance, and poor construction standards.

Project planning inadequacies

Some responsibility tor irrigation-induced salinity and waterlogging is attributable to

ineffective project planning. OED (1989) attributes the poor performance to a number of

design tlaws that are attributable to insufticient project preparation, inadequate attention to

improved technologies that have become available in both irrigation and drainage and a

deliberate policy to build simple and cheap systems as rapidly as possible to ensure food

security. In most large-scale systems, the upstream control systems have been designed

without adequate regard to the problems faced by farmers in securing local control (Bottrall

1985: Bromley 1982; Lowdermilk 1986; Wade 1987). The improper elevation of canal

beds. erosion from unlined canals and seepage from poorly designed and constructed canals

can all lead to the creation of stagnant water (Goonasekere & Amerasinghe 1988).

Government policies and programs

While over use of water by farmers is partly attributable to the lack of awareness about

proper water application methods and water management, government policies particularly,

water pricing policies playa more signiticant role in determining the technologies adopted

and levels of farmer water use. According to the World Development Report (1992), free or

heavily subsidized water supply has been a disincentive to the efficient use of water

19

resources in many parts of the world. As a result, the efficiency of an irrigation system on

an average is estimated to be less than 40 percent. In Egypt, no irrigation water charges are

collected from the farmers. Unfortunately, there are many barriers preventing the efficient

pricing of water (Tsur & Dinar 1997). Traditionally, landowners and farmers in India form

an important vote bank and it is difficult to hike water charges. The high transaction cost of

estahlishing an effective system of water charges is another deterrent and is one reason why

the expansion of supply is the preferred alternative (Easter 1992). Subsidies on other inputs

like energy and fertilizers have also led to extensive use of water for irrigation.

The overall effect, theretore. of input subsidies and under pricing of water is its excessive

use. contributing to the hastening of the water table rise, and finally waterlogging and

salinity. At the national leveL the consequences manifest themselves in terms of a decline

in agricultural production. which affects the GOP. It may also bring down the export

potential of important crops or increase the import bill.

The discussion so far brings out the dynamics of water use in major projects and its impact

on soil productivity. Given such adverse effects purportedly created by irrigation projects

on the one hand and the !,1feater need to uti Iize natural resources to meet the food

requirements of an increasing population on the other, has led to a development dilemma in

the country. The dilemma exists because there is a need to build more and more irrigation

projects, but such projects are said to be environmentally disastrous. And the fact that the

scope of !,1feen revolution is almost limited to irrigated lands reinforces the crucial

importance of irrigation. Consequently, the adverse impacts caused by large irrigation

projects and canal irrigation have also led to a lot of discussion and debate by

environmentalists regarding the investment priority given to this sector. Although one has

to guard against environmental fundamentalism, there is little doubt as to the adverse

impacts of such projects. This does not necessarily imply that people's lives should be

sacrificed for the sake of the environment. People should however be treated as an integral

component of the environment and their interests should be inextricably tied to the well

being of the larger system. Hence it is axiomatic in these circumstances to build or ensure

environment-friendly irrigation projects by various stakeholders.

20

While some of the root causes contributing to irrigation-induced salinity and waterlogging

are explored here, the solution lies in the suggestions given or measures taken by the

government, developmcnt organizations, and most importantly, the farmers for preventing

or reversing its negative impacts. The next chapter, therefore, reviews various studies and

reports undertaken by scholars regarding these issues to identify the research gaps.

21

Appendix 1.1: General Characteristics of Saline and Waterlogged Soils

Saline soils

Salinity is considered as the chemical deterioration of soils and salinization occurs through

the accumulation of salts deposited when water is evaporated from the upper layers of the

soil. Generally it occurs in areas with a long dry season, poor drainage and the existence of

saline groundwater near the surface, together with high evapotranspiration. Thcy are

identified by the presence of white crusty surface due to the precipitation of salts (Lax et al.

1994). These soils contain mostly neutral salts like chlorides and sulphate of Ca, Mg and

Na. The Electrical Conductivity (ECe) of soil saturation extract is 4 ds/m or more, pH is

8.2 or less and exchangeable sodium is less than 15 percent.

Salinity has a direct effect on both plant growth and the structure of the soil. When the

concentration of salts in the soil reaches 0.5-1.0 percent, the land becomes toxic to plant

life and the long-tenn presence of salts can damage the soil irreversibly. It affects plant

growth in three major ways: water deficit, ion toxicity, or nutrient imbalance and reduce

yields in its earliest stages. They also cause deficiency of micronutrients especially zinc

and iron. Because crop plants differ quite markedly in their level of salt tolerance, the

effect of salinity on yield is a function of the threshold salinity above, which yield declines,

and the percentage of yield decreases per unit of increase above the threshold. The rate at

which salts accumulate, and thereby soil degrades, depends on soil details such as particle

size, pore size, and compaction (for details, see Van Hoom & Alphen 1994).

Although salinization can occur naturally, irrigation promotes "secondary salinization"

because plants will use some of the water (transpiration) and some will be lost to

unavoidable evaporation. Both of those processes will raise the salt concentration in the

soil. Also water used for irrigation carries ions in solution and by depositing this water on

the fields in the fonn of irrigation can effect the concentration of salts in the croplands.

Hence the quality of the water used for irrigation has a direct effect on soil salinization.

Salinity buildup is a long degenerative process and initial manifestations may take as long

as 15 years or more to appear after the introduction of irrigation.

22

Irrigation tends to artificially increase the supply of water to surface layers of the soil in

typically more arid climates where evaporation rates are higher and natural leaching8 and

drainage are inhibited. If arid and semi-arid lands are not to become salinized, it is essential

to maintain the water-salt balance of the soil. That is to say, the amount of water leaving

the soil must be at least equal to the amount entering it and the water should not be allowed

to accumulate. Leaching is the only effective way of removing salinity from the soil and

would prove costly. A problem closely related to the problem of irrigation induced salinity

is that of alkalinity or sodicity, and its impact is manifested by the degradation of the soil

structure.

Waterlogged soils

Waterlogging is the physical deterioration of the soils. If the water table is too high, then

the soil becomes waterlogged. It is the phenomenon of saturation of soil that develops

when all the soil-pores are filled with water, displacing the soil air. When the quantity of

water applied for irrigation is greater than the quantity consumed by the crops and

evaporation and if the excess water is not properly drained out, the land gets waterlogged.

It also occurs where rainwater or floodwater is not properly drained out.

In waterlogged conditions, the root zone of the plant is saturated with water and it becomes

difficult for the roots of most plants to get the oxygen they need, and this can lead to

stunted growth or death. The problem becomes more severe when the salinity of the

groundwater is high. Waterlogging is more prevalent in irrigated areas where excessive

amounts of water are applied to the land and where there is inadequate drainage. It is often

a precursor to salinization. According to the Central Ground Water Board, the areas where

the groundwater table occurs within two meters of land surface are considered as

waterlogged areas. The critical depth of the water level, which is eonsidered to be harmful,

depends on the type of soil, crop, the quality of water and the period for which the water

table remains in the root zone. Therefore it varies trom area to area and erop to crop.

Waterlogging apart from affecting crop production hinders the movement of the people and

causes many human and livestock diseases.

, Leaching is the removal of soluble materials from one zone in the soil to another via water movement in the profile.

23

In every river basin, before the introduction of irrigation, there is a water balance between

rainfall and stream flow on the one hand, and groundwater level and evaporation and

transpiration on the other. This balance is disturbed when large additional quantities of

water are artificially spread on the land for agriculture (Abrol et al. 1988). The additional

water raises the sub-soil water level. In dry climates, waterlogging may be accompanied by

salinization as water near the surface evaporates and leaves behind a damaging residue of

salts. Thus, waterlogging increases soil salinity. Both waterlogging and salinity will lead to

decreased penneability and hydraulic conductivity of the soils.

24

Appendix 1.2: Important committees, commissions and working groups for addressing salinity and waterlogging at the national level

Year Committee! Commission! Working Group

1877 Indian Reh Committee

1925 Waterlogging Enquiry Committee. Irrigation Research Laboratory

established

1927 Waterlogging Enquiry Committee expanded Chakamawli Reclamation Farm;

first salinity survey in waterlogged areas started

1928 Waterlogging Committee abolished; Waterlogging Board constituted

1937 Investigation on depth of water table started

1943 Salinity survey to entire irrigated area of Indus basin extended

1945 Land Reclamation Directorate

1969 Central Soil Salinity Research Institute established

1972 National Commission on Irrigation

1976 National Commission on Agriculture

1991 Working Group on salinity and waterlogging

1998 National Bureau of Soil Survey and Land Use

Agencies such as the Ministry of Agriculture, United Nations Development Program, Food

and Agriculture Organization, United Nations Environment Program, NRSA, etc., have

estimated the extent of land degradation of different kinds. But these agencies do not give

exclusive information on irrigation-induced waterlogging and salinity.

25

Chapter 2

Review of literature

Canal irrigation is beset with a wide range of environmental problems and constraints, as

has been observed in the preceding chapter. The literature has generally been confined to

the adverse etTects on land, most importantly due to waterlogging and salinity. Causal

factors like impact on farm productivity and farm income are, however, not adequately

addressed. Preventive and curative measures employed by institutions and fanner's

awareness of such measures have also not been examined empirically. This chapter

provides a review of the studies under two broad categories: (i) studies concerned with

causal factors of salinity and waterlogging, its economic impact, and suggestions given or

measures taken for preventing its negative impacts; (ii) studies concerned with Irrigation

Management Transfer' (IMT) or Water Users Association (WUA) and farmers knowledge

of water and soi I.

Studies on cause and effects of waterlogging and salinity

An attempt to study systematically the environmental consequences of irrigation projects -

was made by Biswas (1978). The study gives an account of the environmental implications

of irrigation in developing countries. According to the study, irrigation projects do not

automatically bring unmitigated benefits to human settlements. They can extract high costs

as well. What is necessary is a determined attempt to minimize the costs and maximize the

benefits of such developments on a sustainable basis. The author is of the opinion that this

can be done if ecological-environmental principles are explicitly considered and integrated

in the project design.

Introduction of irrigation by the Rajasthan Canal in Rajasthan has led to an aggravation of

the waterlogging problem in 19 percent of the villages in the command area (Roy 1983).

This seems to have led to an increase in mosquitoes and a consequent increase in diseases.

On the other hand the problem of salinity has increased in 45 percent ofthe villages while it

decreased in 10 percent of the villages. This shows that the rate of increase of soil

I Turning over the management authority for irrigation systems, from government agencies to farmers is generally referred to as management transfer (Vermillion 1997).

degradation is more in the command areas. It is, however, silent on the factors contributing

to salinity decrease in 10 percent of the villages. The study points out that it is essential to

improve the sub-soil drainage in the affected areas.

In the protected area of the Eastern Kosi Flood embankment, about 1.52 lakh hectares of

land has been atlected out of which 15,000 hectares remains waterlogged from June to

March where the depth of waterlogging varies from 0.9 m (meters) to 3.0 m. In low-lying

areas, waterlogging is found to be permanent. This has posed a serious threat to the

irrigation potential created by the Kosi project and to crop production (Singh 1987). The

main causes of waterlogging, as identified by the study, have been surface drainage

congestion, seepage from the eastern Kosi tlood embankment, escape of surplus canal

water due to non-utilization of the full irrigation potential. Another important cause of

waterlogging is the practice of irrigation by the inundation method. The study, does not

take into account the perspectives of the farmers in this regard. It has, however, suggested

the provision of surface drainage and underground drains for the entire Kosi command area

coupled with scientific watcr management.

Bowender & Ravi (1989) observe waterlogging in irrigation projects as an environmental

hazard. The problems and intensity of waterlogging in three major irrigation projects have

been discussed. According to the study, waterlogging should be seen in the economic sense

of the opportunity costs in terms of production lost and ineffective use of irrigation

facilities. Opportunities foregone in terms of loss of fertile land and in terms of non­

availability of water to the tail enders results in lower output per unit of investment 10

agriculture. However, these observations lack empirical support.

Pawar (1989) has tried to identify the problems of waterlogging and salinity in the

Panchaganga basin of the Upper Krishna basin in Maharastra. The data pertaining to soil

problems were collected from 10 percent villages and about 15 samples of soil were

collected from each selected village and chemical properties were obtained in terms of pH

values. It was found that about 6,320 hectares are fully affected and another 39,644

hectares are moderately affected by salinity. In 1979, the per hectare yield of sugarcane was

between 125 to 150 tonnes, which has drastically declined to 35 tonnes in some areas in

27

1989, thereby making cane cultivation an uneconomic venture. Further it was also observed

that 2008 hectares of land is affected by waterlogging in the Panchaganga basin. Here the

intensity of irrigation is above 25 percent and the proportion of sugarcane to the total

irrigated area is significantly high (above 90 percent). A number of reasons are attributed to

soil degradation like, inadequate drainage facilities in deep black soils, excessive use of

irrigation water, heavy doses of fertilizers and cultivation of sugarcane without crop

rotation. The study advocates three broad measures such as physical measures, chemical

measures and agronomic practices to alleviate the adverse effects. The physical measures

include leaching of salts and providing sub-surface drainage in the affected areas. The

chemical measures include addition of gypsum, sulphur and molasses to the affected soils

while the agronomic practices include green manuring along with gypsum, which is helpful

in restoring the physical condition and enriching the soil in nitrogen and organic matter.

The study also stresses the necessity to create awareness among farmers regarding the

judicious agronomic practices such as proper use of fertilizer and irrigation water, crop

rotation, etc.

Reddy (1991) has identified the potential catchment and command area environmental

problems in the major irrigation projects. In his study on Ghata Prabha irrigation project, in

the northern part of Karnataka, it was observed that 96 villages were affected by salinity,

waterlogging and alkalinity. The areas affected by waterlogging constitute about 3 percent

of the command area brought under irrigation. It was further noted that in the villages

located at the head and middle reaches of canals, the adverse effects on soil were more

when compared to the tail end villages. The reasons for adverse effects in the upper reaches

were over irrigation and violation of cropping pattern, and also non-lining of canals. Lack

of proper drainage, encroachment of natural drains. non-practicing of night irrigation, lack

of scientific on-farm development and high intensity of cropping seem to have compounded

the problems. The study advocates a realistic policy regarding water distribution, cropping

pattern and drainage program and calls for further research efforts on the ecological and

environmental dynamics of water development. Nonetheless, the study has highlighted

some of the positive effects of canal irrigation on the social environment.

28

The study by Abassi (1991) on the environmental impact in some of the major irrigation

projects of Karnataka otTers some useful insights on the causal factors of waterlogging and

salinity. In the Upper Krishna project. close to 1000 hectares has been affected due to

waterlogging and about 500 hcctares are prey to salinity and sodicity. Improper leveling of

irrigated land, absence of tield drains, silting up of natural drains along with weed growth,

non-exploitation of groundwater and adoption of a cropping pattern not best suited to the

specitic soil has led to adverse effects. Natural factors like the heterogeneity of gcology and

landscapes further contributed to the problem. In the Malaprabha Project, more than 2460

hectares have become waterlogged or saline because of the adoption of a cropping pattern

not suitable to the soiL apart tTom improper water management practices. Furthermore,

field canals were not maintained properly and the lands were not leveled as required.

Similarly, in projects like Ghataprabha, an area of about 2000 hectares is estimated to have

been affected by waterlogging.

The hazards of over irrigation and its impact on large and small farmers have been

highlighted by Das (1991). This study was undertaken in the Ajoy-Kopai inter riverine tract

in western West Bengal to analyse the nature and extent of loss incurred by farmers due to

uncontrolled canal irrigation. Large areas have heen degraded. It was noted that, there was

no cause and effect relationship between elevation, socio-economic groups of farmers and

the amount of degraded land. Both the rich and the poor farmers have fallen prey to land

degradation. The author has attrihuted improper provision and unscientific distribution of

irrigation water. lack of proper coordination and communication between various

organizations and farmers as reasons for adverse eth:cts on the soil.

Patel et al. (1992) in their study on the Mahi irrigation scheme bring out a wide range of

irrigation-induced environmental problems in the Kheda district of central Gujarat. While

waterlogging and salinity prohlems have increased enormously, the beneficiary's families

in the command area seem to have been lett with only 2-3 acres of fertile land. Introduction

of perennial irrigation and poorly drained flat plains has also changed the microclimate of

the areas leading to an increase in the moisture level of the atmosphere. Land sat data has

revealed that waterlogging and salinity has extended into the adjoining charter tract. Prior

to the introduction of the irrigation scheme, water and the rich alluvial deposits of the Mahi

29

River made the regIOn suitable for growmg a great variety of crops. Improper and

insufficient surface drainage has caused the water tale to rise and natural drainage like

gullies, streams, etc., has become inadequate for conducting the extra drainage. Also the

rise of the water table has been attributed to different factors like the raising of heavy

perennial crops like paddy and sugarcane. The most important cause of salinization, as

brought out by the study is saline ground water and high capillary rise in the clayey soils.

The benctits of this irrigation scheme lasted only for 5-6 years after which followed the

backlash. Some of the remedial mcasures suggested are conjunctive use of surface and

ground water, lining of canals, irrigation tanks, etc., provision of proper surface and sub­

surface drainage, adoption of new cropping pattern depending on the water table depth and

implementation of micro irrigation systems like drip and micro sprinklers. However, the

study does not look into the productivity of the lands affected by waterlogging and salinity.

An attempt has been made by some scholars to assess the potential waterlogging and

salinity problems in the Narmada Sagar and Sardar Sarovar Project. Ruitenbeek & Cartier

(1995) have stated that soil degradation and fertility loss from waterlogging is anticipated

in 1,00,000 hectares in the Narmada Sagar project area. A study on the waterlogging

potential of Narmada Sagar Project done by the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore

(lISe), reports that, about 40 percent of the command area will become waterlogged given

the surface/ground water use pattern proposed in the original design of the project

(Sridharan & Vedula 1985). The study has emphasized a use of not more than 70 percent of

the water from the dam canals and the remaining from wells in order to check the

waterlogging problem. It recommends that a well be dug every 6.2 hectares, with a 3 bhp

motor, and that water be pumped out from each for an average 400 hours per year. But this

lifting of water from wells will entail more cost, which has not been taken into

consideration in the cost-benefit analysis. For the Sardar Sarovar Project, the project

authorities claim that the lining of the canals, conjunctive use of groundwater and a much

more limited supply of water per unit of land than given in previous projects, will greatly

reduce the possibility of waterlogging.

There are some studies in the international context, which are important and will be

reviewed here. A study on the Indus River Basin of Pakistan gives a comprehensive

30

account of irrigation development and its impact on the social, economIC, and

environmental conditions (Shepperdson 1981). With the help of macro data, it was found

that the adverse effects of irrigation like waterlogging and salinity are essentially due to

cultivation of paddy and other water intensive crops and an adoption of traditional farming

methods. Further, the problems of environmental deterioration can be traced to the

disjunction between an increasingly large-scale complex and modem irrigation network

with a still largely traditional peasant farm users of that system. It shows by implication that

farmer' awareness and understanding of modem technology is essential to implement

irrigation farm technology. This aspect still remains less explored.

Kijne (\996) calculated water and salt balances for three irrigated areas in Pakistan namely;

the Chasma Right Bank Canal command area in the North-West Frontier Province and the

other two in the Punjab, in the command areas of the Gugera Branch Canal and second, the

FordwahlEastern Sadiqia Irrigation System. With the help of data on water and salt

balances, it was concluded that current irrigation and agronomic practices at all the three

sites are not sustainable and should not be continued for much longer. The study mentions

that additional studies, including regional groundwater flow modeling, are required to

predict the rate of expected soil degradation and hence the degree to which current

irrigation practices cannot be sustained. Management solutions given by the study include

reducing the area cropped in each of the two seasons, changing cropping patterns so that

smaller areas are under crops with high water consumption, or a combination of the two.

A study by Lierena (1993) of the irrigation districts of Mexico to identify the causative

factors for prevalence of salinity revealed that at the national level, the main cause of

salinity was the high water tables while in the low-lying coastal areas this could be ascribed

to lack of natural drainage. Poor water management by farmers resulted in the application

of excessive water. The low cost of water charged in the districts is cited as one of the

reasons for poor water management. Further saline intrusion and the use of low quality

water have aggravated the problem. The study has however not given any suggestions to

overcome these problems.

31

In the Kano River Project in Nigeria, the water table rose to 40cm during the irrigation

season and the water distribution and drainage systems were characterized with siltation

and aquatic weeds. Project planning was dominated by engineering criteria and insufficient

thought was given to the social and economic effects of the project that resulted in an

unhealthy environment. An investigation was undertaken by Ahmed (1991) to assess the

extent of irrigation hazards, identify the main factors for such hazards and to evolve

realistic operation and maintenance options. The study was concentrated in the head,

middle and tail end of the main canal. High seepage rates, farmer's irrigation techniques as

well as poor system management were found to be the major causes tor waterlogging. This

led to a drop in the wheat yields from an average of 3 tonnes per hectare to less than 2

tonnes per hectare and no crop could be successfully grown during the rainy season except

rice and sugarcane. The study calls for greater involvement of farmers to supply communal

labors and recommends partial turnover of the system management to farmers to make it a

farmer-managed irrigation system.

In the Sinaloa project of Mexico, 17 percent of the project area was uncultivable while in

the San Lorenzo project of Peru, 20 percent of the project area was uncultivable due to soil

salinity and waterlogging (World Bank 1991). In the Sinaloa project, the area affected by

salinity and waterlogging increased from 800 hectares to about 11,000 hectares in 1987.

About 850 families were found to have incurred serious economic losses as a result of

salinity and waterlogging. The causes for the adverse impact were due to lack of drainage

and unsatisfactory operation and maintenance of the irrigation infrastructure.

In a study by IPTRID (1992) on the Republic of China, the extent of irrigation-induced

salinity and its causal factors varied by region. The total affected cultivated areas in North

China in 1991 were estimated at 2.1 million hectares, mainly caused when large-scale

irrigation was introduced in the area without providing adequate drainage to remove the

excess water. In North-East China, the total salt affected area was estimated at 6.0 million

hectares. It was noted that the western section of the North-East plain is also seriously

affected. Soil salinity became a serious problem in this region due to indiscriminate

reclamation and over-grazing of natural pasture. The affected area in the North-West is

estimated at 3.0 million. The reason for this is attributed to the introduction of irrigation

32

without providing adequate canal seepage control and drainage, which led to large-scale

waterlogging and capillary salinization of the upper soil layers.

The studies reviewed so far clearly bring out that over irrigation, unscientific water

management. neglect of natural drains, soil incompatible cropping pattern and faulty design

and construction of some of the projects have led to waterlogging and salinity problems.

However the absence of drainage is found to be one of the major reasons for land

degradation in most of the studies. The Drainage Working Group of the International

Commission on Irrigation and Drainage show that over 50 percent of the world's irrigated

lands have developed drainage problems (Abdel-Dayem 2000). While there is considerable

success in improving irrigation management performance. similar efforts concerning

drainage have almost been neglected. Recognizing the social and environmental costs, it is

all the more surprising that drainage still is the forgotten factor when it comes to investment

and maintenance of drainage infrastructure. Nonetheless, more recently there have been

attempts to address drainage needs. Some of the studies undertaken by scholars to analyze

the efforts made by government and other agencies regarding provision of drainage and

other reclamation measures employed are brietly reviewed below.

Studies on reclamation o/waterlogged and saline areas

It was estimated that by 1972. a decade after irrigation development began in the Chambal

Command Area, that approximately 1,81,000 hectares was atlected by waterlogging. Vohra

(1972) mentions that the amount of formerly productive land that became unproductive due

to waterlogging has averaged as much as one percent every year mainly because the natural

surface drainage was inadequate to remove the excess water. The Rajasthan Agricultural

Drainage Research Project (RADRP) was established to implement the sub surface

drainage program. Mathur (1998) while assessing the impact of the RADRP brought out the

techno-economic benefits generated by the scheme and also creating knowledge about it on

a wider scale. The scheme was instrumental in reducing waterlogging and salinity.

However, the author had raised a number of issues, which have policy implications as for

example: why irrigation engineers do not make drainage a built-in feature of their

blueprints? Should government subsidize drainage costs especially when the location­

specific drainage cost estimates are likely to be beyond the small farmer's budgets? Or

33

what should be the weightage given to the water management improvement exercise so that

the necessity for drainage can be avoided altogether? These questions need to be addressed

properly.

In Uttar Pradesh, 7 percent of the net cultivable area was not used because of alkalinity. So

in 1993, the Uttar Pradesh Sodic Land' Reclamation Project was started to reclaim the

atlected lands and improve agricultural production based on a grass root approach in LO of

the 35 most affected districts. The study by World Bank (1998) noted that by March 1997,

a total of 34,000 hectares had been reclaimed and the cropping intensities increased from

37 percent to about 200 percent. In some areas, land values have quadrupled and the wage

rates doubled, reflecting increased economic activity. A total of 200,000 poor families have

been benefited by the project. The project was successful because of its emphasis on

participatory management through the establishment of water user groups and self-help

groups who were involved in decision making in all the stages. Farmers visited successful

pilot projects in other parts of Uttar Pradesh and passed on what they learned to other

farmers in their area. The beneficiaries also assisted in the verification of site characteristics

and areas selected for reclamation through remote sensing techniques.

Heuperman (1999) mentions the use of biD-drainage in the Indira Gandhi Nahar Project,

Rajasthan, to remove excess soil water through evapotranspiration. With the introduction of

irrigation, the groundwater table started to rise and the average water table rise was 0.92

m/yr during 1981-1992. Seepage from the canal, in combination with impervious layers of

soil at a shallow depth in the profile resulted in the formation of a parched water body.

Surface water was apparent at 127 locations along the main canal and covered 900 hectares.

Plantations were established in 1987 along the canal and around the inundated areas. After

six years, the inundation had disappeared and the !,'roundwater table fell by about 15 m. The

plantations progressively reduced the extent of the waterlogged area and in 1999 there were

only 9 inundated areas. The paper calls for more R&D to create adequate site-specitic bio­

drainage systems that function in hannony with the physical and socio-economic

environment.

34

•

Sathyanarayana et al. (200 I) documented the progress of the IDNORP Project (Indo-Dutch

Network Operational Research Project) that was started in 1996, to study drainage and

water management for salinity control in canal commands. Both surface and sub-surface

drainage systems were piloted by IDNORP at the Konanki site (in the Nagarjuna Sagar

Project Right Canal Command area), an area that suffers from salinity, sodicity and

waterlogging. The drains were manually installed in the pre-monsoon period when the

groundwatcr was at its lowest level. The sub-surface drains were installed with 30 and 60 m

drain spacing, and the open drains had 50 m spacing. Since the land could be !,'favity­

drained, and the effluent could be disposed in a conveniently close natural drain, there was

no need for pumped drainage. The cost of sub-surface drainage was Rs. 23,000 per hectare

and the cost for the open drain system was Rs 5,000. With 9.5t salt discharged in these

drains the rice yield has improved from 2625 kglhectare (prior to drainage installation), to

4125 kglhectare.

To address the environmental and socio-economic issues of the Fordwah Eastern Sadiqia

South (FESS), the Government of Pakistan initiated in 1993 the FESS Irrigation and

Drainage Project. The project envisioned sustained reclamation of 3,00.000 acres of land by

lowering the water table through lining of distributary, by controlling seepage. construction

of surface drain and creation of Farmers Organization to participate in operation and

maintenance. The study by Waheed-Us-Zaman (2000) describes the post-project results of

farmers' perceptions on the impact of irrigation and drainage project. The parameters

approached were depth to water table, crop yields. cropping pattern, migration, abandoned

lands, water distribution and seepage reduction. The farmers' perceptions revealed their

satisfaction with the project interventions to reduce the adverse effects on soil. There have

been improvements in the soil fertility, drainage, irrigation efficiency and the socio­

economic condition of the region. But at some locations, the groundwater quality was

affected adversely. One revealing feature of the study is that farmers' perceptions. when

compared with the technical data from previous technical studies of some selected

parameters were found to be reliable.

Improvement in yield levels due to the installation of subsurface drainage has been reported

by IPTRID (1991). Its report noted that in the Nubariya Irrigation Project of Egypt. due to

IS E C L15~?~Y~.t~.~~~~.~~. Ace. No ..... •·•• ... •••

35

,

the inherent inefficiency of the irrigation distribution network, the field water application

and the limited natural drainage, the water table in the irrigated areas rose, resulting in

waterlogging problems and eventually, soil salinity. By 1970, about 60 percent of all

cultivated land was classified as moderately to severely affected by salinity and

waterlogging with crop yields below the national average. Around 33 percent was rated

slightly to moderately affected and only 7 percent of the total irrigated area remained

unaffected. As a result, large-scale drainage works were introduced in the 1970s to arrest

the problem. As of \990, some 1.43 million hectares have been provided with subsurface

drainage and improved open drainage systems. Annually, the drainage coverage has been

expanding at the rate of 70 to 80 thousand hectares. The study reported that the installation

of the drainage system effectively reduced soil salinity. Soil salinity, which in some areas

ranged from 2-5 ds/m before drainage, reached an equilibrium level of approximately

I ds/m after the introduction of drainage. The average yield of wheat before drainage was

about I metric tonne per hectare; with drainage it increased to about 2.4 metric tonnes per

hectare. Similarly, the yield of maize increased from 2.4 metric tonnes per hectare to 3.6

metric tonnes per hectare after the drainage infrastructure was constructed.

Freisem & Scheumann (200 I) note that the Conservation of Agricultural Resources Act in

South Africa requires that water and land are used in a sustainable manner. If soils are

waterlogged or salinized, fanners should infonn the nearest extension service office; if soil

reclamation is required, farmers may receive technical assistance for investigation, survey

and detennination of the problem and also specifications on possible solutions. If more than

one land user is affected, a development plan will be figured out considering the need of all

land users. A contract between the parties involved will define obligations, so that

maintenance and repair work on the system is carried out according to a predetennined

system. Studies of this nature are important because they throw light on various policies

adopted by the government to involve fanners in soil reclamation activities.

A wide range of issues related to the techno-economic benefits, improved revenue returns

and increased cropping intensities have been addressed by several scholars. However, the

involvement of fanners in various reclamation measures or the strategies employed by them

36

in the operation and maintenance of drainage canals or natural drainage has, by and large,

not received the required attention.

Studies on impact of waterlogging and salinity on agricultural and farm productivity

The relationship between waterlogging / salinity and agricultural productivity is complex

and involves geographic, hydraulic, social and economic factors. There are only few

comprehensive studies, which have addressed such issues.

The study by Joshi & Jha (1991) in the Sharda Sahayak irrigation project In India is

comprehensive enough, and covers 110 farm households in the Gauriganj Block of

Sultanpur District in 1985-86. Its investigation reveals that there had been a decline in the

yield of paddy and wheat to the extent of nearly 51 percent and 56 percent, respectively on

the degraded soils. The net income per hectare in the salt affected lands was 82-97 percent

lower than the unaffected land. Paddy remained as the only option on waterlogged soils,

though the net incomes are reduced by 54-55 percent when compared to paddy b'Town in

normal soils. Productivity losses were a result of the increased costs of production where

per unit costs for paddy rose by about 60 percent, while for wheat per unit costs increased

by about 85 percent in saline lands. Using a decomposition analysis, the study found that

salinity accounted for as much as 72 percent of the difference in gross income between

normal and salt-affected plots. The study also found that farmers reverted to low- input

traditional varieties and practices as soil conditions deteriorated.

Similarly, other farm-level studies of major irrigation projects in India like the Bhakra

(Singh 1992) have shown that on degraded lands, decline in yield levels of paddy, wheat,

cotton and sugarcane were 1.90, 1.10, 1.60 and 4.30 metric tonnes per hectare, respectively.

The Indira Gandhi irrigation project (Joshi 1993) has shown that the yield and income

effects on saline soil were quite high where the decline in wheat was 0.80 metric tonncs per

hectare on salt affected lands. A study by Gajja and Joshi on the Kakarpar project (1992)

revealed that the decline in yield levels of paddy, wheat, cotton and sugarcane was 1.90,

1.10, 1.60 and 4.30 metric tonnes per hectare, respectively. These studics clearly show that

the decline in yield levels of paddy and wheat were at a maximum in the Bhakra project

whereas the Kakarpar irrigation project showed a maximum decline in yield levels of

37

cotton and sugarcane. However, the extent of degradation in the irrigation projects or

fanners awareness about the need for preventive measures and their efforts to minimize

sueh degradation is not mentioned in any of these studies.

The extent of reduction in paddy yield due to waterlogging is examined by Murthy (1991 )

for Sriram Sagar in Andhra Pradesh and Tungabhadra projects in Karnataka. In the Sriram

Sagar project, all the six selected villages show reduced yields due to waterlogging where

the reduction ranged between 0.5-1.5 tonnes per hectare. Although paddy is moderately

tolerant of waterlogging, the yields would decline in soil profiles with more salts, hence the

study recommends the removal of toxic substances produced in the prevailing cropping

pattern and also the provision of subsurface drainage. In the Tungabhadra command area,

the decline in yields ranged between 0.2-2.5 tonnes per hectare in all the seventeen selected

fanns. The reasons for the decline in yield are lack of drainage and presence of heavy black

soils.

There are a few studies on the Tawa irrigation project in Madhya Pradesh that has tried to

assess the extent of decline in yields after the introduction of canal irrigation. The study by

Mishra (1986) noted that with the introduction of the Tawa irrigation project, average

wheat yield declined from 785 kg per hectare before irrigation to 765 kg per hectare after

irrigation and of maize from 1,200 kg per hectare to 1,000 kg per hectare, respectively.

Similarly, the study by Padaria ct al. (2000) on Tawa irrigation project has pointed out that

335.20 hectares has been atfected by waterlogging and these areas were spread over 25

villages. The yield of wheat has come down to 7 quintals per hectare from 23 quintals per

hectare due to the adverse effects on soil. Also, the yield of gram reduced to 5 quintals per

hectare from 14 quintals per hectare. Severely waterlogged areas became unsuitable for

cultivation and remained as marshy barren lands. Even the fann and village roads have

been affected by waterlogging, because of which transport and communication has also

become difficult in those villages. The study has attributed a number of reasons for such

adverse effects, like faulty on-fann development works carried out by the government,

careless and excess irrigation by the fanners, and lack of fanners' cooperation and

participation in the operation and maintenance of canals. Seepage coupled with high

rainfall and moisture retentive deep black cotton soil further aggravated the problem of

38

waterlogging. The study emphasizes the need for training of farmers to ensure a proper

utilization of water and also to form farmers' cooperatives for proper operation and

maintenance of canals.

Singh et al. (2003) has estimated economic losses resulting from various sources of land

degradation in Punjab state, which worked out at around Rs 4,800 million per annum at

current prices. The severity of the economic loss appears to be the highest in Hoshiarpur

district followed by Roopnagar and Gurdaspur. The loss is the least in Fatehgarhsahib

district. District-wise details of the estimated economic losses resulting from various

sources of land degradation in Punjab at constant (1980-82) prices reveals that at the

current level of degradation, the economic losses in the state as a whole works out to be Rs

L 709 million. Sensitivity analysis reveals that at a 10 percent higher and 10 percent lower

level of extent of degradation, the annual economic losses could be Rs. 5,325 million and

Rs. 4,357 million, respectively at current prices for the state as a whole. The corresponding

estimates at constant prices are approximately Rs. 1,880 million and Rs. 1,538 million,

respectively. However, this study only gives a macro perspective of land degradation and

does not estimate the economic losses only due to waterlogging or salinity although the

losses incurred by these problems are included in the total losses due to land degradation.

In a study conducted in the Menemem irrigation and drainage project in Izmir, Turkey, it

was found that the average net returns per ha for cotton and paddy production were TL307

and TL415, respectively in the salinity affected areas, which is equivalent to 42 and 35

percent of the income in the unatTected areas. These results were based on a survey of

village heads and farmer groups in 20 villages in the Menemem project area (Republic of

Turkey 1990 cited in Umali 1993).

In a study carried out by Thiruchelvam & Pathmarajah (1997) on the Mahaweli River

System Irrigation scheme in Sri Lanka an attempt to measure the impact of salinization on

rice production is made. Analysis shows that in the affected areas, soil salinity was the

principal factor determining rice productivity. In moderately saline areas, a rice yield loss

of 10-15 percent was observed while in high and severe salinity areas, the yield was

reduccd by a third. Thc net income from rice fell by about 22 percent and 43 percent,

39

I

respectively in the moderate and highly saline areas for both blocks. In addition they found

that salinity also affected drinking water quality, human health and vegetation. Using a

cost-benefit analysis they found that drainage improvement is the most desirable long-term

solution to the problem. In highly saline areas where salinity overpowers the positive

response of all yield-enhancing factors, it seems that not much can be done to neutralize the

effect of soil salinity. In these areas, the main challenge is to prevent land that experiences

moderate levels of salinity from becoming worse. The study recommends that farmers

should be encouraged to practice drainage improvements and that excessive irrigation

should be controlled to prevent the problem of a rising water table. Most important is the

participation of farmers, to implement the necessary improvements in the development of

drainage channels.

Kahlown & Azam (2002) conducted a study in Fordwah Eastern Sadiqia south of Pakistan

to evaluate the individual and combined impacts of waterlogging and salinity on the yields

of cotton, wheat, sugarcane and rice. The extent of yield loss as a result of a rise in the

water table hom 1-2 m to less than I m was 27 and 33 percent for wheat and sugarcane

crops, whereas it was 7 and 6 percent in the case of a drop of the water table to more than 2

m. For cotton, a rising water table hom 2-3 m to 1-2 m and less than I m gave a yield

decrease of about 11 and 60 percent, respectively. The rice crop preferred waterlogging,

and in contrast to other crops, gave about 7 percent less yield with a lowering of the water

table hom less than I m to 1-2 m. The cotton crop demonstrated a relatively higher salinity

tolerance under a water table deeper than I m. It was found that the combined impact of

waterlogging and salinity was more harmful to crop yields when compared with the

individual effects of waterlogging. The combined analysis of waterlogging and salinity on

crop yields provide a good sensitivity of the salinity-yield relationships and indicated the

importance of subsurface drainage. However, investigations strongly advocate that

subsurface drainage interventions must not go deeper than 2 m. Deeper installations of

subsurface drainage will add to installation and operational costs, besides reducing the

benetit of sub irrigation to crops. The study recommends immediate and effective

reclamation measures in the affected areas.

40

The studies reviewed so far, clearly bring out the extent of yield reduction in the soils

affected by waterlogging and salinity as well as the costs of reclamation. Having brought

out the adverse effects on soil and their impact on productivity, none of the studies have

addressed the issues related to farmers' awareness; lessons learnt form the experiences and

sustainable measures contemplated by the farmers. Therefore, a review of some studies is

presented, which have addressed issues related to the farmers' knowledge and awareness.

Studies on farmers' knowledge about irrigation water and soil

Some studies have been undertaken by scholars to assess the farmers' local knowledge of

water and soils and their management strategies as well as the possibility of a greater

participation by the farmers to tap the local knowledge.

The study by Joshi et al. (1995) conducted in Rohtak district of Haryana attempted to assess

the dimensions of soil salinity and its causalities while it also highlighted farmers'

perception about the problem and the strategies employed by them to overcome it. The

technological and policy interventions employed by the government to minimize the

adverse consequence were also dwelt on. The relationship between soil salinity and yield

levels of wheat, barley and mustard were determined using the Cobb-Douglas production

function. It is found that the extent of waterlogging and the associated soil salinity showed

a rising trend and the important reasons for this is the introduction of canal irrigation

without any preventive measures to arrest a rise in groundwater which is saline. Soil

salinity was the major factor atlecting the productivity of crops adversely. Farmers, as

brought out by the study, employed as many as sixteen on-farm strategies to cope with the

problem. These can be grouped into three broad categories namely: improving soil fertility,

conserving rain water and removing salts. These interventions were capital and labor

intensive. Farmers have, however, invested in these measures with the expectation of

sustaining soil fertility. Small farmers were much more concerned about the problem and

were taking several measures to improve soil fertility. Authors have suggested integrating

the strategies employed by the farmers in the research agenda to find out the effectiveness

of the strategies thereby establishing a strong link between research and the users of the

technology. A community approach is advocated where a joint effort of the government and

the community is required. And finally, incentives should be given to farmers to employ

41

...

preventive measures and to develop appropriate organizations and institutions for

sustaining the available technologies in salinity management.

A study conducted by the International Irrigation Management Institute in Pakistan has

documented farmers' practices related to the management of salinity. The study showed

that fanners often supplemented canal water with tube well water to mitigate the effects of

salinity on crops (Kuper & van Waiijen 1993). By mixing canal water and tube well water,

fanners otten succeeded in keeping the salinity of the irrigation water below an EC of 1.15

dS/m. Salinity is judged by farmers on the basis of the white efflorescence on the soil

surface and the presence of hard layers and surface crusts as evidenced by reduced

germination rates. However. the cropping pattern or decline in yields due to salinity is not

documented.

Kielen ( 1996) found that a large group of farmers in Pakistan' s Punjab is unable to reduce

or prevent salinity and sodicity because of lack of funds (especially true for tenants) or

because they are faced with shallow groundwater tables and totally inadequate canal

supplies. circumstances which are outside their control. Farmers with better financial means

are generally more inclined to take additional measures, such as the application of gypsum

or laser leveling of their tields. Many farmers, however, have no clear idea of what they

could do to reduce salmity, especially when they have only recently been confronted with

the problem as a result of increased cropping intensity and a relatively greater use of poor

quality tube well water. Otten, farmers are well aware of the hazards involved in the use of

tube well water as they notice the soil becoming "bitter" or the surface being crusted, both

of which are effects of sodicity. The study has called for better extension services to inform

farmers on what they could or should not do especially in terms of crop choices and

cropping intensities.

Kane (2000) has analyzed the importance of community involvement in natural resource

management in the Goulburn Broken Catchment, which contributes II percent of the

Murray Darling Basin's water resource. The rich irrigated land at the bottom of the

catchment is one of the most intensive agricultural areas in Australia. The catchment

management authority has adopted an integrated approach to land and water management

42

to ensure greater production from less land by using water more efficiently. It began with

the salinity program in the mid 1980s where the structures and processes not only involved

the community, but also empowered them. The communities were involved in identifying

the problems and their solutions. This sense of ownership has ensured action and

landholders in irrigated parts of the catchment are spending more than $40 million each

year on salinity mitigation and waterway nutrient reduction alone. The study has

highlighted that unless the community understands and owns the problem. no amount of

government spending will solve it.

Another study by Marshall (2001) in Australia, explores the possibility of the community's

involvement in the government's offer of a collaborative partnership to address

waterlogging problems in four districts for which land and water management programs

were developed in the central Murray region of Australia. Since the schemes were intended

originally for low-intensity irrigation, they were constructed without surface drains and an

intensification of irrigation contributed to worsening agricultural losses from waterlogging.

Early responses to this problem emphasized technical solutions conceived and implemented

centrally by experts. However, the need for communities and government to co-operate and

coordinate were identified by the government which coincided with growing local concerns

that the rising water tables would threaten the region's agricultural viability by exacerbating

the existing waterlogging problems as well as by causing soil salinization. The study

identified that the collaborative vision depended crucially on the details of how the co­

operative process was organized and executed. The reasons responsible for the successful

partnership was found to be trust including the integrity and inspirational qualities of the

governmental and community leaders, and the knowledge and attitudes of the people

responsible for driving the collaboration.

A study by eorbeeIs et al. (2000) undertaken in two villages of the highland areas of

Tigray, Northern Ethiopia, presents the results of a participatory survey designed to

characterize and analyze local knowledge about soil fertility and soil fertility management

practices. In each village, a sample of 25 farmers of both sexes of various ages and social

classes were drawn upon and the study used several participatory research techniques. The

principal indicators used for identifying the declining soil fertility are yield le\·els. the

43

degree of weed infestation, the appearance of rocky outcrops, and crops wilting early in the

growing cycle. Farmers also use another local system of classifying soil types according tll

their color, texture, and certain physical characteristics hased on their fertilIty and p()t~'nllal

productivity. The various traditional strategies employed hy farmers to IInpro\e "'II

productivity are fallowing, crop rotation. application of crop residues. manunng and

various tillage practices. The study mentions that in order to desih'll more appropnate

research and development programs geared to improVing integrated soli and water

management practices, researchers need to understand fanners' knowledge and perceptIOns

of soil fertility and the programs should be built around htnners' interests and local systems

of knowledge. Although the study has discussed in detail. farmers' perceptions of SOIl

fertility and management strategies. it has not addressed adequately the issues related to the

relationship between soil fertility and irrigation management.

A study by Mango (1999) analyzed farmers' perceptions of soil fertility decline and the soil

improvement techniques practiced in three villages of Siaya District, Western Kenya.

Fanners based their classification of soil on the surface layer and they codified a soil hy

color, texture and heaviness of working. The criteria they use for judging soil fertilIty

decline include reduced crop yields, change in soil color, compacting of the soil. and the

presence of certain weed species. To improve soil fertility, farmers practiced organic matter

recycling, crop rotation, and crop associations. In addition, soil and water consenation such

as construction of terraces, grass strips and contour ploughing are followed. It was noted

that good soil fertility management depends on access to labor, knowledge and experience.

capital and off-farm remittances, livestock and information. The study cautions that forCing

technologies on farmers, which are developed without their involvement, although they

seem technically appropriate. is likely to result in failure as farmers often reject these when

the external pressure is removed.

These are a few systematic studies of how farmers deal with salinity, alkalimty,

waterlogging and fertility problems in irrigated agriculture. While many studies have heen

carried out focusing on farmers' knowledge about irrigation and soil. on their adoption of

strategies and knowledge to alleviate waterlogging and salimty. only a few studies have

mentioned the effective training of farmers in the latest technology to mitigate such adverse

effects.

Studies on impact of Irrigation Management Transfer on environment

Irrigation Management Transfer (lMT) is one of the increasingly emerging concerns of

irrigation planners globally. Some of the key elements of the recent literature, which are

relevant to the study, are summarized below. Only a few studies refer to the impacts of IMT

on the environment and these are mostly qualitative.

Yap-Salinas (1994) reports that irrigation transfer in the Dominican Republic, through the

establishment of local organizations to regulate land and water use, has halted and reversed

land degradation and loss of soil, which in tum has reduced health risks previously

associated with waterlogging from poor drainage. But detailed analysis of the benefits

derived from improved drainage in terms of economic or agricultural productivity is not

done. Howcver, in the absence of comparative data it is ditlicult to assess the relative

contributions of the installation of new drainage facilities and institutional reform in

reducing these risks.

In Chile, water users' associations, which took over the control of irrigation systems, was

empowered by the transfer and by the 1981 law water code. They successfully motivated

paper factories to invest in pollution reducing equipment, by threatening to cut off water to

industrial users (Meinzen-Dick et al. 1997). Farmers in the districts of Saldana and Recio in

Colombia where irrigation management was transferred complained that, deforestation over

the previous 10 to IS years had dramatically increased the silt load in the water diverted

into their schemes and had also caused a steady decline in the stream flow at the diversion

weirs. They organized coHectively to prevent further deforestation in the water catchment

areas above their irrigation districts (Vermillion & Garces-Restrepo 1996).

There are instances where IMT has not been very successful in maintaining the drainage

infrastructure that is very important to mitigate salinity and waterlogging problems. In Peru,

the operation and maintenance (O&M) of not only irrigation but also drainage systems was

transferred to water users associations in 1989. Since then, they are responsible for the

45

development, preservation and rational use of water and land resources in the irrigation

districts. According to Guerra et al. (1993) the associations were not prepared and willing

to take over such responsibility because the irrigation infrastructure was in a poor and

deteriorated state. As a result, the O&M efforts have been inadequate. Sut1icient funds were

lacking and there was no powerful authority to monitor them. It was also found that co­

operation between farnlers, water users and government organizations have been poor.

In Senegal, it is reported that irrigation management transfer has increased waterlogging

and salinization due to poor management practices by new and inexperienced managers

hired by farmer associations. Because of the short time covered, it is difficult to assess

whether this is a long-term problem or only a learning adjustment (Vermillion, 1997).

Oorthuizen & Kloezen (1995) report that the maintenance of irrigation infrastructure

worsened after irrigation management transfer in Southern Luzon of the Philippines.

Farmers are of the opinion that t1nancial autonomy prompted them to take cost cutting

measures that negatively affected maintenance.

The turnover of management responsibility for irrigation systems to users has been

practiced in the Philippines since the late 1970s. Before and after the management turnover

farmers took care of regular cleaning and weeding of the farm ditches adjacent to their

t1elds. Therefore, the turnover of management has not made any difference regarding the

maintaining of drainage infrastructure by farmers (Freisem & Scheumann 2001).

Irrigation management transfer has more often led to signitlcant improvements in water

distribution which is very important in the context of problems of waterlogging and

salinity. Regarding impacts on equity, Rao (1994) compares water delivery in three minor

commands in the Sreeramsagar project in Andhra Pradesh, which irrigated maize, turmeric

and groundnut. One year after management transfer, an improvement in equity among the

three blocks was recorded. The blocks received 2,186 mlha, 4,387 mlha and 12,065 mlha

before transfer as compared with 7,416 mJha, 7,307 mlha and 10,329 mlha, respectively

after the transfer. However, this was the case in a system where total irrigation supply

exceeded gross demand by more than 200 percent.

46

Transfer of management for the 12,000 hectares of the Paliganj Distributary Canal in the

Sone command in Bihar to a federated fanners' organization resulted in new rotational

arrangements in the dry season. Seventeen percent of water entering the distributary

reached gate 10, before transfer, which was two-thirds of the distance to the tail end of the

canal. After transfer, 21 percent of water entering canal reached gate 10 and for the first

time water reached the tail end of the canal (Vennillion, 1992). Before transfer, 31 percent

of the canal command area located in the tail end received an average of \0 to 12 percent of

total canal water. During 3 years after the transfer, 18 percent of the available canal water

reached the tail area (Srivastava & Brewer 1994).

In a pilot IMT project in the Kano River irrigation project in Nigeria, newly organized

fanners changed water distribution schedules to discontinue night irrigation and improve

head/tail equity. This increased the volume of water reaching the middle and tail reaches of

the distributary canals by 12 percent within the season in which the changes were

introduced (Mussa 1994).

Most of the studies have indicated an improvement in water delivery and equity after

management transfer. But whether an improvement in equitable water distribution and

subsequent improvement in waterlogging and salinity conditions can be observed or not, is

not documented in any of these studies. Not many studies have attempted to examine

environmental impacts and irrigation management transfer. This may perhaps be due to the

fact that irrigation management transfer is a relatively recent phenomenon and the

environmental impacts nonnally take several years to become apparent and measurable and

moreover these dimensions are yet to be understood properly.

A few studies have mentioned fanners organizing themselves into associations or the need

for fanners' associations to carry out various functions and responsibilities to mitigate the

adverse effects on soil. Maloney & Raju (1994) have described about the fonnation of four

drainage co-operatives in Gujarat. Started by the Gujarat Engineering Research Institute, it

is being continued by the Water and Land Management Institute, Anand, which has

provided technical assistance. In each co-operative there are about 50 fanners who have

reclaimed waterlogged land by jointly managing a system of buried drainage. A sump

47

collects drainage water that is pumped out to lower the water table, which the co-operative

monitors. The fanners pay Rs.300 per acre per year for the drainage, a fraction of

incremental value of increased productivity of the reclaimed land. The drainage co­

operative is now also beginning to function as an irrigation management society for water

distribution.

Hooja (2000) analysed participatory irrigation and drainage in India and highlighted the

"time is right" factor as a prerequisite for drainage to be accepted and implemented in the

country. Socioeconomic and institutional factors are also important. The author concludes

that drainage should be viewed as one important component of an integrated multi­

disciplinary water and agriculture management strategy encompassing improved main­

system management and operation, on-fann development, improved on fann water­

application techniques and agriculture irrigation extension. Creation of Water User's

Associations (WUAs) is most important for effective implementation of the drainage

program. Effective technical, economic, participatory and administrative planning is

essential for such an effort to succeed.

Sinha (2000) discussed fanners' participation In the Partapgarh sub-project of the Uttar

Pradesh Sodic Land Reclamation Project in India. The project aims to develop appropriate

water-management strategies, including drainage infrastructure, with fanners' participation.

The survey confinned that because the fanners' association would not be able to sustain

drainage activity alone, fanners in the pilot sub-project should be organized under canal

water management, with drainage as an additional function.

Srivastava et a!. (2000) studied fanners' participation in drainage works in the Chambal

Command Area Project in Rajasthan, where a subsurface drainage system has been

installed. Fanners, who participated at all stages, were convinced through awareness

campaigns, village meetings, demonstration days and visits to research sites. They

participated in restoring fields after drainage installation and contributed labour and money

for drain desilting. The study suggested that in view of the experience of fanners'

involvement in drain construction, it might be time to entrust WUAs with the management

of drainage systems as well as irrigation systems.

48

Ahmad (2000) claimed that water scarcity, degradation of water and land and lack of funds

to maintain and develop irrigation and drainage systems are symptoms of deeper problems

of policy and institutional and market failure. Irrigation and drainage reforms should be

integrated in a way that ensures that the policies are technically sound, economically viable,

socially acceptable and environmentally sustainable. Drainage user associations should be

introduced to promote the participation of beneficiaries in subsurface-drain operation and

maintenance in coordination with WUAs.

Freisem & Scheumann (200 I) have examined the functioning of Collector User's

Associations (CUA) which takes up the O&M responsibility for subsurface drainage

schemes that were implemented on a small scale in Egypt to mitigate the problems of

salinity and waterlogging. There are about 2,881 CUAs where farmers are informally

organized for carrying out simple maintenance works in pipe collector drainage schemes.

Their command area comprises pipe collector schemes, which cover an area of between

100 and 300 ha. More complex maintenance work is realized by the Egyptian public

authority for drainage projects. However, the views on farmers' participation for O&M

alone of drainage infrastructure in Egypt are mixed. Croon (1997) is of the opinion that

farmers are, in general, aware of the necessity of drainage and they exert strong pressure on

the authorities to install subsurface drainage through an organization. He foresees no major

problems concerning the acceptance of farmers' organization for drainage system. Yet, van

Steenbergen (1997) considers that the establishment of farmers' organizations for drainage

system management would not receive a good response. The reason might be that it is more

difficult to establish farmers' organizations in already operating drainage systems. In

general, farmers' involvcment in drainage seems to be more feasible through irrigation­

based organizations than through single-purpose farmers' organizations for drainage.

It may be noted that only a few studies have dealt with farmers' participation m an

association for O&M of various infrastructure. Indeed, most research programs have only

recently recognized the importance of farmers' associations in collectively maintaining the

drainagc infrastructure or having a better bargaining power to negotiate with the agency to

provide services.

49

Not many studies have attempted to examine the environmental impacts and its linkages

with irrigation management transfer. This may perhaps be due to the fact that irrigation

management transfer is a relatively recent phenomenon and the environmental impacts

normally take several years to become apparent or measurable. Moreover these dimensions

are yet to be understood properly. However, studies on such issues have laid the foundation

of research on various aspects of irrigation water development and management in

environmental awareness perspectives.

The foregoing review shows the dynamic and complex nature of irrigation-induced

salinization and waterlogging. The studies establish the relationship between soil salinity

and waterlogging and the productivity of important crops, and bring out the emerging threat

to agricultural growth by these soil-related problems. Some of the studies have also

attempted to examine the management strategies adopted by farmers and various agencies

to mitigate the adverse effects. However. many of the issues are dealt with in isolation and

do not take into account the complicated interaction between irrigation, productivity, soil­

related problems and the institutions that govern the use of water. Moreover, there is no

data that indicates the trend of waterlogging and soil salinity in major irrigation projects.

Likewise, studies on farmers' perception of soil fertility and their management strategies

are scanty. Given the limitations of the literature reviewed so far, this study attempts to

identi fy the cause and etfect relationship between irrigation-induced environmental

problems and analyzes farmers' local knowledge about soil fertility and how various

physicaL economic. institutional and socio-cultural tactors affect agriculture and irrigation

practices. It is attempted to identify the potential benetits of farmers' participation in water

and soil management and the most appropriate interventions needed in an agency managed

large surface irrigation projects.

50

Chapter 3

Objectives, Methodology and Theoretical Perspective

Irrigation has been and continues to be a critical factor for agriculture development. Given

the limitations of traditional water bodies to meet the increasing demand of water for

irrigation, the era of large dams that was ushered in post-Independence attempted to expand

irrigated fanning. But the benefits from large dams have not been up to the expected levels.

This seems to have been mainly due to non-integration of social engineering in the project

design and operation. With the result, the adverse effects on environment have been

increasing subjecting the construction of large dams to questionable validity. A wide host

of problems and constraints have contributed to the negative externalities, as revealed by

the review of studies in the previous chapter. There have been various policy initiatives in

the recent past to incorporate corrective measures in water use and management strategies

in the major projects.

The State alone cannot solve the problems of irrigation through coercive power. A classic

idealized formulation of the State-led solution is Wittfogels (I959) notion of 'oriental

despotism' in which an absolute ruler calculates social advantages and compels his subjects

to act accordingly. But the real-world State is neither omniscient nor omnipotent, indeed

the State itself is frequently a prime arena of contlict. Government assistance alone is

unlikely to he effective and yet, until recently, the importance of farmer participation in the

development and management of irrigation water had been under-estimated by the

government. Only from the mid-seventies the emphasis emerged on the need for a

decentralized approach in irrigation management and administration through people's

etfective participation at all levels in planning and management. The Sixth and Seventh

Five-Year Plan has emphasized the need for special attention to farmers' participation.

India's National Water Policy of 1987 had recommended such efforts based upon the

creation of associations of water users. The Command Area Development Program too

emphasized the involvement of heneficiary farmers in the management of the water,

particularly below the outlet. Even in the Ninth Plan, the emphasis was on participatory

irrigation management with full involvement of the user community. So community

management, local control, and user group organizations' involvement has been proposed

as alternatives to state bureaucracies. For, farmers who depend on irrigation water for their

livelihoods have the strongest incentive to manage that water very carefully and the

organized pressure of bencticiaries counteracts the weakness of the administration.

The people's participation through Water Users' Associations (WUAs) has, therefore, been

perceived as one of the important means to ensure sustainable use of water. The rationale

for this is that when participation emerges through local organizations, it is likely to sustain

and ensure timeliness and efficiency in the utilization of water. Further, such

responsibilities can be exercised in the collective interest of the community leading to

prudent use of irrigation water. This decentralized approach with appropriate rules and

responsibilities of the users and the agency may facilitate the evolving of a viable policy for

equitable. efticient. environment friendly and sustainable irrigation development.

The (juestion is whether this perception is correct, whether it can be veritled, and to what

extent and under what conditions WUAs can help build an environmentally sustainable

pattern of development. Hence, the study aims at identifying and analyzing some of the

strategic dimensions of WUAs involvement in protecting the command environment, in

major irrigation projects.

Need for the study

In view of the increasing emerging misconceptions about the futility and utility of major

irrigation projects, it has become necessary to create environmental awareness in using

irrigation water. Traditionally, irrigation system designs incorporated environmental

principles suited to local conditions. The mega projects could, however, not incorporate

environmental principles in the designs. because of their scale of operations. Hence, it

becomes necessary to identify micro level and location-specitlc problems that would help

in designing appropriate management strategies. So far, not many studies, as revealed by

the review of the literature, have adequately addressed the problems related to feedback

from farmers and their environmental consciousness. The incorporation of environmental

issues into development planning is a relatively recent phenomenon and much importance

has been given to the 'hardware' aspects of technology while neglecting the 'software'

52

--

components of the samel. The environmental problems in a command area can traced and

analyzed through an in-depth micro level study on institutions taking into account field

realities.

Research objectives

The general objective of the study is to examine the adequacy and effectiveness of WUAs

in the promotion of efficient irrigation management systems. In doing so, it tries to study

the role of WUAs in improving water use efficiency and ensuring environmental safety. It

also tries to examine the institutional factors necessary for successful and sustainable

participation by the farmers. The plausible economic benefits in terms of productivity and

also in avoiding or minimizing adverse effects on soil fertility would be examined.

The speci fic obj ecti ves are to:

1. Identify the necessary and sufficient conditions for the sustainability of WUAs in a

large agency-managed irrigation project.

2. Examine the effectiveness of WUAs in allocation and distribution of water and to

control' free riders'.

3. Identify the factors causing soil salinity and waterlogging and to examine farmers'

perception about causes, consequences and preventive measures.

4. Examine the nature of the strategies employed by the stakeholders to overcome the

problem of waterlogging and salinity.

5. Analyze the problems and prospects of bottom-up approach through WUAs and

suggest appropriate measures to ensure user-fiiendly interface between farmers and the

irrigation department.

Hypothesis

Given the objectives mentioned above, the following hypotheses are set up.

1. Irrigation management by the farmers through an association leads to better

maintenance of canals and irrigation structures.

I 'Hardware' aspects relate to technical and physical inputs while 'software' aspects relate to people and institutions.

53

2. Irrigation-induced environmental problems like salinity and waterlogging are lesser

where WUAs are active.

3. WUAs enable farmers to improve crop yields, through better water management.

Methodology

Tungabhadra, one of the major irrigation projects in Kamataka, has been selected for the

study. The selection of the sample was based on stratified sampling, the strata being

distributary, outlet, village and farm households. Size of the distributary in terms of

designed discharge of water, area irrigated, crops grown and extent of area affected by

waterlogging, salinity and alkalinity were the main criteria for selection of the distributary

and the outlets for the in-depth study. The presence of a WUA has been one of the criteria

for selection of the outlet. Based on these criteria, two outlets under the 31/2 Sub­

Distributary (DY) trom Tungabhadra Left Bank Canal (TLBC) were selected. The selection

was based on purposive sampling, the purpose being the presence of a WUA in one outlet,

and the absence of a WUA in another outlet. The approach adopted for the study is,

therefore, cross-sectional i.e. with and without. The villages selected for the study are

Gundur (with WUA) and Hagedal (without WUA) coming under the command of Sub DY

3112.

Selection of farmers

A brief survey of farmers having land in Hagedal and in Gundur, the members of WUA

coming under the command of 31/2 was conducted to obtain detail cd information about the

various aspects of the command. A sample of 25 percent was drawn for an in-depth study.

The sample size is 69 and 47 farmers in Hagedal and Gundur, respectively.

The distributary in both the villages was divided into three parts, i.c. head, middle and tail

end. The total outlets were put into three categories. In doing so we had discussions with

farmers and the field level irrigation officials. A sample of 25 percent was drawn from each

outlet. Each outlet was also divided into head, middle, and tail portions. The number of

respondents from each portion was drawn randomly. The outlet-wise position of total

farmers and the farmers drawn trom different positions for the sample is given in Tables 3.1

&3.2

54

Table 3.1: Total Number of Farmers and Sample Farmers in Hagedal (outlet wise)

Outlet No. of sample Farmers Total Total Position sample No. Head Middle Tail farmers

farmers

Head 3l.RS 3 3 3 9 34 36.LS 4 5 5 L4 55

TotaL 2 7 8 8 23 89 Middle 42.RS 3 3 4 LO 4L

52.RS 2 2 3 7 27 Total 2 5 5 7 L7 68

Tail 67.RS 6 6 6 18 73 67.LS 3 4 4 LI 42

Total 2 9 LO LO 29 IL5 Grand

6 21 23 25 69 272 Total

Table 3.2: Total Number of Farmers and Sample Farmers in Gundur (outlet wise)

Outlet No. of sample Farmers Position

No. Head Middle Tail

Head 171.R.S 2 2 2

Middle TWC 6 6 7 Tail TWC 7 7 8

-.Iotal 3 IS IS 17

The details of sample selection is presented in tlgure 3.1

Figure 3.1

Tungabhadra Project

I

Distributary 31/2

I ~ 1

Total sample farmers 6

19 22 47

Outlet (1) Outlet (2)

.. •

Total farmers

24

74 87 185

Hagedal village (no WUA) Gundur village (WUA)

.. • Sample farmers Sample farmers

No. 69 No.47

55

Data were collected from both the villages through a combination of fonnal and infonnal

fann surveys and participant observation. A checklist of main areas of investigation was

prepared for interviewing the fanners. The interview schedule contained a mixture of

closed and open-ended questions to elicit infonnation. It was pre-tested and finalized based

on the pre-testing results. Data were collected by personal interview of the head of the

household and others in the family. Quantitative data regarding crop production (input,

output. prices) relevant to the study were collected through personal survey and grounded

interviews with fanners during the 1999-2000 Kharif and Rabi season to obtain detailed

infonnation about the various aspects of agriculture and irrigation practices. The interview

schedule was also used to collect more precise infonnation on various aspects of fanners'

perception of the present state of affairs in the tollowing: irrigation management, water

distribution, obstacles for effective government intervention, water-related litigation and

squabbles, social hannony, reasons for violation of cropping pattern and unauthorized

cultivation, production gains in tenns of higher yields and high value crops, reasons for

land abandoned. causes of waterlogging and salinity, range of strategies currently used to

manage them, and about the socio-economic and institutional factors affecting the

management of water and soils. In Gundur, where a WUA is functioning, a separate

intcrview schedule was also developed to know the various dimensions of the WUA and

how fanners perceived thcir responsibilities and tasks. In order to understand the

interconnections regarding farmers' expectations and irrigation project provisions, data on

existing infonnal and fonnal institutions if any, were also collected.

In addition, focused group discussions were conducted with irrigation officials, agricultural

officers, field inspectors and ot1ice bearers of the WUA to know their reaction to the

formation of the WUA and the consequent interface problems that need to be articulated

and corrected. Apart from fanners and officials, the village elders and local leaders as well

as public who could give useful infonnation on the subject were interviewed to assess their

views on the decentralized administration of irrigation and its impact on the fann economy

and environment. Further field investigations on the landscape, drainage conditions, nearby

nalas and streams were made to understand the various dynamics in the study area.

56

Secondary data have been collected from different sources that include the Irrigation

Department (ID) Munirabad, CADA Munirabad, Thaslidar office Gangavathi, Agriculture

offIce, Gangavathi, Agriculture Rice Research Station, Gangavathi, etc. Various published

and unpublished documents and reports including proceedings of meetings and committees

were used to collect information and to understand the dynamics of water distribution and

use.

A schematic representation of the study villages in Tungabhadra project is presented below.

Figure 3.2: Location of the Study Villages

DY31

TLBC

Reservoir

Sub DY 3112

HagedaJ (No WUA)

Gundur (WUA)

Empirical analysis has been carried out in three stages. In the first stage, to examine the

degree of relationship between inputs (fertilizers, pesticide, seed, water, etc.) and output

(paddy) we estimate the correlation coefficient. In the second stage, the Cobb-Douglas

57

production-function approach has been adopted to detennine the impact of soil salinity and

waterlogging on yield levels of paddy. Finally, in the third stage, from the estimated

production functions a decomposition exercise has been undertaken to analyze the impact

of changes in inputs and the quality of land on the yield variations. Further, logit regression

is employed to analyze the factors that influence the management strategies adopted by

fanners to mitigate the cnvironmental problems.

Theoretical approach and conceptual framework

At the macro leveL government may set a regulatory framework, fonnulate policies and

provide guidelines for water resource management; but in tinal analysis it is thc activities of

the individuals that count. Water and irrigation infrastructure are common pool resources,

due to their low excludability and high rivalry. The individual member's attitude and

behavior in using the water available to the group cannot be excluded. This low­

excludability stems from the high costs of developing and implementing means of

individual regulation, while the rivalry stems from the fact that the consumption of a unit of

the good by one individual makes it unavailable to others. The difticulty of exclusion

reduces individual irrigators' incentives to contribute to the provision of the resource, as

non-contributors benefit equally from the flow without incurring the costs of provision.

Furthennore, the rival aspect of water resources and their common pool nature allows free

riders to sustain only a traction of social cost of their actions, thus producing an externality

that results in inefficient use of the resource. It is the combination of these two factors (Iow­

excludability and rivalry) that leads to the well-known common pool resource dilemma.

Institutions in the fonn of collective action may be one way in which societies can

overcome this dilemma.

There has been much discussion of the logic of collective action2

during the last three

decades (Olson 1965; Ostrom 1992). Water resources management is an especially

enlightening illustration of the practical and theoretical problems of collective action. Some

have applied this reasoning directly to the problem of irrigation organization (Freeman &

2 Collective action is used to describe the process and consequences of individual decisions to voluntary co­ordinated behavior. All cases of voluntary collaborative decision-making can be understood as collective action.

58

Lowdennilk 1981). Bardhan (1984) and Boyce (1988) have mentioned that collective

action problems are key elements of the hydraulic constraints facing south Asian

agriculture. But what is this collective action? What makes individuals come together for

collective action? Where does it reside? What is the basis of collective actions between two

tension-ridden individuals? What is the power of the collective over the individual? Or

what variables shape the extent of co-operation and conflict in water control? In reality,

collective action need arises whenever individual welfare improvements require joint action

by a number of people. So individuals associate themselves into a collective with an

objective to face the uncertainties and also to search for solutions wherever possible. The

individual not only gets an identity but also security in the process of collective action.

Since individuals face a number of problems, that they cannot solve on their own they tend

to join in collectivities, and this becomes an immediate necessity rather than a choice.

There are various schools of thought which explain collective action. The most recent one

draws on institutional economic analysis of local fonns of co-operative action to derive

generalized principles for collective action. These analyses uses fonnal models derived

from the theory of repeated games to challenge the dominant thesis on the unlikelihood of

collective actions among rational self-interested individuals. Focusing on costs and

benefits, incentives and penalties, to individual actors; institutional analysis demonstrates

the economic rationality of co-operation and the possibility of co-operative equilibrium

outcomes from competitive games (Ostrom et a1.l994; Sengupta 1991). Moreover,

institutional-economic analysis provides some answers to the questions outlined above i.e.

"What are the conditions wherein individuals realize the necessity of collectiveness and

under what conditions they will co-operate?" For example, it helps to predict the conditions

under which fanners are willing to go in for collective action in the management of

irrigation water. Institutional economic analysis therefore offers the possibility of the kind

of prediction and generalization of the theory of co-operative action, which developmental

agencies require in order to generate predictable outcomes from planned inputs.

The second school emphasizes the force of tradition, social rights, value systems and moral

codes in generating and preserving co-operative resources management to ensure, among

other things, a minimum food security for community members. It deals with the problems

59

of self-interest, of the interest of the others, of what constitute good behavior and the

relative weights of these in individual decisions. Collective dependence on local resources

is often institutionalized in religion, folklore and tradition.

These two schools of collective action arise from two long opposed traditions in social

science. Even then the contrasting schools of 'rational choice' and 'moral economy'

construct rather similar images of collective action.3 However, the debate as to whether

South Asian peasants arc 'moral" or 'rational" (Scott 1976; Popkin 1979) illustrates the fact

that the values they adopt are variables and not universal constants.

However, a closely related view of the diftlculty of getting individuals to pursue their joint

welfare, as contrasted to individual welfare, was developed by Olson (1965). Olson

specifically set out to challenge the grand optimism expressed in group theory that

individuals with common interests would voluntary act so as to try to further strengthen

those interests (Bentely 1949; Truman 1958). The argument of non-cooperation rests

largely on the premise that one who cannot be excluded from obtaining the benefits of a

collective good once the good is produced has little incentive to contribute voluntarily to

the provision or maintenance of that good. The logic of the individual rational utility seeker

may not coincide with the logic of community. If, for example, farmers individually

observe that their leaky watercourse requires improvement, they will not invest in

corrective action on individually rational grounds. Because if some farmer invests time and

resources to improve the watercourse and the others would enjoy a substantial share of

benefits at no personal cost, then it becomes rational to be a free rider. Hence the collective

action may not automatically evolve, even though the individuals in question may possess

full and accurate information about the potential benefits of improving the watercourse and

may have the required know-how and resources to do so.

The tragedy of the commons and the prisoner's dilemma are closely related concepts that

have defined the accepted way of viewing many problems that individuals face while

3 In "Rational Choice" associated with Thomas Hobbes and Adam Smith. a person is first of all a rational self interested individual (homo economic us). while in " Moral Economy" associated with Durkheim, a person is first a social being (homo Socialogicus) guided by social norms and then only an individual.

60

attempting to achieve collective benefits. The underlying issue in these concepts is the free

rider problem. Whenever one person cannot be excluded from the benefits that others

provide, cach person is motivated not to contribute to the joint effort, but to free ride on the

efforts of others. If all the farmers choose to free ride, the collective benefit will not he

produced. The temptation to free ride may dominate the decision process, and thus all will

end up where no one wanted to be. Alternatively, some may provide while others free ride,

leading to less than the optimal level of provision of the collective benefit.

Against this backdrop, the study tries to identify the factors underlying the issues of

collective action in the selected command area. Our enquiry into the nature of the collective

action or the lack of it begins at the outlet level where water is appropriated as a common

property. Once it is received as a common property, the users within the command area

have to allocate the water amongst them according to the localization pattern. We apply the

principles of collective action in detail to two different situations discussed below.

1. The case of Gundur where WUA is functioning

In Gundur, the presence of WUA provided a useful laboratory for the study of collective

action. An attempt is made to identify the incentives of independent individuals to work

collectively and the conditions under which the users are likely to come together and work

etlectively. Further, the conditions under which collective action emerges, become

etlective, and is sustained over time are explored.

2. The case of Hagedal where there is no WUA

In Hagedal, the people never felt the need for collective action. Even an informal kind of

collective effort is sparse. An attempt is made to explore the local and external factors,

which affects individual incentives to participate in collective etTorts and why associations

are viewed as constraints that individuals place on themselves.

The conceptual framework for the study can therefore be illustrated as in the following

figure:

hi

Figure 3.3: Factors Affecting Irrigation System Performance

... , .......... - ... - .................... -....... ,-...................................... . .. 1" ........................................................ ••••• .. r

I TECHNICA~~~-",,-

SOCIAL .. IRRIGATION " ••••••

1--+1_1 WUA L-______________ ~~

--+ SYSTEM CONDITION

PERFORMANCE OF THE ECONOMI

RESOURCE POLICY

AGENCY .......................................................... . ..... , ............................................... , ...

..........................................................• UNMEDIATED EFFECTS

The factors affecting the irrigation system performance include: (a) the physical and

technical aspects of the irrigation systems; (b) the social and economic contexts in which

they operate; and (c) the government and policy forces which regulate the functioning of

the irrigation system. All the factors in tum will have an impact on the condition of the

resource. In Gundur, the WUA have a direct impact on the performance outcomes of the

irrigation system, along with technical, economic and government forces. The arrows

leading to the WUA do not suggest that the institutions are a result of these factors, but go

to show that these factors affect the structure and functioning of the WUA. The

representation does not pretend to enumerate exhaustively the different factors that

influence resource use nor to plot precisely their interactions and complexity but serves to

indicate that the influence of most structural, macro and micro level socio-economic

variables on local resources are mediated by the WUA. In Hagedal, in the absence of the

WUA the irrigation system performance is affected by physical and economic factors as

well as policies of the government. Since the principles and practice of water management

are embedded in social, cultural, and political institutions, which are in flux, and transition

the questions of collective action are addressed based on an examination of the effect of a

number of factors. These factors can be classified as follows:

62

External conditions:

Physical and technical factors:

• Water availability

• Technology and infrastructure.

Social and economic factors:

• Market penetration

• Fanner incentives

• Financial viability

• Local social organization.

Policy and government factors:

• Policy environment

• Legal framework

• Agency structure and incentives.

Internal structures (in case of WUA):

• Origin

• Membership definition

• Leadership roles and specialization

• Water charges

• Rule enforcement

• Water distribution

• Operation and maintenance

• Conflict resolution.

In the case of Gundur where the WUA is present, the emphasis is more on the internal

dynamics i.e. how does a water user organization behave and establish incentives for an

efficient allocation of irrigation water. And how would the externalities. both positive and

negative generated by irrigation be internalized in an institutional framework. In the case of

Hagedal, the focus is on how the resource is distributed among the fanners in the absence of

63

any regulatory or imposing bodies and how they become active players in creating a new

social and physical environment even when they have to operate within a context that is

partially of their own making. Further, the issues of internalizing negative externalities in the

absence of a collective action are explored.

We are trying to contrast the case of an existing WUA with that ofa no-WUA scenario. In

the former case, the WUA takes over water distribution. In the later case, control continues

to lie outside the farmers i.e., with the agency, both technically and institutionally. The

intention is to map as comprehensively as possible the set of practices, relations and the

institutions that the farmers are engaged and embedded in and how these relations have an

effect not only on the resource used but also on the immediate physical environment.

Tungabhadra irrigation project

The Tungabhadra Project (TBP), a large-scale irrigation system is constructed in the

Raichur district of Karnataka and is functioning since 1953. It was initiated to protect rain

fed crops and population in this area against drought and famines. The irrigation method

used is the gravity surface system and water is used for irrigation, drinking and sanitation.

Tungabhadra command encompasses 597 villages and roughly II lakh people are

dependent on this project, which is intended to irrigate an area of 3.63 lakh hectares in the

drought prone areas of Raichur, Koppal and Bellary districts of Karnataka state and 1.49

lakh hectares in Anantpur, Cuddapah and Kurnool districts of Andhra Pradesh. Hence, this

is an interstate project of the Government of Karnataka and the Government of Andhra

Pradesh. The salient features ofTBP are presented in the Appendix-3.1.

Tungabhadra Project is a "protective irrigation" system. This means that the water supplies

are very limited and do not permit irrigation of all the land with a full crop requirement,

neither in Kharif4 nor in Rabi5 This is realized by localizing the area, which means that in

certain areas only certain crops may be grown. On the basis of the localized cropping

pattern, the target flows for the canals and outlets are determined. Hence, the emphasis is

on the cultivation of light irrigated crops like cotton, maize, jowar, sorghum, ragi, bajra,

4 First season of the agricultural year. Mungaaru in Kannada. 5 Second season of the agricultural year. Hingaaru in Kannada.

64

etc. It is a supply-oriented design and the supply is proportionate to the size of the

landholding. So the localization policy does not pennit fanners to take the freedom of crop

choices. The intention is to spread water thinly to as many villages as possible, in order to

benefit as many fanners as possible, instead of providing fewer fanners with full supplies.

Theretore. the primary objective is not a maximum agricultural production, but rather

protection against total crop failure.

Figure 3.4: Location of the Tungabhadra Left Bank Canal Irrigation System in Karnataka State

TUNGABHADRA PHOJECT

KARNATAKA 097

ANDHRA PRADESH

)

Many scholars and others belonging to different disciplines have done numerous and

different studies depending upon their aims and approaches on the TBP since its inception.

Government reports have also dealt with various issues in relation to the project. Starting

from general infonnation (Thirumalai 1945; Gopalan 1934; Kosnam 1952;

Lakshminarayana 1990; Rao & Sundar 1984; TIPP-I1 1998; MadarkaI 1970; GOAP 1959 &

1960), water and land utilixation (Sen & Das 1986), irrigated agriculture and economic

65

development (Devarajulu 1987; Kenchana 1978; Methi 1972; Noij 1992), cropping pattern

(Bisaliah & Donald 1973; Sreeramakrishnaiah 1979), effects of irrigation and water

utilization (Patil & Rao 1965; Sen & Das 1986), water management (Boss 1998; Reddy

1996; Ramamurthy 1984; lurriens 1986; lurriens et al. 1988), water quality assessment

(TIPP-II 1998), water distribution (Mollinga 1998; Bolding 1992; Groenhuijzen et al. 1992;

Hoogeveen 1991; Straaten 1992; lurriens & Ramaiah 1989; lurriens & Landstra 1989),

farmers' grievances (CADAlTBP 1979), etc. different reports and studies have been

completed.

The present study attempts to examine the problem of excess water in thc upper and middle

reaches of the distributaries of the project. The term "environmental problcms·· here

denotes mainly the problem associated with waterlogging and salinity and its effects in the

command area. Understanding the processes of waterlogging and salinity is not simply

taken as a matter of analyzing changes in the stock of physical and nutrient capital of the

soil but is considered in the context of other social, cultural and political factors in order to

understand the characteristics of change in water management in Tungabhadra command

area. An intensive study of these villages would provide an opportunity to devote a village­

level analysis on land degradation issues, under conditions typical of many villages coming

under the head and middle reach of the Tungabhadra command area. Relatively limited

research has been done in the Tungabhadra command area regarding waterlogging and

salinity apart from a few government reports.

66

Appendix 3.1: Salient Features of Tungabhadra Project:

Particulars:

1. Location: near Mallapur village in Hospet Taluk of Koppal District

2. Catchment area: 10880 sq. miles

3. Water spread area: 146 sq. miles

4. Length of the reservoir: 50 miles

5. Latitude: IS 15' 50" North

6. Longitude: 7620' 06"

Length of the dam at top

1. Non-spillway portion: 3,440 ft.

2. Spillway portion: 2.300 ft.

3. Composite dam: 1,794 ft.

4. Earthen dam: 500 ft.

Maximum height of the dam

1. From deepest foundation: 162ft.

2. From riverbed: 116ft.

3. Composite dam: 70ft.

Depth of water from bed level at full reservoirlevel: 100ft.

Spillway

1. Spillway length: 2300 ft.

2. Type of crest gates: vertical

3. No. of crest gates: 33 nos.

4. Size of crest gates (width height): 60X20 ft.

5. Maximum flood discharge: 6,50,000 cusecs

67

Storage capacity

I. Gross storage capacity: 133.00 TMC original, 115.68 TMC as revised in 1985

2. Live storage capacity above maximum designed discharge level: 116.84 TMC

3. Dead storage capacity: 2.3 TMC

4. Crest level: 1613 ft.

5. Full reservoir level cum maximum water level: 1633 ft.

6. Maximum designed discharge level: 1565 ft.

7. Cillievel: I 550ft.

Sluices

Left side:

I. High-level sluice of size 4X5 ft: 2 nos.

2. Irrigation and hydroelectric sluice of size 8.9XII.6 ft.: 10 nos.

3. Pipe outlet of size 24 inches: I no.

Right side:

I. Hydroelectric turbine pipe for power and irrigation of size II ft.: 4 nos.

2. Sluice for Raya Basavanna channels of size 6XI2 ft.: 2 nos.

3. Pipe outlet of size 24 inch: 2 nos.

4. Right sluice of size 1579 ft.: 2 nos.

5. High-level canal sluice of size 6XI2 ft.: 10 nos.

Details of submergence

1. Total area submerged: 34,992.78 ha

2. No. of villages submerged: 90

3. No. of houses submerged: 11,648

4. No. of people affected: 54,452.

68

Chapter 4

Profile of the Sample Villages

As mentioned earlier, two villages namely Hagedal (without WUA) and Gundur (with

WUA) coming under the command of 3112 Sub-Distributary (DY) of Tungabhadra Left

Bank Canal (TLBC) in Kamataka, have been selected for empirical investigation. This

chapter briefly outlines a profile of both the study villages and socio-economic features of

the sample households. A brief account of existing farm practices and the formation of the

WUA are also presented.

Figure 4.1: District Map of Koppal, Showing the Study Villages

Hagedal

Yelburga

I Gangavathi

Gundur village is located approximately 78 kms away from the Tungabhadra dam and 22

kms away from Gangavathi of Koppal district (see Figure 4.1). The village consists of four

camps namely Thimrushi, Kamaguda, Lakshmi, and Gunduru, having a total geographical

area of 4804.04 acres with a total population of 60 I O. Hagedal village is located 67 kms

away from the Tungabhadra dam and 36 kms away from Gangavathi. The total

geographical area of the village is 1350.37 acres with a total population of 3985. Both the

villages consist of migrant Andhra Pradesh farmers' camps.

Figure 4.2: Distribution of Rainfall in Gangavathi Taluk

300 250 200 150 100 50 o

"§. «

..... m en ~

c '" ..,

Source: Ganga\athi Taluk Office.

Rainfall and climate

>,

a. " « ..,

rainfall (mm.)

1:) 0

co :5. 2- 1:) m co 0 m « .., ~

c OJ ....,

cr; en en ~

c '" ..,

1:) o 0'

o o N C

>,

" ..,

__ rainfall (mm.)

1:) o

Both the study villages have a tropical, semi-arid climate and fall in the northern dry zone.

The daily maximum temperature ranges from 42-44 degree Celsius in May and the mean

daily minimum temperature is 31-34 degree Celsius in December. The villages fall under

the rain-shadow region characterized by sparse and highly variable seasonal rainfall. The

average rainfall is approximately 250 mm, with a variation between 391.3 mm to 914.0 mm

(see Figure 4.2). Rainfall is generally mono modal and the district receives 71 percent of

the annual rainfall during the south-west monsoon months i.e. June-July to September­

October. On an average, there are 41 rainy days in a year of normal rainfall. A day with 2.5

mm or more of rain is considered as a rainy day, but rainfall varies considerably between

years.

Topography

The topo!,'Taphy in Gundur varies from flat to gently undulating. Some of the areas have

local depressions or moulds, but these are not significant enough to be considered. The

existing natural drains dispose off the drainage water. In Hagedal, the area has slight

undulations with moulds and are cut up in places by waterways, which have become

drainage channels of the area when water is let in during the cropping season. Flat areas are

cultivated and fairly undulating areas in the both the villages are used for habitation.

70

Figure 4.3: Map of Gllndllr Village

Soils

Black cotton soils constitute about 85 percent in both the sample villages and the

remaining are red soils. The clay content in deep black soil is about 76 percent and the

infiltration rate is about 1.2 em/hour for these soils compared to 3.75 em/hour for red soil

having a clay content of 42.5 percent. The soil condition is fairly suitable for the cultivation

of both traditional and modern crops during the Kharif and Rabi seasons. But the black soil

has physical limitations like cracking when dry and becoming waterlogged and difficult to

work with when wet and these soils in depression are more prone to waterlogging. Soils in

both the villages become progressively sandier as one nears the nala'.

Drainage

, Nala is a natural drainage.

71

The drainage of Koppal district is mainly towards the Tungabhadra River. A number of

streams and nalas flow into the river along its course in the district. An important nala

known as Siddapur nala (51.20 kms) passes through the study villages (see Figures 4.3 &

4.4). During the monsoon, excess water is normally drained by these nalas. So nalas are

normally active during the monsoon and some of the excess water of TLBC is also being

drained by quite a few nalas.

Figure 4.4: Map of HagedaJ Village

, \ !\4 ,

\ " t -----

Irrigation

The main source of irrigation water in both the study areas is the surface water provided by

the network of TLBC. Distributaries 28, 25/2d, and 3112 provide irrigation water to the

village GunduL Nala water is also used to supplement surface water at the time of scarcity

or sowing and water is liftcd from the nala through private tube wells. In Hagedal,

distributaries 30 and 31/2 provide the irrigation water while even in this village, nala water

72

is used to supplement the canal water. Of all the distributaries, 3112 provides the maximum

water to both the villages. Below the distributaries the watercourses take water to the field

channels, which directly irrigate the lands. Ground water is used in both the villages only

for domestic purposes and hand pumps are used to lift it. It is available throughout thc year

and is mainly recharged by rainfall, nala and applied irrigation water.

Table 4.1: Designed Discharge in Distributarv 31/2

Pipe outlet Village Discharge in Cusec

2. L.S Challur 1.19 10.R.S Challur 0.36 17.R.S Challur 1.39 2I.R.S Challur/Hagedal 0.77 3I.R.S Hagedal 0.65 36.L.S Hagedal 0.09 42.L.S Hagedal 0.09 52.R.S Hagedal 1.13 67.R.S Hagedal 0.58 67.LS Hagedal 1.73 86.R.S Hulkihal 2.55 126.R.S Hulkihal 0.71 145.R.S Hulkihal 0.87 171.R.S Gundur 1.77 T.W.C Gundur 2.16

Total 16 ..

Source: No.3l DistrIbutary Sub DlVlslOn, Karatagl.

Distributary 31/2 is the first off take of the distributary 31, where it has a total discharge of

16 cusecs and irrigates 2183.35 acres (see Table 4.1). It has 14 outlets and a tail end

watercourse covering four villages. Six outlets of varying capacity serve the land of

Hagedal while Gundur has two outlets with a designcd discharge of 1.77 cusecs and 2.16

cusecs. The outlets are ungatcd types made of RCC conduit pipes embedded in earthen

banks. The irrigated command area lies on both sides of the outlets. The first outlet of the

sub-distributary is 2. LS and has a discharge of 1.19 cusecs. The last one is a tail end

watercourse with a discharge of 2.16 cusees. Hagedal falls in the headlmiddle reach of DY

31/2 and Gundur falls in the tail reaches. Since hoth the villages fall in the upper reaches of

TLBC, water availability does not seem to pose a problem to the fanners.

Livestock 73

Almost all the households kept some livestock not only as a source of income, food and

manure but also as a means of security. Farmers generally invest some of their profits in

livestock. It could be dairy cows, buffaloes, poultry or sheep and goat. Cattle are generally

the preferred species as they are the main source of draught power, and also provide fuel in

thc form of dung cakcs. Those who own a single ox make arrangements with friends in the

same situation, taking turns to use the pair for ploughing and farmers without oxen, rent or

borrow them. Yet, shared rearing of livestock is not very common in the study area. The

cattle population in Gundur is 4230 and in Hagedal, it is 3879.

The potential for crop-livestock interactions has been increasingly jeopardized by the

expansion of agricultural lands at thc expense of grazing land. People graze their cattle

along the roads, and on the crop stubble during the dry season and in the wet season they

graze in the common grazing lands. But due to decreasing common !:,'"fazing lands, farm

borders and nala sidcs arc overgrazed. Sometimes the cattle are also held under zero­

grazing system that involves the cutting and carrying of fodder to the livestock pens. Cattle

generally drink water from irrigation canals and are kept in private pens near the owners'

house. Some are vaccinated and treated against parasites but livestock insurance is less

known in the villages.

Land tenure

Three kinds of land tenure arrangements are seen in both the villages. The first kind is the

communal or village land. Second the farmers cultivate the lands owned by them; and the

third, farmers cultivate lands leased by them where they have only user rights and the cost

of cultivation is borne by the person who has leased in. Here the farmers pay to the owner

eithcr in cash or kind or both. The criteria used to lease lands are whether the two parties

are friends, relatives or neighbors, know each other, are considered trustworthy and easy to

understand and work with. Generally inherited lands are not leased out and lands which are

not inherited and are very far from the house that require more time and labor, changes

hands most often. Farmers usually lease in lands if it is adjacent to their existing land, so

that management and labour supervision becomes easy. Total land owned in DY 3112 by

Gundur and Hagedal farmers is 326.25 and 457.10 acres, respectively.

74

It is interesting to note that leasing out of land can be noticed among small, medium and

large farmers. Poverty conditions impel small farmers to lease out land in return of

subsistence loan. Also in certain cases, small farmers who are also agricultural laborers

have leased in land because the cost of cultivation would be relatively less, since family

members contribute the labour. Among medium and large farmers various factors like

higher education, marriage or capital for business influence the decision to put their land

into the lease market. Large farmers who have lands in other distributaries have leased out

some of the lands due to distance and in some cases farmers not being able to maintain too

much land or just to be free from work lease out land. Sometimes, farmers would have

leased in and leased out lands at the same time. Contract farming is not practised in both the

villages.

Housing

The houses in the villages range from huts and stone walled houses, to proper concrete

houses. Small farmers live in small huts made of mud, while the large farmers live in

concrete structures where the courtyard is wide spaced and the cattle-shed would be bigger.

Some non-agricultural households also live in concrete buildings. Medium farmers' houses

are either made of mud or are stone walled consisting of more than one room. Migrant

Andhra farmers are generally clustered into small hamlets known as camps. Among the

Kannada farmers the lower caste are found to live on the periphery of the village.

Generally, the fields are located 1-5 kms from the house.

Other facilities

Both the villages have semi- pucca roads and there is no frequent bus service available.

Inter village transport is possible through bullock carts and private rickshaws. For transport

of farm produce, trucks, tractors, and bullock carts are frequently used. Many large and

medium farmers own two-wheeler motorbikes. There is no railway communication in this

area. The villages have a good network of electrical distribution. In Gundur, "Vavasaya

shakara sangha nimitha" (co-operative bank) provides crop loans to the village farmers and

has been functioning effectively in the village. Two government milk diaries present in the

village procure milk produced by the villagers. The functioning of the village Panchayat is

efficient with the provision of a lower primary school, drinking water facilities, etc. But

75

there is no primary health centre and the nearest one is in Siddapur. Agricultural inputs like

pesticides are available from the two privately owned shops. There are three grocery shops,

four tea stalls, two tailoring shops and a medical shop in Gundur. There are a few more

shops such as wilding and bicycle repairing shops.

In HagedaJ. there is no pnmary health centre although there are two private medical

practitioners. The nearest college and primary health centre is in Siddapur. However, the

village has a youth club and a few small temples. There is a local vegetable market in this

village. which is a daily market unlike the village weekly '·santaeoo• Agricultural inputs like

seeds and pesticides are available from the privately owned shops in the villages. But the

distribution of traders who stoked agricultural implements is unsatisfactory. Although

farmers arc aware of institutional credit, and a large number of farmers have availed of this

facility from the nearby banks and credit co-operatives, yet informal credit is rampant in

both the villages. Often, for marketing of their produce the growers are at the mercy of

private traders, Non government organizations are not operating in both the villages.

Socio-economic features of the respondents in Gundur and HagedaJ

For obtaining the required information, an interview was conducted with the head of the

household or any member of the household who was actually engaged in farming in the

selected study area. This was done as almost all the queries were dealing with agriculture

and irrigation. Thus, our respondent need not necessarily be the head of the household. At

times other members of the household have assisted the respondents during the interviews.

Male members head the majority of the houses. Female heads primarily comprise of

widows and took the help of male family members to give interviews.

The socio-economic profile of the respondents has been presented below: The sample

households have been categorized into five groups: Upper castes, Other Backward Castes

(OBC), Schedule Caste and Schedule Tribes (SC & ST), Muslims and Christian, the details

of which are presented in table 4.2.

76

Table 4.2: Caste-wise Distribution of Sample Households

Religion/Caste Cundur Hagedal Upper 19 (40.4) 39 (56.5) OBC 7 (14.9) 17 (24.6) ~

SC and ST 17 (36.2) 9 (13) Muslim 3 (6.4) 3 (4.3) Christian 1(2.1) 1(1.4) Total 47 69

Note: Figures In parenthesIS indicate percent.

The caste structure of the sample presents a dominance of Hindu upper castes in both the

villages. The Hindu upper caste consisting of Brahmin, Lingayat, Gowda, Reddy, etc.

account for 56.5 percent and 40.4 percent in Hagedal and Gundur, respectively. More than

one-third of the sample farmers belong to SC and ST in Gundur village whereas in Hagedal

they constitute 13 percent of the sample households. Muslims and Christians are

conspicuous by their small number in both the villages. There are few small temples in both

the villages but they neither have a church nor a mosque.

Table 4.3: Distribution of Respondents by Age Croups

Age group of Cundur Hagedal respondents Up to 25 years 2(4.3) 7 (10.1) 26-40 years 19 (40.3) 32 (46.4) 41-60 years 23 (48.9) 21 (30.4) 61 and above 3 (6.4) 9 (13) Total 47 69 Average age 44 40

Note: Figures In parentheSIS indicate percent.

The largest proportion of the respondents (48.9 percent) in Gundur fall in the age group of

41 to 60 years, while in Hagedal the majority (46.4 percent) are in the age group of 26 to 40

years. The average age of our respondents is 44 and 40 years in Gundur and Hagedal,

respectively (sec Table 4.1).

In terms of education, 43 percent in Gundur and 49 percent in Hagedal are illiterate (see

Table 4.4). Among those who are educated, the highest proportion in both the villages

consists of those who have a high school level of education. Only 8.5 percent of the

77

respondents are above matriculation In Gundur while in Hagedal, 21 percent of the

respondents are above matriculation. Dropout cases after matriculation are quite high,

mainly because of economic reasons and lack of interest, so we notice a sharp fall in the

number of people having higher education. Moreover there are no colleges in the study

area. so we see that only 8.5 percent of farmers in Gundur and 14.5 percent farmers in

Hagedal having pre-university education. There are no graduates in Gundur while there are

merely 7.2 percent in Hagedal of which two have dropped out after one year in college.

One significant point to be mentioned here is that the relatively well-off medium farmers'

households want their children to pursue higher education rather than that of the large

farmers. The main objective for wanting higher education is mainly to seek a job in the

urban centers. besides it also elevates social status. Although some of the large farmers

want their children to take up agriculture or business they are also keen to send them to

college.

Table 4.4: Distribution of Respondents by Education

Education Gundur Hagedal Illiterate 20 (42.6) 34 (49.3) Up to stn standard 11 (23.4) 6 (8.7) 6th to 10th standard 12 (25.5) 14 (20.3) Pre-university 4 (8.5) 10 (14.5) Graduate 0 5 (7.2) Total 47 69

Note: Figures in parenthesis mdlcate percent.

Table 4.5: Distribution of Respondents by Mother Tongue

Mother Gundur Hagedal Tongue Telugu 16 (34.0) 28 (40.5) Kannada 28 (59.5) 38 (55.0) Urdu 3 (6.4) 3 (4.3) Total 47 69

Note: Figures In parentheSIs mdlcate percent.

The majority of the respondents in both the villages speak Kannada at home. The

percentage of people speaking Telugu in Hagedal (40) is greater when compared to Gundur

(34) (see Table 4.5). When the price of land was quite cheap in TLBC some of the Andhra

farmers sold otT whatever small land they had in their native state so that they could buy

78

more land in the upper and middle reaches with the same amount of money and this

phenomenon acted as a pull factor for them. They took up cultivation and petty trading in

agriculture produce as their primary occupation and some of them who started off as

agriculture laborers have now become landlords. Irrigation was the main reason for

migration. Initially, as the migrant farmers appropriated more and more land, they provoked

contlicts with the local population. Now more or less, the Andhra community has merged

with local kannadigas. The neighborhood where Andhra farmers started dwelling came to

be known as camps. They seem to have played a signitlcant role in paddy farming, because

of their long experience in paddy cultivation in their native state.

Table 4.6: Distribution of Respondents by Household Size

Household size Gundur Ha2edal Up to 6 members 21 (44.7) 19 (27.5) 7 to 10 members 20 (42.6) 36 (52.2) 11 to 14 members 5 (10.6) 8(1\.6) More than 14 members I (2.1) 6 (8.7) Total 47 69

Note: FIgures In parenthesIs indIcate percent.

With respect to household size, the largest proportion (44.7) of the household in Gundur

have 6 or less members in their family, closely followed by 42.6 percent consisting of 7 to

10 family members (including children) (see Table 4.6). Often property is divided among

brothers and thcy live separately even though farming activities arc carried out jointly. In

Hagedal, the largest proportion of the household (52.2) consists of 6 to 9 family members.

This indicates that nuclear families are more prevalent in Gundur than in Hagedal.

However, households having more than 14 members are few in both the villages.

Table 4.7: Distribution of Respondents by Oecupation

Household occupation Gundur Ha2edal Agriculture 25 (53.2) 39 (56.5) Agriculture and laborer 12 (25.5) 13(18.8)

Agricultural and service 2(4.3) 6 (8.7) Agriculture and business 9 (19.1) 11 (15.9) Total 47 69

Note: FIgures In parentheSIS indIcate percent.

79

Agriculture is the main occupation of the sample households in both the villages. About 53

percent of the respondents in Gundur and 57 percent of them in Hagedal are engaged in

agriculture (see Table 4.7). About 26 percent supplement their income from agriculture by

working as agricultural laborers in Gundur while in Hagedal only 19 percent of the

respondents supplement their agriculture by working as agricultural laborers. The

household labor is likely to be applied mainly because of economic reasons and sometimes

when the household members believe the returns are likely to be best. Although Gangavathi

tal uk headquarters is only 22 kilometers from Gundur only 4 percent of the sample

households are engaged in the service sector. While in Hagedal, 9 percent are engaged in

the service sector, the reasons being that around 22 percent of them are above

matriculation. Non-agricultural occupations have spread among agricultural households and

have int1uenced dynamism into the peasant class structure by widening their scope for

earning. Sometimes the household has more than one earning member or a single member

taking up a number of occupations or even both. Agricultural households are involved in

non-agriculture pursuits primarily to supplement income from al:,'liculture. Among non­

agricultural occupations. some are traditional like blacksmithing, carpentry; barber, etc.

whereas driving a tractor and trading are recently developed. Some of the large farmers in

Hagedal have taken up money lending as a side business. Resource poor farmers with

limited acccsscs to productive assets often migrate on a seasonal basis to nearby towns or

villages in search of employment.

Table 4.8: Distribution of Respondents by Experience in Irrigated Agriculture

Experience in irril!:ated a\!ricuIture Gundur Hagedal

Up to 10 years 7 (14.9) 16 (24.6)

II to 20 years II (23.4) 22 (3\.9)

21 to 30 years 15(3\.9) II (15.9)

31 and above 14 (29.8) 9 (27.5) -..

Total 47 69 Note: Figures in parenthesis indICate percent.

Around 32 pcrccnt of the samplc farmers in Gundur have 20 to 30 years experience in

irrigated agriculture, closely followcd by 30 percent having more than 30 years experience.

While in Hagedal the largest proportions (31.9 percent) of the respondents have between 11

to 20 years experience in irrigated agriculture and around 30 percent of them have more

RO

than 30 years experience (see Table 4.8). After the introduction of canal irrigation, farmers

in this region by and large practiced irrigated agriculture and since agriculture is the

mainstay of their economy, farmers in both the villages have long experience in irrigated

agriculture.

Land holding size

Details llf the land holding of the sample farmers selected for the study and their spread in

the selected outlets are presented in Tables 4.9 & 4.10.

Table ~.9: Distribution of Farmers by Location in Gundur

Location No, of Total land Average Land owned Average land sample Owned Land In 31/2 In 31/2 farmers (acres) (acres)

Head 6 65.30 10.88 42.00 7.00 Middle 19 178.50 9.39 135.50 7.13 Tail 22 155.50 7.06 148.75 6.76 Total 47 399.30 9.11 326.25 6.96

Note: Total land owned = land In 3 1/2+ land outSIde It.

Thc average holding size of the sample farmers in Gundur is 9.11 acres, and the average

land in 31 2 comes to 6.96 acres.

T bl 4 a e , HI: D' 'b . Istn utlOn 0 fF b L armers )v 'H d I ocatlOn In age a -

Location No, of sample Total land Average Land owned Average farmers owned land in 3112 (acres) land

(acres) in 31/2

Head 23 193.25 8.40 145.00 4.53

Middle 17 176.75 10.39 121.25 7.05

Tail 29 270. 13 9.31 190.85 6.22

Total 69 640.13 9.36 457.10 5.93 Note: Total land owned = land In 3112+land outSIde It

The average holding size of the sample farmers in Hagedal is 9.36 acres, and the average

land in 31/2 comes to 5.93 acres. It can be seen from the table that the farmers in Gundur

have more operational holding in 3112 than the Hagedal farmers. This also shows that the

holding of the sample farmers outside 3112 command is more in Hagedal than in Gundur.

An interesting feature emerging from the table is if the data is examined in relation to the

81

location is that as we move from head to tail in both the villages, we do not find a

progressive decline in the operational holding in 31/2, which can be attributed to

availability of water in the entire distributary.

However. the notion of class prevalent among the villagers is noteworthy which provides

\ery useful ideas about the ab'farian structure and the socio-economic condition of the

villagers. In the villagers' consideration, a person having more lands in the distributaries

with unreliable water supply is not a big farmer. Similarly, an Andhra farmer even with

three acres is considered big because they feel that the output is more in farms owned by

Andhra farmers. Ab'Ticultural laborers having less than three acres in distributary 31/2 are

considered as medium farmers due to the availability of water. Accordingly, large farmers

arc those who extensively rely on hired labour. However, the operational holdings of the

fanners in distributary J I /2 are used to classify them into small, medium and large farmers.

Table 4.11: Distribution of Farmers by Size of Holdings and Location in Gundur

Size of the holdings No. of sample Head Middle Tail (in acres) farmers

Small 16 0 7 9 (Below 3) (34.0) (0.0) (43.8) (36.3) Medium I I 3 3 5 (3 to 6) (23.4) (27.3 ) (27.3) ( 45.5)

Large 20 3 9 8 (Above 6) (42.6) (\5.0) (45.0) (40.0) Total 47 6 19 22

Note: Figures m parentheSiS mdlcate percentage

Table 4.11 shows that in Gundur, 42.6 percent of the sample farmers are large holders,

however, only 15 percent of them are located in the head reaches followed by 45 percent at

the middle and 40 percent at the tail end. Small farmers are concentrated in the middle

reaches (43.8 percent) whereas medium farmers are concentrated in the tail reach (45.5

percent) of the distributary. The general notion that large farmers tend to concentrate at the

head reaches is not true in this village. At the same time no small farmer is at the head

reaches.

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Table 4.12: Distribution of Farmers by Size of Holdings and Location in Hagedal

Size of the No. of sample Head Middle Tail holdings (in acres) farmers Small 22 7 3 12 (Below 3) (31.9) (31.8) (13.6) (54.5) Medium 17 5 8 4 (3 to 6) (24.6) (29.4) (47.1) (23.5) Large 30 I I 6 13 (Above 6) (43.5) (36.7) (20.0) (43.3) Total 69 23 17 29

. . Note. FIgures In parenthesIS IndIcate percentage .

In HagedaL as seen from the Table 4.12 small fanners constitute around 32 percent of the

sample. But a majority (around 55 percent) are located in the tail reach. The same is the

case with large fanners where around 43 percent are tail enders. On the other hand, medium

fanners accounting for 24.6 percent of the sample are concentrated in the middle reach

(47.1 percent).

Land fragmentation is such that the holdings of 55 percent of fanners in Gundur and 46

percent of fanners in Hagedal are confined to one plot. In both the villages, the majority of

the sample fanners are large fanners. The data clearly indicate that small, medium and

large fanners in both villages are more or less spread across the locations although there are

no small fanners in the head reach in Gundur. But it is interesting to note that large fanners

are concentrated in the tail reaches in both the villages. Will this make a difference in the

availability of water to the tail-end areas') While analyzing water distribution, this dynamics

will become clearer.

Agricultural season in the study area

Agricultural season in the study area is closely related to the release of water from the

TLBC and the rainfall pattern.

Mungaaru (Kharij) (July to November): This is the first season of the agricultural year

and sowing starts soon aHer the first showers. Late maturing, super fine High Yielding

Variety (HYV) of paddy known as 'sona mussorie' is grown during this period due to a

greater availability of water from both the canal and rainfall. This variety IS In great

83

demand compared to other varieties; however, the cost of cultivation is also quite high. It is

used for both commercial purpose and home consumption.

December to January: Crops are harvested, threshed, marketed and stored. Lands are

generally kept fallow during this period and cattle are grazed on crop stubble. Cleaning of

watercourse and drainage are undertaken and farmers normally carry out land improvement

techniques during this period.

HinKaaru (Rabi) (February to Apri/): This is the second season of the abrricultural year

and early maturing second quality of paddy known as 'Yerramalli' and 'Sujatha' are grown

during this period. This variety requires fewer inputs in terms of fertilizer, pesticides and

lahor than 'Sona mussorie'. It is used only for commercial purposes.

J/ay to June: Canal closure period 2. The Irrigation Department during this period

undertakes canal repair works.

It can be seen Irom table 4.13 that violation of cropping pattern and unauthorized

cultivation is a common feature in both the villages. Farmers in both the villages grow two

irrigated paddy crops per year. It is mainly due to Andhra farmers who have been growing

paddy in those areas localized lor light crops. However, by and large the Kannada farmers

have adopted tht: cropping practices of the neighboring Andhra farmers and have started

growing paddy that is now integrated into their farming system. Further, to hasten the

development of the command area during the fifties and early sixties. the authorities

themselves encouraged crop violation by permitting the growing of paddy in dry irrigated

lands. They were cncouraged to do so in order to make good use of the then abundantly

available water bccause only part of the scheme had been completed. Even after completion

of the scheme, the rules of protective irrigation have been completely forgotten both by the

agency and the farmers. The project that was designed to irrigate semi-dry crops that were

to occupy more than 60 percent of its command area is now dominated by ponded paddy

, The opening and closure of the canal depends on the reservoir capacity. The minimum water level required for opening the gates is 1619. n feet. Sometimes the gates are opened for more days than actually notified. This enables the tail enders to get water since the upper and middle reach farmers would have used water sufficiently.

84

i

cultivation in the upper and the middle reaches. Hugar (1997) compares the distribution of

water in the Tungabhadra Command area, and finds that the observed distribution is far

ditTerent from the localization specified for the project. Instead of single season

supplementary irrigation of crops like sorghum, millet and groundnut, there IS a high

incidence of double cropping and intensive and extensive irrigation of paddy.

Table 4.13: Crops Grown, Crop Localization, Unauthorization, and Violation in Gundur and Hagedal (Area in acres)

Crops Grown Hal!:edal Gundur Paddy 995.29 762.04 Sugarcane Light Cotton 2.00 Garden 4.30 2.20 Total 1000.19 766.24

Crop localization

Paddy 320.01 163.12 Kharif 165.37 236.35 Rabi 164.21 172.10 Cotton 104.14 125.06 Garden Total 754.33 695.23

Unauthorized cultivation Paddy 246.28 210.26 Sugarcane Light Cotton 2.00 Garden 4.30 Total 251.18 202.26

Crop violation Paddy 246.28 411.15 Sugarcane Light Cotton Garden 2.20

Total 246.28 413.36 Source: No.3 J DIstnbutary Sub DIVISIOn, KaratagJ.

In the study villages, rain-fed agriculture is also practiced but on a very much smaller scale.

. fi d d' . b . a J'()war and sorgum and the rain-fed The crops /:,'Town under raIn- e con ltIOns are aJr,

85

lands are generally far from the irrigated lands. Rice is the staple food of the migrant

Andhra farmers whereas Kannada farmers use jowar and bajra apart from rice.

Method of paddy cultivation

Farmers follow traditional method of paddy cultivation, where fields are flooded

throughout the crop growth period. The basic feature of this traditional irrigation method is

that a shallow water layer is kept on the soil surface of the paddy fields throughout 70-80

percent of the entire growing season. Hence a tremendous amount of water is used for the

paddy fields under the traditional irrigation method. Most of the farmers have not adopted

the water saving alternate wetting and drying method due to their ignorance of such

methods of cultivation while some knowledgeable farmers have not adopted this method

because it requires more supervision and labor than the traditional shallow-flooding system.

Moreover farmers are not confident of the output of the alternative wetting and drying

method. Adoption may also be hampered by farmers' concerns about not having access to

water when they need it. Agriculture in the study area is dominated by large scale farming

rather than subsistence farming and large and medium farmers here sell more than 70

percent of their harvest. The abundant water environment in which paddy grows will

differentiate it from all other important crops. The main features of paddy cultivation are as

follows.

• Land preparation: (land leveling, ploughing, weeding, cleaning bunds, etc.) • Seed preparation: (prepare seed for transplanting) • Nursery: (sowing seeds evenly on seed bed) • Transplanting: (25-day-old seed is transplanted. Planting distance is 25 x 25 em) • Weeding: (removal of unwanted plants that is done either by hand or hoe) • Fertilizing: (application of organic and inorganic fertilizers) • Application of pesticides • Harvesting: (done manually and also by harvester) • Threshing: (done mainly in local mills) • Storing: (for commercial purpose and home consumption) • Marketing: (mainly sold in Gangavathi).

This combination of the above cultural practices apparently has being adopted for decades

in the study villages. Farmers rely on both family labor and hired labor. Young people

coming in from the nearby camps are contracted to work for a task, a day, or a season.

R6

l

Labor shortages are common at peak periods when the paddy is transplanted or harvested.

Both male and female members of the household carry out fann work. Men generally take

decisions about running the fann and in case of female-headed households the women take

all the decisions and manage the fann, but wish to consult son or brothers-in-law and take

their approval for changes in fanning practices.

The process of economic development in the study villages has been influenced by the

development in the regional economy in Koppal and the neighboring talukas. Although by

and large it used to be subsistence agriculture, but with the introduction of canal irrigation

and water availability coupled with improved transport and market penetration, fanners

have responded to market signals, which have led to the commercialization of agriculture.

Hence the fanning system in the late 1980s in the study area has become more labor

intensive and is characterized by fann mechanization, extensive use of external inputs,

HYVs] and competent economic returns. This has encouraged fanners to invest in their

crops and fields. Hence the irrigation scheme has provided a much-improved source of

income for the head and middle reach paddy fanners. The study villages that are located in

the middle reach of TLBC have noticeably changed cropping patterns and its intensity and

attracted many settlers and temporary laborers from the early 1980s onwards. Fanning

which is carried out under highly diverse socio-economic circumstances has infused

dynamism into the agricultural system of production.

Organization of irrigator.~

In Hagedal, there are no fonnally registered associations or societies. Even an infonnal

kind of an association for water distribution does not exist in this village. People never felt

the need for collective action either for agriculture or irrigation activities. In Gundur there is

a WUA that is fonnally registered in 1997 under the Karnataka Co-operative Societies Act,

but working infonnally since 1967. The condition under which the association was fonned

is briefly discussed.

Distributary 31/2 of the TLBC was expected to serve the lands of village Gundur, but water

did not reach this portion of the DY and hence it became dry and near the village it got

3 The rapid diffusion of HYV rice in South Asia is well documented (Dairymple 1986). 87

covered up with silt and weeds and became inoperative. Siddapur nala, a stream of seepage

water passes near the village. As a part of this village and across the nala, there is a

settlement called Lakshmi Camp consisting of a large number of Andhra farmers. When the

farmers of the camp found that they could not get water from DY 3112 decided to divert the

water from the nala, from a point at a village called Ulkihal, take it through a channel and

connect it to the DY 3112 near their lands. The solution was apparently simple but needed a

lot of coordination among the people besides money and materials. The farmers organized

themselves and found local leadership amongst them. Hence, an informal association was

formed. Farmers surveyed the lands and found that the government lands, as well as lands

of the villagers of Ulkihal covered the area between the nala and their lands. The farmers

collected money and purchased the lands of the villagers of Ulkihal to the extent of their

requirement to dig the canal from the nala to DY 3112. A channel of about 3-km length was

dug tTom the nala, to DY 31/2. The farmers cleaned up the portion of the distributary near

their lands. Thus, a system was set up to allow the water to flow from the Ulkihal nala,

through the newly created canal (now owned by the farmers) to the distributary 31/2 and

from there, to the farmers lands through the tield canals. Once this was done, the farmers

made a portion of the water from the nala, to now to the new canal by creating temporary

diversions of sandbags. Whenever water was not needed, sandbags are removed and the

water now stopped.

Thus, a small irrigation system was created. This was done in the year 1969. Since farmers

cleaned and rehabilitated the entire sub distributary passing through their village, water

from TLBC started reaching their fields and they started using the nala water only

whenever required. Once this was achieved agricultural production picked up, and the next

need came up. The farmers found that, from their camp, through their lands, they could

only walk, and no vehicular tranie was possible. This was a hindrance for transporting the

agricultural produce from their lands to their homes and to the market. Farmers again raised

funds from among themselves and constructed a mud road of about 4-km length, through

their fields to their village i.e., Laxmi Camp.

Once irrigation facilities were created, a gunman or Neergunty was appointed to ensure

proper supply of water to various farmers. The salary of the Neergunty started at a small

88

amount of RS.25 but during the year 1998 the salary of Neergunty has been increased to

Rs.600 per month. Now each farmer is charged at the rate of 50 per month during the

Kharif and Rs.60 per month during Rabi. At the time of creating the system Rs.IOO to

Rs.150 per acre had been collected from each of the farmers. However, during

maintenance, problems began to crop up; there were delayed payments and also defaulters.

This led to the recording of transactions. It started from issue of receipts and gradually grew

to maintenance of records, accounting, verification approval, etc. Now farmers are issued

receipts for payments of the amount and a record is maintained to show the total receipts

and various expenditures. During some years they had a surplus amount, which was carried

over to the next year. During some other years they have faced shortage, which is then

collected from the farmers. The surplus amount is either utilized for development of works

like road repair or used to give concessions in the maintenance charges. The association has

a President and a Secretary who do honorary work for administration, interacts with the

outside agencies, look after tinancial transactions and maintain records.

This system has been functioning for the last twenty-five years. In the mid-eighties the

villagers saw a threat to the system, where some of the farmers in the upper reaches of nala

were trying to divert the water from the nala to their lands. Although farmers are getting

water from DY 3112 they did not want to give up the nala water, moreover they wanted to

protect the irrigation system created and maintained by them. The farmers got their

association registered under the name "Hulkihal Nala Sarabaraju Maduva Raithar Sahakar

Sangha" with the help of CADA in 1997 under section 7 of the Karnataka Co-operative

Societies Act. The farmers now feel that they have got a legal front to protect the system.

The association is hydraulically based with a clearly defined service area and it serves

about 696 acres covering 172 farmers. The functional constituents of the association are

provided in appendix-4.1.

The WUA in the study area though governed by the co-operative society act, has the

authority to define what the irrigation services will be and the authority to arrange for the

provision of those services. Although the WU A is regarded as a more democratic body vis­

a-vis the government, the internal differentiation within the association perpetuated by the

heterogeneous hierarchical society often hinder the participatory process of social

89

organization and co-operation within the WUA. In this context, the subsequent chapters

aim to look into the structure of the association through which farmers participate, the rules

being implemented by the WUA, the emerging outcomes and eventually the impacts

realized and finally, assess the overall WUA performance based on a number of key criteria

retlecting their institutional strength.

Summary and conclusion

Two villages namely, Hagedal (without WUA) and Gundur (with WUA) coming under the

command of 31/2 Sub DY of TLBC in Karnataka have been selected for empirical

investigation. Both the study villages have a tropical, semi-arid climate and the soil in the

study villages comprises of moisture retentive black cotton soil to the extent of 85 percent

and red soil to the extent of 15 percent. The main source of irrigation water is the surface

water provided by the network of TLBC. An important nala known as Siddapur nala passes

through the study villages and during monsoon excess water is drained by the nala.

The majority of sample farmers in both the villages belong to the upper castes and their

main occupation is agriculture. Education levels are low and the average age is between 40

and 45 years. Many of them have long experience in irrigated farming. Nuclear families are

prominent and the migrant Andhra farmers add to the operational dynamics in the sample

villages. Three kinds of land tenure arrangements are seen in both the villages. The first

kind is the village land and in the next kind, farmers cultivate in the lands owned by them.

In the third kind, farmers cultivate in the lands leased by them where they have only user

rights and the cost of cultivation is borne by the person who has leased in.

The transition towards a market economy, beginning with the introduction of canal

irrigation increased the fanners' needs for cash incomes, thereby encouraging

commercialization of agriculture. The change towards cash-oriented production was

simultaneously facilitated by the emergence of new markets, in particular in the nearby

town of Gangavathi. Hence the farming system in the late I980s in the study area has

become more labor intensive and is characterized by farm mechanization, extensive use of

external inputs, HYVs and competent economic returns. Therefore small, medium and large

farmers in both villages are more or less spread across the locations. In both the villages the

90

--, I

majority of the sample fanners are large fanners.

Agriculture in the study villages is closely related to release of water from TLBC and the

rainfall pattern. Violation of the cropping pattern and unauthorized cultivation is a common

feature in both the villages. Instead of a single season supplementary irrigation of crops like

sorghum. millet and t,'Toundnut there is a high incidence of double cropping and intensive

and extensive irrigation of paddy. It is mainly due to the Andhra fanners who have been

growing paddy in those areas localized for light crops. Further, to hasten the development

of the command area during the fifties and early sixties, the authorities themselves

encouraged the violation of the cropping pattern by pennitting the growing of paddy in dry

irrigated lands. Fanners tollow traditional method of paddy cultivation, where fields are

tlooded throughout the growth period.

In Hagedal. there are no fonnally registered associations or societies. Even an infonnal kind

of an association tor water distribution does not exist in this village. People never felt the

need for collective action either for agriculture or irrigation activities. In Gundur, there is a

WUA that is tonnally registered in 1997 under Karnataka Co-operative Societies Act, but is

working intonnally since 1967. The Association was mainly fonned to get water from the

inoperative sub-distributary to the fields of the fanners in Gundur. The Association is

hydraulically based with a clearly defined service area and it serves about 696 acres

covering 172 fanners.

91

Appendix 4.1: Gundur Water Users' Association

Gundur Water Users' Association was t(mnally registered in 1987 under section 7 of the

Kamataka Co-operative Societies Act. 1959. The framework of the WUA typically

C<1!l1prises of an enabling law at the state level and bylaws defining its rules and functions .

• :. The Water Users' Association named "Hulkihal Nala Sarabaraju Maduva Raithar

Sahakar Sangha" is a non-protit organization. registered under section 7 of the

Kamataka Co-operative SocietIes Act. 1959. and is governed by the provisions of the

by laws of the co-operative act. The Association is a legal entity and can sue and be

sued in a court of law. The oftice is located at Gundur Laxmi Camp. Taluk Gangavathi,

District Koppal.

.:. The zone of acti\ity of the WUA consists of the irrigation command area of irrigation

outlets. 171.R.S and Tail end watercourse of sub-distributary 31/2 of the Tungabhadra

left bank canal. The Association is compnsed of farmers owning land within the service

area of the outlet. Hence. the association is hydraulically based with a clearly defined

,er,Ice area and It sef\'Cs about 696 acres belonging to 172 farmers. The activities of

\VUA are limited to this command area .

• :. The Association may become a collectIve member of any federation. umon or other

organization JOJl11ng sllnJiar associations. upon approval by the members of the

associations.

Function.\· o/the Anociation

.:. The main ohjective of the Association is to develop. maintain and operate the irrigation

system supplying water within the command area. Under the control of the Association,

is all other infrastructure directly or indirectly linked to the irrigation system such as

drainage system. natural drainage. suh-distrihutary. outlets. maintenance of roads. etc.

Association also provides in/{lrmation about al:,rricultural and irrigation-related

activities .

• :. To achieve this ohjective, the Association has the following functions:

92

I. To introduce a schedule of water supply among fanners for an equitable distribution of

water proportionate to the area and to the cropping pattern and reduce water losses in

the command area. "Neergunty" is appointed by the Association to regulate and monitor

the water distribution.

fo prepare the O&M plans for the supply of water and monitor the implementation of

the plans to ensure proper operation of the system.

~. To settle irrigation-related disputes among tanners with mutual understanding and co-

nperatlOn.

of. 1'0 collect irrigation fees to coyer the cost of any activity carried out by the WUA. Each

Llrn1er is charged Rs. 50 per acre during the Kharif season and RS.60 per acre during

the Rabi season. The money collected trom fanners is used to pay the salary of

'" eer!:-'1Inty and for the regular cleaning of the portion of sub-distributary 3211 pertaining

to their lands. natural drainage and the channels trom the Nala to the distributary.

5. Impose penalties tl)r yiolations of the regulations of the WUA, for non-payment of

water charges. tor yiolations of the water-scheduling plan or for other violations related

to the activities of the Association: these penalties may include tines and interruption of

the deJiyery of water (lr other sCf\ices.

6. To educate and guide t;tnncrs in thc economic and etlicient use of available water and

on the techniques of applYIng irrigatIOn and other reclamation measures.

7. To maintain accounts of the management cost and O&M cost separately and have them

audited annually.

Membership of the a.~sociation

.:. All fanners whose fanns are partIally or totally located in the command area under the

jurisdiction of the Association automatically bccome members of the Association on

condition that they agree with the hy-Iaws of the Association. The right of becoming

Memhers of the Associations is limited to the landowners and not to the tenants,

although and tenants are recognized by the Association. Tenants should bear water

charges and have the right to attend meetings, and should comply by the rules of the

Association. They enJoy the same henetits as that of the members.

93

.:. Each fann, whether individual, family fann, coll.ective fann or any other type of co­

operative organization represents one member of the Association and has the right to

one vote .

• :- At the time of fonnation of the Association Rs.lSO per acre as share amount had been

collected from each fanner falling under the jurisdiction of the Association. The shares

of the members of the Association cannot be sold .

• :- Individual or collective members selling their land have to notify the President of the

Association. Members selling their land are still accountable for the water and other

charges tor the current financial year.

.:. The governing body of WUA may take measures to expel a Member from the

Association, in cases in which Members of the Association repeatedly do not comply

with the By-laws of the Associations. The Members of the Association will first issue a

warning to the concerned Member giving the reasons for expulsion. In case the situation

is not corrected until the next session or within a fixed time frame, the office bearers

can decide to suspend for a limited time or to expel the Member from the Association.

The decision to expel a Member should have the support of at least 2/3 of the Members.

Conflict resolution

.:. The office bearers of the Association will solve conflicts between Members regarding

issues related to the activity of the Association .

• :- Any Member of the Association who has a complaint against another Member will

notify the President of the Association.

-:- In a delay of not more than a week, the president will call a meeting for conflict

resolution. The decisions are taken by a simple majority of votes. The Members may

reject the case if the issue is not related to activities within the competence of the

Association .

• :. If the case involves damages, the Association will assess the amount of the damages

and rule on the modalities of payment of these damages or other actions, which are

required in order to restore the situation, such as repairs to parts of the infrastructure

deteriorated by negligence or by voluntary actions.

94

Rule Enforcement

.:. The Association has the right to deny the delivery of water or any other services to

farmers who do not pay their dues as specified, or who do not comply with the water­

scheduling plan approved by the Association or who do not fulfill any other decision

taken by the Association. The Association has the right to close or otherwise make

unusable any structures delivering the water to the farmers whose water delivery is

interrupted notifying the concerned fanner at least three days in advance. The Members

cannot sell their water rights

Relation.\hip with Agency

.:. The Association will contact ID or CADA in case of disturbance of delivery of water

for irrigation and other services related to water management like rehabilitation or

modernization of the infrastructure .

• :. The Association may request the agency to organize training courses on specific issues

related to agriculture and irrigation.

Financial ,\Janagement of the Association

.:. The incomes of the Association are the t()llowing:

I. The membership fees paid by each Member of the Association.

2. Water charges paid by the Members.

3. Fines and penalties.

The Treasurer will issue receipts for all fees paid by the Members of the Association .

• :. The expenses of the Association are the following:

I. The money collected from farmers may be used to pay the salary of "'Neergunty'· and

regular cleaning and maintenance of the irrigation infrastructure that falls under the

servIce area of the Association or other investments related to the activity of the

Association.

2. As a non-protit organization, the Association is not entitled to pay dividends to its

Members.

95

.:. Internal and external audits

\. The Auditing Commission will inspect the accounting records and bank accounts of the

Association each year. The Accountant of the Association will put all the records and

accounts at the disposal of the Auditing Commission.

2. Farmers are issued receipts for payments of the amount. Records and accounts can be

monitored and verified at any time by any Member of the Association. Verification is

certitied through signature or thumb impression.

96

Chapter 5

Farmers' Knowledge and Perceptions on Irrigation-Induced Environmental Problems

This chapter discusses fanners' perceptions and knowledge of soil fertility, the extent of

waterlogging and salinity in the study area and examines broadly its causes and

consequences. The qualitative data on these aspects have been collected through discussion

with individual fanners and also in focused group discussion. Before the empirical findings

are discussed, a brief account of the studies, which have addressed these issues, is

presented below.

The existing studies have used various methods and models for detennining water and salt

balances in irrigated agriculture (Ridder & Boonstra 1994, Hoom & Alphen 1994). The

data required to analyze the problems more scientifically, as revealed by those studies are

hard to find in most of the developing countries. Furthennore, the subject is

multidisciplinary cutting across various disciplines, like chemistry, physics, soil science,

hydraulic science and civil engineering. Fanners based on their wisdom and local

experiences, will have their own perceptions of soil fertility status. Since land degradation

is a result of several factors, an attempt was, therefore, made to ascertain farmers'

perceptions of soil fertility in the study area.

Farmers and scientists understand soil fertility in different ways. The understanding of

fanners docs not necessarily correspond with that of the scientists 1. Talawar & Rhoades

(1997) found that fanners see soil fertility as a multi-faceted concept. It includes factors

such as the soil's capacity for sustainable productivity, its penneability, and water holding

capacity, drainage, and manure requirements. The traditional practices followed also give

us an understanding of farmers' way of thinking (Hudson 1992). A study of Ethiopian

farmers' attitudes to land degradation and conservation by Admassie & Gebre (1985)

indicated that fanners were aware of the problems of land degradation. Erosion was

identified as the main cause for land degradation, followed by drought, deforestation,

J Scientists often only take account of tbe soil's nutrient status. witbout considering its pbysical properties. Tbey define fertile land as land tbat is capable of producing consistently high yields in a wide range of crops. Farmers' perceptions of soil fertility are not limited to the soil's nutrient status. For more details, see Mace eorbee1s et a!. 2000.

rainfall, and improper farming practices that led to reduced yield, and a rise in poverty.

In the study area, farmers' perceptions of soil fertility are not limited to the soil's nutrient

status. They do not have any devices to measure soil conditions but they monitor the same

through various local indicators. Fertility is assessed through outcomes such as crop

pertomlance and yields and includes all soil factors affecting plant growth2. Almost all the

famlers used various easily observable physical indicators to assess whether soil fertility is

declining. The principal indicator they mentioned is reduced crop yield and poor

germination as a result of appearance of salts on the surface in the salinity atfected areas

and stagnation of water due to poor percolation. Farmers are able to distinguish factors like

quality of soil, climate, pests and diseases and excessive application of water for the

decline in the yield. Farmers also listed poor quality yields and crops wilting at the end of

the rainy season as indicators of declining soil fertility.

Although soil salinity is measured in terms of electrical conductivit/ of the soil, farmers

diagnose the problem in their own way. Farmers' perceptions may not be exclusively

sufficient for analyzing soil fertility, but nevertheless they offer useful insights of ground

realities. Moreover, the problems of waterlogging and salinity are analyzed not only from a

soil deterioration point of view, but also from an irrigation point of view, because these

problems are essentially associated with water use practices. In the absence of any field

level data on waterlogging and salinity, farmers' perceptions seem meaningful.

The data presented in Table 5.1 has been captured in the group discussions carried out in

both the study villages. The farmers mapped the natural resources within the village

territory and the location where land is adversely affected. Group discussions covered local

perceptions of agricultural history and environmental change, developments in the

management of water and soils, crop and livestock, husbandry practices, and changes in

yields. The system of classifying soils was also assessed, and further explored during the

2 In fact. the farmers' interpretation of soil fertility reflects the definition of soil productivity u~ed by the International Soil Science Society (ISSS). The ISSS describes it as the capacIly of a SOI\ In Its normal environment to produce a specified plant or sequence of plants under a particular system of soil management

(ISSS 1996) . . . 1 Electrical conductivity means average root zone salinity as measured by electncal conductiVIty of the saturation extract of the soil, reported in decisiemens per meter (dS/m) at 25 0 c.

98

transect walks which revealed that the local system for classifying land is based on a broad

range of criteria, and that the values related to them provide a relevant basis for explaining

the management decisions and actions taken by farmers.

Table 5.1: Characteristic of Soil Types in Gundur and Hagedal

Soil type

Characteristic Waterlogged Saline Mild Moderate Severe Mild Moderate Severe

Normal

Fertilil)' Fertile Moderately Least Status Fertile Less Fertile F<>f1ile Most fertile

Fertile fertile

Organic Moderate Low

matter Moderate Moderate Low Extremely High

contents low

Workability Difficult due to

Difficult Slightly Slightly Difficult Slightly Difficult since the

dit1icult excess

ditlicult ditlieult

water in soil is hard

soil & compact

Agricultural Sometimes

use kept fallow Intensively

Cultivated Cultivated during Cultivated Cultivated Cultivated &

ramy extensively cultivated

season

\lanagement Mostly Preventi\'c Preventive Preventive

strategies' preventive + Curative + + Curative Preventive

Curative Curative Curative

Crops grown Paddy Paddy Paddy Paddy Paddy Paddy Paddy

Reclamation Expensive Expensive but can be & require done by

Done by agency

No neoo of Done by fanners No need of fnnncrs

support for No need of

rc..:lamation farmers with the reclamation very reclamation help of severely hired affected lahorers soils

Yield Low with Low with Maximum

Reliable Medium slight risk

Reliable Medium risk of crop & most of I:rop failure reliable failure

Source: Own survey.

The soils are described, classified and characterized according to recognizable and easily

identifiable soil and field characteristics. The farmers' criteria for classification are crop

growth and vigor, leaf color intensity and yield, the topographic position of the field, the

soil's depth, color and texture, its capacity to hold water, appearance of salt on the surface

and the presence of stones, the degree of w.eed infestation, quality of yield, etc. that are

4 The details of various management strategies adopted by farmers are dealt in detail in the next chapter 99

relevant to their local situation. The classification is mainly based on the surface layer of

the soil. The most common criteria noted in some studies on local systems of soil

classification are based on levels of fertility and reflect the physical properties of soils, or

related factors such as susceptibility to erosion, drainage and water holding capacity and

workability'. Farmers are well acquainted with these characteristics through their daily

observations of soils, and particularly of their surface.

Farmers in the study area believe that level of nutrients is only one of several factors

determining a soil" s fertility. It was learnt that the darker the color of the soil, the more

fertile it is, and pertonns well even when little manure is applied. The normal soils are

most fertile, with high organic matter content. The crops grown in all kinds of soil are

paddy but the most fertile soils are cultivated more intensively and extensively than other

soils. In waterlogged soil, the choice of crops is limited and paddy is one of the few crops

that can be grown without much risk. In moderately affected saline and waterlogged areas,

yields would be poor or growth stunted if they did not use any fertilizers. Severely affected

waterlogged areas are sometimes kept fallow during the Rabi season. Again in severely

affected salinity areas, cropping intensity sometimes declined in both the villages.

Therefore. in severely affected problematic soils, farmers did not expend much etlort since

it did not give the desired results, and hence, the workability is not as ditlicult as for

moderately affected soils. In moderately affected soils, the use of hoes and spades becomcs

a little ditlicult and farmers prefcr tractors. Due to the high organic mattcr content and

humus in the fertile soil, during the rainy season grasses emerge and survive, whereas on

the problematic soil !,'fasses emerge but die quickly. Hence, workability is slightly ditlicult

in fertile soil and farmers generally work hard to maintain the soil fertility. In problematic

soil, some of the weeds grow much more vigorously than paddy because the fertility level

and other physical conditions are ideal for weeds, hence making the workability difficult.

Yet, paddy monocroppinl is common in both the villages. Although HYV are commonly

used some of the farmers in both the villages also used traditional varieties of seed for self

5 Studies by Talawar & Rhoades (1997), Tamang (1993) have reported somewhat similar observations based

on a survey of farmers in Africa. 6 Monocropping refers to the practice of growing a single plant species in one area, usually the same type of crop grown year after year. Monocropping is generally accompanied by a trend away from mter-croppmg and crop rotation. Both crop intensification and monoculture are frequently assOCiated with the Green Revolution.

100

consumption which are known to be sturdy, tasty, and more nutritious and needed low

inputs. Since rainfall is not very high in the study area, the loss of nutrients through erosion

and leaching are minimal.

Management strategies and other agronomic practices adopted by farmers differed in both

the villages and varied according to the type of soil, and the social value attached to certain

lands. Economic and technical feasibility also determined the type of strategies adopted.

Extent of problem in Tungabhadra project and the study area

Introduction of irrigation in TBP has resulted in increased crop production and reducing

yield instability. This has also resulted in a host of environmental problems. Waterlogging

and salinity generally varied considerably according to land-use and agro-climatic zone.

About 53,415 hectares are affected by water logging, alkalinit/ and salinity out of which

21,202.86 hectares are water logged, 26,018.59 hectares are affected by salinity and 6194

hectares are affected by alkalinity (CADA, 1999). The pH value ranges from 8 to 9, which

shows high salt contents in soil solutions. Since the inception of CADA up to the end of

March 1999, 3078 hectares have been reclaimed.

Table 5.2: Areas Affected Adversely in DY 31 (in acres)

Nature of Area affected Total command problem area Salinity 1014.97 11148.08 Waterlogged 202.56 18505.47 Alkalinity 224.29 4823.54

~~

1444.52 34477.09 Total Source: CADA, Mumrabad.

Data regarding the lands affected adversely is available only up to the distributary level.

Distributary 31 feeds the sub-DY 3112 where the study villages are located. It can be seen

from Table 5.2 that the total area affected adversely in DY 31 where the study villages are

located, accounts for 5 percent of the total affected area under TLBC, which is 34477.09

1 Soil that contains sufficient sodium to interfere with the growth of most crop plants is called alkaline soils.

It is expressed by a value of>7.0 for the soil pH. 101

hectares. The area affected m DY 31 IS relatively high when compared to the other

distributaries of the TLBC.

An environment impact assessment study was carried out by Bakker & Bastiaanssen (2000)

for the Tungabhadra Irrigation Pilot Project II. Multi-spectral satellite images were used to

identify the extent and distribution of irrigated areas, salt-affected areas and waterlogged

areas. Further, high-resolution images were used to trace the irrigation and drainage

structure. The study reveals that blocks of abandoned land, which are no longer irrigated

and cultivated due to waterlogging and salinity can be identified throughout the

Tungabhadra irrigation scheme. This has led to a decrease of irrigated land and is

considered as an indicator of mismanagement. The information available in TBP on the

severity and also areas affected by various forms of waterlogging and salinity are limited.

The spread of waterlogging and salinity is not monitored regularly by CADA due to dearth

of funds.

Lands affected by waterlogging and salinity in the study villages are given in Figure-5.!.

The data is based on the farmers' perceptions of waterlogging and salinity. As discussed

earlier farmers have their own parameters to judge the quality of soil.

Figure 5.1

50

40 I 30 !

Land affected by salinity and waterlogging (in acres) (% of land affected in Gundur is 4.53 and in Hegadal is 9.35)

I_salinity • waterlogging

20

L 10

o Gundur Hagedal

Source: Field investigation.

The total lands affected by waterlogging and salinity in Hagedal is 44 acres that comprise

9.35 percent of the total area, while in Gundur it is 16.35 acres and comprise 4.53 percent

of the total area. The severity of the problem is not uniform in the command area and it

102

should be noted that these lands have not gone totally out of production8 But it is alanning

to note that about 0.41 percent oflands in Gundur and 1.31 percent oflands in Hagedal are

severely affected and have gone out of production9. Not much can be done to neutralize the

ef1'ect of soil salinity and waterlogging and in these areas, agency intervention is required to

reclaim the affected soil. If no remedial measures are taken, the lands may be abandoned.

Although the lands in the study area are fertile, fanners feel waterlogging and salinity has

developed because of the introduction of irrigation. Apart from productivity decline this

has also made some lands totally unfit for crop production. Another adverse effect, as

reported by fanners, is the increased cost of cultivation in the affected soils. However, the

fanners in both the villages did not mit-,'fate as a result of lands gone out of production

because such lands are not large enough for migration or to shift from agriculture to other

activities. Nevertheless, the problems need to be attended to.

When the respondents were asked to categorize different levels of soil fertility, the fanners

in the two villages classified their land affected by waterlogging and salinity into three

classes namely, mild, moderate, and severely affected. Classification is mainly based on

their experience of the potential and constraints of their soils. Yield and the quality of

yields are the most important criterion, and fanners are also aware that soil productivity is

closely related to its position within the landscape. They use this system to detennine how

they will manage soil fertility. Tables 5.3 and 5.4 show the area covered by each class of

soil in both the villages.

It is clear from the Tables 5.3 and 5.4 that, about 60 percent of the fanners in Gundur do

not have salinity and waterlogging problems in 311.45 acres of the total cultivated area. On

the other hand, in Hagedal village, 41 percent of the fanners are free from salinity and

waterlogging problems, with an area covering 426.19 acres of the total cultivated area.

About 14.9 percent of the fanners are cultivating under mild levels of salinity with an area

, An important aspect is that agricultural output from a degraded land need not always be zero. It is more usually reflected In declining yields. The eventuality of the complete absence of production benefit arises only when the degradation crosses some critical or threshold limit. Below this critical limit. the same level of variable and fixed resources generate less and less over the years and the production level gradually declines and become ultimately untit for cultivation leading to the abandonment of the land. " It may be noted here that the figures above may in fact be little more, as the farmers later admitted that the actual figures were little lower than they had reported. They overstated the damage, as they wanted land reclamation activity to be carried out by CADi\.

103

covering 48.8 percent (4.25 acres) of the total affected area and 17 percent of farmers are

cultivating under mild levels of waterlogging with an area covering 56.1 percent (3.45

acres) of the total affected area in Gundur. In Hagedal. 31.9 perccnt and 23.2 percent of the

farmers are cultivating under mild levels of salinity and waterlogging with an area covering

30.3 percent (7.25 acres) and 25.6 percent (5.15 acres) of the affected area, respectively.

This indicates that around 75 percent and 77 percent of farmers in Gundur are operating

within the safe limitslO

of salinity and waterlogging, respectively. But in Hagedal only 72

percent and 64 percent of farmers are operating within the safe limits of salinity and

waterlogging. respectively.

Table 5.3: Distribution of Sample Farmers under Different Levels of Salinity and Waterlogging in Gundur

Salinity level Area (in acres) Distribution of farmers (in percent)

., Mild salinity (I) 4.25 (488) 14.9 'Moderate salinity (2) 2.75 (31.6) 10.6 'Severe salinity (3) 1.70 (19.5) 8.5 Total area affected by salinity 8.70 -

(I )+(2)+(3) Waterlogging level

----- ---

.. Mild waterlogging (I) 3.45 (56.1) 17.0 'Moderate waterlogging (2) 1.55 (25.4) 8.5 'Severe waterlogging (3) 1.10 (18.0) 8.5 Total area affected by waterlogging 6.10 -

(I )+(2)+(3) Grand total of the area affected by 14.80 -Salinity and waterlogging Free from waterlogging and salinity 3 I 1.45 59.6

.

Source: held investIgatIOn. Note: Figures in parenthesis indicate the percentages to the total affected area. a ~Multiple responses" hence figures do not add up to 100%.

In Gundur, lands affected by severe salinity constitute 19.5 percent (1.70 acres) of the total

affected area, which is relatively less than Hagedal where it is 21.1 percent (5.05 acres) of

the total affected area. Due to this problem, few fanners in Hagedal could not cultivate

10 Mild salinity and mild waterlogging is considered harmless so the farmers affected by it fall within the safe

limits. d h . I d F "[ th ' f· me ~armers the different levels of salinity and waterlogging affecte t elr an s. or e.g. n e case a so Ii , .. H th bIt b h one plot of land would be affected by mild salinity and the other by severe sahmty. ence ey e ong 0 at the categories of mildly affected and severely affected. Sometimes seventy of sahmty and waterloggmg varied within plots.

104

their lands fully, while some suffered low productivity. In Gundur, it was observed that

salinity occurred in some of the low-lying areas. However, salinity-tolerant paddy varieties

are not used in both the villages, which is due to their non-availabili ty l2 and lack of

knowledge. If salt-tolerant HYVs arc cultivated in saline soils yield can be maximized

(Richards 1995).

Table 5.4: Distribution of Sample Farmers under Different Levels of Salinity and Waterlogging in Hagedal

Salinity level Area (in acres) Distribution of farmers (in percent)

, Mild salinity (I) 7.25 (30.3) 31.9 'Moderate salinity (2) 11.60 (48.5) 21.7 a Severe sali nity 5.05 (21.1) 14.5 Total area affected by salinity 23.90 -

(I )+(2)+(3) Waterlogging level 'Mild waterlogging ( I) 5.15 (25.6) 23.2 'Moderate waterlogging (2) 10.50 (52.2) 29.0 a Severe waterlogging (3) 4.45 (22.1) 17.4 Total area affected by waterlogging 20.10 -

(I )+(2)+(3) Grand total of the area affected by 44.00 -

Salinity and waterlogging Free from waterlogging and salinity 426.19 40.6

.

Source: FIeld InvestIgatIOn. Note: Figures in parenthesis indicate the percentages to the total affected area. a =Multiple responses hence figures do not add up to 100'Yo.

In Gundur, 1.10 acres is under severe waterlogging, which accounts for 18 percent of the

total affected area, while in Hagedal it is 4.45 acres, and comprises 22.1 percent of the total

affected area. In Gundur, the lands affected by mild waterlogging are found to be more than

lands affected by moderate and severe waterlogging, but in Hagedal, the lands under

moderate waterlogging are found to be large and form 52.2 percent of the total affected

area. In Hagedal, the plots located in the head reaches and near the outlets are affected by

moderate and severe waterlogging, because of seepage from canals and illegal diversion of

water. While in Gundur, the plots located close to the nala suffer from severe waterlogging

due to seepage of water from the nala.

12 There has been little real progress in the field of genetic engineering and breeding to grow common crop species, which would be resistant to salt effect~. Only six salt resistant varieties have been released (Kurt &

Mary, 1996).

105

Two hannful effects of problematic soils are lower yield and increased cost of controlling

further deterioration. In areas affected by moderate salinity and waterlogging, farmers

showed a higher concern for increasing the yield and for controlling salinity and

waterlogging. So they use excessive manure and fertilizers 1 ) to compensate the yield

decrease on account of waterlogging and salinity. In both the villages large farmers, many a

time. do not cultivate the degraded lands, because of poor returns. Moreover, cultivation on

such lands is not a compulsion since it is less critical for their survival. Since their holdings

are big. they can afford to leave such lands as fallow. But small and marginal tarmers are

compelled to cultivate those lands, because it is critical for their survival. Hence, the poor

tarmers are more \ulnerable to the problems of soil degradation. Nevertheless, soil

degradation seems fairly marginal at the moment in both the villages since only a small

percentage of land shows severe waterlogging and salinity conditions. The problem is

found to be more persistent in Hagedal than Gundur where the WUA is active.

Some lands are also affected by alkalinity in both the villages, but not significant enough to

be considered for detailed analysis. Alkaline levels rise during the dry season, but drop

again when the land is properly irrigated and drained. Soil acidit/ 4 and iron toxicity, a

problem largely found in the rice sols of the flat valleys is absent in both the villages.

Fanners in both the villages are generally happy about the productivity of normal and

mildly atlected lands.

Although soil salinity and waterlogging endanger thc sustainability of ab'licultural

development, the infl)rmation available on the extent these problems and the externalities

associated with these problems are scanty in TBP. The general lack of monitoring by the

government agency of waterlogging and salinity affected areas is clearly evidenced by the

dearth of field level infllrmation on this topic.

Dil"ection of change of pl"Oblematic soils

Farmers in the study area see soil fertility as a dynamic process. A particular part of land

can reverse the fertility status over a period of time depending on irrigation, rainfall,

J] The largest consumers of fertilizers are in Asia, notably China and India (Hilhorst & Toulmin 2000). 14 Soil acidity occurs mainly due to high rainfall, which leaches the exchangeable bases of solis. Study

villages do not fall under high rainfall zones. 106

management strategies and type of crops grown. Each farmer was asked in which year

he/she tirst observed the problem of waterlogging and salinity. This was complemented by

enquiry into the nature of change and the present status. Farmers assess the nature of

change of the saline and waterlogged areas based on the performance of the crop.

Generally. changes in salinity levels are often judged by farmers on the basis of white

etllorescence due to precipitation of salts or of dark deposits on the soil surface resulting

trom the dispersion of organic matter, and the presence of surface crusts and hard layers as

evidenced by reduced germination rates. And fanners use many useful indicators by which

they measurc increasc or decrease of waterlogging in the fields. They are ability of crops to

withstand wind and rains. water levels in the open wells, depletion rate in the drinking and

livestock ponds. variation in the discharge of tube wells, etc.

Table 5.5: Direction of Change of Waterlogged Area (in acres)

Village Direction of change Total land affected Decrease Constant Increase by

Waterlogging Gundur 110(18.0) 3.75 (61.4) 1.25 (20.4) 6.10 -_ .. Hagedal 2.90(14.4) 11.90 (59.2) 5.30 (26.3) 20.10

Note: FIgures In parentheSIS IndIcate the percentages to the total.

On the hasis of farmers' perception, the level of change was assessed. It can be seen from

Table 5.5 that 61.4 percent of the land affected by waterlogging remained constant over a

period of time in Gundur. while in Hagedal, 59.2 percent of the waterlogged land roughly

remained constant over the decades. [n Hagedal, 26.3 percent ofland showed an increase in

waterlogging while in Gundur only 20.4 percent of land showed an increase in

waterlogging. Farmers in Gundur expressed that a decrease in the waterlogged area is due

to a shift in the cropping pattern from light irrigatcd crops to paddy. Farmers confirmed

that light irrigated crops result in a further development of waterlogging in the soil. It had

heen observed that many attempts of planned changes in cropping pattern had resulted in a

failure of thc crop due to medium waterlogged areas becoming more waterlogged.

107

Table 5.6: Direction of Change of Saline Area (in acres)

Village Direction of change Total land Decrease Constant Increase affected by

Salinity Gundur 1.30 (14.9) 5.50 (63.2) 1. 90 (21.8) 8.70 Hagedal 3.00 (12.5) 14.90 (62.3) 6.00 (25.1) 23.90 -<1

, "'s In S S , N teo ligurc. parent he. J. mdlcate the percentages to the total.

It can be noted from Table 5.6 that in Gundur an area of 63.2 percent remained constant

o\er time. while in Hagedal 62.3 percent remained constant and there is not much variation

in this aspect between the two villages. The remaining 14.9 percent of the affected area

\\'itnessed a decreasing trend and 21.R percent witnessed an increasing trend in Gundur.

Some farmers in Hagedal opined that salinity levels are also affected by over irrigation

made on farms at a higher elevation. Some patches of their lands have started to absorb the

salts pushed out by irrigation from the neighboring fields and hence there has been an

increase in the salt content of the soil and as much as 25.10 percent of land showed an

increasing trend.

It can be seen that the extent of problematic soils remained constant over a period of time

and the majority of the farmers observed that it is mainly due to the strategies adopted by

them. However, it is clear from the tables that the rate of increase in the problematic area

was much faster than the declining trend in both the villages. In Gundur, where the WUA

takes proactive steps. the adverse effects have been controlled more effectively, than in the

other village without WUA.

In the perceptions of farmers. as well as irrigation officials, the reasons for adverse effects

on soil have been analyzed, the details of which are presented in Table 5.7 and Figure 5.2

As seen from the data presented in Table 5.7, according to the farmers in Gundur, over

irrigation is mainly responsible for waterlogging and salinity. They are now happy that the

WUA prevent over irrigation by adopting strictly the irrigation schedules. On the other

hand, in Hagedal, farmers identified over irrigation as the 2nd

most serious cause for soil

108

d · 15 degra at IOn . ill Hagedal, some of the fanners had to over irrigate due to various reasons.

Most importantly, the undependable supply of water makes fanners over irrigates the

fields. Although adequate water is available in the village, the tendency to over irrigate

exists among the farmers. There are no regulatory mechanisms in the village to monitor

water distribution. Also the fanners do not seem to have adequate knowledge about

optimum doses of water required according to crop water requirements.

T bl 57 F a e . . armers 'P erceptIons 0 f Causes of Waterlogging and Salinity

Causative factors Village Gundur Hageda\

.

Most important cause Over irrigation Poor maintenance of infrastructure

2nd most important cause Lack of proper drainage Over irrigation 3ra most important cause Financial factors Shortage of FYM 4th most important cause Poor maintenance of Financial factors

infrastructure Other causes Paddy cultivation, Paddy cultivation,

Natural factors/canal natural factors/canal breaches breaches

Source: FIeld investigatIOn.

Fanners in Hagedal feel that lack of timely and appropriate maintenance of the irrigation

infrastructure has led to land dq,'fadation. The quality of maintenance of the distributary as

well as sub-distributaries was found to be bad as observed during the transect walks from

the head reach to the tail end. Some have constructed cross-embankments on the canal or

distorted the limbs of the canal. The earthworks are in a bad shape with high levels of

seepage and heavy weed growth. This has resulted in a rise of the water table causing

waterlogging and salinity. The major reason for such state of affairs is that there is no

regulatory body in the village to check the misuse of infrastructure by tanners. Further, the

lack of maintenance by the agency and over-anxiety of the people in the tail end area to

collect water directly from the distributary has damaged the control structures. In this

village farmers are reluctant to maintain the structures, since it is a common property as all

the farmers derive benefits from it. They blame each other and the agency for the lack of

maintenance. In Gundur, the distributary, outlets and field canals are all well maintained

because it is the responsibility ofWUA and the fanners to maintain it.

15 Irrigation water management in both the villages is discussed in detail in the next chapter.

109

Farmers in Gundur reported that improper and insufficient surface drainage causes the

water table to rise due to reduction in water draining capacities and identified this factor as

the second most important reason for land degradation. Negligence of natural drains in the

upper reaches of the sub-distributary has worsened the problem. They also mentioned that

during tilling and land levelling sometimes the eroded soils blocks the surface drainage.

The topography of this region is undulating and the natural drainage in the area seems to be

inadequate to dispose of the excess water. It is, however, interesting to note that paddy

cultivation is not seen as one of the most important causes for waterlogging and salinity in

both the villages.

Nineteen Officers from CADA and ID were asked to state the reasons for waterlogging and

salinity in the command area and their responses are presented in Figure 5.2.

Figure 5.2

Irrigation Officers' perception of causes for waterlogging salinity (%)

Seepage from canals & leaky structures 142.1 No n-prac liS Ing 0 f night irrigatio n C:::::==================:J. 1 68.4

Technical causes C::=:=:=:=:JI 31 .5 Lack of 0 n-farm development C:::=:=:=:=:=:::JI 42. 1

Lack of training 10 farmers ..----,15.7

Lack 0 f pro per drainage

Vio latio n 0 f cropping pattern

··4$ 89.4

C::====================:::JI 78.9 Under pricing of water &1U![I===============:::J173.6

o 20 40 60 80 100

Note: Multiple responses.

According to 89.4 percent of the officials, the dominant reason for waterlogging and

salinity in the Tungabhadra project is insufficiency of drainage infrastructure and lack of

maintenance of natural drains. They also mentioned that farmers do not provide for on­

farm drainage, which can reduce the adverse effects to a grcat extent. The next prime

reason for land degradation is violation of cropping pattern (78.9 percent). Instead of a

single season supplementary irrigation of dry crops, there is a high incidence of double

110

cropping and intensive irrigation of paddy and sugarcane in the head and middle reach of

the project. These economically remunerative crops are highly water-intensive and their

cultivation has led to salinity and waterlogging problems in the command area. Apart from

water availability officials cited the assured Minimum Support Price (MSP)16 for paddy as

one of the reasons for crop violation. Swaminathan (1980) has pointed out that high

seepage loss, over irrigation and use of vast areas for growing high water requirement

crops, with attendant high percolation losses has resulted in a steady rise of the water table

in the command areas of many Indian irrigation systems. Even in Africa, the most

problematic areas are double rice cropping sites (N' Diaye 1998).

Around 73.6 percent of ofticers reported that under pricing of water has led to overuse and

wastage, which in tum has led to waterlogging and salinity problems. Saleth (1994) has

stated that water rate structure neither reflects the use value of water nor its scarcity value.

Since pricing of water is a politically sensitive issue, it is always seen around, but never

invited in. Umali (1993) has suggested that the government undertake corrective measures

regarding project planning, extension services, water management by irrigation agencies

and initiate policies with respect to water pricing. Normally, when water is abundant in the

head and middle reach, farmers have a tendency to waste water by allowing it to go to

drains, especially during nights. Night irrigation is hardly practiced in the upper and middle

reach of TLBC. Therefore, the water flows to the low-lying fields, which may cause

waterlogging and salinization.

Lack of on-farm development and seepage from canals have been stated as reasons for land

degradation by 42.1 percent of officials. Faulty alignment of canals and outlets in the upper

reaches of the distributary has aggravated the problems. Waterlogging and salinity is seen

as a technical problem by 31.5 pcrcent of respondents. They mentioned that over time, the

water tables rises and the dissolved salts from the irrigation water and the soil, through the

process of capillary action, builds up in the root zone and surface soil. Since the

Tungabhadra project is in arid and semi-arid region, the tendency of such adverse effects is

1(, RBI has, in its latest Annual Report, drawn the attention of policy makers as to how price interventions in the form of MSP and procurement has protected crops such as wheat and rice, while others have suffered neglect because of controls and restrictions. These controls have not only biased the croppmg pattern, but also contributed to a degradation of soil and environment

111

higher. It is surprising to note that 15.7 percent of officials mentioned that it is the lack of

proper training to farmers regarding irrigation and agricultural practices, and the use of

various inputs, which has resulted in an inefficient use of water and land; consequently

causing adverse effects.

A study was carried out by Bakker & Bastiaanssen (2000) in TBP to identify the extent and

distribution of irrigated areas, salt affected areas and waterlogged areas. The assumption

that there has been a shift from "dry"' crops to "wet"' crops I 7 are proven to be correct. Water

diversions from the irrigation system have increased enormously which may have been one

of the causes of waterlogging and salinity. Clearly blocks of abandoned land, which are no

longer irrigated, were identitied. As these fields lay everywhere, it was concluded that the

natural drainage capacity of the entire region is insufficient. Authors have warned that the

situation will worsen, and farmers will be confronted in the future with less land suitable

for cultivation. It is expected that paddy yields will decrease with increased salinity and

eventually paddy cultivation will not be possible anymore. From this they concluded that

the situation is alarming and that the area needs artificial drainage, and a shift in cropping

pattern immediately.

The Seventh Five Year Plan gave due consideration to solving waterlogging and soil

salinity through drainage. But generally investments in drainage are under-valued in

government managed irrigation systems. In arid India, it has been argued (Carruthers 1985;

World Bank 1991 a) that irrigation advocates consciously neglected drainage. In TBP,

although proved as being crucial, much less emphasis was accorded to the drainage aspect.

Although absence of proper drainage is a major problem in the Tungabhadra command

area, no accurate data are available regarding the extent of the problem, or the area

benefited by some of the drainage schemes, or the enumeration of the area for which

drainage facilities are inadequate. So far in TBP, no major activity has been taken up for

surface or sub-surface drainage systems even in the upper and middle reach of the project

where by and large water intensive crops are grown. Also it is an established fact that

encroachment on the natural drains has led to an increase in waterlogged area in the canal

command areas.

17 Dry crops comprise ofjowar, bajra, ragi, etc. and wet crops comprise of paddy and sugarcane. 112

Farmers knowledge of the proposed cropping pattern

An important factor attributed by the irrigation agency to the deteriorated soil conditions is

"violation of cropping pattern" by the farmers (see Figure-5.2). It is generally expected that

farmers are informed about the designed cropping pattern in an irrigation project and they

should follow the same. An attempt is, therefore made to examine the level and extent of

farmer's awareness of this important aspect and its adoption.

Table 5.8: Level of Knowledge about the Localization Pattern

Lewlof Head Middle Tail Total (in percent) knm'ledge Gundur Hagedal Gundur Hagedal Gundur Hagedsl Gundur Hagedal

High 5 (833) II (478) 15 (78.9) 10 (58.8) 18(818) 15(517) 81.3 52.7

Medium 0(00) 7 (30.4) 2 (10.5) 2 (l18) 4 (18.2) 8 (27.6) 9.5 23.2

Low 1(16.7) 5 (217) 2 (10.5) 5 (29.4) 0(0.0) 6 (20.7) 9.0 23.9

Note. Percentages are calculated from the total of the mdlVldual category and not from the total of the regIOn.

Table 5.8 indicates the awareness levels of the sample fanners in both the villages about

the different aspects of planned cropping pattern. While computing the knowledge score,

they were categorized into high (who knew about the cropping pattern), medium (were

doubtful about the cropping pattern) and low (did not know about the cropping pattern).

It is evident that 81.3 percent of the farmers in Gundur had adequate knowledge and

belonged to the "high" knowledge category. The awareness is highest in the head reach

(83.3 percent) followed by tail (81.8 percent) and middle (78.9 percent) reach. Only 9

percent had low knowledge. While in Hagedal, only 53 percent of the fanners belonged to

the "high" knowledge category and the awareness is highest in the middle reach (58.8

percent). Around 23 percent of fanners are doubtful about the cropping pattern.

In Gundur, the WUA has been effective in communicating information regarding the

cropping pattern, while in Hagedal in the absence of a WUA, the agency has either failed to

communicate information on the localization pattern or the farmers did not show any

interest in knowing the proposed cropping pattern. The intensity of environmental

problems in the command area is influenced to a great extent by the interaction between

inigation agency and beneficiary farmers (Reddy 1991).

113

Extent of violation

The adoption of the cropping pattern by the fanners is mainly influenced by the extent of

its compatibility with their fanning system as perceived by them. Compatibility is one of

the major attributes of an innovation that intluences the adoption decision by the fanners.

From Table 5.9 it is evident that violation of the cropping pattern is greater in Gundur (69.7

percent) than in Hagcdal (50.6 percent). In both the villages, the maximum violation is seen

in the tail reach while the violation is also more prominent among large fanners. Paddy is

the most preferred crop by fanners and in the areas localized for light irrigated crops,

paddy is extensively grown. Fanners who did not violate the cropping pattern are of the

opinion that they would have violated it if their lands were not localized for paddy.

Table 5.9: Violation of Cropping Pattern by Farmers

Farm size

Small Medium Large Total

(in percent) Location Gundur Hagedal Gundur Hagedal Gundur Hagedal Gundur Hagedal

Head 0(00) 1 (14.3) 2(667) 3(60.0) 3( 1000) 6 (54.5) 55.5 42.9 Middle 5 (714) 0(00) 2 (667) 4( 500) 7 (77.8) 5 (83.3) 71.9 44.4

Tail 7 (778) 8(66.7) 4 (800) 2(500) 7 (875) 10(76.9) 81.7 64.5 Total (in "!o) 49.7 27.0 711 53.3 88.4 71.5 69.7 50.6

Note: Figures m parenthesIs mdlcate percentage.

Since water is allowed continuously in the canals in both the seasons, fanners tend to

\iolate the crop pattern. The localization pattern seems to have created more practical

prohlems for the fanners. hecause of the fi-ah'lTlented holdings. The situation becomes more

confusing when a fanner·s land lies in different survey numbers with a different

localization pattern. It is convenient for the fanner to h'fOW a single crop in different survey

numhers in tenns of lahor and inputs. The fanners do not see any good reason why one

piece of land is localized and another similar piece is not. Often irrigation staffs are not

ahle to give satisfactory reasons for that. Consequently, non-localized land is cultivated and

irrigated which, according to irrigation officials, is unauthorized cultivation. Hence, there is

a conflict between the fonnal schemes' objective and the fanners' objective.

114

Reasons for violation

In both the villages, fanners were asked to state reasons for violation of the cropping

pattern. The major reason for this violation in Hagedal is found to be adequate supply of

water (65.lpercent), followed by crop assurance (55.5 percent). With good connecting

roads and processing facilities, fanners have better access to markets making paddy

economically remunerative (51.3 percent). Hence paddy was a natural choice among

Hagedal fanners. The availability of water has a traditional psychological association with

the cultivation of paddy in the upper and middle reaches of TBP. Around 25 percent of the

fanners said they grew paddy for self-consumption. Paddy is the staple diet of migrant

Andhra fanners, whereas the staple diet of Kannada farmers is both jowar and paddyl8.

Hagedal fanners tried growmg Jowar, but this was more vulnerable to bird damage, a

problem that was aggravated by a growing scarcity of labor on small-scale fanns. The

comprehensive crop insurance scheme or the recent National Agriculture Insurance

Scheme is not popular among the farmers. Paddy took over as the main crop and farmers

are now growing it due to availability of water. The specific relationship between the

irrigation decision of one fanner and the impacts on other farmers in the local area depends

on the topography, drainage, and soil conditions present there. In Hagedal, farmers growing

paddy at an elevation change the water table such that farmers downhill have little choice

but to grow paddy. The water table is raised to such an extent that the productivity of other

crop options is much lower. Further, smallholder paddy production has been encouraged by

high guaranteed prices 19 and has benefited from a moderately developed infrastructure and

well-developed marketing system. In addition, the risk associated with paddy cultivation is

relatively less with access to pesticides and fungicides from the private companies.

In Gundur, the major reason for violation was due to the decision taken by the WUA (85.1

percent) to grow only paddy, because the level of risk involved is comparatively lesser and

the soil being moisture retentive black soil is best suited for growing paddy. Around 60

18 More than 90 percent of the world's paddy is produced and consumed in Asia (lRRl (989) More than 80 percent of the developed freshwater resources in Asia are used for irrigation purposes and aboul half of the total irrigation water is used for paddy production (Dawe et al. (998). . . 19 Price of paddy is Rs.670-700/quintal for Sona Mussorie and Rs. 580/qumtal for SUJatha. as on Oclober 2002, while MSP are Rs.560/quintal and Rs.530iquintal for Sona Mussone and SUJatha, respectl\ely.

115

percent of the farmers felt that the localized irrigation pattern was incompatible with the

given soil conditions in which light irrigated crop cultivation results in further developllll:nt

of alkalinity and waterlogging in the soil. Therefore, the WUA supported thl: cultivation of

paddy. Another important reason for the violation was availability of water (48.3 percent).

An interesting observation is that the areas localized for paddy also sutler from

waterlogging and salinity.

Table 5.10: Reasons for Violation of Cropping Pattern by Location

Reasons Head Middle Tail Total (ID a/a) Gundur Hagedal Gundur Hagedal Gundur Hagedal GUDdur Hagedal

Adequate 2 16 10 12 13 16 48.3 65.1 supply of water (33.3) (69.6) (52.6) (70.6) (59.1) (55.2) Land not suited 4 6 12 6 II 9 59.9 30.8 for ID (66.7) (26.1 ) (632) (35.3) (50) (31 ) Assured 2 II 8 12 II 14 41.8 55.5 Crop (33.3) (47.8) (42.1 ) ( 70.6) (50) ( 48.3) Consumption I 2 2 9 7 4 19.6 25.1

(16.7) (8.7) (10.5) (52.9) (31.8) ( 13.8) Relative price 2 I I 6 I I II 12 38.3 51.3 and (33.3) (47.8) (31.6) (647) (50) (41.4) profitability All are growing 6 4 14 5 18 5 85.1 21.5 paddy (100) (17.9) (73.7) (29.4) (81.8) ( 172) Poor 0 5 3 5 3 5 9.8 22.7 knowledge of (0.0) (21.7) (15.8) (29.4) (31.6) ( 17.2) other crop

Note. FIgures In parentheSIS IndIcate percentage.

One of the key features of the local farming practice. which has also been reported in other

studies (Talawar & Rhoades 1997), is the careful matching of crops and crop varieties to

soil potential. The farmers considered the cropping pattern recommended by C ADA to be

incompatible to the soil conditions and their respective farming systems. Until 1970. the

main cash crop was cotton and only one third of the area was under paddy. which was

grown as subsistence and a cash crop. When farmers started noticing alkalinity and salinity

they stopped cultivating cotton and jowar. Further. the black s(lil which is mOIsture

retentive made irrigated dry crops almost impossible to cultivate fix long. Cotton and jowar

were replaced by paddy. which performed better on soils affected with waterlogging and

salinity. This shows that the farmers see soil fertility as a dynamic characteristic of soib.

and not as an inherent quality in itself (see also Data 1998). Lands that were affected bv

116

mild waterlogging and were not cultivated are used now for paddy cultivation. Moreover,

the main market for cotton is in Bellary and the distance poses a problem in marketing the

produce. The profitability of farming cotton and jowar is further undermined by fluctuation

in the market price. Hence, the WUA favored growing paddy and availability of water

strengthened their decision. However, despite their awareness that a rotation with legumes

will improve soil fertility and interrupt cycles of disease and pests, farmers prefer to

increase their total grain harvest by concentrating on paddy.

The single most important factor affecting crop choice in both the villages is that the water

supply is assured and the results suggest that farmers are adjusting their crops according to

the changed soil conditions. Moreover, the high production potential of HYV of paddy

motivated farmers to adopt improved production technologies with the extensive use of

water, fertilizers and agrochemicals. Marketing support through price policy based on MSP

and procurement operations encouraged the farmers to step up production through

improved implements and farm machines. Thus, farmers became used to paddy cultivation

as an established right. Crop violation or preference of paddy to other crop is a common

feature in most of the major irrigation projects in south India20.

The violation of cropping pattern or change in cropping pattern to more water intensive

crops is a common phenomenon found not just in both the study villages but throughout the

head and middle reaches of TLBC. From 1990 to 2000, several irrigation projects were

devised to bring in an alternate cropping pattern but only rice-rice system appeared feasible

that too after 1-2 years of cultivation. Attempts to popularize other systems of cropping did

not yield positive results. However, to hasten the development of the command area during

the fi flies and early sixties, the authorities themselves encouraged a violation of the

cropping pattern by permitting cultivation of paddy in dry irrigated lands. They were

encouraged to do so in order to make good use of the then abundantly available water

because only part of the scheme had been completed. Even after the completion of the

scheme the rules of protective irrigation have been completely forgotten both by the agency

and the farmers. Hence the role of the agency in encouraging the intensive practices, but

,,, See lairath (200 I) for a detailed discussion on the preference of paddy by fanners in some of the major

irrigation projects in Andhra Pradesh.

117

not the soil and water conservation becomes important in explaining land degradation in

the command area.

Impacts of monocropping

In the upper and middle reach of TBP where the study villages are located there is a high

incidence of double cropping and intensive irrigation of paddy, instead of a single season

supplementary irrigation of crops like sorghum, millet and groundnut.

Paddy, the most widely grown crop under irrigation uses 90 percent of the total irrigation

water in Asia. It is the most important crop in India with an annual production of over 80

million tonnes. It is sown on approximately 43 million hectares of land, 45 percent of

which is irrigated. Paddy alone requires over two-fifths of the irrigation water so far made

available through both public and private investments (Dhawan 2002). However, there is

increasing evidence of the environmental impacts of crop monoculture and intensification

in the form of declining partial and total factor productivity. Perennial flooding of paddy

tields and continuous paddy culture lead to micronutrient deficiencies and soil toxicity,

formation of hardpans in the soil, and a reduction in the nitrogen-carrying capacity of the

soiL It is generally acknowledged that paddy is a feeder crop that mines the fertility of the

soil without putting anything back into it. The decrease of certain nutrients is sought to be

made up with the use of chemical fertilizers. Monoculture blocks of land also have an

inherently poor biodiversity.

The mab1J1itude of yields foregone due to declining soil nitrogen supply as a result of

continuous (two to three crops per year) flooded paddy cultivation systems are estimated by

Cassman & Pingali (1993). Using long-term experiment data from the IRRI farm, the

authors relate the long-term yield decline to changes in soil nutrient status. They estimate

the decline in yields to be around 30 percent over a 20-year period, at all nitrogen levels.

The long-term experiment station yield trials conducted in Pantnagar, India also show that

yields declined 0.5 percent per year for wheat and 2.8 percent per year for paddy (Nambiar,

1994). The environmental impacts of the loss of fertility due to mono culture and

intensification are the reduction in yields and loss of arable land. A major environmental

concern in the cultivation of HYV, which are believed to have a narrow genetic base, is the

118

increasing susceptibility of crops to pest and disease epidemics (Maredia & Pingali 200 I).

Monocropping leaves the crop vulnerable to pests, insects, and viruses requiring ever more

application of pesticides that, in tum, require more irrigation with all its attendant

consequences in waterlogging and salinity. Moreover, this chemical intensity has become a

source of concern since a signi ficant portion of ferti Iizer and pesticide appl ied to the soil

runs off into surface water or leaches into groundwater.

Farmers in the study villages are aware of the adverse eflects of monocropping on land

degradation. They are aware that some of their actions regarding extensive use of

pesticides and insecticides for paddy cultivation are actually damaging the land, but the

immediate benefits of these actions sometimes seem more important than long-term

degradation. Hence large farmers resort to high input farming, whereas small holders with

limited land increase their cropping intensity. Both the behaviors are ecologically

damaging. Faruqee (1995, 1999) and Kuhen (1996) mention that environmental benefits of

land conservation are obscured by short-run economic gains of land degradation for large

farmers, whereas long-term ecological cost of land degradation is overshadowed by more

urgent and basic needs of subsistence farmers. Farmers placed more weight on today's

return relati ve to tomorrow's return. As a result farmers do not rotate crops, avoid

monoculture or use intercropping as part of their farming practices. Figure-5.3 gives the

conditions under which farmers are ready for crop diversification.

Figure 5.3

Conditions under which farmers are ready to . diversify crops (in %)

80

70

60

50

40

30

Adequate & assured supply for sugarcane

Note: Multiple responses.

Extension

---~

1 0 Gundur • Hageda~1

Consensus armng famErs

119

Given the adverse effects of monocropping, fanners were asked under what conditions crop

diversitlcation would be possible. It is interesting to note that the maJority of thc fanners in

both the villages preferred sugarcane whIch is an equally watLT IIIIL'nSl\C crop. Fanners arc

willing to diversify and /:,'TOW sugarcane, which is a perennIal crllp I f adcqu~ltc and assured

water is made available for almost 10-1 I mOllths. It IS ar1:!ucd hy thc fanncrs that the sot!

has already got addicted to paddy and it is not possihlc to switch (l\ LT tll IITIgatcd dry cops

and the next best alternative is sugarcane. Moreovcr. crops Iikc cottllll. malic (Ir .I(lwar arc

generally not preferred, because of the relativelv lesscr incomc from thcsc and lahllr­

intensity when compared to sugarcane for per unit of culti\ atlon. FUr1hcr. thcrc I, a wcll­

developed marketing system for sugarcane in Ganga\'athi tOWII. \\hlch IS dosc to thc study

villages. This shows that the fanners' preferences are guided hv market !()[(.;cs morc than

the need for resource conservation. Some of the studies suppor1 thiS argumcnt. Thc study

by Rath & Mitra (1986) reported that in western dry plateau re1:!ion of Maharastra fanners

preferred sugarcane and diverted resources in its favor since It was the most profItable crop.

On one hand. the crop was gaining acreage. and on the other therc was a nse in water table

and soil salinity. The same thing happened in some eanal commands JI1 Gujarat where

fanners shi fled to sugarcane.

In Hagedal. 66.7 percent of fanners and in Gundur 46.1' percent of ramlcrs mentioned that

for any kind of crop diversification strong extension suppOr1 is nceded. Fanners reported

that they hardly get any advice from village extensIOn \\(Irkers. Agm:ulture extension

service in the area was found to be very poor. The extenslOlI workers do not gUIde them

regarding the new varieties of seed and crops along with the usc of nnous JI1puts.

In Gundur. 66 percent of fanners reported that consensus among famlers is \ cry Important

for crop diversification. This is because the WUA is responslhlc for water allocation

beyond the outlet level to individual fanns and the associallon docs not follow a demand

pattern of water distribution. Hence. it hecomes necessary for all the fanners to grow the

crops decided by association where the association decides the CT\lppll1g pattern ha~ed on

the consensus among fanners. Further. the fanners argued that If s(lme farmcrs 111 the

association preferred sugarcane and others preferred inigated dry crops not only walt.,­

distribution becomes a problem but what is more detinitely constraining is the externality

110

of a water intensive crop. The excessive watering requirement for sugarcane percolates

underground and the seepage may extend laterally. This prevents the viable cultivation of

irrigated dry crops in the neighboring field. Hence, the association tries to prevent

independent decisions of the farmers regarding choice of crops.

The analysis so far, reveals that there is a need for a regulation of the cropping pattern. The

arguments put forward by the farmers, that the soil gets addicted to paddy and it is not

possible to switch over to irrigated dry crops is understandable. Also growing of other

crops is not preferred by the farmers due to marketing and extension problems. While these

arguments may be reasonable they are not infallible. Hence the intervention has to be two

fold. First, conscious effort is required to wean farmers away from growing crops with high

water requirements in areas prone to salinity and waterlogging. The issue is how to

discourage farmers from growing water thirsty crops or how to encourage them to grow

irrigated dry crops. Farmer's decision to grow any crop is mainly based on risk, investment

and return criteria. Therefore, attempts to either encourage or discourage certain crops can

only succeed if the mechanisms to reduce the risks and investment costs are put in place or

minimum returns are assured.

Secondly, if farmers prefer to grow paddy, attention should be paid to improve irrigation

water management of paddy fields. Alternate Wetting and Drying (A WD) irrigation

technique21 can be tried which has been proved successful in the paddy growing areas of

China. The newly emerging Madagascar system of paddy cultivation or System of Rice

Intensification should be introduced. It is a weII-established paddy cultivation method that

consumes only 2/3 as much water compared to the present normal practice, requires only 2

kgs/acre of seed, involve early transplantation of single seedlings, less use of chemical

fertilizers, and produces good yields. This technique is found to be successful in some of

the major irrigation projects in Andhra Pradesh (Jalaspandana, 2002) and is gaining

acceptance around the world. However, appropriate extension and practical demonstration

along with an active campaign is required.

" A WD technique allows rice fields to reach a very dry condition prior to receipt of further water and to store more water after rainfall. Hence the utilization of rainfall is facihtated. lrngatlOn events are reduced greatly and percolation and seepage losses from rice fields are lessened (Feng. 1998; Li, 1999).

121

The incidence and prevalence of salinity and waterlogging in the study villages are

explored. Some of the factors contributing to irrigation-induced salinity and waterlogging

include over irrigation, lack of infrastructure maintenance, insufficiency of drainage,

violation of cropping pattern, etc. as identified by both farmers and irrigation officials. The

next chapter discusses some of the strategies employed by various stakeholders to mitigate

the adverse effects.

Summary and Conclusion

Farmers' perceptions are used to classify the fertility status of the soils in the study

villages. Their classification and characterization of the soils into good soils, waterlogged

soils and saline soils are mainly based on the potential and constraints of their soil. Crop

performance and quality of yield are the most important criteria for classification. Also the

problems of waterlogging and salinity are analyzed not only from a soil deterioration point

of view, but also from an irrigation point of view, because these problems are essentially

associated with water use practices. Although perceptions are not as accurate as technical

measurements they offer useful insights of ground realities.

The extent of waterlogging and the associated soil salinity is found to be more in Hagedal

than Gundur. Also the percentage of farmers operating within the safe limits of

waterlogging and salinity in Gundur is more in comparison to Hagedal. In Gundur, where

the WUA takes proactive steps, the adverse effects have been controlled more effectively,

than in the other villagc without WUA. Although the trend of problematic soils remained

constant over a period of time, the rate of increase in the problematic soils was much faster

than the declining trend in both the villages.

Irrigation officials see insufficiency of drainage infrastructure, violation of cropping pattern

and under pricing of water as the dominant reasons for waterlogging and salinity in the

Tungabhadra command area. On the other hand, farmers in both the villages view over

irrigation as the main factor causing adverse effects. In Gundur, however, the WUA

prevents over irrigation by adopting strictly the irrigation schedules. In Hagedal, illegal

appropriation of water is widespread, and the undependable supply of water makes farmers

122

over irrigate their fields. There are no regulatory mechanisms in the village to moni tor the

water distribution.

Fanners in Gundur had adequate knowledge about cropping pattern than did the fanners in

Hagedal. Paddy is the preferred crop in both the villages. The major reason for violation of

thc cropping pattern in Hagedal is found to be availability of water followed by assured

returns from paddy. In Gundur, the major reason for violation was due to the decision taken

by the WUA to grow only paddy, because the level of risk involved is comparatively less

and the soil being moisture retentive black soil is suited for growing paddy. Fanners,

responding to price signals and personal preferences, and realizing that the amount of water

available to them is constrained only by that taken upstream, have little incentive to follow

the localization pattern. The adoption of paddy inspite of legal restrictions and heavy

penalties is a clear pointer to their superiority in tenns of returns on investment.

Unfortunately, the command authority is unable to enforce strict cropping patterns.

Fanners are willing to diversify cropping pattern, if marketing facilities and support prices

are ensured. A conscious effort is required to wean fanners away from growing crops with

high water requirements in areas prone to salinity and waterlogging. When recommending

changes in fanning practices, the recommended changes should be shown to provide

tangible results. Also effective and timely agricultural extension support is required to

motivate fanners to diversify the cropping pattern.

The general lack of monitoring by the government agency of waterlogged and salinity

atIected areas is clearly evidenced by the dearth of field level infonnation on this topic.

Mapping is done only up to the distributary level. Given the violation of the cropping

pattern, lack of drainage and over utilization of water at the upper and middle reaches of

TBP, regular monitoring of the problems of waterlogging and salinity becomes imperative.

123

Chapter 6

Strategies Adopted to Manage Waterlogging and Salinity

The dimensions of the problem of waterlogging and salinity in the study villages lead in

this chapter to a discussion of the array of strategies employed by stakeholders both at the

farm level and the project level to reduce the intensity of adverse effects.

Three approaches to land degradation namely, classic, populist and neo-Iiberal have been

identified by Biot et al. (1995). The classic approach is state centred, where the state has the

monopoly over technical and financial resources and as such has the lead role. The populist

approach sees farmers as the victims and agents of land degradation, and this approach is

participatory and peoplc centred. The neo-liberal approach is built on market-based

solutions and the diminished role of the state. Hence the state, farmers and the market have

their respective role to play in combating land degradation. However, the neo-liberal

approach, as argued by Biot et al. (1995) is unworkable in developing countries where

economic and markct institutions are still not developed enough to tax land degradation

causing had behavior or reward good behavior for land conservation. The approaches to

land degradation tend to recognize linkages between land use hehaviour and land

degradation. They do not sufficiently account for irrigation mismanagement causality to

land del:,'Tadation. Nevertheless, in this chapter we briefly look into the different approaches

adopted by thc rcspective actors.

In TBP, the responsibility to ensure designed discharge of water up to the outlet point and

also to construct, operate and maintain the canals and hydraulic structures rests with the ID

while the responsibility of maintaining the system and distributing water below the outlet

point rests with C ADA. This means two agencies are involved in the operation and

maintenance of the system to ensure proper distribution and utilization of water and hence

coordination between them becomes necessary to mitigate the problems of waterlogging

and salinity. Also the agricultural department is responsible for providing extension

services to farmers. The success of the mitigative measures provided by the agencyl

I Agency in this study refers to government organization involved in irrigation management that includes Irrigation Department. Command Area Development Authority. and Agriculture Department.

124

depends on the provision of opportunities to the fanners to effectively utilize water and

infrastructure and also in providing extension services. In Gundur, the WUA is present to

distribute water beyond outlets, while in Hagedal it is not present and fanners just take

water from the outlets based on their turns and location. Various interventions and

strategies employed by the agency, WUA (Gundur) and fanners are discussed below.

An attempt was made to examine fanners' perceptions and understanding of the potential

adverse effects associated with irrigation and the necessary interventions required to

mitigate salinity and waterlogging at the field leveL While their perceptions are based on

experience over time. they do offer some useful insights to fonnulate the strategies

necessary to tackle the problems associated with fann practices by different fanners.

In the study area. fanners are aware of the importance and the need for maintaining soil

fertility. This has been revealed by the complex and sophisticated strategies developed by

them keeping in view their own indigenous practices. The sample fanners employed as

many as 15 on-fann strategies, which include various agronomic and physical soil and

water conservation measures. We have classitied them under three broad categories namely

preventive and curative strategy and a combination of both. Preventive measures include

judicious use of water. construction of field channels, on fann development like bunding,

land leveling and shaping. Curative measures include application of gypsum and zinc, deep

and intensive ploughing and higher seed rate. A combination of both curative and

preventive measures constitutes application of FYM, green manuring, proper discharge of

excess water by providing drainage and maintaining natural drains.

Table 6.1: Curative Strategies Adopted by the Farmers to Solve Adverse Effects on Soil

Strategy Farmers applying these stratel!.ies* Gundur Hagedal

Gypsum 15 (31.9) 32 (46.3)

Deep ploughing 12 (25.5) 23 (33.3)

Intensive ploughing 13 (27.6) 29 (42.0)

Higher seed rate 16 (34.0) 27(39.1)

Fertilizer 19 (29.7) 24 (34.7)

Zinc 14 (29.7) 30 (43.4)

Total (in %) 29.7 39.8

Note: Figures m parentheSIS mdlcates the percentages. . • Multiple responses (farmers may apply more than two strategies).

125

[t is clear from Table 6.1 that around 40 percent of the sample farmers in Hagedal and 30

percent of the sample farmers in Gundur adopted curative measures. Farmers adopting

curative strategies are more in Hagedal than Gundur because the soil-related problems are

more profound in Hagedal (see Figure-5.l). The most important practice adopted by sample

farmers in Hagedal to mitigate soil-related problems is application of gypsum (46.3

percent) and zinc (43.4 percent) to neutralize the carbonate and bicarbonate salts.

Applications of these interventions are more frequent in Hagedal when compared to

Gundur (see Table-8.l). [n Gundur, the dominant practice is to use more seed per acre (34

percent) particularly by the farmers in the head reach because more land is atTected by

waterlogging in this region. Their belief is that the increased seed rate helps to overcome

poor seed germination. This also corroborates the high correlation coefficient between seed

and yield in the waterlogged soils of Gundur (see Table-8.2). More frequently, farmers

produced their own seeds, while sometimes it was obtained through public seeds

corporation, co-operatives or through local retailers. Generally, farmers save their own rice

seed. The commercial orientation of many farmers has led to an increasing demand for

purchased seed. Farmers had access to good quality seeds both in Hagedal and Gundur.

Another strategy adopted by the farmers is deep and intensive ploughing2 to reduce the

adverse effects. These strategies are more poplar in Hagedal. This practice helps in the

leaching of salt and enables the land to absorb more water. Also shallow, dry ploughing

soon after harvesting the previous rice crop is another strategy followed to minimize soil

cracking. The ploughed layer acts as mulch and therefore reduces soil drying and

consequent cracking. Deep ploughing breaks up the hard surface of the soil and eradicates

the weeds. Animal drawn plough and tractors are used for ploughing. It was found that

small farmers ploughed their plots 5 to 6 times before sowing; the large farmers did so 4 to

5 times. Generally, the frequency of ploughing differs according to the type of soil.

However, ploughing needs to be done properly to prevent the formation of a plough layer

or return of salty soil closer to the soil surface (Abrol et al. \988).

2 Repeated ploughing of soil sometimes trigger soil erosion in erosion prone area~. Since the study area is not prone to erosion, repeated ploughing increases the water retentIOn capacIty of the soIl.

126

The next most frequently used strategy in Gundur is application of gypsum (31.9 percent)

followed by application of fertilizer (29.7 percent). Although farmers used fertilizer to

improve the fertility of the soil some of them complained that the texture of the soil

changed in the long run. The upper part of the soil became very fine and prone to erosion,

while a hard pan appeared in the subsoil. Chemical fertilizers are generally seen as a short­

term investment, whose impact is immediate but limited to a single cropping season. Their

long-term effects are viewed rather negatively, as farmers believe that they 'kill' the land,

making it 'addicted' and unable to produce crops without continuous amendments. They

claimed that urea bums the crops when rainfall is low. However farmers continued to use

fertilizer extensively as it is necessary to avoid reduction in yields and HYV of rice would

not perform well without fertilizer in good irrigated conditions. This also corroborates the

high correlation coetlicient between fertilizer and yield in Gundur (see Table 8.2).

Table 6.2: Preventive Measures Adopted by the Farmers to Solve Adverse Effects on Soil

Farmers applying these Strategy strategies*

Gundur Hagedal Land leveling and shaping 45 (95.7) 61 (88.4) Bunding 32 (68.0) 41 (59.4) Maintain tield canals 44 (93.6) 53 (76.8) Avoid over irrigation 44 (93.6) 49(63.7)

Fallow 17 (36.1) 14(20.1) Total (in %) 77.4 61.7

.. Note: FIgures m parentheSIS mdlcates the percentages. * Multiple responses (farmers may apply more than two strategies).

It can be seen from Table 6.2 that preventive strategies are more popular in Gundur (around

77 percent) than in Hagedal (around 61 percent). The most popular preventive strategy

practised by the farmers in Gundur and Hagedal was land leveling and shaping. Salts first

appear and are seen in the low-lying areas of the plot. After rains, water stagnates in these

depressions and forms a crust. To overcome these problems as many as 96 percent of

farmers in Gundur and 88 percent of farmers in Hagedal practised land leveling and

shaping. Technically, these practices are considered important because they help to ensure

the uniform spread of water across the plot. It helps in improving irrigation efficiency and

hence control waterlogging and salinity.

127

Grant or subsidy is not provided by CADA for land leveling and shaping due to lack of

funds. It is an expensive program and farmers ohtain loans from both t()rmal and intlmnal

credit markets. Resource poor farmers have not undertaken these activities in hoth the

villages. In Gundur however, about 28 percent of farmers got technical assistance from the

WUA to carryout these activities (see Figure 7.1). In Hagedal. in poorly developed lands

farmers flood the fields in order to compensate tor poorly leveled tields. [f an II1dl\Jdual

farmer would decide to apply less water pcr hectare and crop. then higher costs would

occur for land leveling. It seems more pra!,'l11atic for the farmers to substitute land-Ievclll1!!

costs with higher water inputs at zero costs.

Maintaining field irrigation channels3 is again another important aspect taken up by the

farmers to ensure the smooth tlow of water. [n Gundur, farmers themselves (around 94

percent) have constructed the tertiary infrastructure and ably maintain it. They have not

been affected much by siltation although weeds are posing problems. Farmers take up

weeding and silting twice a year before the irrigation season starts. After removing the

weeds and silt, the field channels are planted with local !,'fass to make them resistant to

erosion. Some of the field irrigation channels also act as tield drains. [n this vi llage, 68

percent of the farmers practice bunding. Vegetative cover protects the tield bunds and the

surplus runotf is taken care of by carving suitable spillways in the tield bunds. The

vegetative cover also saves the bunds from the direct beating action of the rains. They are

generally well maintained in spite of the occasional overflow during the intense monsoon

rains, where the WUA may deliberately break the bunds to remove excess water form the

fields.

[n Hagedal, the fIeld channel maintenance does not appear to be of much concern to

farmers since it does not significantly affect water availability. Only 76 percent of the

farmers maintained them on a regular basis by undertaking weeding and silting. Some of

the field canals are out of shape due to erosion leading to seepage of water. Even in this

village some of the field irrigation channels act as field drains. Although provision of tleld

) Field irrigation channel means regulated field inigation channel having a capacity not exceeding one cubIC feet per second or 0.028 cusecs maintained by the farmer to receive water supply from a pIpe outlet.

12R

irrigation channels is the responsibility of CADA, the farmers in both the study villages

have undertaken this activity with their own resources.

In Gundur, only 36 percent of the farmers kept their land fallow at least for two cropping

seasons to replenish soil fertility. Some farmers kept only small portions of the land fallow.

Later, these lands are ploughed to mulch weeds and grasses into the soil, which serve as a

source of green manure. This facilitates in regenerating the level of organic matter and

nutrients in the topsoil and is the most traditional method of regenerating exhausted soils,4

being the most common strategy employed in the past. The length of the fallow period

varied according to the type of soil. Farmers said that the yields on irrigated land decline if

they grow two crops a year continuously for five to six years. However, periods of fallow

are becoming shorter and are gradually disappearing due to increasing population pressure

and consequent economic compulsions. Sometimes the fallow lands are used as grazing

plots. It is found that land use intensiti is lower on large holdings and higher on small and

tenant holdings. Farmers have also started cultivating in areas close to the watercourse that

would not in the past have been considered as fit for cultivation. Farmers in Hagedal

explained that fallowing used to be the main way of improving soil fertility but now only

20 percent of the farmers keep their land fallow during the monsoon to combat

waterlogging problems. Although many farmers whose plots wcre located near the outlets

wanted to keep their land fallow during the monsoon, it was not possible due to breaching

of canals and illegal diversion of water.

Water is released on a continuous basis to distributary 3112, which serves thc lands of both

the villages. In Gundur, the WU A takes the responsibility of distributing water to farmers,

while in Hagedal, in the absence of a WUA, farmers are expected to take water from the

outlet on a tum basis. In Gundur, the physical boundary of the association has been defined

and all the fields falling within the boundary get timely and assured supply of water to grow

paddy. Farmers are informed in advance about the availability of water, the process of

4 However, some researchers considered seasonal fallow to be of limited use because it is of such short duration. It is often only employed because they lack the necessary labor. oxen or fertilizers to cultivate the land, rather than as a deliberate way of improving soil fertility (Campbell et al. 1997). .. , Land use intensity represents the ratio between the land area that is sown and the land area that IS left tallow in a given year. The area sown is the land that has been sown at least once In a gIven year and the fallow land, on the other hand. is the land that has not been sown in a given year but was sown at least once In the

preceding year. 129

distribution, and time schedules to individuals on rotation to ensure efficient distribution of

water. The basic allocation principle is area based. Every piece of land is entitled to a

quantity of canal water proportionate to its size. The movement of water from one tield to

another is regulated through properly constructed spillways. The Neergunty appointed by

the WUA regulate and monitor water supplies and seepage. However, in the event of scarce

water supply, proportionate water distribution principle and night irrigation are followed

and farmers can decide which plot is to be irrigated. Hence, during scarcity, members have

agreed on certain norms and procedures concerning the timings and sequencing of water.

The system consequently provides a formal facility through which the farmers can use

water supply to meet crop-water needs. Thus, many rules concerning the distribution of

water are established and followed in customary practices based on their mutually agreed

allocation rules rather than the written water distribution schedule. One of the indicators of

equity as mentioned by the farmers is that tail enders must get their proportional share of

water which is strictly followed in the distribution pattern. Consequently, all farmers

equally share both excesses and shortfalls in the water deliveries in the system. This

distribution policy ensures fairness to all the members of the association as per the

distributive justice theory of Rawls (1971). The equitable distribution of water through built

in flexibility in delivery schedules has led to considerable reduction in water losses. Hence,

in Gundur, around 94 percent of farmers avoided over irrigation.

In Hagedal, where there is no WUA, there is no system of allocation and distribution of

water. One can find indiscipline in water use by farmers. Illegal diversion of water and

operation of gates by farmers to suit their individual interests is, therefore, a common

phenomenon in this village. Farmers manage to get more water by making holes into the

outlet channels or by manipulating the outlet itself. However, the biggest problem found

here is that though adequate water is available throughout the command area, the timing of

water availability to certain plots is unreliable and sometimes one can observe both

waterlogging and drought during one cropping season on these plots. Chambers (1988) has

noted that the tail ends of main canals, branch canals and distributaries suffer sometimes

from excess water from flooding or seepage or they sutTer from too little or unpredictability

in supply. As unreliable timings increases the risk of crop failure and reduces expected

returns, farmers whose lands are very far from the outlets try to store much more water in

130

the field than needed as insurance against a possible shortage in the future. And also it is

due to the fear that the next watering may be delayed. Another reason for over irrigation is

to reduce the risk associated with chemical fertilizers use. Even during the closure of the

upstream sections of the distributary, a large quantity of water flows in the outlets, because

of leakage under the gate and holes made by the farmers next to the gate6. This problem is

further aggravated by seepage of water from the nearby fields. Hence the problem of excess

water in the fields is found in both head and tail reach. Therefore, only 77 percent of

farmers could avoid over irrigation. Over irrigation did reduce crop yields in Hagedal (see

Table-8.3 ).

Kurt & Mary (1996) have stated that proper irrigation management ean slow down or stop

salinization. Hence, application of the right amount of water at the right time becomes

important. To get a broader understanding of irrigation management and control of water

by farmers, they were asked about the application of water to paddy fields right from

sowing to harvesting during the Kharif season.

Field water requirement for a rice crop depends mainly on the growth duration of the crop

and its growing environment. Farmers follow the traditional method of cultivation of paddy

transplantation and flood thc field throughout the crop growth period. HYVs are used by

farmers that require more water than the traditional varieties. It can be seen from Table 6.3

that in the early days of plant growth, farmers provide frequent irrigation. During the late

stage of tillering, farmers dry the field for 5 to 8 days and again during the critical stages

irrigation frequency are maintained at 6 to 9 days interval. However, during the time of

harvest watcr is drained from the fields.

The transplantation of paddy is followed due to a number of reasons, the major one being

the tradition followed for 3 to 4 dccades. Moreover, in the arid climate, an average of 5 mm

of water is lost per day by evopotranspiration while percolation and seepage also causes

some water loss. If the soil moisture level drops below the field capacity, the subsequent

formation of soil cracks increase. Also maintaining standing water right from the inception

of crop establishment is an effective method to reduce weed growth in rice. Therefore, most

(, In distributary 36, the measured flows behind closed outlets ranged from 10% to 50% of the official target

(lurriens & Landstra 1989).

131

the field than needed as insurance against a possible shortage in the future. And also it is

due to the fear that the next watering may be delayed. Another reason for over irrigation is

to reduce the risk associated with chemical fertilizers use. Even during the closure of the

upstream sections of the distributary. a large quantity of water flows in the outlets. because

of leakage under the gate and holes made by the farmers next to the gate6. This problem is

further aggravated by seepage of water from the nearby fields. Hence the problem of excess

water in the fields is found in both head and tail reach. Therefore, only 77 percent of

farmers could avoid over irrigation. Over irrigation did reduce crop yields in Hagedal (see

Table-8.3).

Kurt & Mary (1996) have stated that proper irrigation management can slow down or stop

salinization. Hence, application of the right amount of water at the right time becomes

important. To get a broader understanding of irrigation management and control of water

by farmers. they were asked about the application of water to paddy fields right from

sowing to harvesting during the Kharif season.

Field water requirement for a rice crop depends mainly on the growth duration of the crop

and its growing environment. Farmers follow the traditional method of cultivation of paddy

transplantation and flood the fIeld throughout the crop growth period. HYVs arc used by

farmers that require more water than the traditional varieties. It can be seen from Table 6.3

that in the early days of plant growth, farmers provide frequent irrigation. During the late

stage of tillering. farmers dry the fIeld for 5 to 8 days and again during the critical stages

irrigation frequency are maintained at 6 to 9 days interval. However, during the time of

harvest water is drained from the fields.

The transplantation of paddy is followed due to a number of reasons. the major one being

the tradition followed for 3 to 4 decades. Moreover. in the arid climate. an average of 5 mm

of water is lost per day hy evopotranspiration while percolation and seepage also causes

some water loss. If the soil moisture level drops below the field capacity. the subsequent

formation of soil cracks increase. Also maintaining standing water right from the inception

of crop establishment is an effective method to reduce weed growth in rice. Therefore. most

(, In distributary 36. the measured flows behind closed outlets ranged from 10% to 50% of the official target

(Jurriens & Landstra 1989).

131

of the irrigation fields are kept in both the villages w'th t d' . 1 S an mg water till the harvest or

rather the tield never dries up during the growth sta f h I I h ges 0 t e p ant. A tough early

maturing HYV of rice, reduced crop duration from about 140 days to about 120 days, there

was no reduction in the amount of water consumed or th ., I' d . ,ra er larmers app Ie more water

since the other inputs perform well only under adequate water conditions.

T bJ 3 a e 6. : Water Applied During Kharif Crop Cycle in Cundur and HagedaJ Gundur Hagedal

Days Water after Growth stage Requirement level on Frequency Water level Frequency

planting rice field (days on rice field (Days

(in cm) interval) (in cm) interval)

Vegetative Very 30 (revival of 5-7 4-5 5-7 Critical 4-5

green) Tillering

45 (early and Critical 6-10 4-5 5-13 4-5 middle stage)

65 Tillering Not 4-6

(late stage) Critical 8-9 3-6 7-8

Pal1lc Ie

75 ( elongating. Critical 10-13 7-9 10-15

booting. 6-8

heading)

90 Inflorescence Very 11-14 ( flowering) Critical

7-9 10-16 6-8

Spike let Very 115 (milk 9-13 7-9 10-13 6-8

ripening) Critical

125 Ripening Not 3-4 (yellow ripe) RelJuired

- - 10-11

145 Ilarvest Not required - - - -Source. held survey.

Since the traditional method of paddy cultivation is adopted, fanners by and large apply

tremendous amount of water7 But there is a wide gap between the water requirement and

7 Numerous studies conducted on the manipulation of depth and interval of irrigation to save on water use without any yield loss have demonstrated that continuous submergence is not essential for obtaining high rice Yields. Halta ( 1967), and Tabbal et al. (1992) reported that maintaining a very thin water layer, or alternate wetting and drying could reduce water applied to the field by about 40-70% compared with the traditional practice of continuous shallow submergence, without a significant yield loss. The Muda irrigation scheme in Malaysia reported a reduction in water use from 1,836 to 1.333 mm with the shift from transplanted rice to direct wet seeded rice (Fujii & Cho 1996). Although the shift to direct seeding. may lead to water savings in some countries. this will depend very much on the physical environment and the existing crop and water management practices. Information on all input requirements and outputs to be able to compare the overall profitability and impact of the traditional versuS the new system of water management is lacking.

132

actual water input in both the villages. However, it can be clearly noted that use and

frequency of irrigation water during all the growth stages of the paddy plant is more in

Hagedal as compared to Gundur.

In Gundur, the WU A ensures greater water control by farmers and fairness in water

distrihution. Greater water control by farnlers permits less water to be used per unit of

production, which translates into reduced energy consumption, waterlogging and salinity

(Mathur 19RR; Reddy, 1986). This corroborates the high correlation coefficient between

irrigation and yield in waterlogged and saline soils of Gundur (see Table 8.2). Improving

water distribution heIps in preventing waterlogging and salinity, but may not necessarily

mean more water is saved to irrigate new land. The physical boundary of the WUA is fixed

and any amount of saved water cannot be used to irrigate lands outside the WUA. Ostrom

(1992) cites clearly defined boundaries of both service area and people who have access to

water as the first design principle for long-enduring, self-organized irrigation systems.

In Hagedal, use of excess water could be mainly attributed to availability of water, low

irrigation duty. coupled with lack of a regulatory mechanism. Farmers' perception here is

that the more water they apply the more yield they should get. Although adequate water is

avaIlable throughout the command area, the timing of water availability to certain plots is

unreliable. As control over water diminishes it becomes necessary to apply increasing

quantities of water whenever available. Hence, over-irrigation even in the context of

general false water scarcity can lead to waterlogging and salinity. It can be noted that

irrigation acts as a yield-retarding variable in the affected lands of Hagedal (see Table 8.3).

Pant (1986) has pointed out in a study of large irrigation projects that the net result of the

broken legitimacy is that tail enders do not get water when they need it and their fields are

waterlogged when no water is required. Indeed it is largely operated "on demand", which

means water is supplied in abundance rather than the actual needs for crops and the outlets

are rei:,'lIlarly adapted by farmers to meet these requirements. Thus, the breakage of

regulatory structures has led to over use of water. Farmers constantly defy existing

regulations and the irrigation authorities find themselves helpless in enforcing discipline.

Non-booking of irrigation offences is a common practice in the village.

133

In a detailed analysis of the TBP, Hugar (1997) comments on the difficulty command

authorities have in enforcing water policy. The implementation of rotational water

distribution in TBP was not successful. Murray-Rust & Snellen (1993) attributed the failure

to the lack of communication and co-operation between the irrigation agency and fanners.

The command authority retains the control only as far as the water releases from the main

canal into the branch canals. Below this, farmers are able to change the desired water

distribution pattern to suit their own perceived requirements. Besides water delivery

systems consist of simple earthen dikes. with no effective way to accurately control water

use and apparently outlets cannot be closed. Several researchers (Chambers 1988; Sampath

19<)2: Wade 1995) have commented on the prevalence of corruption within irrigation

authorities, and the prevalence of bribes and other attempts by farmers to int1uence the

amount of water they receive. Consequently, the gap between command area and actual

irrigated area increases. Striking repercussions arise when water is diverted illegally on the

low land, because dunng rainfall the drainage canals are not adequate to dispose of the

excess water. thus causing waterlogging and salinization.

Over irrigation not only leads to problems of waterlogging and salinity but also causes a

host of other environmental problems. Figure 6.1 gives the link between abundance

irrigation water and the externalities associated with it.

Table 6.4: Distribution of Farmers who have Adopted Curative and Preventive Strategies

Strategy Farmers applying these strategies*

Gundur Hagedal

Green manuring 45 (95.7) 41 (59.4)

Drainage 45 (95.7) 49 (71.0)

FYM 41 (87.2) 50 (72.4)

Bum crop residue 31(65.9) 36(52.1)

Total (in %) 86.1 63.7

Note: Figures 10 parenthesIS indicates the percentages. . • Multiple responses (farmers may apply more than two strategies).

134

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The most popular practice in Gundur is green manuring (95.7 percent) and the application

of organic fertilizer in the torm of compost and FYM (87.2 percent) (see Table 6.4). It has

been demonstrated that the application of manure increases the fertility of soils by

progressively increasing their cation exchange capacity, exchangeable bases and pH (Grant

1967) and also improves the physical properties of the soils, which neutralizes to some

extent the adverse effects of salinity (Joshi et al. \995). It also improves the structure and

water holding capacity of the soil besides moderating the soil temperatures~. Farmers

generally mix FYM with different proportions of dung, urine and crop residue at regular

intervals to reduce nitrogen losses during storage and handling~. However, they do not add

household wastes as they believe it increases weeds and causes lodging-in crops. Farmers

observed that cow dung is more etlective if it is burned before application. This is probably

an indirect etlect of reducing the number of weed seeds in the dung, which lessens the

competition between weeds and crops in the field. But not many farmers bum the manure

before application due to the high labor requirements. Buffalo manure is considered to be

inferior to cattle manure and most of the times farmers mix both. Manure is used by

farmers as part of a long-term strategy based on the assumption that it will maintain crop

production tor three to five years. depending on irrigation, soil type and topography.

Farmers are aware that it has longer-lasting etTects, and that it is important to minimize

wastage. This also corroborates thc high correlation coefficient between FYM and yield in

good and saline lands in this village (see Table-8.2).

, However. the capacity of the manure to improve soil fertility depends not only on the crop residues used to produce and amend it, but also on the outcome of the biological processes of decomposition, which determine the rate at which carbon and nutrients are released into the soil (Swift et al. 1979). Manure when generally not well decomposed can cause scorching of crops. But there is little information available on how the quality of manure may be improved by manipulating biological processes dunng deco~posalOn, although It has been noted that storage conditions affect its quality and the subsequent release of nutnents. Its value to plants tS largely determined by its nitrogen content, and any nutrients lost through leachmg and volalIlIzatlOn when the manure IS stored and handled will significantly reduce its effectiveness thus reducmg Its agronomIc value. KIrchman (I t}~5) found that between 8 to 40% of nitrogen is lost during storage. Apart from storage and handlIng, the factors that affect the quality of manure are temperature, mOIsture levels and exposure to

environment. Hence, it is not al ways as elTective as it could be. . . . 'I In order to conserve nutrients, crop residues should be added at regular mtervals and If lIttle or no absorbent matter is added. there will be significant losses of nitrogen (Witter & Klrchmann 1988). Expenments showed that straw could absorb ammonia effectively, reducing nitrogen losses from cow dung by up to 85%, and from

. t' d d' b 50 0' Hence crop residues are considered as an effecttve agent for a mIxture 0 cow ung an unne y 10. ,

conserving nutrients during .'torage and handling. 136

Important green manuring crops used by fanners are "philpisarae" and Junae"IU belonging

to the family "leguminaceae". "Philpisarae" is also used as cattle fodder. These green­

manuring crops grew well on saline and waterlogged soils. Species of this kind have high

capacity for assimilating nutrients from the soil. It also makes the soil softer and thereby

easier to work. Green manuring was propagated by WUA to reduce the intensity of salinity

and waterlogging (see Figure 7.1). After every harvest the fanners grow these crops for one

and a half months, which absorbs salt content in the soil. Applying FYM to the soil follows

this. This technique though labor intensive, serves the dual purpose of reducing soil salinity

and increasing soil fertility by fixing nitrogen and is cffective over longer periods. This

kind of puddling I I is the most common method of land preparation for rice cultivation

which results in increased water retention, reduced percolation losses and better control of

weeds. Also, the subsequent crop needs less nitrogenous fertilizer. Fanners are of the

opinion that this is the most effective method to improve soil fertility.

Crop residues (hay) are used by 69.5 percent of fanners in Gundur as fertility input where

they either remain in the soil as roots, or are left above the ground as stover at the end of

the at,'licultural season. Farmers normally bum the residue l2 at the start of the season, to

clear the ground prior to tilling. This helps to destroy pests, pathogens and weed seeds. It is

also an important source of potassium, known to enhance plant growth by reducing the

acidity of the soil. So it is clear that the farmers are well aware of the benefits of using

organic fertilizer. But now crop residues are used more as fodder due to the shrinking of

common grazing lands.

Even in Hagedal, the most dominant strategy adopted by farmers is application of FYM

(72.4 percent) and it is this factor that has significantly contributed to the change in yield

(see Table-S.3). But the number of livestock per household has reduced due to decline in

10 These are local Kannada names. Plants of these species are known as biological nitrogen fixing agents. Green manuring along with application of FYM for maintaining yields of rice and wheat has been suggested by Agarwal et al. 1994, Specialists say that yields will increase even more Ifextra nitrogen IS used (Woperels

eta1.1998)

II I ' ddl" 't IT one to cour discing reduced the irrigation water requirement for rice ncreasmg pu mg mtensl y am " without reducing the yield (Dhaliwal et al. 1997), , , , 12 H h d 'd b ' " that I't may also tngger mtrogen losses that have to be balanced With owever, t e OwnSI e to ummg IS

chemical fertilizer, which has become increasingly expensive. 137

grazing lands and the consequent reduction in availability of dung for manure. On the other

hand. the demand for FYM is increasing every year, to replenish nutrients in the soil.

Farmers are compelled to stall feed the cattle due to reduction in grazing lands. It is

estimated that animal s consume 40 to 55 percent of crop residues during the dry season13 . It

is also used for bedding in cattle pens, so only 52 percent of farmers burned crop residue.

Some of the farmers used it as construction material or fuel. Even though green manuring

was done by 59 percent of the farmers, application of FYM was not always followed by it.

Some farmers either followed only !,'Teen manuring or application of FYM. It seems that

farmers are either unaware or unwilling to try it.

On-farm drainage has been provided by 96 percent of the sample farmers in Gundur, where

the WUA is present. while in Hagedal only 71 percent of the farmers had drainage. In

Gundur, the WUA is responsible for the maintenance of natural and collector drains and

farmers render their services in tenns of labor and money. In Hagedal, natural drains has

disappeared due to siltation and the negligcncc of farmers. Farmers in this village expect

that the agency should maintain the drains.

It can be seen lTom Table 6.4 that around 116 percent of farmers interviewed followed the

curative and preventive strategy in Gundur hut in Hagedal although soil-related problems

were found to he more (sec Figure 5.1) only 64 percent of farmers interviewed followed

these strategies. Although a large number of technological and management options are

available to manage waterlogged and saline soils, often the strategies are not been adopted

due to several socio-economic and institutional constraints (WOCAT, 1997).

Other methods to reduce salinity, of which some farmers are aware but do not practice, is

scraping and tlushing. Scraping involves physically removing the saline crust lTom the

surface of the field to create a favorablc environment for seed germination and plant

!,'Towth. Flushing involves running water over the surface of a field where impermeable salt

crust is formed. Both of these are desperation acts and show that fertility of the soil is in

extreme jeopardy (Abrol et al. 1988). As early as in 1914, Leather (reported by CABI,

" However. there is a considerable potential for recycling soil nutrients by feeding crop residues to cattle as it . .' . (G t 1970) But often the feed given to cattle other than crop produces manure that IS rIch In nutrIents ran .

reSidue is of poor quality. 138

1994) rejected the method of salt scraping as a long-term solution for the salinity problem.

StilL it was n:ported that a large number of fanners in Rohtak district of Haryana practiced

salt scraping despite its 1l1dfecti\l:ness in solving the problem that appeared on their fanns

(Joshi et al. 1995). Otten plac1l1g mulch or plastic over the field can decrease evaporation

si~'1lificantly (Lax et al. 1(94). This technique is applicable in arid regions where

c\uporation is high. Since It IS labor and capital intensive, farmers in both the villages do

not undertake this activity.

The practices tl1llowed at present by the farmers, shows their awareness of the risks

associated with soil degradation and necessary corrective measures to be followed. All the

sample t~mllers III bpth the \dlages adopted more than one strategy to cope with the

problem and the strategies ad(lpted are both selective and strategic and are mainly

Intlucnced b\ eC(ln(lmIC and tcchnical feaSibility. It is tricky to determine the exact benefits

of management strategies. e\ en by easily measurable factors like productivity.

:\c\ertheless. these agwnolllll: and ImgatlOn practices as observed by the farmers, seem to

be \ery dfectl\ e In the cpntr,,1 ,,( salinity and waterlogging.

Some o( the InkT\ entl"ns L'lllpl,,\cd hy the agency at the project level are discussed below.

Canallilli,,!:

Seepage from canals and \\atercourses has been a significant source of groundwater

recharglll!! that result 111 \\atulogglng and aggravates the problem of soil salinity (GOI,

19WJj In TBI'. the main canal IS IlIled and distributaries and sub-distributaries are unlined.

There is cn"nn"us growth ,,( weed all along the distributaries and sub-distributaries, which

tends to obstruct fn:e flow "t water and increases the conveyance losses. The total seepage

loss In the cOll\cyance system is estimated at 45 percent (Abbasi, 1991). Subsurface

drainage to avoid these losses was not included in the project at the planning and design

stage. In addition. release ,,( water very otten more than the designed discharge tends to

damage the hydraulic structures Tungabhadra has created history where the main canal has

hreached eight times in a month. The contractors do repairs, which is supervised by the

operatIOn & maintenance wing in tenns of quality of the work. Despite this, the contractors

139

do poor quality work. There IS no accountability between contractors, users and

government.

In the study area, the physical condition of sub-distributary 31/2 is not satisfactory. It is not

even lined at vulnerable places and leakage of water is a common sight. Some of the drop

structures are damaged and at some places pipe outlets are almost buried under silt. So far,

JD has not taken up any measures for the rehabilitation of this distributary. In TP8 lining

the \ulnerable distributaries has trequently been advocated. There are however, no clear

data on water losses in the distributary, or on the gains and benefits of lining. Since it is an

expensive program neither the farmers nor WLJA can afford rehabilitation.

In Hagedal. the drop structures and pipe outlets are in a bad condition. Over-anxiety of

people in the tail end area to collect water directly from the distributary has inflicted

damage to the control structures. The banks of the canals are cracked with holes, leading to

seepage losses. The feeling that this is common property explains farmers' indifference to

mamtam it. Illegal diversion of water by the tarmers whose lands are away from the pipe

outlets is a common sight in this village, which has led to soil-related problems in the

command area.

In Gundur. although the WLJA has not taken up lining of sub-distributary, the farmers

etlecti\'ely mamtain the portion that runs in the village. Since it is a kacha structure rapid

Siltation takes place and it is collectively desilted twice a year. Members contribute in tenns

of labor and money. If a member does not come to work, he/she would have to bear the cost

of labor. Thc maintenance undertaken by the association is efficient and based on needs,

regardless of whether it may be rehabilitated at some time in the tuture.

It is frcquently argucd that the acceptable level of seepage is good because most often this

is the main source of groundwater recharge if the canal is underlain by good groundwater

quality; and farmers can pump groundwater for irrigation or other purposes. But it should

bc notcd that thc possibilities of groundwater usc in the command area is limited, owing to

the blackish nature of aquitcrs in black cotton soils. Hence, lining at least at vulnerable

140

spots becomes necessary where the potential to Increase seepage and the consequent

waterlogging and salinity is high.

Soil conservation pro!(ramsl Land reclamation

In the Tungabhadra command area, about 53,4 I 5 hectares are affected by waterlogging,

alkalinity and salinity out of which 21.202.86 hectares are waterlogged, 26,0 I 8.59 hectares

are atlected by salinity and 6194 hectares are affected by alkalinity. Since the inception of

CADA in 1980, 3078 hectares are reclaimed which include 2143 hectares of saline atlected

lands and 935 hectares of waterlogged area. Again, an area of 212.00 hectares was reclaimed

in distributary 36 in 1997 under the Indo Dutch proi,'Tam known as the Tungabhadra Irrigation

Pilot Project Phase II. In 1999, there was a budget provision of Rs. 30 lakhs to reclaim ISO

hectares of affected lands. But the program could not be implemented during the year since the

approval trom the government was not received in time.

In Gundur and Hagedal, it is beyond individual farmers to reclaim the lands that have gone out

of production due to salinity. Even in Gundur, the WUA cannot do much to remove salts from

the soil, since it would prove very costly. In these areas, agency intervention is required to

reclaim the affected soils and ifno remedial measures are taken lands may be abandoned.

Reclamation of waterlogged and saline areas is included in the central scheme and most of

the time due to delay in availability of funds or due to non-availability of adequate funds,

the proi,'Tess is very slow. Even in places where land reclamation activities were carried out

a top down approach was followed. The pro!,'Tams did not emphasize the importance of

community involvement at all levels including problem identification, planning,

implementation, and evaluation. Many a time the assessment of waterlogging and saline

areas is based on virtual inspection, and there are hardly adequate facilities for testing the

micro nutrient status of the soils. The land reclamation activity of CAD A has to be changed

from a mere technical-fix approach to an approach where farmers participate in the

planning and implementation process.

CADA wa, constituted in TBP in 1970 to reduce the gap between the irrigation potential

created and utilized and to increase production per unit of water and land. It is entrusted with

141

the task of organizational and administrative co-ordination between the various departments

namely. irrigation. agriculture. co-operation and marketing and other constitutions engaged in

training ,md research activities. CADA has had a positive impact by way of better utilization

of the potential created. increase in irrigation intensity. increase in agricultural production and

productiyity due to the introduction of high efficiency crops and increase in the use of

fertilizers and better variety of seeds. Land reclamation activities of C ADA to some extent

ha\'e brought ahout some improvement in farm income.

On-farm development work is by far the most important function of CADA. which is of

fundamental importance in hridging the gap between the creation and utilization of irrigation

potential. Howner. the pro~'[ess of tield canals was slow mainly due to inadequate funding by

the state go\ernment. realignment of field boundaries and consolidation of holdings also did

not pick up. HIgh water use crops like paddy and sugarcane has increased in the head and

middle reach and ('ADA was not successful in preventing violation of cropping pattern. The

experience WIth on-tillm drainage is not very encouraging. Due to neglect of main drains.

tield drains were not effectiye in preventing waterlogging and salinity. Some crucial

disciplines like a~'TOl]()my. social sciences. etc. are not inducted into thc management.

Extension sefyice has faIled to address the problems of mismanagement of water along with

soIl conse[\atlOn measures, Another area that calls for action is the extension services and

management of demonstratIon timl1s.

According to Singh (I <JX]). the CAD experience proved that on farm development alone

could not overcome the deticicncies of the main canal system. Maintenance and upkeep of

the canal system hy ID ahO\ e the outlet was less satistactory. While CADA is meant to

pertlJrm several tasks. maim prohlems in smooth functioning include: funds not arriving on

tIme. lT1adequate techT1lcal statt and frequent transfer of officers serve as bottlenecks in

administcring the programs. Onc can lind some tension between ID and CADA tor power in

TSP. Thc very fact that CADA staff consisted of staff deputed from ID has not made the

execution of the authority ICm11ally given to the CADA easier. However. the weakest aspect

of ('ADA is thc non-involvement of the farmers in the prOh'Tam and the general 'paternalistic'

approach of State Water Res()urccs Department.

142

Command Area Development Program (CADP)14 is proposed to be restructured during the

Tenth Plan (2002-07) to improve the existing conditions of water availability at the point of

the government outlets of major and medium irrigation projects and make the stakeholders

responsible for the operation and upkeep of the downstream systems. The restructured

CAD program is to take into account the correction of system deficiencies above the outiet,

renovation of the irrigation system and control structures within the designated irrigation

commands. The restructured CAD program will also include linkage of field drains with the

main drainage system, increased involvement of beneficiaries in construction and maintenance

of on falln development works and equitable distribution of water through WU As.

Factors affecting farmers' decision to adopt management strategies

As mentioned earlier, all the farmers adopted one or the other management strategies to

mitigate the adverse etlects. The intensity of practices, however, depends on the intensity of

the problems. Since some of these practices are cost intensive, resource poor farmers were

unable to adopt it more effectively and in time. Even so, farmers try to mobilize resources

when they see the danger of farm productivity getting reduced. Barbier & Bishop (1995)

reported that farmers in developing countries are willing to make modifications or change

their land and water management strategies if it leads to an immediate economic gain.

A wide range of factors influences the management strategies adopted by farmers.

However, in this study based on the availability of data a few variables are hypothesized to

affect farmers' decision to adopt the various management strategies. These variables are

classified into three categories: (I) personal factors, such as education, mother tongue

(migrant and native farmers), family size, and experience in irrigated agriculture; (2)

economic variables such as number of livestock, timely availability of credit, non farm

income, capacity to use factors like tractor, harvester, more labor etc., (3) institutional

factors such as WUA.

Two separate logit equations were estimated for both the villages and the results of the

estimations are presented in Table 6.5. To study the impact of the presence of WUA, we

14 Order No 2-10/200 I.CAD/45 dated 25'h February. 2004. Ministry of Water Resources, GOI redesignates the CADI' as Command Area Development and Water Management Program.

143

have merged the information from both the villages and then estimated the logit regression.

Farmers who attached more importance to the problems of soil degradation assume the

value I and 0 otherwise.

The results suggest that in Hagedal, the migrant farmers from Andhra Pradesh with timely

availability of credit and better non-farm income are more likely to adopt timely

management strategies. Andhra Pradesh farmers were traditionally paddy growers. Because

of their long experience in paddy cultivation they are aware of the impacts of

monocropping on soil and hence they are more likely to adopt the management strategies

than the native farmers who had little experience. Farmers who got timely credit could

access fertilizers and soil amendments like gypsum and zinc unlike the farmers who could

not get timely credit. Hence, they are more likely to adopt management strategies. The

Kissan Credit Card Scheme introduced by the government in 1998-99, as an innovative

scheme to facilitate easy credit to the farmers, has not yet gained popularity in the village.

Farmers, therefore, mainly depend on private moneylenders. Farmers with an increase in

non-farm income are more likely to divert the income into management strategies so as to

enhance their production. The other variables, except TFM, have the expected signs

although they turned out to be statistically not significant.

Table 6.5: 'h LOl!;it Estimates of the Likeh ood 0 fAd ~tlOn 0 fM anagemen t St t . ra egles Gundur Hagedal I

Variable Coefficient Z-statistic Coefficient Z-statistic

Cattle (number) 0.946*** 1.885 0.209 Factor use (dummy) 2.529*** I. 719 0.442 Experience (years) 0.19*** 1.717 0.0004 Credit (dummy) 0.103 0.071 0.983*** Non-farm/farm 0.442 0.435 1.662*** Education (years) -0.311 -1.466 0.044 TFM (numbers) -0.379 -I. 505 -0.032 Mother tongue (dummy) -2.318 -1.545 -1.094*

Chi-square 44.903* Predictability 87.2%

WUA 0.961** Z-statistic 2.94

• SIgnificance al 1% . •• Significance at 5% . ••• Signitlcance at IO'Yo. . Factor use ~ Capacity to use faclors like labor, tractor. etc. I tor yes and 0 for no. Credit ~ Timely availability of credit (I for yes. 0 for 110).

Non farmlfarm ~ Non farm income as a ratio of farm income. TFM ~ Number of members in the family. Mother Tongue ~ I for Telugu, 2 for Kannada, and 3 for Urdu.

1.322 0.679 0.018 1.652 1.693 0.667 -0.496 -2.489

28.316* 73.9%

144

In Gundur, fanners with a longer experience in irrigated fanning, with a larger number of

cattle and the capacity to use tractor, labor, etc. are more likely to adopt various

management strategies. It was found that the WUA is highly significant indicating that this

is mainly responsible in building the fanners' capacity to reduce the intensity of adverse

effects. Fanners with long experience in irrigated agriculture are conscious of the longer­

tenn risk associated with paddy cultivation. Therefore, they not only showed skill and

knowledge in cultivation but also knew how to protect soils and this positively affects the

likelihood of adoption of management strategy. Fanners with less capacity to use tractor,

transport, labor, various agriculture implements, etc. prevents them from obtaining soil

amendments and, hence, they are less likely to adopt the management strategies. In Gundur,

the WUA played an important role in providing services and infonnation to mitigate soil­

related problems and, hence, played a significant role in influencing the fanners in the

adoption of the strategies. The WUA did provide assistance in the fonn of sheep penning,

provision of sand, etc. besides ensuring a fair and equitable distribution of water. The

variable education shows a negative sign, which indicates that as education increases

fanners are more likely to look for other non-fann employment and therefore, the

likelihood of adoption of management strategy is low. However, this variable turned out to

be statistically insignificant.

It is interesting to note that there is no unifonnity in the management strategies adopted by

the fanners. Some of the cultural and social factors seem to have influenced the adoption

levels as noticed in the tocused group discussion.

One of the farmers in Gundur commented:

"f am more motivated to take care of lands that I have inherited from my father and

grandfather. I need to pass it on to my children in good condition. Hence more members of

my household work on such lands . ..

This shows that factors such as patterns of inheritance also affected fanner's decision to

invest in land improvement. Land ownership also seems to have an impact on soil fertility

management practices.

145

Three brothers working on leased lands in Hagedal mentioned that:

.. Why should we invest in soil and water management practices in someone's land? We just

see to it that we do the minimllm investments so that the yield levels are not declined. When

we hm'e 01/1' 011'/1 lands we will plan of long-term strategies . ..

The inherited and owned lands are still 'good', despite continuous and intensive cultivation

by successive generations, when compared to tenant cultivated lands.

The analysis of various intervention strategies employed at the farm level and project level

reveals that in Gundur, farmers adopted preventive and a combination of curative and

preventive strategies on a larger scale. In Hagedal, since the soil-related problems are more

profound than in Gundur, farmers on a larger scale adopted curative strategies. Adoption of

strategy in Hagedal is mostly determined by the credit availability and the non-farm

Income. But in Gundur. it is the experience in irrigated farming of the farmer, cattle

strength and the presence of the WUA that determines the adoption of management

strategy. The next chapter compares the irrigation system performances in the study

villages, to get a broader understanding of water use and its effect on the environment.

Summary and Conclusion

In TBP, the responsibility to ensure designed discharge of water up to the outlet point omd

also to construct, operate and maintain the canals and hydraulic structures rests with the ID

while the responsibility of maintaining the system and distributing water below the outlet

point rests with thc CADA. The Agricultural department is responsible for providing

extension services. In Gundur, the WUA is present to distribute water beyond outlets, while

in Hagedal, which has no WUA, farmers take water from the outlets based on their turns

and location.

Though scientific, technological and management options are available to manage and

control the problems, farmers have adopted their own methods to tackle the twin problem

of waterlogging and salinity. The sample farmers employ as many as 15 on-farm strategies,

which include various al,'Tonomic and physical soil and water conservation measures. The

strategies adopted are classified under three broad categories namely, preventive, curative

146

and a combination of both. The most important curative practice adopted by farmers in

Hagedal is the application of gypsum and zinc whereas in Gundur the dominant practice is

to use more seed per acre. Intensive ploughing is another important curative strategy

adopted by farmers in both the village. The other important strategies adopted by the

farmers are land leveling and shaping, application of green manure, providing on-farm

drainage and maintaining field channels.

In Gundur, one of the important preventive strategies adopted by the farmers is that of

avoiding over irrigation. This has been possible due to equitable distribution policy adopted

by the WUA. An equitable supply of water has been ensured through well-articulated rules

and regulations. This equitable or fairness of water distribution along with built-in

flexibility in delivery schedules minimizes considerable water losses and helps in

preventing waterlogging and salinity. In the case of Hagedal in the absence of any regulatory

body. either agency or WUA, there is indiscipline in the water use by farmers. This seems to

have adversely affected the soils. Farmers follow the traditional method of cultivation of

paddy transplantation and flood the field throughout the crop growth period in both the

villages. The use and frequency of irrigation water during all the growth stages of the paddy

plant is found to be more in Hagedal as compared to Gundur. In Hagedal, farmers mainly

over irrigate the fields due to the unreliable water supply and lack of control by the agency.

In Gundur, the farmers on a larger scale adopted preventive and a combination of curative

and preventive strategies. In Hagedal, curative strategies were found to be more popular.

The adoption of a strategy in Hagedal is mostly determined by the credit availability and

the non-farm income. But in Gundur, it is the experience in irrigated farming of the farmer,

cattle strength and the presence of the WUA that determines the adoption of management

strategy.

In case of Gundur, the field canals, sub-distributary and drainage nalas have been

maintained properly through collective effort and community labor because ofthe WUA. In

the absence of WUA in Hagedal, drop structures and pipe outlets are in a bad condition.

Farmers have not taken up cleaning the natural drains. They do not bother to maintain the

structures since it is a common property. The infrastructure is allowed to deteriorate as

147

everyone individually chooses to take a free ride to their short run advantage. Natural

drains have also disappeared due to siltation and the negligence of farmers. This has further

aggravated the problem of waterlogging and salinity in the village.

The performance of ('ADA or the agricultural department in imparting knowledge to

farmers concerning better water and soil management practises is not satisfactory.

Government programs executed both at the system level and farm level to directly or

indirectly prevent and reclaim the affected soils seems to be inadequate enough. They are

more involved in the physical reclamation of the atfected land than in empowering farmers

to undertake preventive and curative strategies to mitigate soil related problems. The

progress of on farm development works and drainage is slow and CADA is also not

successful in preventing unauthorized cultivation or a violation of the cropping pattern. Over

the past few years' agricultural extension has tended to focus mainly on the minimum

support price, production and distribution of seeds, promoting mineral fertilizers and

improved varieties of crops so that it has failed to address the problems of mismanagement

of water along with soil conservation measures.

I

148

Chapter 7

Water Users' Association and Irrigation System Performance

Given the increasing water use and distribution contlicts emerging in canal command areas,

especially in major projects, the need for transferring irrigation management tu user gruups

has been stressed by the planners all over the world, more importantly in developing

countries. In Karnataka, like elsewhere in the country, attempts are being made to transfer

irrigation management to user groups. The Tungabhadra irrigation project is one of the

major systems in the state, where irrigatiun management transfer has been attempted. The

two villages selected for this study are from this command area. An attempt is therefore,

made in this chapter to analyze status of irrigation management in the village by the WUA

(Gundur) as compared to the other village which lacks any institutional setup (Hagedal).

Participatory Irrigation Management (PIM) in Karnataka

Irrigation management transfer I or PIM has become a widespread strategy in Asia, Africa

and Latin America. Karnataka State has a long history uffarmers' involvement in irrigation

management, but limited experience with formal PIM2 programs. Efforts to increase farmer

participation in major irrigation systems received policy attention from the 1980s and

WUAs or pipe committees were initiated at the outlet levels which were supposed to co­

operate with CADA for on-farm development works and distribute water on a rotatiDnal

basis. The water rights and the linked responsibilities of the WUAs and its members were

not defined and also there was no enabling legislation or legal backing to make them

functionally effective. Hence, by the mid-1990s, about 225 WUAs created in major and

minor irrigation projects became defunct or existed only on paper due to lack of enabling

provisions as well as absence of a comprehensive PIM policy in the state.

Et10rts to transfer irrigation management to farmer organizations occurred more than a

decade ago in TBP. However, the managerial powers lay mostly in the hands of the

I Turning over the management authority for irrigation systems. from government agencies to farmers is generally referred to as management transfer (Vermillion 1997). For a detailed discussion on the performance and impacts of irrigation management transfer see Vermillion (1997) and Brewer eta!' (1999). . 2 PIM is neither a totally new nor an alien concept to the Indian farmer. It was a basIC premise based on which many of the traditional irrigation systems were designed. constructed. operated and managed successfully for centuries. The phraseology used by the donor agencies has, however been changmg from time to time.

(Reddy 2000). 149

irrigation officials who exercised all controls on the operation, maintenance and repair of

infrastructure. In the absence of proper distribution of water, bad maintenance of

infrastructure, discrepancies in rights and responsibilities of the WUA and its members.

even while the 16 WUA came in to existence with government initiative, they became

defunct over the decade.

Presently, Karnataka Government wants to give a fresh orientation to PIM through concrete

efforts and consultations with different agencies and stakeholders. The state amended its

Karnataka Irrigation Act of 1965; making provisions for users' institutions to emerge at

various levels of the irrigation system namely, Water Users Cooperatives (WUCs) at the

primary, distributary and project level and an Apex body at the State level. The WUAs in

Karnataka are registered under the Co-operative Act and are called WUCs. The WUCs are

empowered to decide on the cropping pattern, fix and collect water charges based on the

volumetric supply and enable conflict resolution. The WUCs are entrusted with the task of

carrying out maintenance work and water management through a formal Memorandum of

Understanding (MOU) between the Irrigation Department and the WUCs. In addition, the

WUCs were given other rural development works like laying of roads to farmlands. WUCs

are also encouraged to take up other income generating activities such as dealing in

fertilizers and pesticides, and other agricultural inputs.

Since 2003, water management has been entrusted to eligible WUCs in vanous major

irrigation projects. Water is allocated to each WUCs based on the quantity of available

water, tentative rainfall based on the time series data, and the indent placed by the WUCs

in the command area. There are two taritIs charts given to the WUCs, the tariff for water,

which the WUCs have to pay to the government while the government also gives chart that

specifies the crop-wise water charges, which the WUCs can collect from the farmers. The

WUCs gets a rebate of 2 percent for paying in time and 20 percent for administration cost

and Rs 40 per hectare for maintenance. In TBP, currently 826 WUAs have been identified

and delineation notifications are issued by ID out of which 401 WUAs have been registered

till 2003 and water management is formally handed over to 36 WUA.

150

Farmers' Perceptions about WUA

In Hagedal, people never felt the need for the formation ofWUAs. The agency is, however,

trying to initiate the process. An attempt was made to assess the awareness of the farmers

about the need for and importance of co-operative endeavor in the management of

irrigation water. through the formation of the WUA by the agency. The willingness for

forming WUA was ascertained. The responses of sample farmers have been analyzed and

presented in Table 7.1. The categories of responses are "not willing", "very much willing"

and "indifferent".

Table 7.1: Farmers' Responses to Support WUA in Hagedal

Response of farmers (in percenta2e) Very much willin2 Not willin2 Indifferent

44 39 17

It is evident from the data that 44 percent of sample farmers are in favor of the formation of

a WUA. A significant proportion (39 percent) of the farmers did not feel the necessity of

such a WUA, while 17 percent remained indifferent to the whole issue ofPIM or formation

of WUAs. Small farmers, who are not in favor of WUA, fear that such WUAs tend to be

dominated by thc big farmers and will grab all the advantages. Even others arc not sure of

the potential benefits and thus expressed indifference. Large farmers feel that assistance I

from the agency decreases when once the WUA is formed. This response is quite

surprising, because these farmers often complain about the deteriorating infrastructure due

to ineffective maintenance by the government. This shows that farmers have no clear idea

of the benefits or the rationale behind the proposed WUA in the village. That is why they

seem to prefer agency management.

A salient reason for a lack of interest in forming a WUA in this village seems to be the

plentiful supply of water. The infrastructure deterioration in the sub-distributary and field

channel maintenance does not appear to be of much concern to farmers, since it does not

significantly affect water availability. Influential farmers do not want to form WUAs,

because the formation of a WUA will curtail uncontrolled outlets and illegal diversion of

151

water] The local leadership is not very effective in mobilizing the people to form WUAs. It

is obvious that without local initiative, the formation of the WU A is not possible. The

social cohesiveness seems to have been gradually eroded in the village due to market

penetration. In the process, collective action has disappeared. Most importantly, farmers

feel that the government is the ultimate provider of irrigation services and, therefore, are

reluctant to take over such responsibilities, without knowing exactly what this may entail.

The dependency syndrome in the community is getting perpetuated. The WUAs are viewed

as constraints that individuals place on themselves and feel co-operation is not viable.

Some misconceptions about the proposed institutional development also affect adversely

the community effort. For instance, farmers feel that establishment of the WUA is

essentially for increasing water charges, to reduce or avoid the subsidies provided to them.

Large farmers do not show any interest for in their perception their control and authority in

management matters gets reduced if a WUA is in place. These are some of the socio­

cultural dynamics and misinformation that have come in the way of collective action for

irrigation water management.

The information provided to the farmers about the volumetric supply, pncmg and

collection of water charges is not clear. They are confused about the manner in which

volumetric pricing of water will be done. Measuring devices do not exist at present. Canals

are unable to carry designed discharges due to silting and damaged structures. It is not yet

clear to the farmers as to how the department is going to fix the water quota. The

implementation processes are vague and confusion persists among the farmers and the

ofticials. This shows that the agency has no clear-cut operational plan. Participatory rural

appraisal (PRA) methods employed are at that time poor. Farmers are not properly

informed regarding water problems in the tail reaches of the Tungabhadra command area

and the need for the formation of a WUA. The government functionaries have neither spent

time with the irrigators nor helped them to identify problems, alternatives and solutions.

They appear to be only pressurizing the farmers to form WUAs to achieve the targets fixed

J In K wart. Minor Scheme of Rajastan, after the fonnation of the WUA, fanners have eradicated unregulated outlets and inequitable water distribution practices and enabled the conservation of a significant amount of water (Eisenstadt, 1'i9R).

152

by the government. This attitude conveys an impression that the agency, which currently

enjoys authority, is less enthusiastic to implement participatory management.

Performance assessment

The effectiveness of the WUA in ensuring an efficient systems performance has critically

been examined here. Performance assessment is one ofthe critical elements to identifY the

limitations or constraints for improving irrigation management (Abernethy & Pearce,

1987). A few key indicators have been chosen to assess the performance of the system. In

Gundur. one of the study villages, the WUA 4 formed under the Co-operative Society Act,

has the authority defined the irrigation services proposed by it and the community's role

and responsibilities in carrying out the tasks. A few performance indicators have been

chosen based on the field conditions. The performance indicators considered are equity in

water distribution, transparency and accountability, compliance with rules, cont1ict

resolution, the extent of adverse effects on soil, productivity of crops and water use

practices adopted by the community. In Hagedal, where there is no WUA or any regulatory

body, the same set of indicators have been used to assess the performance of the irrigation

system. These indicators are critical in understanding how water resources were used and

its effect on the environment. Hence we compare two villages; one village with WUA and

the other without.

Water Cess

Poor recovery of water rates is one of the important factors contributing to the poor

management of irrigation systems. According to the Report of the Committee on Pricing of

Irrigation Water (Vaidyanathan Committee) the revenue realized from irrigation, on an

average, worked out to Rs 50 in 1989-90 per hectare whereas the average cost of

maintenance was Rs 270 per hectare. Water cess in the command area is based on the size

of the holding depending on crop and season. Water delivery systems consist of simple

earthen dikes, with no effective way to accurately control or measure actual water use.

Hence the principle followed is area-based pricing, charging farmers per unit of irrigated

land and crops grown. In Hagedal, farmers have to pay Rs. 60 per acre during Kharif and

• The WUA history. which includes the age and the origin that was driven by farmer demand, is discussed in

detail in Chapter-4. 153

Rs. 50 per acre during Rabi to the revenue department while in Gundur farmers have to pay

both to the WUA as well as revenue department.

In Gundur, the water rates are revised every four to five years by the WUA and there is

some profit element in the fee computation. WUA generate revenue mainly from

collections of membership fee, water charges, special assessments and fines in case of

violation. The WUA will impose penalties for non-payment of water charges that include

fines or stopping water delivery to defaulted farmers. Farmers whose crops fail due to pest

attack or land degradation are not exempted from water cess, but late payment is accepted.

Those who fail to plant in a season, when water has already been released to his/her field is

also liable to pay the revised fee. Since farmers have to pay both to the WUA and to the

revenue department. it was important to know their latent willingness-to-pay water charges

to the department and their opinion of the water fee collected by the WUA. The WUA

collects Rs. 70 per acre during the Kharif season and Rs.60 per acre during the Rabi season.

Since the farmers initiated the WUA, government support in terms of management

subsidies or grant is not available. So the WUA collects high rates of water charges.

Table 7.2: Farmers' Opinion Regarding Water Charges in Gundur

Farm Size Opinion

Small Medium Large Total (in , percent)

High I (6.3) I (9.1 ) 4 (20.0) 11.8

Low 2 ( 12.5) I (9.1 ) 2 ( 10.0) 10.5 Reasonable 13 (81.3) 9 (81.8) 14 (70.0) 77.7

Note: Figures In parenthesIS indicate the percentages to the total In the specific category.

It is interesting to note that the small farmers (around 81 percent) and the medium farmers

(around 82 percent) found the water charges fixed by the WUA to be more reasonable than

the large farmers (70 percent). Around 13 percent of the small farmers are even of the

opinion that the water charges are low. It is clearly demonstrated that farmers are willing­

to-pay more if the service is good and reliable. The farmers paid water cess to the WU A

even in the case of unauthorized cultivation since the WUA was responsible for the supply

of water. The WUA also ensures that all members pay water charges to the department.

154

Rs. 50 per acre during Rabi to the revenue department while in Gundur fanners have to pay

both to the WUA as well as revenue department.

In Gundur, the water rates are revised every four to tive years by the WUA and there is

some protit element in the fee computation. WUA generate revenue mainly from

collections of membership fee, water charges, special assessments and tines in case nr violation. The WUA will imposc penalties for non-payment of water charges that include

fines or stopping water delivery to defaulted fanners. Fanners whose crops fail due to pest

attack or land degradation are not exempted from water cess, but late payment is accepted.

Those who fail to plant in a season, when water has already been released to his/her field is

also liable to pay the revised fee. Since fanners have to pay both to the WUA and to the

revenue department, it was important to know their latent willingness-to-pay water charges

to the department and their opinion of the water fee collected by the WUA. The WUA

collects Rs. 70 per acre during the Kharif season and Rs.60 per acre during the Rabi season.

Since the fanners initiated the WUA, government support in tenns of management

subsidies or grant is not available. So the WUA collects high rates of water charges.

Table 7.2: Farmers' Opinion Regarding Water Charges in Gundur

Farm Size Opinion

Small Medium Large Total (in

I

percent) High I (6.3) 1 (9.1 ) 4 (20.0) 11.8

Low 2 ( 12.5) I (9.1 ) 2 (\ 0.0) 10.5 Reasonable 13 (81.3) 9 (8\.8) 14 (70.0) 77.7

Note: Figures m parenthesIs mdlcate the percentages to the total m the speCific category.

It is interesting to note that the small fanners (around 81 percent) and the medium fanners

(around 82 percent) found the water charges fixed by the WUA to be more reasonable than

the large fanners (70 percent). Around 13 percent of the small fanners are even of the

opinion that the water charges are low. It is clearly demonstrated that fanners are willing­

to-pay more if the service is good and reliable. The fanners paid water cess to the WUA

even in the case of unauthorized cultivation since the WUA was responsible for the supply

of water. The WUA also ensures that all members pay water charges to the department.

154

In afocus group discussion one of the farmers explained the \'iew of his fel/owfa,.",cn·

"We have no hesitation to pay water charges to both WUA and revenue departmcnt. If

creates a sense of belonging. Even i{water rates are hiked we are ready to pay since till'

services provided are good".

This clearly shows that recovery of water rates is closely connccted with the issue of

maintenance of inigation infrastructure. The money thus col\edcd IS utilized for the

maintenance of secondary infrastructure and natural drains. to meet administratl\c

expenses, to pay the salary of "Necrgunty"'. provide sef\lces to mitigate soil-related

problems and some is saved to meet any unforeseen emergency situatIOn.

The WUA has become financially viable due to a progressive revision in water charges,

high rates of recovery and mobilization of local labor to carry out the maintenance

activities of infrastructure. The accountability of WUA ha~ been demonstrated hy

generating adequate revenue, maintaining records for every rupee spent and collected and

making transparent to all the stakeholders in periodic meetings and discussions.

In Hagedal village, where there is no WUA, the scenario is different.

Table 7.3: Farmers' Response Regarding Payment of Water Charges in Hagedal

Farm Size Farmers

Total (in response Small Medium Large

percent) Yes 18 (77.2) 12 (70.5) 22 (73.3) 73.6

No 4 (22.7) 5 (29.4) R (26.6) 26.2 . -Note: Figures In parentheSIS indicate the percentages to the total In the ,pec.hc category.

It is interesting to note that more than one-fourth of the fanners ha\'e not paid water

charges. On the contrary, in the other village where the WUA is functioning. all the farmers

have paid water charges without exception. The general reason given by the fanners for the

non-payment of water charges is due to bad construction and maintenance of infrastructure

5 Neergunty are trained to routinely collect and report perfomlance in tenns of area .mgated. water distribution. water wastage. etc.

155

by the agency and consequent undependable supply of water for irrigation. There is

corruption in the award and execution of construction contracts and they expressed that

they cannot in fairness be expected to pay for those costs. Fanners who paid water charges

on time complained about the preferential treatment showed by the agency towards certain

fanners. The agency-managed system does not provide efficiency in services, therefore the

water charges recovery is poor.

While the need and importance of charging appropriate fees for irrigation water supply is

recognized, more often. the pricing policies and structures are not commensurate with the

level of services it provides. Water pricing frequently does not go hand in hand with the

improvement and maintenance of the irrigation system, and the reluctance to pay even the

low water rates is rooted in the mistrust between the fanner and the agency. Very often, the

costs of collection of water charges are higher than the total fee collected (Bhatia 1989).

Fanners will pay more if the service is timely, adequate and dependable.

In Hagedal, fanners under-report the total area irrigated, in connivance with local officials.

Hence illegal appropriation of water and unauthorized cultivation is quite common in the

village. especially by those who are favorably placed, either because of their advantageous

location or power. Moreover, fanners pay water charges according to the localization

pattern. So many a time fanners pay less water charges due to a violation of the cropping

pattern and unauthorized cultivation. Subsidized or almost free availability of water supply

has been an important factor in the overuse of surface water for crop production in

developing countries (Piementel & Greiner 1997). Furthennore, lack of disincentives for

over using water has contributed to wastage of water which has resulted in soil degradation.

Women's Participation

It is generally believed that male domination prevails in managing irrigation systems. Some

studies in African (Jones 1986; Zwarteveen & Neupane 1996) and Asian (Hart 1992;

Zwarteveen 1997) systems had addressed the issues related to women's participation in

irrigation policies, planning and design. An attempt has been made to examine the role of

women in irrigation management in our sample villages.

156

I

In Gundur, women are members in the WUA. They own land and have become members.

They are welcome to attend and represent their interests in the meeting. It is, however,

noticed that only very few of them attended the meetings. When the meetings are crucial

and it is imperative that a household attends, then some of them attended the meetings. In

spite of the fact that some of the women are involved in irrigation and agriculture activities

and also they are members of the WU A, attending meetings and discussing matters are left

to male members of their families.

One o/the women mentioned her reasons/or non- participation:

."f am alreadv overburdened bl' household chores and there is no reason for me to attend

the meetings. Even ill go there it·s only to hear what men have to say. They are the ones

who talk and discl/ss and the\· knOll" what to say and how to say it".

The main reason for low participation of women in the WUA meetings IS lack of

experience in attending meetings and talking in front of men. Another reason is that, male

members in the family do not scnd them to the meetings. Women members reported that

they are illiterate and hardly understand the matters discussed in the meetings. Cultural

barriers also make women withdraw from effective participation and decision-making.

, In Hagedal also, there are a number of instances where the land is bought and registered

under women·s name. And farming is a collective endeavor involving male and female

members of the household. But any opportunity to exercise control over the land or to

make decisions regarding the use of land and to control the benefits of agriculture

production is limited for these women. Men usually control the income earned by the

family through commercialiled agriculture. However, it is quite surprising to note that

women were also involved in illegal diversion of water and often they get away with it

because men do not want to pick a fight with them.

One woman confessed:

"I generally divert water iIIega/~v to our fields. I don't know what I am doing is right or

wrong there arc others also who do this. I only want to help my husband in generating

good income from fields ".

157

I

Irrigation System Management

It is well known that the efficiency of water management depends a great deal on

maintaining the operational system through timely repairs to the structures as and when

required. The problems of waterlogging and salinity are also due to improper maintenance

of irrigation structures. We will examine how the WUA assumed responsibility to maintam

the system in good condition and facilitated the efficient use of water.

In Gundur, although the construction, repairs and rehabilitation of the irrigation

infrastructure rests with the agency, the WUA makes the decision regarding maintenance

and how the maintenance work will be organized. Based on the annual inspection of

irrigation structures, the WUA draws up the annual maintenance plan and prioritizes the

essential structural maintenance, for the agricultural season. The main works are removal

of slit, clearing of weeds and vegetation, closing of minor breaches, repair of canal banks.

etc. Priorities in cleaning of the system and repair are made and the costing of this is taken

into account in the budget. The WUA allocates financial as well as human resources for

various activities. Maintenance plans and tasks are usually not postponed and executed

during the canal closure period.

Sub-distributary 3112 which serves the command area of the WUA is a kacha structure.

Hence rapid siltation takes place so it is collectively desilted twice a year. Although the

farmers individually maintain the field canals, they collectively maintain drainage canals

by undertaking weeding once in a year before the irrigation season starts. Maintaining

natural and collector drains and cleaning around the control structures are again

collectively done by the farmers. The WUA contracts larger jobs like repair of access

roads, canal crossings, drop structures, etc. to private contractors. Office bearers generally

instruct, supervise and monitor the hired laborers during works.

Table 7.4: Farmers' Contribution for Maintenance in Cundur

Form of Small Medium Large Total (in

contribution percent)

Labor 9 (56.3) I (9.1) 1 (5.0) 23.4

Money 3 (18.3) 4 (36.4) 6 (80.0) 44.9

Labor + Money 4 (25.0) 6 (54.5) 3 (15.0) 31.5 S .' fie eate 0 Note: Figures In parentheSiS mdlcate the percentages to the total m the .peC! g ry

158

It can be noted from Table 7.4 that nearly 45 percent of farmers paid money to carry out 0

& M activities. Small farmers (around 56 percent) preferred contributing labor while

almost 55 percent of medium farmers contributed either money or labor. In view of the

increasing contributions in labor and in kind, the office bearers sought cash contributions,

to build the corpus fund. In relative terms, in the contribution of labor or money, the socio­

economic status of the farmer is not an important variable for differentiation to the WUA.

The responsibility taken up by the WUA for Operation and Maintenance (O&M) has

provided an opportunity to develop technical skills among the members. This has led to

adequate capacity building within the community to handle repair and management tasks

and has created sizeable cadres of local workers familiar with minor repair works.

Infrastructure is effectively maintained by the WUA since the users have a direct stake in

better quality work. Labor contributions by users have also ensured lower cash costs of

O&M. There has been tremendous improvement in the quality of works carried out on the

distributaries by WUAs (Jairath, 200 I). Johnson's study (1997) in Mexico points out that

WUAs have proven capable of operating and maintaining the modules, even up to sizes in

excess of 50,000 hectares and water fees collected have funded most of the O&M

activities. In Turkey, when O&M responsibilities were transferred to the WUA the

operational efficiency and the maintenance of the delivery systems improved, with/the

result that the water supplies have become more predictable (Scheumann, 1997).

One farmer who contributes labor regularlv commented:

"Repairs executed by the ID are not under the supervision of skilled personnel and also the

staff tends to spend little time 011 the distributaries resulting in relatively low knowledge of

detailed maintenance needs. while minor repair works identified by the WUA can be more

efficiently carried out by us ".

The WUA ensures that contributions for providing the maintenance of a given collective

good (infrastructure) are predictably obtained from all beneficiaries through the use of

enforceable joint a/,'feements that define a fair share of contribution. And this obligation to

bear the cost is tightly interconnected with the delivery of the benefit. Hence, the WUA is

159

I

scaled to manage the required infrastructure (collective good), and designed to control free

riders by carefully connecting delivery of the good with fulfillment of membership

obligation and that can defeat individual rational choice and make local irrigation

management possible. O&M of irrigation infrastructure seems to be one of the most

important activities of the WUA. The infrastructure is compatible with the water services

and local management capacities of the WUA although agency support is required for

major rehabilitation works.

In Hagedal, where the WUA is not present, the physical condition of the distributary and

sub-distributary is bad and farmers often complain about it. They are also aware that lack

of proper maintenance of infrastructure leads to waterlogging and salinity (see Table 5.7).

Table 7.5: Farmers' Response Regarding Contribution for Maintenance of Infrastructure in Hagedal

Farmers Farm Size

response Small Medium Large Total (in percent)

Willing 6 (27) 3 (IS) 6 (20) 22 Unwilling 16(73) 14 (S2) 24 (SO) 78

Note: FIgures In parentheSIS IndIcate the percentages to the total In the speCIfic category.

Although farmers complained about the physical deterioration of the infrastructurc" the

majority of the farmers (7S percent) are not willing to contribute either in terms of labor or

money for its maintenance. This shows the increasing dependency of the farmers on

government. The other reason being that the conveyance does not significantly affect water

availability and only a few farmers are affected by the severe waterlogging and salinity,

they do not see any immediate need for their contribution. However, they do not realize

that due to inattentive and absent maintenance regimes, soil deterioration gradually

increases and also costly rehabilitation may become necessary for which the government

may not havc sufficient funds.

Even though the farmers individually observe that the infrastructure is poor and requires

improvement, they will not invest in corrective action on individual rational grounds. If one

farmer invests time, energy, and money required to improve the canal going through his

160

I

land and other farmers do not make any comparable corrective investments in a

coordinated way then the payoff in improved water supply and maintenance is negligible.

Howeycr. if many farmers undertake the improvement effort on each of their sections and

some individually rational decision-maker does not do so, they will still enjoy a substantial

share of the benelit provided by the work of others, at no personal cost. Therefore, the

rational. calculating farmers will choose to do nothing either way. Hence, the collective

good. i.e. the infrastructure. will be allowed to deteriorate as everyone individually chooses

to take a free ride to their short-run advantage, but at the expense of allowing it to

deteriorate in the longer run which will ultimately atlect the soils adversely. In the absence

of a WUA. no collectiyc elfort is found.

Irrigation Water Distribution

Water is released on a continuous basis to distributary 3112, which serves the lands of both

the sample villages. In Gundur. the WUA regulates water supply to farmers to meet their

crop water requirements. while in Hagedal in the absence of a WUA. farmers take water

from the outlet on a tum basis.

Equitable distrihution of water is the most critical task of the WUA. In Gundur, the WUA

has adopted specitic norms and procedures to ensure timely and assured supply of water to

grow paddy. They have a map of all inigable lands and its houndaries. Information is given

to farmers about the availability of water. However, an upward to downward process of

distribution of water is practised on a time based turn-by-turn system. Turns are not

associated with specitic days and time and only the sequence in which water is taken is

observed. The hasic allocation principle is that each piece of land is entitled to a quantity of

canal water proportionate to its size. The movement of water from one field to another is

regulated through properly constructed spillways6. In case they are found vulnerable, stone

pitching is also done at the discharge end of the spillways to prevent breaching.

"Neerganty" appointed by the WUA regulate and monitor water supplies and stop seepage

of water if any. They patrol the canals regularly. Their duties are monitored by the WUA.

Failure to ensure proper allocation of water may even cost them their jobs. They also see

6 Spillways help in the safe disposal of excess water that cannot be economically utilized in the field. so that

the sa fety of the field is ensured.

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land and other fanners do not make any comparable corrective investments in a

coordinated way then the payoff in improved water supply and maintenance is negligible.

However, if many fanners undertake the improvement effort on each of their sections and

some individually rational decision-maker does not do so, they will still enjoy a substantial

share of the bencfit provided by the work of others, at no personal cost. Therefore, the

rational, calculating fanners will choose to do nothing either way. Hence, the collective

good, i.e. the infrastructure, will be allowed to deteriorate as everyone individually chooses

to take a free ride to their short-run advantage, but at the expense of allowing it to

deteriorate in the longer run which will ultimately affect the soils adversely. In thc absence

of a WUA, no collective effort is found.

Irrigation Water Distribution

Water is released on a continuous basis to distributary 3112, which serves the lands of both

the sample villages. In Gundur, the WUA regulates water supply to fanners to meet their

crop water requirements, while in Hagedal in the absence of a WUA, fanners take water

from the outlet on a tum basis.

Equitable distribution of water is the most critical task of the WUA. In Gundur, the WUA

has adopted specific nonns and procedures to ensure timely and assured supply of water to

grow paddy. They have a map of all irrigable lands and its boundaries. Infonnation is given

to fanners about the availability of water. However, an upward to downward process of

distribution of water is practised on a time based turn-by-turn system. Turns are not

associated with specific days and time and only the sequence in which water is taken is

observed. The basic allocation principle is that each piece ofland is entitled to a quantity of

canal water proportionate to its size. The movement of water from one field to another is

regulated through properly constructed spillways6. In case they are found vulnerable, stone

pitching is also done at the discharge end of the spillways to prevent breaching.

"Neerganty" appointed by the WUA regulate and monitor water supplies and stop seepage

of water if any. They patrol the canals regularly. Their duties are monitored by the WUA.

Failure to ensure proper allocation of water may even cost them their jobs. They also see

6 Spillways help in the safe disposal of excess water that cannot be economically utilized in the field. so that

the safety of the field is ensured.

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that cattle do not damage the irrigation system. The scope for over-irrigation is curbed by

strict norms and close supervision by the Neerganty.

Farmers' opinion about water distribution

Quantitative data is not available on water distribution below the outlet level or water given

to the individual farmers by the WUA. Therefore, we collected data on farmer perceptions

about adequacy of water supplied to the farm, timeliness of water delivery and adequacy to

grow desired crop. WUA serves one village that consists of four camps, with a clearly

detined service area and it serves about 696 acres belonging to 172 farmers.

T bl 76 F 'R b w a e . armers esponses a out ater Distribution in Gundur . . Farmers response

Head Middle Tail Total (in percent) Adequate 83 84 86 84 Assured 89 90 92 90 Timely 77 94 91 87

-

Among the head reach sample farmers, 83 percent responded positively to an adequate

supply of water while 89 percent said that they get an assured quantity of water. Only 77

percent of the farmers said the supply of water is timely. Based on the information about

the date of releasing water from the dam, the WU A estimates the date when water is likely

to reach their distributary and informs all the farmers in advance. In the middle reach, 94 I

percent of the sample farmers received water on time and 90 percent said that the water

wa~ adequate to grow paddy. In the tail reach. nearly 86 percent of the sample farmers

responded positively about adequacy. while for 91 percent it was timely. Since the majority

of tail end farmers are large (see Table 4.10 ), they manage to get timely and adequate

supply, more or less on par with the head and middle reaches. Hence, the popular notion of

tail reach farmers not getting adequate or assured supply does not seem to exist in this

WUA. It is the assurance and timeliness of supply that has enabled the farmers to use

water according to the needs of the crop.

The data clearly shows that all the farmers, irrespective of location, are confident about an

adequate, timely and assured supply of water. This was mainly due to the formation of the

WUA. The literature available on IMT reconfinns the positive benefit in water distribution

by the community, because the local people know the conditions and are able to adapt to

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that cattle do not damage the irrigation system. The scope for over-irrigation is curbed by

strict norms and close supervision by the Neerganty.

Farmers' opinion about water distribution

Quantitative data is not available on water distribution below the outlet level or water given

to the individual farmers by the WUA. Therefore, we collected data on farmer perceptions

about adequacy of water supplied to the farm, timeliness of water delivery and adequacy to

grow desired crop. WUA serves one village that consists of four camps, with a clearly

detined service area and it serves about 696 acres belonging to 172 farmers.

T bl 76 F a e .. armers 'R esponses a b out Water Distribution in Gundur Farmers response

Head Middle Tail Total (in percent) Adequate 83 84 86 84 Assured 89 90 92 90 Timely 77 94 91 87

.-

Among the head reach sample farmers, 83 percent responded positively to an adequate

supply of water while 89 percent said that they get an assured quantity of water. Only 77

percent of the farmers said the supply of water is timely. Based on the information about

the date of releasing water from the dam, the WU A estimates the date when water is likely

to reach their distributary and informs all the farmers in advance. In the middle reach, 94 I

percent of the sample farmers received water on time and 90 percent said that the water

was adequate to grow paddy. In the tail reach, nearly 86 percent of the sample farmers

responded positively about adequacy, while for 91 percent it was timely. Since the majority

of tail end farmers are large (see Table 4.10 ), they manage to get timely and adequate

supply, more or less on par with the head and middle reaches. Hence, the popular notion of

tail reach farmers not getting adequate or assured supply does not seem to exist in this

WUA. It is the assurance and timeliness of supply that has enabled the farmers to use

water according to the needs of the crop.

The data clearly shows that all the farmers, irrespective of location, are confident about an

adequate, timely and assured supply of water. This was mainly due to the formation of the

WUA. The literature available on IMT reconfirms the positive benefit in water distribution

by the community, because the local people know the conditions and are able to adapt to

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the existing situations of their area. Ex.amples are Ozar societies in Maharastra and Lower

Bhavani Project in Tamil Nadu (Brewer et al. 1999) where the water delivery improved

after the WUAs took over the water management. In the Sone command area of Bihar, after

the WUAs were formed the tail end farmers started getting water (Srivastava & Brewer

1994). Rao (1994) recorded an improvcment in equity in the three minor commands in the

Sreeramsagar project in Andhra Pradesh.

In the event of scarce water supply, users have devised ingenious means both technical and

social to distribute water equitably. Installation of proportional distribution weirs is found

in the hill systems of Nepal (Yoder. 1986) and the "subaks" of Indonesia (Geertz, 1967). In

Gundur, one of our study villagcs where the WUA is present, it is found that dunng

scarcity farmers divert water from the nearby nala. Even so, in the absence of technical

means to distribute water. proportionate water distribution principle and night irrigation are

followed and farmers can dccide which plot is to be irrigated. Preference is given to

farmers irrigating nurseries. Hence, during scarcity, members have agreed on certain norms

and procedures concerning the timings and sequencing of water. The system consequently

provides a formal facility through which the farmers can match the available water supply

to the crop water needs. Thus many rules concerning the distribution of water are

established and followed in customary practices based on their own agreed allocation rules

rather than the writtcn water distribution schedule. One of the indicators of equity as

mentioned by the farmers is that tail enders must get their proportional share of water

which is strictly followed in the distribution pattern. This equitable or fair in water

distribution through a built-in flexibility in delivery schedules, minimizes water losses to a

great extent. Any measure that minimizes the water losses helps in preventing waterlogging

and salinity. The study by N' Diaye (1998) has shown that improvement in the regulation

of water levels in the rice fields has also helped to stabilize the pH levels, and to minimize

the impact of soil dq,'Tadation on crops.

In Hagedal, where there is no WUA, water is released on a continuous basis rather than on

a rotation basis and there is no system of allocation and distribution of water. Hence,

farmers utilize water according to the individual needs and without any concern for others

requests. The ways and means of improper utilization of water have been ascertained from

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the fanners, the details of which are presented in Table 7.7. Fanners' responses were

classified as "rarely", "sometimes", and "regularly".

Table 7.7: Farmers' Response about Malfunctions in Hagedal

Malfunctions Regularly Sometimes Rarely Total Taking water on another's tum without permission 5 16 79 100 Obstructions placed in the distributary to raise the

44 38 18 100 water level Taking mure water than their share 73 19 8 100 Illegal outlets/taking water illegally 52 31 17 100 Damage to filed canals by cattle 47 31 22 100

. . Note. Responses In percentages .

The majority of the fanners (73 percent) reported that they regularly take more water than

their entitlement or need. A high proportion of fanners (52 percent) also reportcd that

illegal diversion of water and operation of gates to suit their individual interests is a

common phenomenon in the village. They get more water by making holes next to the

outlet or by manipulating the outlet itself. Damage to field canals is another malpractice

occurring in the village which leads to conflicts among fanners (see Table 7.9). Taking

water out of tum seems to be a rare phenomenon as revealed by the data.

The absence of WUA in Hagedal village has led to indiscipline in water use by fanners.

They also waste water by allowing it go into drains especially during nights and most orthe

times night irrigation is not practised. In some areas, it is not uncommon to see a fanner

breaking the side of the canal and go away leaving the water to flood unattendcd. Hence the

problem of excess in the fields adjacent to the outlets is noticcd in Hagedal and the surplus

water often stagnates in the low land for several days causing waterlogging. There are no

economic disincentives to fanners who create negative environmental externalities. The tail

end fanners face the problem of unpredictable supply of water and the consequent changes

in input use.

Fanners ownmg land in this command live in the nearby camps and there is no co­

ordination and co-operation among them regarding water distribution. While some fanners

are actually aware of the problem, no concrete efforts are taken by them to resolve it. Given

the poor co-ordination among fanners and lack of control by irrigation officials "free

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riding" has become a rational choice, So the farmers tend to maximize income per acre of

land and not per unit of water. Another feature noticed in the village is that powerful

farmers divert canal water illegally into small man made ponds that are used for livestock

and during land and seed preparation. Poor irrigation system design and management are

primary factors leading to salinity problems (Maredia & Pingali 200 I). While there are no

simple explanations for the development of waterlogging and salinity, it has been evident

for some time that there is an unholy nexus between inefficient irrigation water distribution

and the development of waterlogging and soil salinity in the irrigation command of this

village.

Conflict resolution

The State Irrigation Act has no provision to settle disputes between a farmer or a WUA and

the government irrigation agency or between two or more WUAs served by the same

watercourse. The government has virtually no legal framework that clearly specifies the

rights and responsibilities of various stakeholders. When disputes among farmers arise,

they are generally referred to the irrigation officer. If the irrigation agency officials fail to

settle the dispute, irrigators can go to the civil court. Aryan (1992) has pointed out that a

key weakness in the present dispute handling mechanisms is that the legally preferred ones

include bureaucrats, mostly those with the state irrigation agencies.

Conflict resolution is one of the byelaws of the WUA. In Gundur, the WUA members

should complain to the president of the WUA about their grievances or clash of interest

with any other member. The president will call for a meeting to resolve the conflict within

a week. The board questions those who are involved in a dispute and others who may be

able to provide additional information. The decisions are taken by simple majority of votes.

The board of members may reject the case if the issue is not related to activities within the

competence of the WUA.

Conflicts to a larger extent are resolved in an informal way, using local customary rules

and regulations. Since the majority of the members live in a single village the disputes are

generally settled through informal ways in the context of shared dependency and loyalty.

The contlicts are almost settled very quickly so that the standing crops are not lost. At

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times the WUA took the help of the village elders or leaders, who may not hold any formal

position in the society, to settle conflicts. It is interesting to note that so far no issues of

dispute have gone either to the irrigation otlicer or to the civil court. When conflicts arise

between members and office bearers of the WUA it is often resolved with the help of

influential village elders.

Table 7.8 Reasons for Conflict in Gundur

Cart/tractor Not Irrigating Using irrigation Personal destroying contributing without water for other differences

Reasons field canals labor on right/water purposes getting and ditches time theft manifested

in farming activities ._ .. __ . __ .-

Percent 46.2 15.4 7.7 23.1 7.7

The farmers have given the reasons for conflict and are mentioned in Table 7.8. The most

common reason for conflict was that cart or tractor movement is destroying the neighboring

field canals and ditches (46.2 percent) resulting in seepage or silting or flooding of

neighboring fields. The WUA is considering providing PVC pipes to enable the smooth

motion of tractors and carts. Farmers are willing to contribute money and labor to

undertake this activity. The next important reason for conflict consists in use of irrigation

water for washing cattle, cart, tractor, domestic use, etc. (23.1 percent) followed by not

contributing labor on time (15.4 percent). Conflict due to non-contribution of labor on time

is mostly resolved by the intervention of the WUA in a formal way, because farmers are

more accountable to the WUA than fellow farmers regarding contribution of labor.

Conflicts due to irrigating without right or water theft and personal differences getting

manifested in farming activities are limited and insignificant.

Farmers did not indulge in illegal diversion of water or taking water by force or stealing

water. The books in which fines over conflicts are recorded revealed that in the past five

years only seven cases were formally reported and all the farmers were one-time offenders

and were not mentioned again in the fine book. The fines are fixed depending on the

gravity of the offence and sometimes on the individual's ability to pay. The potential for

water-related disputes are low due to equitable supply and because farmers adhere to the

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customary nonns. Intangible benefits of reduction in conflicts due to improved equity

provided by the WUA to fanners have been reported in Ozar, Bhima and Shevre WUA in

Maharastra (Brewer et a!. 1999).

One olthefarmers expressed his view:

·"Tlre cost olllllmiliation to me ildetected cheating as contrasted to payingjines imposed in

monetary terms is extrao,.dinari~v high. It is important for me to maintain my reputation as

a reliable member oj"the association ".

Conflicts between members and the office bearers of the WUA and between WUA and the

government irrigation agency were found to be rare. But there are some instances of

disputes between the WU A and other group of irrigators in the upper reaches of the

distributaries who were trying to divert water from the canal illegally to their lands.

In Hagedal, where there is no WUA, it is essential to know the nature of conf1icts and ways

and means of resolution. The interesting aspect is that some of the small fanners initially

were not willing to talk about conflicts in the village, while others, including large and

influential farmers were prepared to report, with the assurance of anonymity.

Table 7.9 Reasons for conflict in Hagedal

Cart/tractor Water Damaging Personal destroying field theft/Taking infrastructure differences

Reasons canals and ditches water while its getting someone else's manifested in turn farming

activities Percent 25 40 20 15

Water theft through illegal diversion or out of turn was the dominant reason (40 percent)

for conflicts in Hagedal. Unauthorized outlets created by some farmers thereby damaging

the infrastructure was another reason for conflict (20 percent). Infrastructure damage and

water theft frequently go unpunished and farmers feel irrigation offences have increased.

Sometimes these activities take place by persuading the field staff or by getting centers of

power outside the system to bend the rules or prevent enforcement of penalties for violation

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by powerful farmers They expressed a feeling of helplessness about infrastructure damage

and theft. Cart/tractor destroying field canals as reasons for conflict was reported by 25

percent of farmers. This seems to be a common reason in both the villages for conflict. But

in Gundur, the WUA is planning to provide PVC pipes, while in Hagedal people are still

grappling with the problem. Another reason for conflict was that tail end farmers did not

get water on time while the head reach farmers allowed water to drains and waste. Since

water is allowed continuously, the absence of a monitoring body creates anarchy in water

distribution. Conflicts wcre settled among themselves in an informal way and at times the

intervention of village elders or local politicians was necessary.

Dissemination of information/service

Water is released on a continuous basis in the study area and due to extensive and intensive

paddy cultivation, lands are prone to waterlogging and salinity. Information provided to

farmers regarding management of water and soil to mitigate the problems of waterlogging

and salinity will have considerable impact on the practises employed by them. It has been

said that an informed farmer can be successful on poor land and an uninformed farmer will

not be successful on good land (Weeks & Levy, 1985). An attempt was therefore made to

know the source of information to farmers in both the villages.

Figure-7.1:Services and information provided by association (in %)

advice 0.9

on-farm assistance .9

sheep fenning 0.2

sand provision ~7.7

In Gundur, although farmers show initiative in the activities of applying FYM, gypsum,

Zinc, etc. nearly 81 percent of sample farmers mentioned that the WUA first gave them the

concept of l:,'Teen manuring. They observed that after green manuring there is a substantial

increase in the basic infiltration rate and also that it prevents crust formation. Green

manuring is also done on the sandy soil to bind the soil together. The WUA informs the

irrigators about the type of green manuring to be done depending on the salinity conditions

of the soil. Some farmers whenever available observe the practice of spreading soil from

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tennite mounds on fields. They believed that soil from tennite mounds can make land more

fertile by altering the structure of topsoil and improving drainage in waterlogged soils. This

activity though labor intensive has been traditionally practiced in this village. These

techniques enable the fanners to use land and water and nutrients available in the soil more

efficiently, while reducing pests. The bio-fertilizers also help in arresting alkaliniti. The

migrant Andhra fanners who are traditional rice growers introduced this concept to the

WUA. They mutually discuss the problems related to cultivation and share the experience.

Some of them have visited the agriculture office at Gangavathi in order to collect

infonnation about the cultivation ofHYV. Around 70 percent of the fanners have taken the

help of the WUA for sheep penningH. The WUA enters into a contract with the shepherds

and sheep penning is done twice a year before the agricultural season to increase the

fertility of the soil. But the expenditure is borne by the individual fanners. The WUA also

makes arrangements for the provision of sand in the waterlogged areas and almost 32

percent of sample fanners have taken this benetit from the WUA. About 28 percent of

fanners have got technical assistance for land leveling and shaping. Hence, in Gundur the

WUA is actively involved in imparting infonnation and in the promotion of initiatives to

improve the ways in which fanners manage water and soil. Since the fanners are following

systematic preventive and curative strategies based on their perception, awareness given by

the WUA and age-old indigenous experience, the problem at this moment is not as severe

as in Hagedal. The impact of better water and soil management practises is gauged from

the increased yields (see Table-8.4). Although the WUA has aimed to control salinization

and waterlogging at least to some extent, they are better characterized as a by-product of

the activities, which guarantee adequate and reliable water supplies, i.e. the proper

maintenance and repair of the delivery system. The adoption of total control means is

impeded by lack of appropriate infonnation and the high costs involved in land

reclamation.

7 The first results of a test conducted on degraded sandy soil in Africa indicate that the organic fertilizers used on the vegetables help arrest the effects of alkalinity (Dicko 1999). .. 0 .

8 Sh / t . ·I·dered to be better manure than cattle manure, where It contams 31 Yo of orgamc eep goa manure IS cons . ." . O 7°' f N 05°' f PO and 03% of K,O It has a great potential for restonng SOil fertlhty and matter, . /0 0 ,. /0 0 2 5 . , .

improving crop yields (Mueller-Saemann & Kotschi, 1994).

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In Hagedal, in the absence of a WUA it was felt important to know the farmers' source of

information and how they share the information among themselves.

It can be noted from Table 7.10 that 48 percent of farmers sought advice from fellow and

neighboring farmers regarding the various strategies to be adopted to mitigate the soil

related problems. As many as 37 percent of farmers reported that they never discussed such

matters with fellow farmers and simply followed whichever methods they felt were

suitable. Mass media is another source where 12 percent of farmers got some inputs

regarding various aspects of farming. Only 3 percent of farmers benefited from the

extension staff. Even in Hagedal, some of the farmers visited the agriculture office at

Gangavathi in order to collect information about the cultivation of HYV, since the service

provided by the extension staff was poor. Cropping pattern is largely based on traditional

methods, where techniques followed by farmers vary considerably. Although farmers got

some information through various sources to mitigate soil related problems they did not get

any services in the absence of the WUA. Hence, farmers efforts to restore soil fertility are

inadequate.

Table 7.10: Source of Information to Farmers in Hagedal (in %)

Fellow farmers 48 Mass media 12 Gram SevaklExtension staff 3 Own experience 37

CADA or the agricultural department was not effective enough in imparting knowledge to

farmers about better water and soil management practices. They have not conducted any

training proh'fam for farmers regarding the prudent use of various agricultural inputs to

mitigate the adverse effects on soil. CAD A is more involved in a physical reclamation of

the affected land rather than empowering farmers to undertake preventive and curative

strategies. Awareness should be given to farmers that reclamation of saline and

waterlogged soils entails costs so high that it is financially more attractive to prevent land

from becoming salinized.

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Leadership

The quality of leadership is perhaps one of the most important detenninants of the WUA

ability. By sharing their vision, leaders can make followers aspire for things that they

would not have sought otherwise and leadership plays a critical role in promoting group

etlort. Leaders with commitment operate at an emotional level. In Gundur, the WUA was

initiated due to effective leadership of few migrant Andhra fanners. Their integrity and

commitment played a major role in mobilizing people.

Table 7.11: Leadership9 Representation in WUA

Post Caste Mode of Land Holding Experience election holdings other in

leadership irrigated positions agriculture

President Forward caste Consensus Large

Ex -Panchayat president

46 years

Vice- Other Consensus Large president backward caste 42 years -

Secretary Forward caste Contested Medium VSSN member 38 years Treasurer Milk co-

Lower caste Consensus Medium operative 39 years member

Accountant Forward caste Consensus Medium - 40 years Note: VSSN - "Vayasayaka Sahakara Sanga Nlyamltha'" (It IS a co-operatIve credIt socIety).

Though caste-based social hierarchy still exists in the village, it can be noted from Table

7.1 I that the office bearers corne from various caste backgrounds. The presence of a single

dominant caste is absent though none of the office bearers are small fanners. The post of

the secretary is the only contested one; the remaining posts are on the basis of consensus

selection among the members and are unpaid roles. Some of the office bearers also held

responsible positions in other institutions such as village Panchayat, milk co-operatives and

VSSN that are functioning quite successfully in the village. Village elders who initially

provided leadership sometimes help in the WUA affairs although they do not hold any

fonnal position in the WUA management.

• Here the office bearers are considered as leaders.

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Most of the time, the process of choosing leaders did not generate much controversy.

Individuals with a good track record of holding positions in other village-level

organizations, and their integrity and family background were some of the critical

considerations based on which the leaders were chosen for the WUA. The political party

affiliations of the leaders are not major objectives in deciding their leadership. Experience

in irrigated agriculture of the office bearers is high, a factor that seems to have mainly

guided the members in their choices.

Fewfarmers interviewed mentioned that:

.. We are not finicky abollt leadership as long as we individllally receive reliable sliPply of

water and other services proVided by the association ".

The leadership has come forth from tested hands in the community, people in whom the

people have trust and confidence. The office bearers of the WUA have proved their worth

by past performance like getting the WUA registered, contributing money during shortage,

conflict resolution, etc. and they share the same interest with other irrigators. Financial

guidance regarding availability of credit, local banking system, information on the

percentage of interest charged and other investments to be made in agriculture is normally

given by secretary of the WUA, Office bearers apart from operational and managerial

tasks llJ are expected to motivate farmers to adopt best practices. Current office bearers 1tave

introduced new ideas such as provision of sand to mitigate waterlogging problems. The

power and respect they derive from fellow farmers is not because of their socio-economic

background, but due to their exemplary commitment and impartial rule enforcement. They

have been the model of effective functioning except for one instance where the secretary

used the WUA as a springboard for gaining political mileage. This resulted in the neglect

of the WUA since the funds were used for a political campaign. This activity led to his

removal on the grounds of not adequately fulfilling his duty. The leaders are, thus, able to

intluence, !,'Uide and meet the expectations of members and have kept the wheels of the

WUA moving.

10 These include supervision of water distribution, maintenance,. and communication with the WUA members, conflict resolution, accounts, administration and interface wah agency.

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One o{the office bearers comments:

"Managing the association becomes a major preoccupation since we assume responsible

positions. Blit the 1I"0rk is exciting and gives us a feeling of community and a strong sense

o{shared plllpose ".

Providing leadership for WUA is a natural extension of the power base. Leaders would not

like to lose control over important activities in the village, so they tend to provide strong

leadership as they also benefit directly from the services of the WUA. While effective

leadership goes a long way in creating an effective WUA, conversely ineffective leadership

tends to paralyze the functioning of the WUA. For instance, in Anklav WUA of Gujarat

serious differences between members and the chairman interfered with the functioning of

the WUAs. And in Maharashtra's Hadashi WUA, the chairman created disgruntled

members which had adverse impact on the functioning of the association (Brewer et al.

1999).

Leadership also comes from sources like the village accountant and people holding other

leadership positions in the village. External support has also come from CADA staff who

have helped in getting the WUA registered. A few high-level officials out of personal

interest have assisted the Association in maintaining books and conducting meetings in the

initial stages of the registration of the WUA. The major differences between the extornal

and internal leader lies in the accountability of internal leaders to the members whereas the

external leader is not accountable to anyone.

In Hagedal, even an informal kind of WUA for water distribution or contlict resolution

does not exist. However, there are few local leaders whom the farmers approach for help or

adviee at the time of distress. Leadership is normally assumed by those who already wield

considerable intluence in the communities. It is essentially economically and socially

powerful persons from tamilies that traditionally had significant intluence in their

communities who help in solving contlicts. They enjoy a fair degree of credibility and are

more responsive to farmers' needs and help in balancing power vis-a-vis various caste

groups within the village. They are driven by an ideology of community service and they

take pride in serving their communities. There is a great deal of respect in being a leader

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(Wade, 1988). The leaders' help in resolving water-related conflicts and they have also

bargained with ID on behalf of the fellow farmers for the repair of canal banks. Some of

the leaders are so trusted that the farmers leave their savings with them. Apart from

leadership qualities, the power that the leaders derive is due to their land ownership and

political affiliations. Nevertheless, the leaders are not keen on the communities managing

their resources so they have not felt the need for organizing farmers to torm a WUA.

Interaction with agency

TBP is an agency-managed irrigation project, so the responsibility to ensure the designed

discharge of water up to the outlet point and also to construct, operate and maintain the

canals and hydraulic structures rests with ID while the responsibility of maintaining the

system below the outlet point rests with the CADA. This means two agencies are involved

in the operation and maintenance of the system to ensure proper distribution and utilization

of water. The agricultural department gives information on various agricultural practices.

An attempt was made to ascertain farmers' opinion in both the villages on the felt needs

that required agency intervention. In Hagedal, farmers' opinion of potential support service

needs include services provided to irrigated agriculture whereas in Gundur, farmers'

opinion includes both, supporting services provided to the irrigation system and those

provided to irrigated agriculture. Support services provided to irrigated agriculture ,are

generally supplied to individual farmers, while irrigation system support services are

supplied to the WUA providing the irrigation service.

Table 7.12: Farmers' Opinion of Support Service Needed from Agency

.- ----Farmers oJ!~nion Gundur Hagedal Irrigation infrastructure 62 69 Other infrastructure 26 29 Land reclamation 43 51

Credit 47 52

~.~ingl Awareness 72 74

SubSidies 14 II . . Note: Responses In percentage. Multiple responses (farmers mentIOn more than one support service) .

In H agedal, as many as 69 percent of the sample farmers feel that it is the responsibility of

the agency to maintain the upkeep of the irrigation infrastructure (see Table 7.12). One of

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the causes for waterlogging and salinity in Hagedal, as mentioned earlier, is due to bad

infrastructure (see Table 5.7). In Gundur, 62 percent of farmers mentioned that financial

support from agency to WUA was most needed for the improvement of physical conditions

of sub-distributary 3112. They need to be lined at the vulnerable points. Financial assistance

is also required for the rehabilitation of drop structures and rebuilding the destroyed

embankments. Around 26 percent of tarmers in Gundur and 29 percent of farmers in

Hagedal mentioned that the agency should undertake the construction of ayacut roads and

arrange crop processing and marketing facilities along with an adequate communication

system. Because of the high rate of interest in the informal credit market, the provision of

timely credit from C ADA for land leveling, construction of field canals and drains,

equipment purchase, etc. was felt by a considerable number of farmers in both the villages.

The highest priority given by the sample farmers in both the villages in terms of technical

support required from the agency is for general training of farmers. Farmers stated they

would benefit from training in methods of judicious use of water as per crop-water

requirement under different climatic conditions, seed selection, and proper application of

pesticides, insecticides and fertilizers. Farmers complained that in the past five years the

"Gram Sevak" has not visited the village even once. It is the private pesticide and fertilizer

companies who come to the village with posters and manuals regarding the use of

fertilizers and pesticides and the farmers do not trust them completely. but are left with no

choice. Reclamation of lands affected by waterlogging and salinity is another aspect where

the farmers are unable to carry out work on their own and required agency intervention.

In Hagedal, free government assistance has created a sense of speculative dependency

among farmers towards the government for rehabilitation and maintenance of irrigation

infra<;tructure whereas in Gundur farmers want only financial help from the agency as the

WUA is prepared to undertake minor repairs and maintenance of tertiary structures.

However the local WUA will not be able to produce by itself all the goods and services ,

needed to manage irrigation effectively. Whether there is WUA or no WUA, a strong role

for the state has long been justified by the need for regulation of the resource and

management of irrigation technology. The argument is reinforced by the natural monopoly

characteristics and the positive and negative externalities associated with irrigation water.

The creation of irrigation facilities requires large and indivisible investment costs, creating

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a natural monopoly situation that can be filled by a state agency. The inherent features of

rivalry and non-excludability of water resources implies that its optimal allocation can be

achieved via state allocation through organization of irrigators. Moreover, the scale and

technological complexity of many large-scale surface irrigation systems require state

intervention to manage them.

In Gundur, otlice bearers of the WUA expressed the view that training of both otlice

bearers and members interested in accounting is important to understand, or to develop

simpler accounting procedures that can be understood more readily by everyone in the

WUA. They should be instructed regarding professional practices and procedures in

budgeting. This will help in the review and discussion of audit reports in general assembly

meeting. Another aspect that required agency intervention was the instilling of awareness

on legal regulations affecting WUA activity. Also opportunities for upgrading of skills

should be made available to farmers and training should also be given to carry out minor

repairs. So far, none of the members of the WUA have received any training on managerial

or administrative aspects although once three farmers were taken to Maharashtra WUAs by

CADA as part of their "farmer-to-farmcr" training program, which was considered

successful because it related directly to people's experience. Since the WUA has not hired

any professionals to manage their system, agency intervention in training the otlice bearers

becomes imperative.

One of the office bearers interviewed remarked:

" We are not happy with the agency support so far in the village, and we need their support

for training of farmers and technical advice although it is not necessary that the regulation

of the association be imposed coercively from the agency. We would like to confirm to

legitimatejormulas devised by liS, rather than to formulas devised by external experts ".

Maintenance of records

Proper and transparent maintenance of records is one of the key indicators for assessing the

performance of the WUA. In Gundur, maps of irrigation and drainage systems and most of

the administrative and financial records are kept in the office of the WUA. The treasurer

assumes entire responsibility for financial transactions and for maintaining bank accounts,

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•

keeping water cess books and bills. In addition, the books in which fines and penalties are

documented are also well maintained by the WUA and made available for verification by

the community every year. The accounts are audited by the audit department every year

and so far the WUA has not received any bad remarks. The records are not allowed to be

taken outside the otlice premises, but are open for verification at any time by the members,

village elders and otticc bearers.

The records most frequently verified by members are the water cess bill, and the annual

budget record. The annual budget record gives the allocation and expenditure of WUA

money to various activities like O&M, salary of Neergunty. office expenses, ctc. Farmcrs

normally do not verify audit reports mainly because they are illiterate" . They verify the

accuracy of records and their verification is recorded in the records through signatures or

thumb impressions. This social auditing helps in eliminating fraud and ensuring members'

confidence in the office bearers. Hence, the internal auditing present in the WUA increases

the identification of users with the WUA as this makes the otlice bearers responsible to the

WUA directly rather than to any agency. Since there is direct interaction between members

and otlice bearers on a regular basis, accountability is ensured. This shows that the WUA

has ensured transparency and accountability to build confidence in the community. This

has resulted in bcttcr co-operation and efficient management of the system.

Participation of the community

Regularity in conducting meetings and participation of the community is important for the

smooth functioning of the WUA. Two to three general body meetings are held in a year.

They are held before and after the Kharif and Rabi season. In case of emergency, special

general body meetIngs are also held. Dates of meetings will be informed to the members a

week before through a person who goes around the village by beating drums, gathering

people and informing them. Most of the members attend the meetings and participate in the

deliberatIOns.

The issues discussed during meetings are water distribution stratcgies, particularly under

scarce conditions, O&M plans and cost sharing, rule enforcement of rules and regulations,

" In Gundur 43% of the sample farmers are illiterate and only 8.5% arc above matriculation (see Table-4.4). 177

•

collection of water cess and presentation of accounts or reports. Another important aspect

discussed during meetings is to do with sheep penning, provision of sand, etc. to mitigate

soil-related problems.

While office bearers regularly participate In the meetings, all others attend when

emergency meetings are held on occasions when adequate water is not available in the

canal or to resolve conflicts or when an urgent action is needed. Small and marginal

fanners sometimes do not attend because, they are employed in wage labor to supplement

the marginal income from their tiny fann holdings. They attend meetings only if they

require any help or infonnation from the WUA. Absentee landlords who are not in the

village are not able to attend meetings regularly. Members who own land in the command

and stay in the village but their primary occupation is not agriculture but business and other

fonnal employment did not show much interest in attending meetings. They, however, get

a regular feed back on the issues discussed in the meetings, and offer suggestions, if and

when required.

Overall performance of WUA

In order to assess the perfonnance of WUA, fanners were asked a number of questions.

According to them, five important factors have led to the sustainability of the WUA. None

of the interviewed fanners expressed alienation from the system of management. They

were asked to rank one for most important factor and five for least important. The ranking

took some tIme but in the end the sample fanners appeared sure about their responses.

Table 7.13 gives the result ofranking of sample fanners.

It can be noted from Table 7.13 that 33 out of 47 fanners ranked water distribution as being

the most Important factor for the sustainability of the WUA. Working optimal water

distrihution schedules and managing uncertainty is one of the most important activities of

the WUA. All fanners proportionally share both excesses and shortfalls in water deliveries

in the system. The distribution policy ensures fairness to all the members of the WUA and

according to the distributive justice theory of Rawls (1971); one policy is superior to

another if the welfare of the worst off individual is better. The fanners recognize control of

free riders as the next most important factor. The WUA has been able to curb free riders

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through strict rule enforcement. Maintenance of infrastructure is ranked as three by 33

members. The WUA is capable of getting the users to work together for the maintenance of

the infrastructure by developing a shared felt need. Leaders have been able to pursue the

path of collective action to address common concerns. The WUA itself is a product of able

leadership. Contlict resolution is ranked as the least important by the irrigators with the

majority of farmers putting it in the last two ranks. This shows that WUA ensures effective

controlling of free riders and delivering water to the farmer in a predictable and

controllable manner. Transparency in maintaining records and financial viability has also

intluenced the capability of the WUA.

T bl 7 n F t C t'b f h S a e . ac ors on n U 102 to t e ustainability of Association . . . Rank Water Control Leadership Conflict Maintenance

distribution . free resolution of riders' infrastructure

Count of rank I's 33 7 0 0 2 Count of rank 2's 8 33 5 2 4 Count of rank 3's 5 5 7 3 33 Count of rank 4's I 2 32 4 4 Count of rank 5's 0 0 3 38 4 Mean (and order) 1.45(1) 2.04(2) 3.7(4) 4.66(5) 3.09(3) Total 47 47 47 47 47

Note: The numbers In the columns are the frequency count of the rank of Importance by the respondents. At the bottom of the table, the mean response is calculated to show the order of ranking (in brackets) of each of the five factors.

Although the WUA was formed by the irrigators, within an agency-managed system, 'we

find certain aspects which need intervention and external support. The WUA has, by and

large, devised governance that has remained stable over long periods of time in

environments characterized by considerable uncertainty and change. Despite all the

differences l2 among the members in the WUA, all share fundamental similarities. The

similarity is that all face uncertain and complex environments. Though the construction of

physical works tends to reduce the level of Uncertainty in terms of water availability, it also

tends to increase the level of complexity in terms of organization and management in the

system. But still, this complexity cannot divide the group of heterogeneous individuals.

This is because individuals associate themselves into a collective group with an objective to

12 Differences here mean heterogeneity in terms of caste, class, assets, slO11s, size of the holdings and non­agncultural Income. The study area consists of bolh local and the migrant Andhra farmers. The details of

these have been discussed in Chapter 4.

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face the uncertainties and also to search for solutions where possible. The reasons for better

collective action here can be explained by the Buchanan & Tullock (1965) theory, which

emphasizes that collective action emerges when individuals cannot fulfil their needs

through individual actions and they come together and choose a collective mode of action

where each of its individual members finds it profitable to act collectively rather than

individually. This can be noticed in terms of paying water cess or contributing labor for

O&M or abiding by the rules of the WUA where the individual costs are less than the

benefits out of collective action. The low level of monitoring undertaken and also the low

levels or almost absence of chronic conflict among farmers in the WUA testify to the

stability of the system and is considered by Glick to be "a tribute to the efficiency of the

distribution system" (Glick, 1970). More than any other single factor, the sustainability of

the WUA is ensured because the farmers have enough incentives to participate that have

resulted in sufficient tangible and non-tangible gains. This case clearly demonstrates a

robust and self-governing institution in an agency-managed large irrigation system where

well-specified management functions and assignment of authority along with effective

accountability and incentives for farmer participation exist. Furthermore, arrangements for

timely contlict resolution by the WUA are noteworthy.

Most importantly, the WUA successfully addressed two major issues i.e. allocation of

water and regular maintenance of the irrigation infrastructure. This has resulted in efficient

irrigation services at a reasonable cost leading to the satisfaction of farmers. The WUA is

exposed to urban market activities with good roads and connections and the market

penetration has increased the economic returns to irrigated agriculture, and thereby the

incentives of farmers to participate in the WUA. Hence, it challenges Fujita, Hayami &

Kikuchi (1999) point that accesses to markets often decreases interdependence and

therefore might reduce the likelihood of collective action. Although there exists a

legitimate and continuing role for the state, the WUA meets Shepsle's (1989) and Ostrom's

(1994) cri terion of institutional robustness, where the rules have been devised by the

members and modified over time, according to a set of collective-choice and constitutional

rules. The popular notions of obstacles caused by the hierarchical society were proven to be

invalid under conditions of a participatory process of social organization where the farmers

cope with existing social and political pressure along with feudal forces and act collectively

IRO

•

to improve the quality of the WUA perfonnance Hence th WUA h t' . ,e as a grea er Impact not only on the physical perfonnance of th " . '.. e ImgatlOn system, but also In meetmg socIal

objectives, for the achievement of instrumental goals in the interests of the community.

This case illustrates the conditions under which collective action emerges, becomes

effective by developing and enforcing appropriate internal bylaws where the members

agree upon a set of rules, rights and responsibilities, and is sustained over a period of time

to provide a common good.

In Hagedal, to understand the local dynamics and the lack of interest to fonn a WUA (see

Table 7.1). questions were posed to the sample fanners as to how and under what

conditions they would accept the fonnation a of WUA. Their perceptions are presented in

Table 7.14.

Table 7.14: Conditions under which Farmers are Willing to Form WUA

Conditions Farmers response (in percent)

Rehabilitation of intTastructure 42

Adequate water to grow p,!ddy/sugarcane 82

Fair representation in office 32

Reasonable water cess 74 Note. \lulllple responses

The majority of fanners (82 percent) are willing to fonn a WUA if paddy or sugarcane is

allowed to be grown. Fanners in the upper and middle reaches of TBP are used to taking

independent decisions on crop choice, without bothering about scarcity of water for others.

Farmers, therefore, fear that the new system of joint management will result in increased

water rates. Hitherto they considered water as a tree commodity. With the formation of the

WUA they fear that water charges will be increased and be paid compulsorily.

Given the constraints and socio-economic problems in Hagedal, there is need to motivate

farmers to form a WUA to reduce the adverse effects on the soil. But in the absence of

meaningful dialogue between the agency and the farmers, it may remain a distant dream.

The 'bottom-up' approach needs to be rigorously implemented in sprit to motivate farmers

in this village.

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In Gundur, farmers welcomed the idea of PIM, since they had already experienced co­

operation and knew the potential benefits of co-operative endeavor. They have no

hesitation in paying the increased water charges as long as there are improvements in the

quality of irrigation services provided. They are also happy that government assistance will

be given for major rehabilitation of the infrastructure. Farmers themselves rarely see the

WUA as an autonomous body or demand for its isolation from the state. The only

apprehension they have is that they will be torced to grow crops in which they have no

interest, because of the proposed volumetric supply of water to the WUA.

Keeping the farmers' perceptions on WUA as a backdrop, an attempt is made to present a

detailed analysis of the problems and prospects of the on-going PIM programme in TBP.

The MOU signed between the newly-formed WUAs and Water Resource Department,

specitles the quantum of water to be delivered to the WUAs. It stipulates the measuring of

water at the head works of the WUAs so that water is given to the WUAs on a volumetric

basis. In TPB there are 826 identified WUAs and if measurement has to be taken and a

vigil is to be kept over the quantum of water let out to each WUA, staff is required in large

numbers. Given the limited staff strength, presently the process of WUA formation is

taking too much time. Measuring devises are not yet installed and moreover the quantum of

water that will be released to the various WUAs is also not clear. Moreover, the MOU

empowers the water resource department and not the WUAs. While the department has

powers to cut water supply to the WUAs when they fail to remit water charges in time, at

the same time there is no specification as to what actions the WUAs can take when the

department fails to deliver the quantum of water specified in the MOU. The omission of

this point in the MOU weakens the accountability factor. Further, there is no provision as to

who should be held responsible for not maintaining the gauge at different points of thc

canal as per the design.

Data in the TBP on land affected with salinity and waterlogging indicated the immense

need for the investment and improvement of drainage management. While government

efforts has been progressive in improving irrigation performance by transferring the

management of irrigation systems to farmers organizations, this option can be applied to

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collective management drainage. The amendment only mentions about the making of

provision for WUAs to assist ID/CADA in carrying out the irrigation and drainage works

(chapter IX, section 62A, clause 10) and nothing about its maintenance. Unlike the case of

irrigation management, no such approach has been worked out for drainage, and a review

of various countries' experiences (Freisem & Scheumann 200 I) shows that institutions for

managing agricultural drainage, waterlogging, and salinity are still lacking. Farmers'

participation can playa crucial role in managing the problem of irrigation-induced land

degradation and in exploiting the full potential of irrigation, but requires appropriate

technological and institutional arrangements (Marothia 1997 & 2003; Joshi, 1997). Hence,

appropriate water distribution practices, although very important in mitigating

waterlogging and salinity alone will not serve the purpose. In TBP, in the absence of a

proper drainage system, equal importance has to be given to farmers' participation in the

collective management of natural and collector drainage. Hence, one of the big challenges

for the agency is to get beyond the questions of "Why PIM" to the more specific issues of

what kind of PIM is best suited to the particular conditions of the irrigation system.

Farmers in both the villages are inclined to shift to rice or other water intensive crops

wherever possible. The interesting point is that this is justified by the lack of any feasible

alternative with comparable ease of cultivation and economic returns. Irrigation officials

have identified paddy cultivation as one of the major causes for waterlogging and salipity

(see Figure-S.2). Hence, the interventions to promote the cultivation of less water-intensive

crops assume more importance. The point is to influence micro level decisions of the

individual producer to favor less water demanding crops and practices by effective

interventions. Attempts to change the cropping pattern can only succeed when minimum

returns are assured. This will enable a possible shift in the voluntary decisions of the

cultivator by making the desired choice attractive to the individual producer.

One of the main obstacles to the current PIM programme is the rehabilitation of the

irrigation system. For, none of the distribution canals and hydraulic structures has the

original design standards. Without major rehabilitation the proposed volumetric supply of

water to WUA becomes ditlicult. The WUAs often take over the systems even though the

183

rehabilitation work is incomplete Mo h h" , . . . . reover, t e emp aSls IS on transfer of responslblhty

rather than authority to the user associations.

Farmers in the upper reaches and tail end ofTPB are showing reluctance to form the WUA.

We hypothesize the existen"e of' an " rt d U' I·' h' . ~ mve e re attons Ip between water scarcIty and

returns to the organization that may restrict either the physical or the organizational

procedures for the tormation of WUA that are being formed in the head and tail reach of

the project (see Figure 7.2).

Figure 7,2: Relationship between Water Scarcity and Returns to an Organization

R"

Returns 10

Organilation

Water Scarcity

Water supply is plentiful in the upper reaches of the project and there is little reason for

farmers to organize a~ they have the necessary water. Government investment had served

to create the impression that providing irrigation services is the responsibility of the

government. There is a great deal of resistance to the adoption of a participatory approach

due to the conviction that the existing system is better than the proposed system. In the tail

reaches due to water scarcity farmers are caught up in their day-to-day struggles to make

ends meet. Farmers perceive that the problem con/Tonting the community is too large and

complex, and no solution is likely. Hence as water becomes very scarce, even perfectly

coordinated actions and investments cannot solve the water shortages and thus the benefits

/Tom organizing are lower. Therefore, benefits of the organization are high during

situations of moderate water scarcity.

184

PIM initiative did not originate in the group of water users, but came from outside. PIM

was an idea of the government and fanners were confronted with it. Serious efforts were

not made to understand even the basic features of the local situation with regard to water

management and distribution and social relations in the community. There is also a strong

tendency by the CADA officials to hold discussions with large fanners and local leaders

only. This ignores the ditlerential interests and perceptions within the group of fanners.

The primary interest of the irrigation agency was the physical interventions that were part

of the refonn process.

Conclusion

The detailed analyses presented above on various aspects of WUA fonnation and its impact

on reducing the adverse effects of irrigation brings out interesting findings. A brief

overview of which is presented here.

In Gundur, the physical boundaries of the WUA are fixed. In the absence of technical

means to distribute water, a proportionate water distribution principle based on customary

practices and agreed allocation rules is practiced. The system facilitated farmers to meet

crop-water requirements effectively. In HagedaI, in the absence of a WUA or any strict

regulatory body, illegal irrigation practices are a common feature. This unauthorized and

illegal behavior has contributed to inefficient water use leading to waterlogging ,and

salinity.

Resource mobilization for efficient management of water distribution system is good in

Gundur village where WUA is active. Farmers are not hesitant to pay water charges on

time since the quality of irrigation service is provided by the WUA. The WUA is

financially viable due to a progressive revision in the water charges, high rates of recovery

and mobilization of local labor to carry out the maintenance activities of infrastructure. The

WUA has ensured a high degree of transparency and accountability in their relations with

the members. This has helped members to repose confidence and trust in the WUA. Office

bearers with strong managerial skills have achieved sound management of infrastructure

and provided good irrigation service to the WUA members. In Hagcdal, reluctance to pay

water charges is due to bad maintenance of infrastructure by the agency and also there is an

185

incentive for fanners to under report the total area irrigated, since local officials maintain

the records and supervision to ensure their accuracy is lacking. Illegal diversion of water or

taking water out of turn is a major reason for conflict in Hagedal.

In Gundur. the concept of green manuring was first given by WUA to alleviate salinity and

waterlogging. WUA informs the irrigators about the type of green manuring to be done

depending on the salinity conditions of the soil. Sheep penning and provision of sand in

waterlogged area is another important activity taken up by the WUA. In Hagedal, farmers

sought advice from fellow and neighboring farmers regarding the various strategies to be

adopted to mitigate the soil related problems. The role of the agency in imparting

knowledge of proper farming methods or the hazards of over irrigation and the strategies

one has to adopt to mitigate salinity and waterlogging conditions are found to be minimal.

Hence. fanners' efforts to restore soil fertility are found to be less adequate.

In Gundur. the most important factor contributing to the sustainability of the WUA is fair

water distribution practices. control of free riders, maintenance of infrastructure and

conflict resolution. The WUA has provided an enabling environment for farmer

participation and investment and hence the farmers displayed a higher propensity to

support such a WUA. The WUA has also provided an environment in which self-interested

individuals can co-operate to mutual benefit where the farmers see themselves as managers

and the government agencies as service providers. Further, a sense of personal

responsibility by the farmers seemed to underlie the successful management of their

irrigation systems.

In HagedaL quite a significant section of the fanners did not feel the necessity for such a

WUA. Several socio-economic constraints have contributed to the preference of not

forming a WUA. Farmers do not have a clear concept of the WUA. its advantages, roles

and responsibilities of different stakeholders. That is the reason why farmers are not in

favor of WUA, which has resulted in perpetuation of indiscipline in water use and a

consequent increase in environmental problems. This clearly indicates that the PRA

exercise carried out by CADA in imparting knowledge to the farmers regarding the

potential benefits of fonning a WUA is very poor. Significant improvements In

186

sustainability could be expected through better PRA exercise, functional decentralization,

adherence to the principles of transparency, effective intervention from the government

where the agency need to play not only an executive but also an advisory role.

When the case of an existent WUA, which takes over water distribution, is contrasted with

a scenario of no WUA, where the control continues to lie outside the farmers i.e. with the

agency. both technically and institutionally interesting perceptions come forth. First, when

the water users take over the management, timeliness and efficiency in the utilization of

water is ensured, as seen in Gundur. Secondly. such responsibilities are exercised in the

collective interest of the community, which has eventually led to a better environment and

protection of soils. In Hagedal, irrational action on the part of each irrigator due to non­

excludability and rivalry brought about ineHicient use of irrigation water and the

depreciation of the common physical structures due to lack of maintenance, an outcome

that leaves everybody worse off, than if they are contributors to full maintenance. Hence,

the problems of waterlogging and salinity persist which is a by-product of inefficient use of

irrigation water and infrastructure.

The results of the study also indicate that in Gundur, in spite of eHicient water distribution

and maintenance of infrastructure, the problem of waterlogging and salinity still persists,

though not on a wider scale. The total control of the problems remains a ditlicult task, for

the WUA with the investments needed, both financially for adequate equipment, and in

skills for mechanical, chemical and biological maintenance activities. This shows that

institutions are a necessary conditions but not a sufficient condition to ofter solutions to the

problems of resource degradation. The nature of the problem makes government

intervention necessary and calls for developing strong programs on creating awareness to

farmers regarding various technical and management strategies they need to adopt to

mitigate the adverse effects.

Given the farmers preference for water intensive crops, conscious effort is required to wean

farmers away from growing crops with high water requirements in areas prone to salinity

and waterlogging hy demonstrating the viability of a low water consumption-cropping

pattern.

lR7

Even as the need to improve water use efficiency is generally recognized in the current

PIM programme occurring in the state, maintenance of drainage has not yet been clearly

incorporated into the concept of integrated water resources management. The WUA should

also be encouraged to take up the activities of drainage maintenance, which is of utmost

importance given the problems of waterlogging and salinity in the upper and middle

reaches of the TBP. Government has to playa prominent role in investment and in the

setting of both technical and institutional framework for drainage management.

The on-gOIng PIM program in TBP is faced with challenges such as unauthorized

cultivation, violation of cropping pattern, water theft and illegal diversion of water,

deprivation of water for tail reach farmers, deteriorated infrastructure, etc. These factors are

posing problem for the proposed volumetric supply of water and thereby the effective

formation ofWUAs.

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Chapter 8

Impact of Water Users' Association

The previous chapters have dealt in detail with the causes for waterlogging and salinity in

the study villages and the various strategies adopted by stakeholders to mitigate the adverse

effects. Given the farmers dependence on irrigated farming, this chapter attempts to analyse

the impact of salinity and waterlogging on rice production and the role of the WUA in

improving crop yields.

The approach

Several analytical approaches have been used to assess the impact of soil salinity on output.

Pincock (1969) used the whole farm budget to analyse the impact of salinity on net farm

income. Hussein & Young (1985), Joshi (1987) and Joshi et al. (1994) have estimated the

crop losses due to soil salinity using the production function approach in India. While

Hussein & Young used electrical conductivity as one of the explanatory variables, Joshi

(1987) estimated the impact on crop yield using a dummy variable for soil salinity level.

Byerlee & Ali (2000) and Faruqcc (1995) have explored interlinkages between land use

behavior and farm productivity in Pakistan.

In our study, the empirical analysis has been carried out in three stages. In the first stage', to

examine the de.6'fee of relationship between inputs and output we estimate the correlation

coefficient. [n the second stage, we have adopted the Cobb-Douglas type production­

function approach to determine the impact of soil salinity and waterlogging on yield levels

of paddy. This analysis, therefore, examines land degradation in terms of loss of farm

productivity (i.e. in reduced paddy yield). Finally in the third stage, the production

functions have been used to analyse the impact of changes in inputs and quality of land on

the changes in the yield with the help of a decomposition analysis!.

1 D 'I' I" a mathematl'cal technique that could disaggregate and quantify a difference in an ecomposl Ion ana YSls IS " '. b bl t 'tat' iable into its components, More SImply, the techmque proVIdes a method to o serva e quan lIve var " ,,' h d 'h ". ,

'fy h ' 'f: t S ofa dl'f~erence such as "before and after or WIt an WIt out SItuatIOn, quantI t e mtervemng ac or. " 189

The production function approach adopted for this study assumes that salinity and

waterlogging intluences the crop yield. To establish such a relationship, the Cobb-Douglas

type production function is adopted for paddy and is estimated with the help of the

Ordinary Least Square Technique in its log-linear form. The functional forms and variables

listed below were selected for discussion and analysis. The production functions were

estimated separately for good soils and affected (waterlogged and saline) soils in both the

villages. To establish the impact of salinity and waterlogging on rice yield, the factors

affecting rice yield like fertilizer and pesticide, use of zinc and gypsum, application of

FYM, seed rate and irrigation were considered.

For affected soils:

Ya= ao Saul Fau2 FYMauJ Zau4IRRau5 Pau6GYPaa7 ea

u

For good soils:

Y = A S IllF 112 FYM IlJ Z 114IRR 1\5 P ~6e u g ~O g g g g g g g

Where,

Y = Yield (kg/acre)

F = Quantity of fertilizer (NPK) applied (kg/acre)

P= Quantity of pesticide applied (Kg/acre)

FYM = Quantity of FYM applied (kg/acre)

GYP = Quantity of Gypsum (kg/acre)

Z = Quantity of Zinc applied (kg/acre)

IRR = Standing water (irrigation in inches)

S = Seed utilized (kg/acre)

0. and [3= the regression coefficients of respective variables

u= Error term.

(1)

(2)

Subscripts' a' and' g' indicates affected lands and good lands, respectively.

h b t f ns is the inclusion of gypsum in The basic difference between tea ave wo equa 10

equation (I) only, as it is used solely in the saline affected lands. All the inputs are

b . II . Id h cI'ng Both the equations were estimated for both the villages aSlca y YIC cn an .

I t- d th' put elasticities Further the decomposition analysis was used to separate y to In out e In .,

. '.( f· '1 salinity and waterlogging on crop yield. In other words, it dIscern the truc llnpac a SOl 190

I

examines the efficacy of fanners in using inputs in the affected lands. Hence, one of the

propositions would be that fanners in Gundur, where the WUA is present, manage their

production efficiently due to better water management as compared to fanners in Hagedal,

where the WUA is not present. This hypothesis can be tested with the help of the

production function decomposition analysis that is specified below.

The production function decomposition analysis was used to decompose the difference in

the changes in gross output between waterlogging and salinity free soils and waterlogging

and salinity affected soils by various scholars. Bisaliah (1997) and Joshi et al. (1992, 1994)

used a similar technique tor wheat and other crops. The most recent one is the study by

Thiruchelvam & Pathmarajah (1997) who used a similar technique for paddy. Similar to

these studies, the present study decomposes the change in gross output between nonnal and

atIected soils into: (i) changes due to salinity and waterlogging effect, and (ii) changes due

to reallocation of inputs. Resource use pattern and crop productivity were also analyzed for

nonnal and affected soils. The analysis gives the differences in yield per acre between

waterlogging and salinity atIected and waterlogging and salinity free soils. This can also be

presented algebraically as below. We can express (I) and (2) in log-linear fonn as;

loW:, = lorA, + fi,logS;, + f3:c loW:: + A logf'Yi\1 + ,o)0l!Z:, +,0, log/REf, + ,o,logfa + ~ log::TYf+ua .. (3)

logY, = IOWli, +~ logS, +a, low" +~ 10gFYA.{ +a,logZ. +a, loglRf\ +a, lo~ +U, ...... (4)

Subtracting (3) and (4) and rearranging the terms, we get in the following form.

Log (Y /Y~) =[log(j1" / a" )]+[(/1, -a,) logSg +(/1, -a,) logFg +(/1J -a, jlogFYMg +(/1. -a. jlogZg

+ (/1. -a,) loglRRg +(/1, -a,) logPg ]+[/1, log(S, / S g) + /1, log(F, / Fg) +

/1, log(FYM, / FYMg)+ (J, log(Z, / Zg)+ /1, log(IRR, IIRRg ) + /1, log(P' / P, )]+ /17 logGY~ +uag

......... (5)

The above equation decomposes, approximately, the differences in yield per acre between

atIected lands and good lands. The sum of the first two square bracketed components on

the right hand side indicates the land quality effect. The third square bracketed tenn

measures the contribution of changes in the input levels between the two lands.

191

I

Empirical results

In this section we discuss the empirical results based on correlation coefticients, production

function and decomposition analysis. It may be noted from Table 8.1 that on an average the

land affected by salinity (0.79 acres) and waterlogging (0.51) in Gundur is less in

comparison to the average land atTected by salinity (0.'.16 acres) and waterlogging (0.65

acres) in Hagedal. This is mainly because in Gundur, the WUA is actively involved in

providing services to mitigate the adverse etTects (see Figure 7.1). The average use of seeds

is more in Hagedal (33.24 kg/acre) than in Gundur (30.69 kg/acre), which is because the

land affected by waterlogging is high in Hagedal and requires more seeds that help to

overcome poor seed germination due to waterlogging. Similarly, the average usc of

gypsum that is known to neutralize the carbonate and bicarbonate salts is more in Hagedal

(272kg/acre) than in Gundur (209.1 kg/acre) since the lands affected by moderate and

severe salinity is more in Hagedal. The application of FYM most of the time depends on

the livestock owned by the farmers. In Gundur, around 77 percent of the sample farmers

owned cattle while it is 69 percent in Hagedal. Hence, the average use of FYM is more in

Gundur than in Hagedal. The application of FYM and green manure is one of the important

strategies adopted by the farmers in Gundur to mitigate the adverse effects (see Table 6.4).

Farmers in Hagedal and also in Gundur who did not have cattle purchased2 FYM from the

landless agricultural laborers who owned cattle. Fertilizer use is more in Gundur (458.73

kg/acre») because the farmers used it even on seedbeds. Hence the farmers in Gundur 4sed

more fertilizers, even in farms that use large amounts of FYM.

Farmers use more pesticides in the Kharif season, where there is greater risk of crop failure

due to increased dampness that attracts more pests. Pesticides are also used more in

waterlogged areas, because with increased soil moisture, soil temperature gets reduced, as a

result, the activity of soil bacteria and other pests increase. Use of this is found to be more

or less same in both the villages (around 14 kg/acre). The average yield per acre in Gundur

2 One cartload ofFYM will cost about Rs.55-65. J The use of fertilizers is much above than the recommended doses and is on the rise in the study area. But the state level consumption of various chemical fertilizers showed a slight decline in 2001-2002 due to untimely

d t· d' tn·b t·on of rainfall (Economic survey 2001-2002). A fierce debate has been ragmg over the use an erra Ie 1S U I . . of mineral fertilizers for some time, pitting environmentalists against those who take a more commercial View of fanning. Over the years. each group has put fOlWard a number of-very divergent and somellmes elltreme

opinions and strategies. 192

is 2744.15 kg whereas in Hagedal it is 2482.19 kg per acre. This is because the lands in

Gundur are relatively good as compared to the lands in Hagedal.

Table 8.1: Descriptive Statistics of Important Variables used in Rice Production in Gundur and Hagedal village

Item

Fertilizer Pesticide F",{M Gypsum' Zinc Seeds~

Irrigation"

Land affected by Salinity Land affected by waterlogging Yield

Dala from 2000 Kharif season. Source: Own suney Notes: SD~ standard deviation

Unit

Kg/acre Kg/acre Kg/acre Kg/acre Kg/acre Kg/acre Standing water in Inches In acres

In acres

Kg/acre

Village

Gundur Hagedal Mean SD Mean SD

458.73 31.13 425.21 33.23 13.16 1.64 13.85 1.51 1214.89 149.65 1180.94 162.81 209.1 50.34 272 61.37 20.88 1.4 22.09 1.13 30.69 3.09 33.24 3.25

10.41 1.89 13.39 2.09

0.79 0.53 0.96 0.36

0.51 0.21 0.65 0.33

2694.15 159.57 2542.19 198.86

N~47 in Gundur \lllage and 69 In Ilagedal "llage. But In case of use of gypsum N= II in Gundur and 25 in Hagedal. this is because gypsum is used by farmers only in saline affected lands in both the study villages.

Application of irrigation, which is taken in terms of standing water in inches, is found t~l be

more in Hagedal than Gundur. This is because in Gundur, the WUA prevents over

irrigation by strictly adopting thc Irrigation schedules. An interesting observation is that

farmers sometimes are ready to make drastic variations in the applications of various

inputs, but the amount of water applied to paddy remains almost unchanged. The estimated

correlation cocfticlcnts of important variables to rice yields under different soil conditions

of Gundur and flagellal villages arc given in Table 8.2 .

• Gypsum and IInc arc soli amendments used as additives that are spread on the surface or injected into the

soil of a field. I Rice seed is actually unhulled paddy. • For delail., see AppendIX.

193

I

Ta~l~ 8.2: Correla~ion Coefficients of Important Variables with Rice Yields under Salmlty, Waterloggmg and Good Lands in Gundur and Hagedal

Gundur Variable Good land Wa terlol1;l1;ine

Fertilizer 0.306"· 0.542 0"

Pesticide 0.363"" 0.568"** Seed 0.11 0.576"* FYM 0.293"· 0.488 Gypsum n.a n.a Zinc 0.188 0.302 Irri~ation 0.417" -0.68·"

Not s: e • Correlation is sIgnificant at I % level. •• Correlallon is significant at 5% level. ••• Correlation is significant at 10·. level. n.a = not applicable.

Haeedal Salinity Good land Waterlogging Salinity 0.5 0.248** 0.24 0.172 0.344 0.028 0.412** 0.335 0.062 0.071 0.541 * -0.199 0.891 * 0.295** 0.058 0.468** 0.845* n.a n.a 0.512** -0.428 0.024 -0.94 -0.556** 0.541*** 0.27** -0.485* 0.159

A significant high p(lsitive correlation between rice yields and gypsum (used only in saline

lands) is seen in hoth the villages (Gundur 0.84, Hagedal 0.51). This shows the positive

influence of gypsum on yields. Gypsum application is one of the important curative

strategies adopted hy the fanners to mitigate the problem of salinity (see Table 6.1). The

relationship between rice yields and FYM in waterlogged areas in both Gundur and

Hagedal are not statistically significant, however, it is significant and positively correlated

with yield in both the villages in good lands (Gundur 0.29, Hagedal 0.29) and also saline

lands (Gundur O.R I, Hagedal 0.46). In Hagedal, the correlation between seed and yield is

negative but insih'11ificant in saline lands, but they are positively correlated and significant

in waterlogged lands in both the villages (Gundur 0.57, Hagedal 0.54). This indicates that

seed has a positive influence on yields only in waterlogged lands. It may be noted that in

both the villages, the yield is negatively correlated with irrigation in waterlogged lands and

is highly significant in Hagedal (-0.48) than Gundur (-0.68). This shows that any additional

use of irrigation in the waterlogged areas might probably lead to a decline in yield.

Nevertheless it is highly significant and positively correlated (0.41) in good lands and also

significant and positively correlated (0.54) in saline land in Gundur, while in Hagedal it is

significant and positively correlated (0.27) only in good lands. Fertilizer and pesticide

though positively correlated with rice yields is found to be insignificant in saline lands in

both the villages. The significance level of pesticide in waterlogged lands is more in

Hagcdal (0.41) than in GunGur (0.56). Another important conclusion one can draw from the

correlation analysis is that the degree of relationship between inputs with yield in good

194

I

lands in Gundur is more compared to good lands in Hagedal. This indicates that yield

enhancement can be managed better in the good lands of Gundur where the WUA is active , compared to good lands of Hagedal where there is no WUA. The results of the regression

analysis to detennine the factors responsible for rice yields are presented in Table 8.3.

The estimatt'<.l R·· and F-statistit.'s shows that thc explanatory power of fitted production

fundi on for Gundur and Hagedal \illages. for both nonnal and affected soils, are high and

signifkant. In llther wllrds. Illputs like fertilizer. pesticide. seeds, FYM. gypsum, zinc, and

irrigation as a wh,,\c han a significant impact on the yield. In Gundur, in both the lands,

fcrtili/cr has mainly cllntributed to thc change in yield as its clasticity is high compared to

othcr inputs. ThiS IS mamly because fertilizer is more responsive undcr better-regulated

water levels on the irrigated plots when it is applied at the right time. Water is better

regulated m (jundur because the WUA ensures greater water control by fanners and

fairness in water distribution. From the personal discussion with fanners it was observed

that organic fertilizers are no substitutes for mineral fertilizers. although they concede that

organic fertihzLTS do improve sot! structure and can help to maintain and improve soil

productivity. However. they do not focus exclusively on mineral fertilizers as fanners feel

that without adequate application of other organic inputs these may actually result in soil

degradation in the long run. Hence organic and mineral fertilizers should complement each

other. However. fanners are also concerned that mineral fertilizers although available on

time have become more expensive). As the price of rice has also increased, most of them

think that profits have gone up too. but they rcportcd that input prices rose faster than the

output pnces, particularly after 1997. Sometimes. the resource poor fanners shared 3-5

bags of fertilizer, which is carefully applied to small, infertile patches of land. Hence they

arc womed anout the cost of usmg large quantities of mineral fertilizers, and pesticides for

growmg paddy and arc Illterested III finding alternative sources of nutrients.

7 Fannen find mmeral fertilizers expensive inspile of Ihe introduction of a concessional price scheme for dccootrolled fenll17.eT!1 that were introduced In 1992-93 with enhanced concessions. The concession now available is ItA. 700 to Rd700 per tonne as againsl Rs. 900 to Rs. 4000 pcr tonne in the controlled regime depending upon the nutrient (P and K) conlent Diffusion of fertilizerconsumptlon has been qUite Widespread where wheat and rice account for about 60% of fertilizer consumptIOn (NPK) In the country and thiS milo appean 10 have remained the same over the lasl decade. Irrigation and IIYVs have played critical roles in promoting fenilizer cOMumplion. supported by a widespread dlstrlbutl?n network. India has achieved self­lufficienc:y in the fertilizer industry due to the' Relenllon Price Scheme launched In 1977 and the discovery of oil and gu field. at Bombay High. which contributed to Ihe growth at gas-based fertlhzer plants.

195

Farmers use a mixture of manure and fertilizers, adjusting the combination according to

rainfall, availability of canal water and perceived fertility status while taking into account

how vigorously plants are growing. Fertilizer and manure are generally concentrated on

fields that are expected to give the best response. The majority of the farmers recognize

that yield levels cannot be redressed with a single type of input, as fertilizers although

available are too expensive while only limited amounts of FYM are available. In their view

the disadvantages of using mineral fertilizers are they are expensive and need to be applied

every year, whereas the main constraints on producing and applying FYM are the high

labor and transport requirements.

The production function analysis reveals that in Hagedal fertilizer is significant only for the

in good lands. Few farmers use relatively less fertilizer even in good lands that are close to

some of the badly maintained outlets as it is liable to be washed away. In the affected lands

of Hagedal it is insignificant as when the problems of salinity increase the effects of

fertilizer either decreases or does not have any effect on the soil. And on the lands, which

are very far trom the outlet the soil moisture content, is either low or high due to the

unpredictable water supply making the use of mineral fertilizer less beneficial. Hence, the

crop response to fertilizers is generally poor on affected soils. In addition, when the water

is not sufficient paddy dries up faster where fertilizer is applied rather than where only

manure was used. This also corroborates the weak correlation coefficient between fertilizer

and yield (see Table-8.2).

In Hagedal, in both the lands, the coefficients of FYM were highly significant indicating

that it has mainly contributed to the change in yield. This is mainly because in the affected

lands, FYM is more responsive and provides nourishment to the soil by enhancing the

structure of the soil and increasing its organic matter content. But the existing livestock

management system in the village does not include practices for improving the quality of

manure or for increasing manure production.

196

Table 8.3: Estimated Production Functions for Rice Crop in Good and Affected Lands of Gundur and Hagedal

Gundur Variables

Good land Affected land

Intercept 20441 -0.045

Irrigation 0.016* 0.087 (5.318) (1.721)

Seeds 0.067 0.009 (0.983) (0.037)

Pesticide 0.062*** 0.184 ( 1.829) (1.461)

Zinc 0.032 0.091 (0.694) (0.648)

FYM 0.034* 0.S45**" (3.326) (2.09S)

Fertilizer 0.IS3** 0.S02** (2.696) (2.828)

Gypsum n.a 0.0143 (0.623)

"'2 R 0.814 0.87

F - Statistic 29.1" 17.776" Note. FIgures In parenthesIs are t-StatIStIcS. " Correlation is significant at I % level. ** Correlation is significant at 5% level. *** Correlation is significant at 10% level. n.a = not applicable.

"agedal

Good land Affected land

1.669* 0.665

0.103* -0.136**· (2.758) (-1.703) 0.015 0.341 (lA89) ( 1272) 0.142** 0.234** (20421) (2.134) 0.382**" -0052 ( 1.957) ( 0.184) 0.143* 00431 * (3.19) (3.IS) 0.145*·' 0.300 ( 1.792) (10413)

0.0071 n.a (0.223)

0.S06 0.S2

10.S72· 6.944*

Zinc, a soil nutrient, is found to be significant only in the good lands of Hagedal. However, I

the use of it is limited and erratic. Gypsum, which is a yield enhancmg input in salinity-

affected lands, is found to be insignificant in both the villages. This could be due to the

summing up of both saline and waterlogged lands in this analysis due to lesser sample size,

which took zero values in the places where there is only a waterlogging problem. The

analysis shows that pesticide is significant in the good lands of Gundur whereas in Hagedal

it is significant in both good lands and affected lands. The waterlogged lands arc greater in

Hagedal than in Gundur (see tigure 5.1) and attract more pests during the Khanf period.

Hence, the use of pesticide seems to be more useful in Hagedal.

One of the important variables in question in this analysis is irrigation. From the Table 8.3

it may be noted very clearly that irrigation acts as a yield-retarding variable in the affected

lands in Hagedal, whereas in the affected lands of Gundur it is positive but insigniticant. A

one percent use of irrigation in the affected lands in Hagedalleads to a 0.14 percent decline 197

in yield. This may be due to different water management practices adopted in both the

villages. In Gundur, it is the assurance and timeliness of supply of water by the WUA,

which has enabled the farmers to use water according to the needs of the crop (see Table

7.6). In Hagedal, where there is no WUA, malfunctions regarding water use are rampant

(see Table 7.7). This has not only created adverse effects for the soil but also leads to

decline in yield in the affected soils.

Table 8.4: Decomposition of Differences in Yields in Affected Lands and Good Lands into Affected Land and Input Changes in Gundur and Hagedal

Source of change Gundur Hagedal I.Affected land -2.486 -1.004 2.Changes in input -9.59 -20.44 a. Seed -0.652 -13.189 b. Fertilizer 0.425 0.768 c.FYM 2.707 4.804 d. Zinc 0.759 -0.509 e. Irrigation 1.197 -1.96 f. Pesticide -14.023 -10.36 Total difference -12.07 -21.45

Further, to examint: the extent of impact of difference in land quality on the average yield,

we have undertaken a decomposition analysis. Here we estimated equation (5) for both the

villages. Since gypsum is used only in the affected lands, the production function has been I

re-estimated for affected land for the purpose of the decomposition analysis. Given that the

elasticity of gypsum was insignificant in both the villages, there was not much difference in

the elasticity of other variables in the production function when it is excluded. With the

help of the elasticities and the mean values of each variable we have decomposed the whole

effect into land effect and input effect and these are presented in Table-8.4. It may be noted

that the percentage decline in the yield from affected land in relation to the good land of

Gundur (-12.07 percent) is less than Hagedal (-21.45 percent). This could be attributed to

better water and land management in Gundur where the WUA is active.

The impact of land quality on yield reduction, keeping inputs constant, is relatively high in

Gundur (-2.5 percent) compared to Hagedal (-I percent). This indicates that with the same

level of resources compared to waterlogging and salinity free areas, the gross output would

198

I

decline by 2.5 percent in Gundur and one percent in Hagedal. However, due to prudent

usage of inputs, the overall decline in yield has been much lesE> in Gundur compared to

Hagedal. In Gundur, the changes in input has accounted for a yield decline of -9.59 percent

whereas in Hagedal it is -20.44 percent. One important point that emerges from the table is

that the impact of irrigation in the affected land in relation to good land is positive in

Gundur while it is negative in Hagedal.

Economics of dcc production

The results of protitability of rice production in both the villages are presented in Table-

8.5. The components included in costs of production are all agricultural inputs, namely:

paid labor, irrigation fees plus the opportunity cost of family labor. In general, irrigated

agriculture is protitable in both the villages in all kinds oflands. However, there is a higher

loss in productinty and profitability in Hagedal than in Gundur where the WUA is active.

Table 8.5: Costs and Net Revenue per Acre of Rice for Various Types of Lands

-Gundur Hagedal

Total [Yield Gross Net NI/TC Cost Yield Gross Net NIITC T~'pes of cost ~g! income incom~ Ratio Rsl Kg! income Income ratio land (TC) acre Rs/acre (NIl acre acre Rs/acre Rs/acre

Normal land 12500 t2S50 22800 10300 0.824 12500 2775 22200 9700 0.776 Land atTected by mil( 12500 ~704 21632 9132 0.731 12500 2662 21296 8796 0.704 ~alinity

Land atTected by moderate 13000 0325 18600 5600 0.431 12500 2220 17760 5260 0.421 salinity Land atTected by sever< 11000 1912 15296 4296 0.391 10000 1700 13600 3600 0.36 salinity Land atTecte( by 12500 P37 21R96 9396 0.752 12000 2625 21000 9000 0.75 mild waterlogging -- r-----Land affected by moderate 13500 t2437 19496 5996 0.444 13500 2369 18952 5452 0.404

waterlogging Land atTected

5700 0.543 by 10000 ~O62 16496 6496 0.649 10500 2025 16200 severe waterlogging

Source: Field wrvey.

199

As seen from the survey data presented in Table-8.S in the lands aftected by moderate

salinity the cost of cultivation is the same as that of normal lands whereas the net revenue

was less. However, the cost of cultivation was found to be maximum in lands affected by

moderate waterlogging in both the villages because farmers showed more concern for

controlling waterlogging. Even then the yield levels are not found very satisfactory.

Although the average margms obtained iTom these lands is less the farmers have no choice

but to cultivate and to maintain their motivation to earn a livelihood. Also in moderately

atlected areas. if the lands show a slight deterioration, the chances are high that farmers

would stop investing on such lands. Thus. it becomes necessary to motivate farmers for

improved practices on such lands to stop further deterioration of the lands. In severe

salinity and waterlogged lands. the net income is less indicating that these areas are

becoming economically less viable to cultIvate. Moreover, farmers opined that it is very

diflicult to neutralize the adverse effects by mere investing in inputs. In such areas agency

intervention is necessary to reclaim the at1ected lands. They also complained that in the

past two years, the marginal income from waterlogged and saline areas has come down

substantially.

Constraints on crop production

Given the chalknges of monocropping and irrigated agriculture it was appropriate to assess

the various production constraInts that the farmers faced. Table-8.6 below presents the way

in whIch famler' s rank constramts on production in both Gundur and Hagedal.

Table 8.6: How Farmers Prioritize Constraints on Production

- --- -- --Constraints Gundur Hagedal

Most serious constraint Crop pest Price fluctuation

2nd most serious constrai~t Lack of knowledge Deteriorating infrastructure ,rd ---:-

3 most serious constramt -Salinity and -waterlogging Salinity and waterlogging

Other problems Shortage of land and land Poor health oflivestock,

fragmentation, pnce tluctuation shortage of labour

debts Source: Own survey_

200

In Gundur, farmers identified crop pest as the most serious constraint on crop productions.

Some farmers expressed the fear of running into debt in the event of poor harvest due to

pest attacks. They complained that, pesticides perform impressively in the short run, but

prove unsustainable on a long-term basis. Further, new pests keep appearing on the plants

and the pesticides are not very effective in destroying them. Agriculture extension has not

been able to offer adequate guidance to farmers to handle the pest menace. When advice is

sought from private agro-centers, different pesticides are supplied every time.

Disappointing results occur due to a decline in the quality of pesticides, as the private

companies do not strictly maintain the standards, as the objective is only one of profit

making. Farmers feel that they are misled into using more pesticides through their

advertising and promotion. So they tend to spray in anticipation of occurrence and the

profuse usage of pesticides has only led to the pest developing greater resistance. In order

to reduce yield losses due to pests and diseases, farmers opt for calendar-based chemical

sprays rather than need based applications which has lead to extensive use of pesticides that

causes chemical residues which disturb the natural flora and fauna. The concept of

integrated pest management9 is not readily available to farmers due to the fact that the

extension workers have not introduced this concept. However, government is

contemplating an amendment to the Pesticide Act, under which it will be compulsory for

all dealers of pesticides to have a qualified dispenser who can advise the farmer on the right

choice and method of usage.

In Hagedal, farmers see price fluctuation as the most serious constraint on production. They

face price tluctuation in paddy within the season. The price of pesticides tend to rise at the

peak season of cultivation, hence farmers have to pay more for purchasing these inputs,

which ultimately enhances the cost of production. In spite of price tluctuation and a rise in

the price of pesticides, farmers refuse to undertake crop diversification.

, It was reported in 'Deccan Herald' that paddy has been affected by a new pest in Koppal, Gangavathi and Raichur districts and if immediate action is not taken, there IS every chance that the Yield may come do;m anywhere between 10 and 90 %. (DH, Oct 2 2002). The highest losses due to pests are expenenced by nce

growers in Asia (Yudelman. Ratta and Nygaard 1998)

9 Integrated pest management program uses comprehensive infonnation on the life cycles of pests and their . , 'th th 'nment I'n combination With avatlable pest control methods to manage pest damage interactIon WI e enVITO . b the most economical means and with the least possible hazard to people. property and the enVIronment. cine of the major constraints in adopting this technique is due to its knowledge mtenslty.

201

In Gundur, while the availability of fertilizers is not a problem, knowledge about its

optimal and timely use is lacking. As reported by a review expressing fertilizer and

environmental concerns, "In the developing countries, the principle cause of environmental

etlects is unscientitic fertilizer practices and not excessively high rates of application"

(Rustagi & Desai 1993). Overuse of Nitrogen could lead to more pest incidence. On the

other hand, under-use of phosphorous and potassium could deplete the natural nutrient

contents of thc soils that could lead to degradation.

Hagedal farmers see poor maintenance of infrastructure as the second most senous

constraint on crop production. According to them, the waterlogging and salinity problems

are mainly due to lack of maintenance of sub distributaries and canals (see Table 5.7). The

canals and other structures are in a bad shape with high levels of seepage and heavy weed

growth so that the tail end farmers cut canal bunds to take water directly. Fanners do not

maintain structures, as there is no WUA in the village. They blame each other and the

agency for the lack of maintenance.

Soils in the study area, which were fertile, are now subjected to different degrees of

degradation. For fanners in both the villages, salinity and waterlogging are most serious

constraints. It is noticed in Gundur that keeping the land fallow, which used to be the most

widespread strategy for maintaining fertility, has been reduced and is often only used

because there is insufficient labor or draught power to cultivate the land. However, the

maintenance of infrastructure and natural drains and water distribution is well taken care of

by the WUA. This helps in achieving conveyance efficiency and field application

efficiency. In Hagedal, where there is no WUA, several factors have triggered the problems

of waterlogging and salinity. The fanners, however, have not realized the importance of

collective action II! because of vested interests. Maintaining natural drains and land

reclamation activities were by and large ignored by CADA. Hence it has failed to fully

address the problems faced by fanners in the study area.

II, The various reasons for the Jack of coordination among farmers are discussed in detail in the previous

chapter. 202

I

Other key problems were the poor health of livestock and lack of labor in Hagedal. Small

farmers who owned livestock mentioned that livestock was used extensively for ploughing

in the absence of purchasing/renting power to obtain tractors. Besides they put their

draught animals into intensive labor by hiring these out for ploughing. The higher the

subsistence pressures the more the intensification of labor by draught animals. Shortage of

land is of concern to Gundur farmers. Othcr challenges in both the villages include inability

to get timely credit, access to veterinary services, etc.

In spite of some of these constraints on crop production, buying land is a very strong

preference exercised by most of the farmers in both the villages. Since water supply is

assured throughout the command it becomes a motivating factor for farmers to buy lands

wherever available irrespective of its location in the distributary command.

The analysis on impact of waterlogging and salinity on yield levels reveals that fanners in

Gundur, where the WUA is present, manage their production efficiently due to better water

management as compared to farmers in Hagedal, where WUA is not present.

Summary and conclusion

Empirical analysis carried out reveals that irrigation is acting as a yield-retarding variable

in the affected lands of Hagedal, whereas in the affected lands of Gundur it is positiVI} but

insignificant. This may be due to better watcr management practices adopted in Gundur.

Fertilizer is the major factor that changes yield in Gundur in both thc lands whcrcas in

Hagedal, fertilizer is significant only in good lands. FYM is found to be highly signiticant

in both the lands of Hagedal. It was found from the decomposition analysis that the impact

of land quality on yield reduction, keeping inputs constant is relatively high in Gundur as

compared to Hagedal. However, due to prudent usage of inputs like fertilizer, irrigation.

etc., the overall decline in yield has been much less in Gundur compared to Hagedal.

In Gundur, timeliness and efficiency in the utilization of water is ensured by the WUA

along with effective and timely maintenance of irrigation infrastructure. So it was good

irrigation services provided by the WUA that had a decisive effect in controlling soil

salinity and waterlogging and ensuring reasonably good yields. In Hagedal, inefticicnt use

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of irrigation water and infrastructure has led to waterlogging and salinity problems along

with reduction in yield levels.

In the lands affected by moderate salinity and waterlogging the cost of cultivation is the

same as that of normal lands whereas the net revenue was less. In severe salinity and

waterlogged lands, the net income is less indicating that these areas are becoming

economically less viable to cultivate. There is a higher loss in productivity and profitability

in Hagedal than Gundur where the WUA is active. If the net income from rice farming falls

short of houschold needs and expectations, there is a danger that farmers will not diversify

crop production. but will invest less in soil fertility management. In Gundur. crop pest is

identi fied by farmers as the most serious constraint on production whereas in Hagedal, it is

price fluctuation. Salinity and waterlogging is identified as the second most serious

constraint in both the villages.

The impact of soil salinity and waterlogging on yield levels of paddy has been studied to a

very limited extent in the Tungabhadra command area. It is therefore not possible to

compare the results with other studies where most of them give a macro picture of the yield

reduction of various crops.

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Appendix 8.1: Water Availability at Farm Level

Sub distributary 3112 is the first off take of the distributary 31, where it has a total designed

discharge of 16 cusecs and irrigates 2183.35 acres localized for paddy, Kharif light, Rabi

light and garden crops. It has 13 outlets and a tail end watercourse covering four villages.

Six outlets with a discharge of 5.89 cusecs serves the lands of the village Hagedal that is

localized for 754.33 acres, of which 320.0 I acres is localized for paddy, while the village

Gundur is served by the tail end watercourse with a discharge of 2.27 cusecs that is

localized for 695.23 acres of which 163.12 acres is localized for paddy. The outlets are

ungated types made of RCC conduit pipes embedded in earthen banks and the irrigated

command area lies on both sides of the outlets. Only the main canals and the distributaries

are equipped with gauges to measure flows whereas a measuring device is not present in

the sub-distrilrutaries and outlets, hence, the exact discharge of water is not accurately

known. No outlet is entirely localized for one season only, meaning that normally no outlet

will ever be closed and all canals will run continuously. Hence, most of the time water is

delivered at the off takes and outlets with little relevance to the actual water requirements

of the crops grown. Adequate physical structures do not exist with which to control

measure or monitor water. Although the sanctioned supplies for outlets are specified,

farmers do not have a way to check the actual supply. Few farmers or engineers are aware

of the exact sanctioned supply and most of the respondents did not know how much water

they were supposed to receive, much less how much they were receiving. At the farm level

in some of the fields, the intake of a paddy fIeld would be the drain of its upper next field .

In such circumstances it is technically ditlicult to identify the precise volume of water

diverted to an individual field or for that matter individual water consumption. It is also

very ditlicult to assess losses caused by seepage and percolation at the farm level.

Water supply is normally stated in number of days of supply in the distributary or number

of minutes at the farm level. If there is no water shortage in the canal, the distributary

should receive the designed discharge for its command area. In such areas, it is assumed

that farmers will use the water to meet the full requirements of the crop. Water is available

on a continuous basis in sub distributary 3112 since it falls in the head reach of TLBC. The

localized cropping pattern is not followed in the study area and paddy is the only crop

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grown in both the villages. Hence it is assumed that the deviation in the cropping pattern is

due to the water availability to the fanncr. Other factors to show adequate water availability

are; farmers irrigating all the lands in both seasons instead of only one part of the land in

each season; irrigating good lands which are not localized; and supplying water to crops

according to their wish instead of according to the official duties II. Hence, in the command

areas of both the villages, in both the seasons the intensities are higher than according to

localization. Consequently, in the upstream reaches of TLBC much more paddy than

localized is irrigated in Khari t~ and in Rabi quite some paddy is irrigated while not

localized. As a result of using excess water in the upper reaches, the downstream areas of

TLBC is left with too little water and the total irrigation intensities is between 60-80

percent (lurriens & Landstra 1989). This means that the area not getting irrigation at all has

been between 20-40 percent, because in the upstream reaches much double cropping was

realized.

Since the amount of irrigation or accurate discharge of water at the fann level or drainage

outt1ow are not exactly aVailable, the average standing water in paddy fields during critical

stages of plant growth of sample fanners is taken as water supply at the farm level.

" The official dulies are substantially too high due to the protective nature of the irriga::: :heme and~~ not cover the actual crop water requirements. This results In farmers takin~ more wate~ ey are entl! e 10 according to the duties. And the irrigation field stam to avoid 100 big clashes WIth the more powerful

farmers do not adhere to the target flows.

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Chapter 9

Summary and Conclusion

Expansions of irrigation through construction of big storage dams was perceived as an

inevitable strategy in the post-independence period to promote, nurture and sustain

production-augmentative agriculture technology to meet the food and fibre requirements of

burgeoning population. Such a perception has led to the explosion of investment in major

and medium irrigation projects, accounting for about three-fourths of the total investment

in irrigation sector. But the benefits from large projects have not been up to the expected

levels and in the desired direction. Many of the major irrigation projects, apart from low

and inefficient performances have also created negative externalities. This seems to have

been mainly due to non-integration of social engineering in the project design and

operation. As a result, the adverse effects like waterlogging and soil salinity have been

increasing in the command areas. This has subjected the construction of large dams to

questionable validity and anti-major irrigation protests have emerged in the recent past. A

wide range of problems and constraints have contributed to the negative externalities.

There have been various policy initiatives in the recent past to incorporate corrective

measures in water use and management strategies in major projects. Beneficiary

participation is one among such initiatives to improve water use and efficiency and to

reduce adverse effects. This study has, therefore, tried to analyse the problems and

prospects of community participation through WU As to improve water use efficiency in 'a

major irrigation project.

• The study was conducted in Tungabhadra (TBP), one of the major irrigation projects in

Karnataka. Two villages namely Hagedal (without Water User Association (WUA» and

Gundur (with Water User Association) coming under the command of 3112 Sub

distributary of Tungabhadra Left Bank Canal (TLBC) in Karnataka were selected. The

selection was based on purposive sampling, the purpose being presence of WUA in one

outlet without WUA in another outlet. Cross-sectional approach was adopted for the study ,

i.e. with and without WUA. The sample size is 69 and 47 farmers in Hagedal and Gundur

respectively.

The general objective ofthe study was to examine the adequacy and etfectiveness of WUA

t ffi ' t' , tl'on management systems In doing so, the study has analysed the to promo e e IClen lmga . .

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role of WUA in improving water use et't- . d . . I' IClency an ensunng enVlwnmenta sakty.

Further, the study has identitied the factors causing soil salinity and waterlogging and

examined the nature of the strategies employed by the stakeholders to overcome the

adverse effects, It has also examined the institutional factors necessary for successful and

sustainable participation by the farmers. The plausible economic benetits in tenns of

productivity and also in avoiding or minimizing adverse etlects on soil fertility were

examined. Finally, the problems and prospects oftormation ofWUA have been analysed,

Data were collected from both the villages through a combination of tormal and intlmnal

fann surveys, participant observation and focused group discussions. The interview

schedule contained a mixture of closed and open-ended questions to elicit intonnation.

Quantitative data regarding crop production (input, output, prices) were collected through

. personal survey and grounded interviews with farmers during the 1999-2000 Kharif and

Rabi season to· obtain detailed information about the various aspects of agriculture and

irrigation practices. The interview schedule was also used to collect more precise

information on various aspects of farmers' perception of the present state of affairs in the

following: irrigation management, water distribution, obstacles for effective government

intervention, water-related litigation and squabbles, reasons for violation of cropping

pattern and unauthorized cultivation, causes of waterlogging and salinity, range of

strategies currently used to manage them, and about the socio-economic and institutional

factors affecting the management of water and soils. In Gundur, where a WUA'is

functioning, a separate interview schedule was also developed to know the various

dimensions of the WUA and how farmers perceived their responsibilities and tasks,

Empirical analysis has been carried out in three stages. In the tirst stage, to examine the

degree of relationship between inputs (fertilizers, pesticide, seed, water, etc.) and output

(paddy) we estimated the correlation coefficient. In the second stage, the Cobb-Douglas

production-function approach has been adopted to determine the impact of soil salinity and

waterlogging on yield levels of paddy. Finally, in the third stage, from the estimated

production functions a decomposition exercise was undertaken to analyze the impact of

changes in inputs and the quality of land on the yield variations. Further, logit regression

was employed to analyze the factors that int1uence the management strategies adopted by

farmers to mitigate the environmental problems,

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In Hagedal, one of the sample villages, there is no formally registered WUA or society. Even

an informal kind of association for water distribution or conflict resolution does not exist in

this village. Attempts are now being made to transfer irrigation management to user groups

as part of the Participatory Irrigation Management (PIM) program implemented in the state.

Whereas in Gundur village there is a WUA formally registered in 1997 under the Kamataka

Co-operative Societies Act. But this was working informally since 1967. The WUA has a

clearly defined service area of about 696 acres covering 172 farmers. WUA was mainly

formed to get water from an inoperative sub-distributary. Hence, the WUA was formed more

out of users' interests than the government involvement.

A majority of sample farmers in both the sample villages belong to upper castes and their

main occupation is agriculture. Education levels are low and the average age of the sample

farmers is between 40 and 45 years. Many of them have long experience in irrigated farming.

Nuclear families are prominent and the migrant Andhra farmers add to the operational

dynamics in the sample villages. In both the villages small, medium and large farmers are

more or less spread across the locations and majority of the sample farmers are large

farmers.

Black cotton soils constitute about 85 percent in both the sample villages and the remaining

are red soils. The villages fall under the rain-shadow region characterised by sparse and

highly variable seasonal rainfall. The TLBC is the main source of irrigation. Groundwater is

used only for domestic purposes. Since both the villages fall in the upper reaches of TLBC

water availability is not a problem to the farmers. Paddy is the dominant crop. Farmers

• follow the traditional method of paddy cultivation, where fields are flooded throughout the crop

growth period. Violation of cropping pattern and unauthorised cultivation is a common

feature in both the villages.

To realise the objectives of the study, the incidence and prevalence of salinity and

waterlogging in the study villages was examined. Further, the management strategies

adopted by the farmers to mitigate such adverse effects was also observed. The status of

adverse effects was examined based on farmers' perceptions. Crop performance in terms of

yield is the main criteria for classification. The problems of waterlogging and salinity are

analysed not only from the point of view of soil fertility deterioration, but also from the

point of water use practices. Although perceptions are not as accurate as technical

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measurements, they otlered useful insights of ground realities. In the absence of any field

level data on waterlogging and salinity, farmers' perceptions arc meaningful.

Summary of the study findings

A synthesis of major findings and trends are presented below.

• Some of the factors contributing to irrigation-induced salinity and waterlogging include

over irrigation, lack of infrastructure maintenance, insut1iciency of drainage, and

violation of cropping pattern. The extent of waterlogging and the associated soIl

salinity is more in Hagedal than in Gundur where WUA is effective. The percentage of

farmers operating within the safe limits of waterlogging and salinity in Gundur is,

therefore morc when compared to Hagedal. Although the trend of problematic soils

remained constant over a period of time, the rate of increase In problematic soils was

much faster in Hagedal village.

• To manage and control the twin problem of waterlogging and salinity farmers have

adopted appropriate strategies based on their own their perception and indigenous

experience. They employed as many as 15 on-farm strategies, which include various

agronomic and physical soil and water conservation measures to mitigate the adverse

etlects already taken place. The strategies adopted are classi tied under three broad

categories namely preventive, curative and a combination of both. Preventive measufes

include judicious use of water, construction of field channels, on farm developmcnt like

bunding, land levelling and shaping. Curative measures in elude application of gypsum

and zinc, deep and intensive ploughing and higher seed rate. Combination of both

curative and preventive measures constitute, application of FYM, green manuring,

propcr discharge of excess water by providing drainage and maintaining natural drains.

• In Gundur WUA has facilitated farmers to adopt preventive and a combination of

curative and preventive strategies. In Hagedal, farmers mostly concentrated on curative

strategies, though the problem of waterlogging and salinity are more. The absence of

WUA is the main limiting factor in Hagedal. As reveal cd by the qualitative analysis

adoption of strategy to mitigate the adverse effects, in Hagedal, is mostly determined

by the credit availability and the non-farm income. But in Gundur, it is the experience

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In irrigated fanning of the fanner, cattle strength and the presence of WUA that

detennines the adoption of management strategy.

In Gundur green manuring was propagated by WUA to reduce the intensity of salinity

and waterlogging. Awareness is built among the fanners about the type of green

manuring to be done depending on the salinity conditions of the soil. Sheep penning

and application of sand in waterlogged area is another important activity taken up by

the WUA. Such collective approach is conspicuous by its absence in Hagedal village.

Some fanners on their own try to collect infonnation and adopt such practices. Since

the agency has not taken any initiative in imparting knowledge of proper fanning

methods or the hazards of over irrigation and the strategies one has to adopt to mitigate

salinity and waterlogging conditions, fanners' etforts to restore soil fertility are found

to be less adequate.

• In case of Gundur, WUA takes responsibilities to maintain field canals, sub-distributary

and drainage nalas properly through collective effort and community labour. In the

absence of WUA in Hagedal, drop structures and pipe outlets are in bad condition.

Fanners have not taken up cleaning the natural drains. They do not bother to maintain

the structures since it is a common property. With the result, the infrastructure has been

, in a bad shape. Natural drains have also disappeared due to siltation and negligence of

fanners. This has further aggravated the problem of waterlogging and salinity in the

village.

• • When water use efficiency is compared between the villages with and without WUA,

some interesting perceptions on the proposed institutional base at the user level emerge.

For instance when water users take over the management timeliness and efficiency in

the utilisation of water is ensured, as seen in Gundur. Secondly, such responsibilities

are exercised in the collective interest of the community, which has eventually led to

better environment and protection of soils. In Hagedal irrational action on the part of

each irrigator due to non-excludability and rivalry brought about inefficient use of

irrigation water and the deterioration of physical structures due to lack of maintenance.

With the result, everybody has become worse off. Lack of institutional base to manage

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water at the user level has invariably led to environmental problems affecting welfare

of the farmers in general.

Resource mobilisation for efficient management of water distribution system is good in

the village where WUA is active. For instance, in Gundur farmers are not hesitant to

pay water charges on time since quality of irrigation service is provided by the WUA.

WUA is financially viable due to progressive revision in water charges, high rates of

recovery and mobilization of local labour to carry out maintenance activities of

infrastructure. WUA has ensured a high degree of transparency and accountability in

their relations with the members. This has helped members to repose confidence and

trust in WUA. Office bearers with strong managerial skills have achieved sound

management of infrastructure and provided good irrigation service to WUA members.

In Hagedal reluctance to pay water charges is due to bad maintenance of infrastructure

by the agency and also there is an incentive for farmers to under report the total area

irrigated, since local officials maintain the records and supervision is lacking to ensure

their accuracy. Illegal diversion of water or taking water out of tum is a major reason

for contlict in Hagedal.

• Paddy is the preferred crop in both the villages. The major reason for violation of

I cropping pattern in' Hagedal is found to be availability of more water, followed by

assured returns from paddy. In Gundur the major reason for violation was due to the

decision taken by the WUA to grow only paddy. The reason is assured returns, as in the

case of other village, and the farmers believe that black soil is suited for paddy crop.

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Farmers respond to market signals and not necessarily follow the suggested localisation

pattern for want of economic incentives. Unfortunately, the command authority is

unable to enforce strict cropping patterns, since farmers were given freedom, or even

encouraged to grow paddy in the early years of project construction. Farmers are

willing to diversify cropping pattern, if marketing facilities and support prices are

ensured.

As revealed by the empirical analysis, irrigation is acting as a yield retarding variable in

the lands affected by waterlogging and salinity in Hagedal, whereas in the affected

lands of Gundur it is positive but insignificant. This is mainly due to better water

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management practices evolved by WI iA. FcrtllIser IS thc major tactor that ,han!!~"S

yield in Gundur in hoth. the good lands and the land, afkck-d by salinity and

waterlogging. In Hagedal, fertilIser IS sigmticant only In good lands. FYM IS tound to

be highly signiticant in both the good and thc atkc\ed lands of Hagt..-dal. It was found

trom decomposition analysis that the impact of land quality on Yield rt..-ductlOn. k~-epin8

inputs constant is relatively high in Gundur compared to Hagedal. Howevcr. due to

prudent usage of inputs like fertiliser. Irrigation etc.. the o\erall declinc 10 yteld has

been much less in Gundur compared to Hagedal. So limners In Gundur. where WUA is

present. manage their production efliciently due to hcllcr water management as

compared to farmers in Hagedal, where WLJA IS not pn:scnt.

• The results of the study also indicate that in Gundur. Insplte of efticlcnt water

distribution and maintenance of infrastructure. the prohlem of waterlogging and salimty

still persists, though not on a wider scale. The total control of the prohlems remams a.' a

difficult task for WLJA because of financial investments nceded, adequate equipment.

and technical skills to operate and manage the productIOn system. This shows that

institutions are necessary but not sutlicient to offer towl solutions to the prohlems of

resource deh'Tadation.

I. CADA or ah'licultural department was not effective enough 111 impartmg knowledge to

farmers about hetter water and soil management practices. (jm'CnuTIent programn1cs

executed both at the system level and fann level to prevent and n:c1alln the aflCcted

soils seemed to be not adequate. On farm development. including dramage IS slow and

• CADA has not been successful in preventing unauthonsed cultivatl()n or \iolation of

cropping pattern.

• In Gundur the most important factor contributing to the sustainability of the WU A IS

fair water distribution practices. control free riders. maintenance of infrastructure and

conflict resolution. The WLJA has provided an enabling em'ironment for farmer

participation and investment and hence the fanners displayed a higher propensity to

support such a WUA. This has developed a sense of ownership among farmers and

extended support for better and efficient functioning of WUA. Change in the mmdset

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bought about by WUA has led to the successful management of their irrigation

systems.

In Hagedal a large section of the farmers did not feel the necessity of WUA. Several

socio-economic constraints have contributed for not forming WUA. Farmers feel that

establishment of WUA is essentially for increasing water charges, to reduce or avoid

subsidies provided to them. Large farmers do not show interest for a different reason

altogether. They feel their control and authority in management matters get reduced if

WUA is in place. They Farmers do not havc a clear concept of WUA, its advantages,

roles and responsibilities of different stakeholders. Moreover, when water supply is

plentiful there is little reason for farmers to form WUA as they have the necessary

water. That is the reason why farmers are not in favour of WUA, which has resulted in

perpetuation of indiscipline in water use and consequent increase in environmental

problems.

• The on-going PIM programme in TBP is fraught with several socio-economic and

technical constraints. Some of them are unauthorised cultivation, violation of cropping

pattern, indiscipline water use, deprivation of water for tail reach farmers, confusion

about volumetric pricing, deteriorated infrastructure, to mention a few. These factors

are posing problem for the proposed volumetric supply of water and thereby the

effective formation of WUAs in the upper and the middle reaches of the project. This I

shows that the agency has no clear cut operational plan. They are only pressurising the

farmers to form WUAs to achieve the targets fixed by the government. By seeing this

attitude one tends to get an impression that the agency, which currently enjoys

authority, is less enthusiastic to implement participatory management. Moreover the

emphasis is on transfer of rcsponsibility rather than authority to the user associations.

Policy Suggestions

The findings of the study call for some policy initiatives at various levels, a brief summary

of which is presented below.

• The information available at present m Tungabhadra project on the extent and

magnitude of waterlogging and salinity is scanty and partial. The estimates at the farm

level, both in economic and environmental terms, are meagre and there is no data that

indicate the trend of salinity and waterlogging. In the absence of reliable and

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comparable estimates, it would be dimcult to plan investment decisions and

appropriate management, technology and policy options. Given the violation of

cropping pattern, lack of drainage and over utilisation of water at the upper and middle

reaches of TBP regular mo't' f bl t' I' .. . m onng 0 pro ems 0 water oggmg and sahmty becomes

imperative. It is. therefore, necessary to create reliable estimates regarding the

magnitude of the problem and its intensity in different pockets of the command area.

The study has shown that the farmers have developed local practices to mitigate the

probkms of waterlogging and salinity. Efforts should also be made to understand why

farmers accept and undertake certain indigenous methods. This would help in

developing improved technologies. Extension should be based on local systems of

knowledge. Extension statl should assist farmers with their experimentation by

providing technical back-up.

• Farmers in both the villages are inclined to shift to water intensive crops. They believe

that their soils arc suitable to only paddy, and it is not possible to switch over to

irrigated dry crops. Lack of knowledge and awareness about the alternative crops,

their production potentials and marketability seem to have perpetuated paddy culture.

While their beliefs may be reasonable they are not infallible. Hence the intervention

has to be two fiJld. First. conscious effort is required to wean farmers away from

growing crops with high water requirements in areas prone to salinity and

waterlogging and encourage them to grow irrigated dry crops. Farmer's decisiol} to

b'TOW any crop is mainly based on risk, investment and return criteria. Therefore, when

recommending changes in farming practices, the recommended changes should be

shown to provide tangible results. Also effective and timely agriculture extension

support is required to motivate farmers to diversify their cropping pattern. Second, if

farmers prefer to grow paddy, attention should be paid to improve irrigation water

management of paddy fields. Farmers should be encouraged to adopt System of Rice

Intensification. It is a well-established paddy cultivation method that consumes only

two-thirds as much water compared to the present normal practice and produces good

yields. This technique is found to be successful and is gaining acceptance around the

world. Another technique is alternate wetting and drying which has been proved

successful in the paddy growing areas of China. However, practical demonstration

along with an active campaign is required.

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The results obtained from the case study indicated that the WUA has been successful

in controlling salinity and waterlogging to a larger extent. This shows that associations

are a necessary but not a sufficient condition to offer solutions to the problems of

waterlogging and salinity. The total control of the problems remains a difficult task for

WUA with the investments needed, both financially for adequate equipment, and in

skills tor mechanical, chemical and biological maintenance activities. The nature of

the problem makes government intervention necessary and calls for developing strong

programmes on creating awareness to farmers regarding various technical and

management strategies they need to adopt to mitigate the adverse efTects.

It was noticed that the technical interventions by CADA have taken a top-down

approach, fOCUSing exclusively on physical reclamation of saline lands. This approach

is not sustainahle, as people are not involved in the identitication and reclamation

measures. Reclamation measures should not be taken in isolation, but considered as

part of an inteb'Tated range of measures to maintain soil fertility. While more efforts

should he made to tackle high salinity problems by the agency, the main challenge is

to pre\ent land experiencing moderate levels of salinity and waterlogging from

hecomlng worse.

• In the ahsence of proper drainage in TBP, Bio-Drainage, which is an effective

drainage measure in dry and arid regions, should be introduced. It is a combined

drainage-cum-disposal system and relies on vegetation, rather than mechanical meSlns,

to remove excess water. This can be done through plantation of properly selected

species of trees at suitable locations to meet the drainage requirements without any

loss in agricultural produce. It is less expensive, environment friendly and socially

acceptahle.

• The current riM programme occumng In the state, although noble in its idea on

Imgation water management by the users, do not consider the problems of

waterlogging and salinisation and ignores the issue of collective management of

drainage. Farmers need to be convinced of the benefits derived from drainage. It

would he advantageous if WUA were given the responsibility of maintaining natural

drains along with O&M responsibility of functional infrastructures. In the absence of

proper drainage in TBP, responsibility of collective maintaining of natural drains

could he aSSigned to them. The agency should play an important monitoring and

regulatory role with regard to the maintenance of the drainage system. The current

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PIM policy should not just stops at the entry to the fann. The greatest technical

challenge lies in the integration of soil, agriculture and irrigation water management

strategies that need to be integrated. Hence the crux in a major irrigation project is not

for a reduced agency intervention but for a better intervention, which is more

responsive to the fanners needs.

Some suggestions in the formation ofWUA

• Before the tlmnation of WUA, system rehabilitation becomes crucial. For, none of

the distrihution canals and hydraulic structures has the original design standards. The

fact that fanncrs do not have the requisite technical skills and financial resources to

restore the system to design standards, without which efficient distribution and use

of water remains only as a myth, merits attention of the refonn planners. The spread

and scale of rehabilitation should, to the extent possible, take local conditions and

stakeholders views and suggestions about the ways and means of restoring the

system, including the placement of irrigation structures, to ensure its sustainability.

It should be made clear to fanners that once the system is handed over to them, it

becomes their property and therefore the responsibility of maintaining it rests

exclusively with them.

• The transfer of the system should lead to the birth of the WUA with a built-in

property right to all users. The present study and past experiences show that an

institution born out of users' interests is sustained for generations and those cremed

by the government nonnally or an outside agency invariably is short lived with

limited success. A set of conceptual themes, namely, defining water as an economic

good, decentralized management, delivery structures and participation of the

stakeholders need to be well articulated and implanted in the mindset of the

irrigation engineers and fanners.

• The development process should be participatory based on a logically-framed

stepwise approach, where entry and exit points for water users, irrigation engineers

and the allied agricultural extension agency are clearly spelt out. The role of the

WUAs should he clearly articulated, discussed in the social mobilization process and

should be mutually accepted. Those discussions may include, among others, non­

water priorities, sharing of system rchahilitation and modernization costs, selection

of operation and management interventions with huilt-in flexibility to adapt to the

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Ilh.:atwn-sp':':1 tic c"nditions. The role and usefulness of the common sense approach,

hesid.:s a t.:chn,,-c.:ntnc prokssiunal approach n d t b . d 'd' . , ee soc given ue consl erattOn

111 llrli.:r tll prom"I': and .:nsure sustainability.

Tralllll1\! \\ til plav a vilal role in capacity bUI'ldl'ng Th I t't . . d b - . . e sea e 0 rammg nee s to e

hlk.:d lip ;11 1\\ I' k\els: one, at the Ic\cl of the irrigation bureaucracy and the other,

lit" \\'l".\, III c'ln er tanners and \VUA timctionaries, Formal and informal training

slll'uld help In capacity huilding of concerned officers and of farmers and office

h.:an:rs I,f Wl':\ tl' t'>rIn and run th.: WUAs smoothly and profitably. Hence,

trallllng c.:nt.:rs h;l\,' ", he ,:slahlish.:d in all the major commands to train both the

fanners and the ag.:ncy.

Gi\l:n the aJ\I:rse etlccts purport.:dly cr.:at.:d hy irrigation projects on one hand and greater

nCt.oJ II, u!tlise natural resources 10 me.:t food r.:quirements of increasing population on the

otht.,., has koJ to a de\ dopmenl dilemma in the country. Dilemmas exist about the feasibility

of buildmg more and more major irrigation projects as there is fear at some quarters that

such pn')t.'l.:ts arc en\lronmentallY dISastrous. Indeed the scope of green revolution is almost

limited to Irrigated lands reinforces the crucial importance of irrigation. Consequently, the

advCfSC impacts caust.oJ hy large irrigation projects and canal irrigation have also led to a lot

of discussion and dehate hy environmentalists regarding the investment priority given to this

sector. Although one h;" Itl guard against environmental fundamentalism, there is little

doubt about the adverse Illlpacts of such projects. This docs not necessarily imply' that

pctlple's livcs should he ,aenticed tl)r the sake ofthc environment. People should however

he treated as an integral cllmponent of the environment and their interests should be

mextricably tied to the well being of the larger system. Hence, it is axiomatic in these

ctr\;umstanccs to hutld or ensure environment triendly irrigation management by involving

user communities and other stake holders.

218

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