University of the Philippines

College of Arts and Sciences

Department of Social Sciences

ABANDONED BOATS:

The Circular Migration of Youth Fisherfolks in the Communities of Rizal

An Undergraduate Thesis in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the

Degree of Bachelor of Arts in Development Studies

Submitted by

Patricia Mari T. Mungcal

2012-21666

BA Development Studies

Submitted to

Professor Allan Joseph F. Mesina

Adviser

April 2016

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APPROVAL SHEET

April 2016

This thesis, entitled Abandoned Boats: The Circular Migration Of Youth

Fisherfolks in the Communities of Rizal, prepared and written by Patricia Mari T.

Mungcal, in partial fulfillment of the requirements in Development Studies 199.2 for the

Degree of Bachelor in Arts in Development Studies, is hereby recommended for

approval.

_____________________________

Prof. Allan Joseph F. Mesina

Thesis Adviser

Department of Social Sciences

This thesis is hereby accepted and approved as partial fulfillment for the

requirements for the Degree of Bachelor in Arts in Development Studies.

_______________________________

Prof. Jerome A. Ong

Chairperson

Department of Social Sciences

University of the Philippines Manila

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Thank you, UP Manila, for giving me this life-changing experience to study the

lives of my country’s fisherfolks. Writing my thesis has brought me to many different

places, to many different faces. Thank you to my beloved family, friends, Development

Studies family, and Christ’s Beloved Community for giving me your support and prayers,

especially during the times I needed them most.

Thank you to the fisherfolks and families in Brgy. Ticulio, Binangonan and Brgy.

Pipindan, Cardona, Rizal. Thank you, PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas, for helping me

maximize this opportunity to learn about the reality of our society. You have welcomed

me not just as a field worker or as a visitor, but also as a friend. Thank you for sharing

your precious stories of struggles and victories with me.

And most importantly, I thank my Lord and Savior, my Anchor, my Best Friend.

You, my God, have taught me so much in my four years in UP. Thank You for teaching

me to stretch my faith in You, in good times and in bad, in bliss and in distress. You

taught me that to love You dearly and think of other people ahead of myself could be the

best and most fulfilling way to live. Thank You, for Your sovereign and steadfast love

serve as an anchor that keeps me steady and strong. To You, my God, I attribute all the

success and honor. May all of these glorify You and You alone.

I pray that You become greater and greater in my life, as I become less and less.

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ABSTRACT

They start fishing with an early age. They study, so they could work in the cities.

They continue to fish, even if it’s not sufficient. They dream to work somewhere else. They

land a job in a factory. They work overtime, for they know their wages are barely

enough. They come back. They spend income on food. Then get out to work in the cities.

They come back. They get out to work. They come back. They get out to work.

This thesis investigates the process of circular labor migration among the youth in

the fishing communities of Rizal. It aims to reject the idea that rural-urban migration is

merely a product of push and pull factors, but rather a phenomenon controlled by the

prevailing global economic structure. This research describes the interconnectedness of

the economic, cultural, political, and structural factors that are manifested as push and

pull factors.

The analysis of data in this study is divided in each stage of circular migration:

pre-departure, on-site, the return, reintegration, and the vicious cycle, and its connection

to globalization; in order to describe the forced and structural nature of circular migration

holistically.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Approval Sheet .............................................................................................................. i

Acknowledgement ......................................................................................................... ii

Abstract ........................................................................................................................ iii

List of Tables and Figures ........................................................................................... vi

Chapter I: Thesis Proposal

Introduction .....................................................................................................................2

Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................5

Methodology ...................................................................................................................6

Theoretical Framework ....................................................................................................9

Review of Related Literature ......................................................................................... 13

Definition of Terms ....................................................................................................... 42

Chapter II: Data Presentation and Analysis

Data Presentation ........................................................................................................... 45

Data Analysis ................................................................................................................ 66

Rural-Urban Labor Outmigration of the Fisherfolks ................................................... 66

The Youth among the Fisherfolks of Isla de Talim ..................................................... 67

Before They Leave .................................................................................................... 69

Youth’s Involvement in the Fish Production ........................................................... 70

Fishing from the Eyes of the Youth ......................................................................... 71

Parents Discourage their Children to Fish ............................................................. 73

The Decision to Leave ............................................................................................... 74

The Push and Pull Factors of Labor Migration ...................................................... 75

Education and Migration ....................................................................................... 78

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Who Influence Them to Leave? .............................................................................. 80

Working in the Cities ................................................................................................. 81

The Places They Go To .......................................................................................... 82

Fisherfolk Youths in Urban Jobs ............................................................................ 82

Staying in the City .................................................................................................. 83

The Vulnerability of the Youth Migrants ................................................................. 85

The Return of the Labor Migrants .............................................................................. 86

The Negative Circularity of Rural-Urban Labor Migration......................................... 87

Labor Migration from a Macro Perspective ................................................................ 89

Everything is Interconnected .................................................................................. 89

Globalization and Labor Migration ....................................................................... 91

Structures in the Philippines and Labor Migration ................................................. 93

Chapter III : Conclusion and Recommendations

Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 97

Recommendations ....................................................................................................... 102

Bibliography .............................................................................................................. 105

Appendix .................................................................................................................... 110

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LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES

Table 1. A Summary of Aquaculture Production by Culture Environment and Region,

2014 (Metric Tons) ........................................................................................................ 20

Table 2. Number of People Employed Per Fishing Category .......................................... 22

Table 3. Number of Municipal and Fishing Operators by ............................................... 28

Table 4. Demographic Profile of Participants from Brgy. Ticulio and Brgy. Pipindan .... 48

Table 5. Fishing and Urban Work Experience of the Youth Participants ........................ 50

Table 6. Perceptions on Fishing in the Laguna Lake ...................................................... 51

Table 7. Factors Affecting Their Labor Migration* ........................................................ 53

Table 8. Influence to Migration Decision ....................................................................... 55

Table 9. Urban Destinations and On Returning To the Rural Communities .................... 56

Table 10. Nature of Urban Work.................................................................................... 58

Table 11. Perceptions on Youth’s Vulnerability in Urban Workplace ............................ 61

Table 12. Experiences and Preferences .......................................................................... 61

Table 13. On Repeating Labor Migration ....................................................................... 62

Table 14. Issues in the Laguna Lake and Fish Production .............................................. 63

Figure 1. Map of Brgy. Ticulio ...................................................................................... 45

Figure 2. Map of Brgy. Pipindan ................................................................................... 46

vii

For Ka Romy

1

CHAPTER I

Thesis Proposal

2

The Circular Migration of Youth Fisherfolks in Rizal

The Philippines, being an archipelagic country with 7,107 islands, has more water

than land. In this geographical sense, it is easy to say that the fisheries sector plays an

important role in the country. Many Filipinos live along the coast and have depended

their livelihood to the nearest bodies of water there. However, found in the same sector

was the highest poverty incidence in 2012 with 39.2% followed by the farmers (38.3%)

and children (35.2%). This means that 4 in every 10 fisherfolks were considered poor.

In the country, the sector is categorized into three: commercial, municipal, and

aquaculture. Municipal fishing, small-scale capture fisheries from three gross ton boats or

fishing not requiring fishing vessels, is done in coastal and inland waters with the

fisherfolks’ local technology. In municipal fishing could be found 80% of the fisherfolks

living under the poverty threshold, suffering from the backward nature of their fishing

technology. Commercial fishing is the practice with the use of fishing vessels more than

three gross tons. While aquaculture is fish production with the use of brackishwater

fishpond, freshwater fishpond, fish pen and fish cages in fresh and marine waters, and

mariculture of oyster, mussel and seaweeds. Aquaculture contribution to total fisheries

production has been consistently increasing through the years. However, as it progresses,

its direct producers - the fisherfolks and the fish workers - remain faceless in the eyes of

the government as far as research is concerned. Aquaculture has long been practiced in

the Philippines, but only in the 1990s did the industry advanced. From the start of its

promotion, it was geared for exports production. From this moment on, the government’s

fisheries program prioritizes aquaculture as it equates modernization of the sector with

3

increases in export production. The globalization of Philippine agriculture and fisheries

boosted the mushrooming industry of aquaculture.

The globalization of the aquaculture industry brought in changes to its

stakeholders. Among them are the spread of fish cages, fish pens, and fish ponds that

caused changes to the quality of freshwater reservoirs. With the explosion of fish cage

industry in the mid-1990s, water quality in the lakes deteriorated. Another direct impact

of the policies that adhere to globalization is the displacement and the plummeting

income of fisher families.

As a result of the problematic state of this sector, the fisherfolks were forced to

seek other sources of income to secure their livelihoods. For instance, they have become

contractual wage workers in factories in the urban, leaving their fishing communities

behind.

The situation of the fisherfolks in the Laguna de Bay serves as the microcosm of

the fishing sector in the country. The small fishing communities of Rizal are just some of

the victims of the globalization of aquaculture and fisheries, the backward technology of

municipal fishing in the Philippines and the privatization and conversion of the Laguna

Lake as they face the threats of labor outmigration.

The difficult situation of fisherfolks in the communities of Rizal “pushes” them to

look for other sources of income outside their community, thus labor outmigration. This

forced labor outmigration of rural fisherfolks is an overlooked migration phenomenon in

the country. Due to the different livelihood and environmental problems faced by the

fisherfolks they were forced to go out and look for other sources of income mainly in the

urban.

4

Amidst these communities, the youth also – the children from the fishing families

- are not much attracted to fisheries anymore. With their worsening conditions, they

prefer to leave their community and look for a different occupation, may it be a

contractual job in a factory or a seasonal construction work in the city perceiving these as

more stable source of income than fishing. The decline of youth’s participation in the fish

production is problematic for they hold the future of their communities, moreso their

sector. In this phenomenon, the small-scale municipal fisherfolks have been further

marginalized as they were forced to leave the traditional practices and knowledge that

they were accustomed to, in order to seek other occupations. In the end, the so-called

development of the fisheries industry leads to the death of the sector itself.

The goal of the researcher is to investigate the process of circular labor migration,

specifically the factors that motivate them to leave their fishing livelihood in the rural for

a temporary job in the urban. The researcher aims to discover the deeper, more

comprehensive root of these factors.

5

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

What is the process of circular migration experienced by the youth among

the fishing communities of Rizal? What are the factors that drive them into circular

migration?

One of the pressing yet overlooked phenomena the fishers have is the labor

outmigration from their communities, which leads to the decline of the fishing

population. The question of genuine development comes into place when, as the industry

modernize and undergo development programs from the government, the sector’s

stakeholders experience poverty and choose to leave the livelihood they were accustomed

to.

The fishing communities in Rizal rely on the largest lake in the Philippines,

Laguna de Bay, for their livelihood. From generations to generations, they witnessed how

the administrations initiated their development programs for the lake. As years passed,

trends among the fisherfolks in Rizal become noticeable – labor outmigration. The youth

among the fisherfolks should be a concern as they determine the future of this sector. The

rampant labor outmigration among the youth in fishing communities needs to be critically

analyzed in order to preserve the fishing population in the country.

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METHODOLOGY

The methods that will be used in the study are the mix of quantitative and

qualitative research. The researcher will use different strategies of inquiry such as

surveys, key informant interviews, case studies, and phenomenological research.

The surveys will be conducted among the youth of selected fisherfolk

communities in Rizal. The participants of this survey research are the youth under the age

18-35 years old. The researcher targets 30 participants from each fisherfolk community.

Purposive sampling method will be used for the surveys. Purposive sampling, also called

judgment, selective, or subjective sampling, is a non-probability sampling method that is

based on the knowledge of the researcher on a population and the purpose of the study. In

this method, the researcher relies on her knowledge to select sample group members.

With this, the researcher must have sufficient knowledge of the topic to select the number

of participants for the activity. This method is less time consuming compared to many

other sampling methods and the results of the purposive sampling are usually more

representative of the target population.

Key Informant Interviews are informal, conversational interviews. A key

informant is a person who is knowledgeable, at least in some of the topics of interest of

the research. Most people act as informants without realizing this, especially when they

offer information earned from their daily experiences. The informants are expected to

respond in their own words in order to express their personal views. The purpose of this

type of interview is to have an in-depth understanding on qualitative issues. Through this

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interview, the researcher could understand the views of the people on certain issues, learn

their local terminologies, and realize their perceptions and experiences. Key Informant

Interviews will be conducted among the locals, elders and officials from the

communities. They will be questioned about their perspective on the prevailing culture

among the youth - their participation on production works, perceptions on the fishing

industry - and their perceived trends regarding the outmigration of youth for labor.

Moreover, key informant interviews will also be conducted with government

organizations, youth organizations and nongovernmental organizations assisting the

youth and the fisherfolks in the community.

Focus group discussions were also a tool used for the study. The researcher

conducted FGDs among the adults/parents in Brgy. Ticulio and Pipindan. It is a type of

in-depth interview accomplished in a group, whose meetings present the characteristics

defined with respect to the proposal, size, composition, and interview procedures. The

object of this activity is to identify the dynamics within the group as the participants

influence each others’ ideas. The general characteristics of a focus group are people’s

involvement, a series of meetings, the homogeneity of participants with respect to

research interest, the generation of qualitative data, and discussion of the topic. The goals

of focus group discussions are to have the participants understand and reflect on the topic

being researched and to explore new areas of research or to examine the knowledge and

opinions of the participants (Freitas, Oliveria, et.al. 1998).

Phenomenological research will be used to understand the phenomenon of

outmigration through the lived experiences of youth and adults in the area. The goal of

phenomenological research is to describe the “lived experience” of a phenomenon. It

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involves trying to understand the phenomenon by examining the views of those who

experienced it. This type of research is interested with the individual experiences of the

people. Interviews, surveys, and questionnaires could be used to gather the data from the

participants. Non-directive measures could also be used by asking their views and

perspectives on specific things. This method of research aims to understand how the

world works for others. This particular method is useful as it will guide the researcher to

seek to understand the perception of its participants. It will direct the study to be

community-based and collaborative. In the case of the topic, phenomenological research

seeks to understand the situation and the experiences of the participants in the

phenomenon of labor migration.

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THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The researcher will be using the participatory/advocacy worldview in her research

study. In this framework, the research contains an action agenda for reform that may

change the lives of the participants, the institutions in which the individuals work or live,

and the researcher’s life. Moreover, specific issues such as, empowerment, inequality,

oppression, domination, suppression, and alienation (Creswell, 2009). The

participatory/advocacy research explores the political reality of the participants. With

this, the findings gathered by the researcher are discussed and negotiated with the

participants, as to see their perspectives and experiences. In exploring this, the whole

political environment is involved. Social classes, structure, economy, livelihood, culture,

groups and organizations, and political forces, among others are taken into account.

Using this theoretical framework, the researcher will analyze the situation of the

participants, the youth fisher folks who face the challenges of outmigration from the rural

to the urban areas. This structure assumes a collaborative and community-based research

so as not to further marginalize the participants as a result of the inquiry. Consequently,

the participants may assume role in designing the questions, collecting data, analyze

information, and gain from the study. Participatory/ advocacy worldview may be biased

as the values of the participants are taken into account and could be negotiated with the

researcher, in order to understand the participants further and deeper. This conceptual

framework will be useful as it will be a tool in analyzing the marginalized double

burdened conditions of the participants, as they suffer from being part of the youth and

being part of the sector with the highest poverty incidence, the fisher folks. This

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advocacy research aims to give voice to the participants, raising their agenda for the

improvement of their welfare.

This form of inquiry is focused on helping individuals free themselves from

constraints found in the media, in language, in work procedures, and in the relationships

of power in educational settings (Creswell, 2009). This research aims to be a tool to

expose the actual situation of the participants in the society. It uses a rhetoric that will

help bring about change and advocate for the participants. Furthermore, it emancipates

the participants by empowering their voices and stance about the issues they are facing.

In this worldview, the researcher exposes the situation of the marginalized participants

and the political reality they live in. The researcher also critically analyzes the

contradictions in the area. The research will oppose and criticize the policies and other

forces that prove to bring the participants into oppression and marginalization. Moreover,

proposals and recommendations will also be derived from the findings of the study. In

participatory/advocacy worldview, the researcher will conduct her study with the aims of

exposing the reality, opposing forces that oppresses the participants, and proposing

alternative solutions. The research contains an action agenda that may change the lives of

the participants in the study.

The research also adopts the Marxist theory of Dialectical Materialism as its

second theoretical framework. The dialectical method of reasoning was evolved by early

Greek thinkers, which was popularized by the German idealist philosopher Hegel.

“Thesis”, “Antithesis”, and “Synthesis” were the major concepts this theory evolves on.

This approach acknowledges that the underlying rationale of the human

perception of the world is called “Thesis”. However, as the human society progresses,

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people discover that the frame of this theory does not fit them. As people begin to realize

how “Thesis” falls short, they search for an alternative that could answer their way of

thinking, “Antithesis”. Therefore, the “Synthesis” was the result of frictions and

contradictions arising from the thesis and anti-thesis. Furthermore, Marx, departing from

Hegel’s idea, emphasized that humans are material being. He highlighted how before a

man could philosophize, he should be able to eat. And in order to eat, man should be able

to produce. Marx also elaborated how in the process of production, man links to nature

and to other people, but more than that, to the roles they are playing in the process. With

this, the whole production process is a social process. Dialectical materialism argues that

the economic life of the society is the objective reality which is independent of human

will and consciousness, and that the relationship of the two opposed classes is the central

defining feature of the mode of production (Nmom, 2011).

This effectively fits into the historical study and crisis faced by the fisher folks in

Rizal. It will be useful in dissecting the material causes of the shifts in the fishing

production, specifically the outmigration of youth fisher folks from the area. Moreover,

this theoretical framework acknowledges that conflicts and contradictions are present on

the everyday lives of the fisher folks. As it analyzes the historical and material

background of the diaspora, it is also a tool in studying the issues resulted by the

phenomenon.

Both participatory/advocacy worldview and dialectical materialism will be used

by the researcher to deepen the study of labor migration phenomena experienced by the

youth fisher folks. These theoretical frameworks will be utilized to study the conflicts in

the rural push and urban pull factors, and in the diaspora. In addition to that, the welfare

12

of the participants will be prioritized in the study, highlighting their conditions and

struggle in the phenomena. Both frameworks analyze the roots of the participants and

consider their situations. Participatory/ advocacy worldview and dialectical materialism

both prioritize the welfare of the participants and engage them into an active participation

in the research process. . Participatory/Advocacy worldview will benefit the study in

guiding the researcher to prioritize the welfare of the participants in every stage of the

process. With the guidance of this worldview, the voice of the youth fisherfolks will not

be neglected and marginalized. In addition to this, Marxist dialectical materialism will

direct the research to be critical. It will be expedient in analyzing the contradictions and

conflicts in the experiences of the participants in the research. This worldview will guide

the researcher to go beyond the superficial and deepen the analysis on the frictions

present in the phenomena.

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REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

The Fishing Industry in the Philippines

The Philippines is an archipelagic country that is composed of 7,107 islands. It is

rich with different natural resources, especially of many bodies of waters with rich

biodiversity. In fact, the country has over 2.2 million square kilometers of total territorial

waters including the exclusive economic zone (EEZ). In these vast waters, approximately

2, 400 varieties of fishes, in which 80-90% are edible, 900 species of aquatic plants, and

400 kinds of corals could be found. According to the Philippine Fisheries Profile (2014),

in 2013, the Philippines ranked 7th

among the top fish producing countries in the world

with its total production of 4.7 million metric tons of fish, crustaceans, mollusks, and

aquatic plants (including seaweeds). This constitutes 2.46% of the total world production

of 191 million metric tons. In addition to that, in the same year, the Philippines ranked

11th in the world aquaculture production and 3

rd largest producer of aquatic plants. As of

2014, the contribution of the fishing industry’s production to the country’s Gross

Domestic Products were 1.6% and 1.8% at current and constant 2000 prices, respectively.

This translates to some P197 billion for current prices and P130 billion for constant prices

of the country’s GDP of P12, 643 billion (current prices) and P7, 164 billion (constant

prices).

However, the contradictions in the fisheries sector could still be easily perceived.

In sharp contrast with the outstanding rates of total fish productions, in the same sector

could be found the highest poverty incidence in the country as of 2012 with 39.2%

according to the Philippine Statistics Authority. This means that two out of five

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fisherfolks are experiencing poverty. Taking a closer look would reveal that not all

benefit from this industry.

Philippine Fisheries and Globalization

In June 2014, the European Union handed down a “yellow card” to the

Philippines in order to address the prevalent Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated Fishing

(IUUF) in the country. This happened during the dialogue between the Philippines and

the European Union to acknowledge the perceived shortcomings in its legal,

administrative, and technical frameworks for ensuring sustainable fisheries management

and conservation measures. Consequently, Pres. Benigno Aquino III released Executive

Order 154 on the National Plan of Action on IUUF and the immediate passage of

Republic Act No. 10654 (Amendments to the Fisheries Act), which included stringent

actions and effective measures to address all aspects of IUU Fishing (DFA 2015).

However, according to PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas (2015), the effects of the said

amendments and legislations led to the narrowing of fishing areas for the small-scale

fisherfolks. Stated in the Fisheries Code, the municipal fisherfolks are limited to have

boats not exceeding three gross tons and are only allowed up to 15 kilometers away from

the coast. In contrast to this, the Code allowed large commercial fishing vessels to freely

move on the fishing areas, including the areas designated for municipal fishing, given

that it is not less than seven feet deep. In addition to this, the law also delegated power to

the local government units to pass ordinances that penalize, enforce tax, and control the

municipal fishers. This paved the way for zoning ordinances, color coding, and municipal

licensing that further narrowed and limited their fishing activities. In line with this,

15

according to the UN-FAO, from 20 kilos of catch daily in 1989, the number plummeted

to two kilos in the present. Also, with the limited fishing areas available to the small-

scale fishers, they were harassed whenever they violate the zoning ordinances or went

beyond the 15-kilometer limitation in efforts to have their day’s catch. The violations to

the fishing ordinances are considered prima facie which means cases could be filed

against the fishers even without the proper due process.

The essence of RA 10654 or “An act to prevent, deter, and eliminate illegal,

unreported, and unregulated fishing, amending the Fisheries Code of 1998” is to further

and widen the liberalization of the fisheries in the country. This means strengthening free

trade in the sector wherein the country exports large quantity of fish products to EU, US,

and Japan. In fact, to ensure a steady supply, EU-Philippines Free Trade Agreement on

the Philippine Fisheries Sector was formed.

In addition to this the law also strengthened the monopoly in the fishing industry.

With the strict technical standards, the law only had its support on transnational fishing

companies in the country such as Frabelle Fishing Corporation, and Ocean and Light

Fishing (PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas 2015).

Intensifying Working Women’s Burdens: The Impact of Globalization on Women

Labor in Asia (Taguiwalo, J 2005) described the situation of the local fisheries under the

globalization policies and programs. In her work, she elaborated that the people involved

in the process of aquaculture are classified into four: (1) the direct producers – the

fishfarmers and workers engaged in different culture methods; (2) the financiers or

capitalists; (3) the traders, and (4) the hatcheries, feed millers and processors. Among all

these, the direct producers are practically faceless as far as government data is concerned.

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The Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources had been using 258, 480 as the

employment figure for aquaculture for several years based on its 1987 statistics.

However, in 2000, the figure drastically dropped to 74, 537. This estimate was based on

the 1990 Census of Population and Housing done by the National Statistics Office. Then

in 2002, the employment figure provided by BFAR showed that it went back to 258, 480

persons.

Globalization also had its effects on the local industry of aquaculture. This

industry has long been minimally practiced. It was just in the 1990s when the industry

advanced its production as aquaculture faring and its variations (mariculture, periculture)

gained popularity among investors. Since its promotion, the industry shifted its gears

towards exports production. The globalization of Philippine agriculture and fisheries

further encouraged the mushrooming of the aquaculture industry in the country and

boosted its production. It could be traced that the General Agreement on Tariffs and

Trade-Uruguay Round (GATT-UR) of 1994, which created the World trade Organization

(WTO), railroaded the way for the restructuring of all government laws, programs and

policies, especially in agriculture in order to meet the GATT-WTO policies. Specific to

the fisheries sector, the Agriculture and Fisheries Modernization Act (AFMA) of 1997

and the Philippine Fisheries code of 1998 were implemented in order to answer the

challenges of globalization. However, they actually intensified globalization by orienting

the local industries towards export production and promoting dependence on foreign

investments in the country.

Globalization had also promoted the monopoly control over the Philippine

fisheries. In fact, the country’s aquaculture industry can be described best as dominated

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by big fishlords and transnational companies (TNCs). They monopolized vast hectares of

fishing lands and advanced aquaculture technology. These big fishlords and TNCs also

possess high amounts of capital, and the majority of their harvests are for export.

Moreover, fishlords’ and TNCs’ aquaculture activities displace thousands of

small-scale fishermen. These fishermen live by manually gathering shells, crabs and

shrimps by the coast, and some fish using rudimentary instruments. But aquaculture

projects stop them from pursuing their livelihood for their offshore fishing grounds have

been penned off, denying them access, making their area narrow.

In addition to this, according to the research of Ababouch (2015), fisheries and

aquaculture were both seen vital in the transition towards the Blue Economy or Blue

Growth. The Blue Economy concept was featured prominently in the Rio 20+, United

Nations Conference on Sustainable Development. The outcomes of the said summit have

proven to be a strong catalyst for driving new efforts towards the implementation of

previous and new commitments on oceans and inland waters to restore, exploit and

conserve aquatic resources. Consequently, the concept of Blue Economy further gained

visibility in the 2015 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), more specifically, in Goal

2 (end hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition, and promote sustainable

agriculture) and Goal 14 (conserve and sustainably use the oceans, seas and marine

resources for sustainable development).

Furthermore, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations

recognized the importance and need of the aquaculture and fisheries sector to grow in

order to meet the growing demand for seafood and contribute to poverty alleviation. With

this, in 2013, the FAO launched the “Blue Growth Initiative (BGI)” in support of food

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security, poverty alleviation, and sustainable management of living aquatic resources.

Following this is the aim to intensify the global aquaculture production to meet the

increased demand for fish as the demand and world population grow. It is supported by

providing technical and capacity building to governments and fish farmers to develop

national strategies for the development of the aquaculture industry. It will also

disseminate government policies that will best increase productivity and reduce its risks

to the environment. In addition to this, it also encourages support and resource efficiency

through public-private partnership programs, which will help boost the research,

technology, monitoring and enforcement of better water management.

However, the concept of Blue Economy was opposed by the PAMALAKAYA-

Pilipinas (InterAksyon, 2015). Salvador France, the vice-chairperson of the said

organization, said that the Blue Economy is a threat to food security and marine ecology

as it promotes monopoly and will wreak havoc on the local production and livelihood of

the fisherfolks. Moreover, Salvador explained that the country is exporting P8 billion

worth of fish, sea weeds and other marine products to the European Union every year,

while the imports of fish sky-rocket in the country. The fisherfolk group,

PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas, believes that the objective of the Blue Economy is to

promote the import-dependent and export-oriented policy while subverting the local fish

production. This, it said, will eventually lead to the death of depleting marine resources.

Fishing in Laguna de Bay

According to the Philippine Fisheries Code of 1998, the sector is classified into

municipal fishing, which is done in coastal and inland waters; commercial o deep-sea

19

fishing; and aquaculture. Aquaculture refers to the fishery operations involving all forms

of raising and culturing fish and other fishery species in fresh, brackishwater and marine

areas. The contribution of aquaculture to the country’s total fish production has been

consistently rising, while that of municipal fishing has seen sharp decline over the years,

and commercial fishing has remained stable (Yu, 2003). Rural municipal fishing is

characterized with low capital and low profit. Rural municipal fisherfolks rely mostly on

indigenous knowledge in their practices. Their resourcefulness, ways and techniques, and

indigenous knowledge on the area guide their way through fishing. On the other hand, the

government prioritizes aquaculture as the modernization of the sector is equated with

increases of productions for export.

Both municipal fishing and aquaculture could be found in the largest lake in the

country, Laguna de Bay which could be found at the heart of Region IV-A,

CALABARZON. Moreover, Laguna de Bay is the largest among the 216 lakes in the

Philippines and stands fourth among the lakes in Southeast Asia. In total, it is around 91,

136 hectares (940 km2) wide. This amounts to almost 40% of the total area of lakes in the

country (PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas).

The fishing industry in the said area is considered significant as it supplies up to

40% of the fish products in Metro Manila. From the two, it is evident that the dominant

sector in Laguna de Bay is the aquaculture industry.

The aquaculture industry is classified into two: freshwater aquaculture that

involves fish farming in lakes, dams, rivers, small-water impoundments, paddy-culture,

tanks with fishes like cichlid (tilapia), carp, catfish, and milkfish (bangus); brackishwater

aquaculture that traditionally involves fishponds in coastal estuaries cultivating fishes like

20

milkfish, prawns, and shrimps; and mariculture or sea-farming that cultivates finfish,

shellfish, and seaweed.

Fishpen culture in the Laguna de Bay was first attempted by the Philippine

Fisheries Commission in 1965 using various freshwater species. However, the project did

not make much headway and was eventually abandoned. Then in 1970, the Laguna Lake

Development Authority demonstrated successfully the commercial culture of milkfish in

fishpens, which piloted in Cardona, Rizal. As a consequence, the fishpen industry grew

by leaps and bounds in the following years and proliferated in many municipalities across

the lake. From only 38 hectares in the 1970s, fishpens in Laguna de Bay inflated to

30,000 hectares in 1983, and continuously mushroomed through the years. As a result,

the fishpen industry greatly reduced the areas available for open fishing and navigation

(Israel 2007).

Table 1. A Summary of Aquaculture Production by Culture Environment and

Region, 2014 (Metric Tons)

Source: Philippine Fisheries Profile 2014, Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources

21

The summary presents that as of 2014, over 2, 337, 609 metric tons were the total

production from aquaculture. From the freshwater aquaculture, it could be seen that

Region IV-A, more specifically Laguna de Bay, contributes the most with a total of

124,426 metric tons. This shows the importance of the lake in the aquaculture industry.

Moreover, according to PIDS, of the 445 fishpen operators in Laguna de Bay in

2006, 258 operators or 57% were corporations, 164 or 36% were sole proprietorships,

and 33 or 7% were cooperatives. In total, the corporations covered 10, 795 hectares or

89% of the total area used for fishpens. On the other hand, the sole proprietorships

covered 823 hectares or 7%, while the cooperatives cover 499 hectares or 4%.

Traditionally, fishpens in Laguna de Bay culture cichlid, milkfish, and bighead carp.

The labor in fish pen operations includes caretaking and guarding of the property.

Skilled regular workers were usually hired for these jobs. They were trained to be

knowledgeable about their respective areas of work. On the other hand, unskilled workers

are also hired for a limited time only. These workers usually come from the locality or

nearby municipalities.

In general, the areas of the lake that were not occupied by aquaculture are

intended for municipal fishing or capture fisheries. By province, the fish production in

Laguna de Baywas dominated by Rizal, followed by Laguna, and Metro Manila. In fact,

in 2005, there were 35, 514 fishermen in Laguna de Bay, 71.08% of which are from

Rizal, 21.40% were from Laguna, and 7.52% were from Metro Manila (Israel 2007).

Capture fishing were traditionally practiced by the municipal fisherfolks. This

type of fishing involves numerous different forms of fishing including pamamante,

pagdadala, pangangakag, and pagsasakag, with inputs including motorized/non-

22

motorized boats, paddles, nets, gasoline, etc. Moreover, a number of municipal

fisherfolks of Laguna de Bay also own fish cages, made of make-shift bamboo poles and

nets. Construction and operation of a single fish cage could amount to P30,000.

Fisherfolks, the Direct Producers in the Fisheries Sector

According to the Philippine Statistics Authority, 39.2% or two out of five

fisherfolks live below P50 per day. The fishing sector in the country continues to be the

poorest of the poor with the reported poverty incidence.

Table 2. Number of People Employed Per Fishing Category

Category Number of people employed

Municipal fishing 1, 481, 970

Commercial fishing 6, 663

Aquaculture 226, 196

Total 1, 714, 829

Source: National Statistics Office. 2002 Census on Agriculture and Fisheries.

The fishing sector is composed of the fisherfolks, small-scale compradors, fishing

operators, crews, and vendors. There are over 1.8 million Filipinos who are directly

involved in the sector. 1.4 million of which are in the municipal fishing. Moreover,

according to PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas (2015), around 80% of the fish in the local

market are produced by the municipal and small commercial fishers.

Despite the 1.8 million Filipinos who are directly involved in the industry and

over 8 million people who rely on it, people in this sector are neglected and vulnerable

23

from poverty, hunger, harassment, and lack of justice in the country. Moreover,

according to government research, the small-scale fisherfolks are the first and utmost

vulnerable to the liberalization of the sector.

Privatization and Conversion of the Laguna de Bay

The lake has been experiencing degradation since the 1980s because of the

continuous privatization and conversion of the lake. In the article written by Corpuz

(2005), the conversion of Laguna Lake was exemplified. In the said article, he

interviewed PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas or the National Unity of Fisherfolk Movements

in the Philippines, a national organization of fisherfolks in the Philippines, wherein the

group explained the conversion of the lake. According to the organization, the natural

purpose of the Laguna Lake is for fishing, navigation, and irrigation of agricultural lands.

The lake has the capacity to irrigate 102, 456 hectares of prime agricultural lands in Rizal

and Laguna provinces, and some parts of south Metro manila. However, the group

revealed that the use of the lake is narrowed down to industrial cooling. In fact, they

complained that 2.04 billion cubic meters of water from the lake is used annually for

industrial cooling – to cool off machineries in plants and factories. 70% of this amount is

being used by the power generating plants of National Power Corporation (Napocor) like

the Malaya Thermal Power Plant (TPP), Sucat TPP, and Kalayaan TPP, while factories

around the Laguna Lake are using the rest of the 2 billion cubic meters.

Laguna Lake witnessed a long history of privatization and conversion

(PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas). In fact, the Marcos regime boosted it as he passed the

CALABARZON project that covers the provinces of Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, Rizal,

24

and Quezon. Because of this project industries and factories mushroomed along the

circumference the lake. Consequently, in 1970, corporate aquaculture also propagated in

the lake. In fact, in 1983, large fish pens occupied 30-40% of the lake. Also, as the

industries around the lake inflated, the use of freshwater for industrial cooling became

imperative. This led to the establishment of Napindan Hydraulic Control Structure

(NHCS) in 1983. This establishment served as a barrier for the entry of saltwater to the

lake. However, this structure has just led to the ecological imbalance in the lake. Another

structure was created in the Marcos regime in 1986, the 10-kilometer Manggahan

Floodway. The structure aimed to control the flooding in Metro Manila. However, this

also led to further degradation of the lake.

The regime of the late Cory Aquino continued these liberalization programs in

accordance with the structural adjustment programs issued by IMF/WB. Her

administration passed the Dominant Water Use Policy or the conversion of the lake water

for domestic use in the cities of Metro Manila. In 1990, she also executed Republic Act

6957 or an act authorizing the financing, construction, operation, and maintenance of

infrastructure projects by the private sector, and for other purposes. This act was also

hailed as the Build-Operate-Transfer or BOT law. This act legalizes the partnership of the

government with local and foreign capitalists in its national projects.

The Ramos regime sustained this trend as he implemented Philippines 2000, a

program answering globalization in accordance with GATT-WTO that opens the

Philippine economy to the global market and free trade, abolishing its protective

economic barriers from foreign capitalists. With this, in 1993, Ramos passed Executive

Order 121 or the Mt. Makiling Reserve Area and Laguna de Bay Commission

25

(MMRALBC), managed by the Laguna Lake Development Authority, that aimed to

develop the said areas. In consequent to this, Ramos launched the Laguna de Bay Basin

Master Plan in June 1995. Its objective was to implement grand projects and policies that

will boost the local economy and sustainable development. However, this just led to

further propagation of industries along the coast of the lake which reached up to 1, 538

establishments. It was also in the same regime, in 1998, when the RA 8550 or the

Fisheries Code was passed. Ironically, this law led to the death of the rights of the

fisherfolks with its policies siding the ruling classes, such as the Foreshore/Fishpond

Lease Agreement (FLA). In addition to this, foreign intervention and investments were

also welcomed by the Code.

The following regime, the Joseph Estrada administration, continued the

liberalization, deregulation, and privatization of the lake.

The Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, moreover, launched the Laguna Lake

Rehabilitation Project with the Laguna Lake Dredging Project as its spearhead program.

However, this project was infested with anomalies and “midnight deals” that led to

corruption controversies.

Down to the current administration of Benigno Aquino III, the liberalization and

privatization of Laguna de Bay still propagated as it strengthened Ramos’ Laguna Lake

Master Plan of 1995 into Laguna de Bay Basin 2020 or Laguna Lake Master

Development Plan of 2020.

26

The Rural Youth

The 2014 State of the World Population Report, The Power of 1.8 Billion:

Adolescents, Youth and the Transformation of the Future, discusses the enormous

potential for economic growth and social development in countries with large youth

populations, given the right investments in human and social capital for youth

development are made. According to which, it is important to study the youth in the

region for the majority of the world’s youth population lives in Asia. In fact, India has the

world’s highest number of 10-to-24 year-olds at 356 million, followed by China with 269

million, Indonesia with 67 million, Pakistan with 59 million, and Bangladesh with 48

million (UNFPA 2014).

In line with this, vast majority of the youth living in developing countries could

be found in the rural areas where problems of poverty are especially prevalent. Many of

them lack adequate and appropriate education, and have no jobs. Also, the rural youth are

vulnerable to different forms of exploitation like unsafe and unfair education, slave labor,

and sexual exploitation. Furthermore, the youth in the rural are exposed to structural

problems, for instance, the lack of access to employment opportunities and lack of

amenities like sports and leisure, communications, etc. These conditions lead to

outmigration to urban areas and/or overseas, substance abuse, and other dangerous

engagements or risks (Hazelman, M).

Eremie, as cited by Sanni et al (2005, p. 454), expressed the potential of the youth

in the development of the sector. He elaborated that in order to determine critical issues

and the responses to solving community issues, the young people in the community

develop skills, knowledge, and attitudes to work as partners with adults. When their

27

potentials are fully developed, they will be empowered to create, adapt, and utilize

technological and natural resources as well as social and institutional capital for

sustainable development.

The lack of opportunities, changing environmental conditions, and sociocultural

factors like education are some of the aspects that change the perception of youth on the

fisheries sector, and on agriculture in general. For instance, youth from rural farming

communities exhibit outmigration due to the lack of economic opportunities and the

education they receive. In the recently concluded research on rural youth in farming

communities (Manalo IV and Van de Fliert, 2013), rural youth expressed declining

interest in farming. It also showed that the directly proportional relationship between

education and outmigration in the rural youth. This means that the higher educational

attainment the individual received, he or she is more likely to look for job opportunities

outside the area.

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Youth in the Fishing Industry

Table 3. Number of Municipal and Fishing Operators by

Age Group and Sex, Philippines, 2002

Source: National Statistics Office. 2002 Census of Fisheries.

According to the National Statistics Office, 477, 203 of the 1, 488, 633 or 32% of

the fishers from the municipal and commercial fishing are youth with the ages of 15-34

years old. Because of the significant participation of the youth in fish production,

research in their welfare must not be neglected.

The young people in fishing communities hold a special perspective on the sector

itself. Their perspectives have been the synthesis of their experiences in the family unit

and in the community. First, young people in fishing communities have extremely limited

work options and opportunities, and these differ among the youth, by gender. In

particular, boys and young men are more directly involved in fishing. Whereas girls are

29

less involved in the harvesting activity itself, but are more active in the pre and post-

harvest parts of the production. Second, young people tend to view the fishery as largely

dead or no longer relevant, except for being a cultural commodity. A survey shows that

the young people find less satisfaction in fishing. In fact their negative perspectives on

fishing are in sharp contrast with their positive regards on working in urban places. They

perceived the urban having greater employment opportunities. They are even encouraged

by their parents and teachers to invest in their education in order to be able to leave the

community and work. Consequently, staying in the community means personal failure.

Third, however, the young people tend to have a strong connection with their fishing

communities. The material and cultural imprint of fisheries on their communities seem to

offer young people a sense of stability and continuity even within the context of

unpredictability and uncertainty of fishing. And fourth, young people’s involvement in

fisheries and engagement in their communities is about inter- and multi-generational

equity (Power 2012).

The importance of the youth in the fisheries sector is acknowledged because in

them lies the future and development of the said sector. In the study on fisheries

conducted in Nigeria, Sanni et al. (2005, p. 454), youths’ perception was given

importance as it determines the future and, in fact, the state of the development of

fisheries in the rural. What constitute fisheries development and how the State goes about

fisheries development drastically affects the perception of the youth.

In addition to this, the situation of the youth in the fisheries sector is crucial in

achieving sustainable development that generations in the future will enjoy. In achieving

development in the fisheries sector, or in any sector for that matter, the knowledge and

30

practice of livelihood should be enriched and progressive. It should undergo continuous

development for the present and future fisherfolks to come.

The young people have the energy, time, and ingenuity to develop their own skills

in fishing, to analyze the reality of their sector, and to recommend alternative solutions

for them. They hold so much potential for development. But the lack of support given to

them hinders the full maximization of their potentials. Unfortunately, the youth

fisherfolks’ marginalization from development handicaps them from having

opportunities.

Defining migration

Migration is defined as any permanent change residence or domicile. It involves

detachment from the organization of activities in one place and transferring the total

round of activities into another. Thus, the most important aspect of migration is that it is

spatial by definition. However, a person may travel from one place to another, but this

activity represents mobility and not migration per se. A person may also be a sojourner or

typically an international migrant seeking temporary job overseas. Again, such people are

mobile, but they are not migrants since they have not changed their residence

permanently. Humans have been migrating throughout history. This may occur within the

same country which is called internal migration, or between countries which is

international migration (Weeks, JR 2008)

According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural

Organization (UNESCO), migration is the crossing of the boundary of a political or

administrative unit for a certain minimum period of time. It includes the movement of

31

refugees, displaced persons, uprooted people as well as economic migrants. Internal

migration refers to the movement from one area to another. While international migration

refers to a territorial relocation of people between nation-states. The dominant forms of

migration could be categorized according to motives (economic, family reunion,

refugees) or legal status (irregular migration, controlled emigration/immigration, free

emigration/immigration) of those concerned. Some common categorizations that follows

migrants are: temporary labor migrants or people who migrate for a period of time for

employment and send money home; highly skilled and business migrants;

irregular/undocumented/illegal migrants or the people who enter a country, usually for

employment, without the necessary documents or permits; forced migration or people

who are displaced due to external factors like catastrophes or development projects; for

family members; and return migrants or the people who return to their areas of origin

after a period of time.

Paris et al. (2010, p. 19) described that in the Philippines, the dominant trend in

the last 30 years has been in international migration, which is characterized by overseas

contract workers and which became a large phenomenon in the post-World war II period,

when European countries established guest-worker programs, and oil-rich Gulf states

initiated massive labor migration. Since then, international migration has remained an

important source of livelihood among Filipinos. Because of this international

phenomenon in the Philippines, internal migration was overlooked. According to Flieger

(1977 p. 201), in the Philippines, two types of internal migration could be distinguished:

(1) intra-area migration and (2) inter-area migration. Intra-area migration is the

phenomenon where people changed their residences across municipal boundaries but

32

remained in the same region or province. On the other hand, inter-area migration was

described by Flieger as the phenomenon where people changed residence across regional

boundaries.

Micro-studies or village level studies have allowed exploring better range of

possibilities in the spectrum of short-term labor migration, commuting, seasonal

migration, and long-term or permanent internal migration. In general, poorer people

move in short distances because of their limited resources, skills, networks, and market

intelligence (Deshingkar & Grimm 2005).

In line with internal migration, according to Deshingkar (2006), rural-urban

circular migration, is the fastest growing type of temporary migration in countries that are

experiencing rapid urbanization and an increase in manufacturing. For instance, in

Vietnam, temporary migration of traders, laborers, and carpenters from rural to urban

areas has increased perceptibly. While in Cambodia, there is a growing trend wherein

girls and young women go into urban areas to work in garment manufacturing units as

domestic helpers, beer girls, and sex workers. Although these jobs have been

characterized as underpaid, dangerous, and insecure, they are very attractive to those who

come from marginal areas and earn daily wages that are not enough for living. Since

agricultural livelihoods are very seasonal, people see the urban areas as a place with

greater and more stable job opportunities. Moreover, circular migration has been greatly

aided by relatively good road networks, communication technology, and export market

links that have emerged since many countries have opened up their economies.

Deshingkar (2006) also explained that in the early studies of migration, most

migrants were young men. However, it is undeniable that migration among young women

33

for work is growing almost everywhere in Asia. In fact, the feminization of migration is

one of the most recent changes in migration patterns and trends.

Factors of Migration

Paris, et al. (2010, p.27) concentrated on the farming population. In the

agricultural sector, poor farming households rely heavily on their family members to

meet their labor requirements. In order to continue their livelihood, the household must

invest much on labor-intensive work, and will eventually need additional labor force. If

the father, usually the head of the household migrates to work, his wife would usually

take over, rearranging their internal division of tasks. However, if the children migrate to

work, not much will change in the division of labor in the household. In addition to this,

findings in their study revealed that farming is no longer attractive to the younger

generations. The general trend is that once the youth is educated, they no longer want to

work in farms. Manalo IV and Van de Fliert (2013, p. 60) revealed that current trends in

outmigration in the Philippines suggest unfavorable labor scenarios for its agricultural

landscape. Also, they added that presently, the country has aging farmers and declining

enrolment rates in agricultural studies. Both literatures agreed that the trends in labor

migration from agricultural communities in the Philippines are composed of youth. They

pointed how the life in the farming communities is not appealing to the youth, and as they

are being more educated, they tend to withdraw from farming. In addition to this, in

Quisumbing and McNiven (2005, p.19) research on patterns of migration population,

they concluded that female migrants migrate at a younger age and has a higher

educational attainment than males; a high proportion of migrants to rural areas and urban

34

areas are married; and migrants who have moved more than once tend to choose closer to

areas with easy access to public services and employment opportunities. Contrary to the

research done by Manalo IV and Van de Fliert (2013), Quisumbing and McNiven (2005)

concluded that majority of the rural outmigrants they observed was composed of married

couples. They found out that migrants make their decisions to migrate mainly because of

family reasons. Furthermore, according to their research, most males migrate in order to

improve their economic conditions, while female migrants are most likely to migrate due

to family reasons like marriage.

The New Economics of Labor Migration, a study written by Stark and Bloom

(1985, p. 174), “shifts the focus of migration theory from individual independence to

mutual interdependence.” This theory explained that migration cannot be solely

understood at the individual level, but broader social entities should be considered as

well. An example of this is how people compare themselves to their reference group.

Among their reference group, if they are relatively poorer, this could push people to

migrate. Stark and Bloom (1985, pp.173-174) pointed out that people engage with

interpersonal income comparisons within their reference group. These comparisons

produce psychic costs or benefits, feelings of relative deprivation or relative satisfaction.

In order to change their relative position within the reference group, or even to change

their reference group itself, people may migrate from one place to another. It is observed

to be more advantageous to be in a lower relative deprivation reference group than the

higher. In general, a person who is more relatively deprived in the reference group has

the stronger incentive to migrate than those who are less relatively deprived.

35

Moreover, Stark and Bloom explained that migration decisions are mostly made

by the migrant and a group of non-migrants, a family for example. Quisumbing and

McNiven (2005) proved that this theory is strong as they elaborated the reasons why a

migrant migrate. More males migrate for economic reasons rather than for family or life-

cycle reasons, while the reverse is true for females. Both family and economic reasons

are important for females. Most males and females migrate to poblaciones for economic

reasons. Manalo IV and Van de Fliert (2013), in their study on youth outmigration from

farming communities in Albay, found out that the changing perception of youth on

farming was one of the reasons they migrate. According to them, the higher education the

youth has attained, the more likely they are to migrate. In addition to that, according to

them (2013, p.67), “research participants saw education as a means to a better life and to

achieve their aspirations in life, which, for many Filipinos, pertains to securing a job

abroad.” Also in their study, perceptions of youth on farming were gathered and analyzed

- both favorable and unfavorable perceptions. In general, the majority of the participants

still had favorable perceptions like farming as a social security, source of income, wealth

multiplier, and an honorable vocation. On the other hand, unfavorable perceptions toward

farming were also gathered which include seeing farming as anti-beauty, a difficult task

to perform, and a not so glamorous vocation. Among these, social security was the most

important because when someone migrated but failed in their job in the urban, they could

resort to farming. This is applicable not just in the Philippines but also in other

agricultural Asian countries. In their research, it could be seen that migration is a social

phenomenon, and not just an individual and isolated decision.

36

Migration, in general, is caused by the dynamic forces between the push factors

from the area of origin of the migrant, and pull factors from the area where the migrant

migrated. Push factors from the rural areas are the features that compel people to move

from their place of origin to another area, whether voluntarily or not. Pull factors, on the

other hand, are the factors that attract the migrants to move into an area. In the case of

rural to urban migration, rural push factors may include lack of job opportunities, low

income, environmental degradation, natural calamities, and the unavailability of

alternative income sources. Moreover, some of urban pull factors are modernization,

technological advancement, and higher rates of employment among many others. As

described by Hawley (as cited in Shandra, London and Williamson, 2003), urbanward

migration occurs as the rural population suffer detrimental effects of a developing

country’s economy. Without jobs and income, they become increasingly impoverished,

as a response, they perceive the city as more favorable for economic opportunities, thus

the decision of migrating.

Vicious Cycle of Temporary Migration

According to a study conducted by Deshingkar (2006), the fastest growing type of

temporary migration is circular migration. It is most popular in countries experiencing

brisk urbanization and boost in manufacturing. In fact, in Vietnam rural people temporary

migrate as traders, laborers, and carpenters to urban areas such as Ha Giang and Hanoi.

Cambodia also witnessed a sharp increase in migration as more young girls and women

migrate to urban areas to work for manufacturing industries, mostly in garment units.

Despite the fact that these jobs have been characterized by being underpaid, dangerous,

37

and insecure, these types of jobs are still attractive to the rural folks because daily income

in the marginal areas has become too low to make for a living. The temporary migrants,

moreover, are overworked and always in debt (Deshingkar 2006). Although migration

streams are ought to be accumulative, these temporary migrants enter the cycle of labor

migration in order to cope with rural distress. In the end, because of the contractual and

underpaid nature of the jobs available for the people from marginal areas, they were

forced to repeat the process of temporary labor migration.

Theories on Migration

In connection with the study made by Shandra, London, and Williamson (2003),

the book “From the Invisible Hand to the Visible Feet: Anthropological Studies of

Migration and Development”, Michael Kearney (1986) discussed the prevailing theories

of migration including the modernization theory and the dependency theory. According

to Kearney, the modernization theory was the culminating, most comprehensive and

explicit expression of the Victorian sense of history and of “development”. This theory is

urban-centric. It is apparent in its dualist assumptions that impose the polar distinctions

between the urban and the rural areas, a distinction that corresponds to developed versus

underdeveloped, modern versus traditional. From the assumptions of dualism comes the

assumption of diffusion: that development and progress come from the modern,

developed urban areas and flow backwards to the underdeveloped, traditional rural areas.

Conversely, “traditional” peoples move from the countryside to the cities and from “less

developed to more developed countries. In the same book, Kearney tackled an opposing

model, the dependency theory. The dependency theory is a Latin American, neo-Marxist

38

critique on the modernization theory. The dependency theory did not tackled

development per se, but the “development of underdevelopment”, which was said to be

the result of a colonial encounter. The rural became a satellite or periphery, while the

urban became the metropole or core. In contrast to the modernization theory, the rural

and the urban are not unconnected dual economies but rather linked together by the

dependency serving the core by the peripheral. In this theory, the economic surplus flow

from the rural to the urban that results to the de-development of the former and the

growth of the latter. The modernization theory splits the causes of migration into “push”

factors associated with the traditional, underdeveloped rural areas vis-à-vis the “pull”

factors located in the modern, developed urban areas. On the other hand, the dependency

theory unified the superficially diverse process. The internal rural-urban migration

followed the one-way flow of economic surplus and reflected the exploitation of rural

areas by the urban. Similarly, international migration followed a parallel process in which

the struggling populations of underdeveloped and developing countries fight to gain

access to the advanced industrial countries. The “brain drain” phenomena and the loss of

resources serve as a manifestation of exploitation of these struggling societies by the

more advanced ones.

In relation to this, a framework from a labor migration study (de Guzman, 1985)

rejects the idea of the “push and pull” factors of migration. A stand stated in his study

says that these push and pull factors are inadequate to explain the dynamics in migration.

In de Guzman’s words, “this type of structural functional framework presents such an

idealistic situation that it simply cannot explain the fact that workers are indeed exploited

when they work overseas.” This literature written by de Guzman was based on the

39

Marxist theory on migration. In this orientation, migration is seen as an inevitable

outcome of the spread of capitalism. Moreover, migration is seen as the only option for

people who are alienated from opportunities in their lands. An explanation of this

unorthodox migration theory was pointed out by De Guzman (1985, p.14) saying:

A more profound and instructive analysis would be to view migration,

whether local or international, as a result of “two laws of the capitalist

mode of production: one the submission of the worker to the

organization of the means of production dictated by capital (and hence,

to its spatial concentration in areas regarded as more profitable) and

two, the uneven development between sectors and regions, and

between countries, in accordance with inter-capitalist competition and

political relationships.”

The analysis done by de Guzman criticized the mainstream view on migration

that relies solely on the push and pull factors of migration. He dared the readers and

researchers to look at the dialectics in the large scope of the world, not compromising the

perspective of the grassroots. Nevertheless, the researcher will attempt to harmonize the

two views on migration, the push-pull model and Marxist theory in this study. The

reigning capitalist world system is viewed as the sole cause of migration. With this,

people are forced to migrate due to inequality among countries, regions, and even

themselves. However, the focus of this research will be on the push and pull factors that

will be treated as manifestations of the prevailing world system. These push and pull

factors are the evident symptoms of capitalism. Therefore, there is a need for these

factors to be studied. The researcher intends to use the mainstream push-pull model of

migration to support and analyze the Marxist theory of migration.

40

Internal Migration from a Global Perspective

Increased migration is one of the most significant and visible aspects of

globalization as growing numbers of people are moving across borders within and outside

their countries, looking for better employment opportunities and lifestyles. According to

Tacoli and Okali (2001), three aspects of migration are especially important: first and

foremost, the factors related to global changes in production and trade in relation to

migration; second, the opportunities and limitations specific to different groups like the

youth and women; and third, the contribution of the migrants to their home areas. An

impact aspect of globalization is the relocation of manufacturing companies to countries

where labor is cheaper. In fact, in many instances, workers come from the rural areas, and

are often women.

Moreover, even though jobs in the urban are below the international standards,

they are still attractive to the eyes of those in the rural areas because of two main reasons:

first, there is always an increasing need for cash in the rural, and economic reforms could

hardly reach those in the grassroots level; and second, for the young people, they see

migration as an opportunity to widen their worlds and gain experience (Tacoli & Okali,

2001).

Tacoli and Okali (2001) also added that the contribution of migrants to their

places of origin vary on the income of their host area and origin. For example, in low-

income households, remittances are almost the only way to make it through every day.

On the other hand, for better-income households, they could use their remittances for

investing in non-farm activities or for house renovations. But not all migrants could do or

41

send the same amount of money. Unskilled workers earn significantly less than those

who are better skilled. Therefore, education plays an important role in migration.

42

DEFINITION OF TERMS

Aquaculture - the fishery operations involving all forms of raising and culturing fish and

other fishery species in fresh, brackishwater and marine areas.

Migration trap – a social phenomenon wherein the structural living conditions (socio-

economic and socio-political) of a person lead him/her to the vicious cycle of labor

migration. This phenomenon is so entrenched and perpetuating that it could render the

poor almost incapable of escaping from it.

Municipal fishing - small-scale capture fisheries from three gross ton boats or fishing not

requiring fishing vessels, is done in coastal and inland waters with the fisherfolks’ local

technology.

EOI – Export-oriented industrialization

IMF – International Monetary Fund

IUUF - Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated Fishing

TESDA – Technical Education and Skills Development Authority

WTO – World Trade Organization

43

CHAPTER II

Data Presentation and Analysis

44

This chapter presents the primary and secondary data that were gathered for this

research. The fundamental purpose of the study was to define the trend and stage-by-

stage process of the labor migration of youth fisherfolks in the fishing communities of

Rizal. It aimed to identify the characteristics of the youth in Isla de Talim, giving

importance to their experiences and perceptions on the rural and urban work. The study

also investigated the dynamic relationship of different factors that may influence their

decision for labor migration. This includes any rural-push and urban-pull factors,

associated with individual, social, economic, environmental, and structural aspects.

Furthermore, the research also reveals the nature of the internal, circular labor migration

in the fishing communities.

The data was presented in this research in such a way that it considered and

synchronized the different perspectives of those who were involved, including the local

fishers, fisherfolk leaders, community leaders, and the researcher herself, achieving the

participatory method of the study. Moreover, since the research involves a sector who are

not often seen or heard in the mainstream media, some data were presented raw to

preserve the perspective of the participants.

The objective of this chapter is to explain to the readers the phenomenon of

circular migration among the youth fisherfolks as if they were in the communities

themselves. The phenomenon was described in this chapter through a step by step

process, narrating each stage of the phenomenon in the community, with the purpose of

illustrating the trend in a micro-level. In addition, the researcher also incorporated a

macro-perspective on the phenomena in efforts to explain its interconnectedness to the

prevailing world systems.

45

DATA PRESENTATION

The Fishing Communities of Isla de Talim

In the midst of Rizal Province in Region IV-A, Isla de Talim could be found. “Isla

de Talim” is what the locals of Rizal call the two fishing communities of Brgy. Ticulio

and Brgy. Pipindan. They were named as such because these barangays are directly

facing the Talim Island which is located in the middle of Laguna de Bay.

Figure 1. Map of Brgy. Ticulio

Brgy. Ticulio is under the jurisdiction of Cardona, Rizal. It has a total land area of

18 hectares, with residential and non-agricultural land use. The community is surrounded

with Brgy. Nagsulo in the north, Brgy. Pipindan on its south, Brgy. Ithan on its west, and

46

Brgy. Navotas on the east across the lake. Moreover, the barangay is divided into five

purok or areas, namely Masangkay, Sapangpalay, Cavite, Poblacion, and Tondo, which

homes 630 families or 524 households. In total, Brgy. Ticulio has a population of 2, 405

as of 2015, out of which were 1, 215 males and 1, 190 females.

On the other hand, Brgy. Pipindan from the municipality of Binangonan, Rizal

has a total land area of 99 hectares, that consists of seven purok or areas. On its north lies

Brgy. Kalinawan and Brgy. Navotas onits south. Brgy. Pipindan has a total population of

2, 241 with 1, 132 males and 1, 109 females. It houses 504 families or 450 households.

Figure 2. Map of Brgy. Pipindan

These barangays started and propagated horizontally along the shores of Laguna

de Bay. With almost all of the houses, a boat and pieces of nets of different sizes could

easily be found. The streets of Isla de Talim were the most concrete evidence of

dependency of the community on the lake. From the times of its rich waters to the

47

catastrophic changes that lead to the plight of the fisherfolks, Isla de Talim has been an

onlooker to the shifting conditions of the Laguna de Bay.

As said in the Methodology, the methods used in this research were surveys, key

informant interviews, case studies, and focus group discussions. The key informant

interviews included two fisherfolk leaders from Pambansang Lakas ng Kilusang

Mamamalakaya ng Pilipinas (PAMALAKAYA – Pilipinas)1 namely Salvador France the

organization’s Vice Chairperson and Jon Sto. Domingo, the Research and Education

Officer and the Area Coordinator to Laguna Lake in the said organization. Sto. Domingo

is also the Coordinator for Save Laguna Lake Movement (SLLM) Alliance2. The key

informant interviews also included the Barangay Official for Sports and Youth

Development in the local government unit of Brgy. Ticulio, Hon. Norlito Q. Teodoro.

The key informant interviews focused on the discussion of the current situation of local

fisherfolks, the policies and programs that affects them, the trend of labor outmigration in

the communities, and its possible impacts on the fishing communities.

In addition, there were 60 surveys produced for this study. The participants of

these surveys were the youth, aging from 18 to 35 years old, single or married/living with

a partner, who come from the fishing communities of Barangay Ticulio and Barangay

Pipindan. From each barangay, 30 surveys were given and accomplished.

1 Pamalakaya (National Federation of Small Fisherfolk Organization in the Philippines) is an alliance of

activist fisherfolk groups in the country with over 100,000 individual members and 43 provincial chapters.

It was formalized as a federation on December 7, 1987 where it held its first national congress. 2 Save Laguna Lake Movement is an alliance of organizations, groups, and individuals that advocates for

the protection of Laguna de Bay.

48

Table 4. Demographic Profile of Participants from Brgy. Ticulio and Brgy. Pipindan

A. Age Male Female

18-20 9 6

21-23 12 3

24-26 12 1

27-29 4 1

30-32 5 2

33-35 4 1

Total 46 14

B. Civil Status Male Female

Single 31 5

Married/ Common law partner 15 9

Total 46 14

C. Educational

Attainment

Male Female

Primary Education 7 4

Secondary Education 30 4

Tertiary Education 4 5

Technical Vocational

Programs

5 1

Total 46 14

Table 4 shows the demographic profile of the participants from Brgy. Ticulio,

Cardona and Brgy. Pipindan, Binangonan. Using the purposive sampling method, the

researcher was able to interview the youth who are planning to or have experienced labor

migration or working outside their rural community. Out of the 60 participants in the

49

survey, 46 were male and 14 were female. Looking at the age groups, 14 comes from the

ages 18 to 20, 15 participants come from 21 to 23, 13 have the age of 24-26, five comes

from the 27 to 29 age group, seven have the age between 30 to 32, and fives comes from

the 33 to 35 age group.

Moreover, for the civil status, out of the 46 male participants, 31 are single and 15

are married or have common law partners. While out of the 14 female participants, five

are single and 9 are married or have common law partners.

Lastly, for the educational attainment of the sampling population, 11 of them had

primary education, 34 attained secondary education, nine reached tertiary education, and

six received technical vocational training programs. In addition to this, when asked if

they are still interested in continuing their studies or taking up higher-educational level,

out of the 60 youth participants, 15 expressed that they are still interested in studying,

while 45 of them said that they are no longer interested (most of which already have

family of their own).

In a series of participant observations made by the researcher, it was noted that

most female youth population in the fishing communities marry at an early age. Thus,

when asked if they have the intentions of working outside the community for a period of

time, they were no longer interested. According to them, they would rather stay at home

taking care of their children and family.

50

Table 5. Fishing and Urban Work Experience of the Youth Participants

A. Fishing Experience Male Female

Have already experienced

fishing in the Laguna Lake

42 7

Have no experiences in

fishing in the Laguna Lake

4 7

Total 46 14

B. Work Experience Yes No

Have you already

experienced working in the

urban?

49 11

Total 60

Table 5 presents the work experience of the youth population in fishing and in the

urban areas. According to the gathered data, 49 out of 60 participants have experiences in

fishing in the Laguna Lake, 42 of which are male and 7 are female. Meanwhile, 11 out of

60 have no experiences in fishing in the lake, four of which are male and seven are

female. Some of the reasons why they do not have experiences in fishing include “young

women are not allowed to fish”, “My parents didn’t let me fish. They just want me to

focus on my studies”, while others are for special conditions like health.

Moreover, the 49 research participants who have experiences in fishing in Laguna

de Bay revealed that their daily income from fishing is unstable and seasonal. In common

days, they could earn P150-300 from each fishing trip.

From the key informant interviews, Salvador France and Jon Sto. Domingo both

noted that fishing is, indeed, a male-dominated activity. It is a culture in the fishing

51

communities for the young men, starting in a very early age, to accompany their fathers

in fishing. Most of them, in fact, start at the age of 12. According to the interviewed

participants, fishing does not affect their schooling that much. They said that they only

accompany their fathers in weekends or after school. In addition to this, Sto. Domingo

elaborated that although it is not in their culture for young women to go fishing, they

have an active participation in fish production. For instance, they help their fathers

prepare the fishing nets before they go into the lake. And after it, they help their mothers

prepare and sell the fishes their fathers have caught.

Furthermore, 49 out of the 60 youth participants said that they have experience/s

in working in the urban, while the remaining 11 have none. However, when they were

asked if they have intentions in working outside their communities, especially in the

urban, all of them said yes.

Table 6. Perceptions on Fishing in the Laguna Lake

A. Would you still like to depend on

fishing in the Laguna Lake?

N

Yes 29

No 31

Total 60

B. What do you think the future of

fishing in the Laguna Lake will

be?

N

It will be so much better 2

It will be better 9

It will just be the same 15

It will be worse 13

52

It will be so much worse 21

Total 60

Included in Table 6 are the perceptions of the youth fisherfolks on being

dependent on the fishing in Laguna Lake and their views on the future of fishing in the

lake. Out of the 60 participants, according to the gathered data, 29 said that they would

still like to depend on fishing in the Laguna Lake, while the remaining 31 would not like

for them and their families to depend on fishing in Laguna Lake. Moreover, the 60

participants were also asked on their views regarding the future of fishing in the Laguna

Lake. Only two out of 60 said that it will be so much better. Nine expressed that the

Laguna Lake could still be better than its current state. 15 participants said that fishing

will still be the same in the future. 13 participants said that the condition will be worse.

While the majority, with 21 participants out of 60 answered that the municipal fishing in

the Laguna Lake will be so much worse.

In contrast, Salvador France said, with the current conditions, the Laguna Lake

could still sustain fishing activities. He mentioned that the results of PAMALAKAYA-

Pilipinas Fact-Finding Missions in Taguig, Muntinlupa, and Laguna, fisherfolks could

still earn up to P1,000 a day. According to him, it is a clear indication that the lake is still

sustainable. However, if government projects that push for the privatization and

conversion of the Laguna Lake continue, this could destroy the ecology of the lake.

Furthermore, Salvador France and Sto. Domingo have a strong belief that this situation

could still be opposed and fought by the masses.

53

Table 7. Factors Affecting Their Labor Migration*

Factors 1 2 3 4 5

1. To enrich my life experiences 32 17 8 1 2

2. To use my school education 23 14 17 1 5

3. To help my family’s everyday

financial needs

42 8 8 1 1

4. It’s hard to rely on fishing because

of the low number of fish catch so

I’ll work in the urban

33 13 9 2 3

5. It’s hard to fish because of the

worsening quality of the lake so it is

better to work in the urban

31 15 8 1 5

6. It’s hard to rely on fishing because

of the low fish market price

24 13 14 4 5

7. It’s hard to rely on fishing because

of strict rules and regulations in the

lake so it is better to work in the

urban

10 10 16 6 18

8. Alternative livelihoods in the

community aren’t enough so it is

better to work in the urban

22 13 11 6 8

9. There are greater job opportunities in

the city

44 6 7 0 3

10. The government support can’t reach

our community

18 10 25 3 4

*1 – Strongly Agree 2 – Agree 3 – Neutral 4 – Disagree 5- Strongly Disagree

This table contains the factors that affect the youth participants to look for work in

the urban areas. Excluding the first three items, these factors could be categorized into

two: rural-push factors and the urban-pull factors, which are varying from individual,

social, economic, environmental, to structural aspects. Items 4, 5, 6, 7 and 10 are

54

considered rural-push factors, while 1, 2, 3 and 9 are urban-pull factors. Their answers

range from Strongly Agree, Agree Neutral, Disagree, and Strongly Disagree, represented

by numbers.

From this table, one could measure the attitude or predisposition of the youth

participants on the factors given to them. In the first item, 32 participants strongly agreed

that the urban could enhance their life experiences. There were 23 participants who

believed that it is in the urban where they could use their school education. Moreover, 42

of them strongly believed that by working in the urban, they could help their family’s

financial needs better. The fourth item shows that 33 of the participants think that relying

on fishing in the Laguna Lake is difficult due to the low number of fish catch, so they

would rather work in the urban. The fifth item, also a rural-push, shows that 31 of the

participants are discouraged to rely on fishing because of the worsening quality of the

lake. Moreover, 24 of them believe that the market price of their fish catch is too low,

another discouragement from fishing. In the seventh item, however, 18 strongly disagreed

that the strict rules and regulations in the lake discourages them from fishing. 22 of the

participants strongly agree that there aren’t enough alternative livelihoods in their

community. In contrast, 44 of them strongly agree that there are greater job opportunities

in the city. Lastly, 25 of the youth participants are neutral regarding the government’s

support in the community.

55

Table 8. Influence to Migration Decision

Influence N

Own decision 24

Parents 7

Knows someone who worked outside the

community (relative, friend, or

acquaintance)

29

Total 60

This table shows the social influence that might have pushed the participants’

decisions to migrate. All of the 60 participants were asked this question. For those who

already experienced labor migration, to know who influenced them at first. And for those

who are still planning to work outside the community, to know who are influencing them

now. A majority of 24 out of 60 participants said that it was a decision of their own. In

the interviews, some of them said that no one pushed them to work outside the

community, they just thought that working outside would be better, while some heard of

the opportunities in school. Seven of the participants were influenced by their parents.

Lastly, 29 of them were pushed by someone they know who already has experience with

labor migration. This includes their relatives, friends and acquaintances. Based on

participant observation, their decision to migrate is often influenced by what they see or

what they hear about from other people who might have experienced labor migration

prior to them.

56

Table 9. Urban Destinations and On Returning To the Rural Communities

A. Urban Places N

Pasig 11

Makati 1

Mandaluyong 13

Rizal Proper 7

Quezon City 6

Cavite 2

San Juan 1

Caloocan 5

Muntinlupa 1

Manila 2

Total

49

B. For how long until they come back to their

communities during the span of their job in the

urban?

N

Everyday 9

2-3 times in a week 3

Once a week 21

2-3 times in month 11

Once a month 3

More than a month 2

Total 49

Table 9 includes the urban destinations of the migrants and how often they return

to their communities in the span of their urban jobs. The first part shows the distribution

of the labor migrants into the different areas of the National Capital Region (NCR) and in

57

some of the urbanized areas of provinces around it, like Cavite and Rizal. Out of the, 11

worked in Pasig City, only one worked in Makati City, 13 were able to work in

Mandaluyong, seven worked in the urbanized areas of Rizal, six worked in Quezon City,

two in Cavite, one in San Juan, five in Caloocan, one in Muntinlupa City, and two were

able to work in the city of Manila.

In addition to this, the survey also asked for how often they return to their

communities during the length of time they have a job in the urban areas. Nine of the 49

participants said that they go home to their communities every day since they just work in

the near urban areas. Three of the participants expressed that they return two to three

times in a week. 21 of the participants said that they go back every week on weekends. 11

of them were only able to go back two to three times a month. While some could only go

back once in a month, while there were two who could only go back every more than two

months. According to the interviews with the participants, some of the factors that affect

how often they return are the strength of their family ties and the cost of traveling back

and forth.

From the survey interviews, almost all of the participants said, “Income is more

certain there…” In fact, Hon. Norlito Q. Teodoro, a Barangay official and a fisherman,

also affirmed this situation. In an interview, he said that fishing cannot promise a regular

income. “Income is very seasonal in fishing. Sometimes, you earn just enough, and

sometimes, you just don’t,” he said. Furthermore, he explained that due to poverty,

fishermen are being pushed to the urban because, in comparison to fishing, income is

more certain there. Speaking as a parent who lived by fishing in the lake, Teodoro

explained that most of the parents in the community want to close the doors of fishing to

58

their children, and encourage them to work in the urbanized areas where they could have

a larger set of opportunities.

Conversely, France and Sto. Domingo expressed that PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas

is against this phenomena. According to him, this will impact the local fish production

and, in the long-run, the local food security. Sto. Domingo explained that the

organization is against the government programs and policies that entrench these

fisherfolks to poverty, thus pushing them away from fishing. With this condition, the

fisherfolks are left with no other choice but to look for other sources of income.

Table 10. Nature of Urban Work

A. Types of Work N

Factory worker 20

Waiter/Waitress 1

Helper/Housemaid 3

Sales Attendant (In malls) 1

Storekeeper 2

Driver 1

Construction Worker 5

Company worker/helper 12

Welder 2

Freelance Job 2

Total 49

B. Salary N

Below minimum wage 19

59

Minimum wage 17

Above minimum wage 13

Total 49

C. How long did the job last? N

Less than 6 months 24

6 months to 1 year 3

1 year to 1 year and 6 months 4

1 year and 6 months to 2 years 0

More than 2 years 18

Total 49

Table 10 details the nature of work in urban places that 49 of the surveyed

participants last experienced. Data in this table first describes the distribution of the youth

fisherfolks in the different types of jobs in the urban. 20 out of the 49 participants

experienced working in a factory; only one experienced being a waiter/waitress, three

experienced working in a household as a helper, one experienced being a sales attendant

in a mall, while two worked as shopkeepers in family-owned retail stores. Out of the 49,

one experienced being a driver, five worked in a construction job, 12 of them experienced

working in a company as helper or part of the maintenance department, two have

experiences in welding, and two have freelance jobs in the urban. According to the

interviews, some of the companies the participants worked for were Commonwealth

Foods Inc., Universal Robina Corporation (URC), Marigold Manufacturing Corporation

(“Mama Sita”), Unilever Philippines Inc., and others worked for garment factories.

60

The table also presents the distribution of salaries received by the participants in

their last job in the urban, the time period their job lasted, and how often they return to

their rural communities within the time period of their jobs in the urban. For the salary,

the different regional minimum wage per day3 was observed and specific conditions like

the nature of the work (e.g. agricultural or non agricultural) were considered. It could be

seen that from the total of 49 participants, 19 of them were paid below their minimum

wage, 17 were earning in accordance to the minimum wage, and 13 participants earned

above the mandated minimum wage.

The third part of Table 10 explains for how long the participants worked in their

last work in the urban. 24 out of 49 said that they worked for less than six months, five of

which were project-based construction workers and the rest were contractual factory

workers. Three of the participants said that they lasted for 6 months to one year. Four said

that they worked for one year to one year and six months. Moreover, 18 of them stayed

for the job for more than two years.

In the key informant interview, Sto. Domingo said that the nature of this labor

migration is not sustainable. He made clear that although income is more certain in the

urban, it does not say that it is always enough. He added that the jobs they land are often

temporary or contractual, and some may even be harder and tedious compared to fishing.

He said that the youth may be equally or even be more exploited in their jobs in the

urban.

3 The minimum wage in Region IV-A (as of March 2016) is P267-362.50 for the non-agricultural sector, and

P267-337.50 and P267-317.50 for the plantation and non-plantation industry respectively under the agricultural sector. Moreover, the minimum wage in NCR ranges from P444-481 and P444 for the agricultural and non-agricultural sector respectively.

61

Table 11. Perceptions on Youth’s Vulnerability in Urban Workplace

Do you think the youth are vulnerable in

the urban workplace?

N

Yes 21

No 39

Total 60

Included in Table 11 are the perceptions of the youth on their vulnerability in the

workplace. 21 of them answered that they are more vulnerable to harassment,

discrimination, and unjust wages because of their young age and experiences. On the

other hand, 39 of the participants said that they are not vulnerable to any forms of

harassment or discrimination because of their age. Moreover, they said that vulnerability

of the youth in the workplace depends on the youth themselves – their level of education,

their work ethics, and how well they know their rights in the workplace.

Table 12. Experiences and Preferences

A. Experience in the urban in

comparison to the rural

N

Urban experience was much better 14

Urban experience was better 26

Rural and urban experiences are just the

same

7

Urban experience was worse 2

Urban experience was much worse 0

Total 49

B. Where do you prefer to work? N

62

Rural 12

Urban 48

Total 60

Table 12 tackles the comparison of work in rural and urban areas, and which of

the two the participants would prefer. Out of the 49 who have already experienced labor

migration, 14 said that working in the urban is much better than working in the rural. 26

said that it is better. Seven participants expressed that their experiences in working in the

community and working in urban are just the same with each other. And last, 2 of 49

thought that their experiences in working in the urban are worse than working in the

rural.

The table also discloses the research participants’ preference of work between the

rural and the urban. A majority of 48 out of 60 decided that they prefer working in the

urban areas, while the remaining 12 said that they prefer working in the rural, specifically

in their communities.

Table 13. On Repeating Labor Migration

Are you interested in migrating to work

again?

N

No, I don’t have plans 6

Yes, I need to earn again 40

Yes, to gain more experience and

knowledge

3

Total 49

63

Included in Table 13 is the participants’ interest to repeat their labor migration.

Based on the gathered data, 6 of the 49 participants - who have already worked in the

urban - do not have any plans to work in the urban again. Moreover 40 participants

expressed that they still want to migrate to work because of the need to earn money.

While three among the youth fisherfolks are interested to repeat labor migration to gain

rich experiences and knowledge.

Table 14. Issues in the Laguna Lake and Fish Production

Factors 1 2 3 4 5

1. The quality of the lake is

becoming worse

33 14 2 3 8

2. The rising number of pests in the

lake is an issue

36 12 6 3 3

3. It is problematic that the

consignation has too much

control in the fish market

32 11 7 5 5

4. Giant fish pens in the lake are

problematic for me

23 9 5 13 10

5. The simple fishing technology

that I have is an issue

16 10 15 9 10

6. There is a rampant stealing of

fishing gears and tools

34 10 4 8 4

7. Illegal and destructive fishing in

the lake is an issue

31 13 5 2 9

8. Registration of fishing boats and

vessels is not affordable

2 8 9 9 32

9. The strict fishing rules and

regulations in the lake is an issue

6 12 7 9 26

10. The inputs for production is too

costly

13 8 27 5 7

*1 – Strongly Agree 2 – Agree 3 – Neutral 4 – Disagree 5- Strongly Disagree

64

Table 14 contains the perception of the 60 youth participants on specific matters

regarding the Laguna Lake and fishing production. The participants were asked if the said

matter is an issue for them. Their answers range from Strongly Agree, Agree Neutral,

Disagree, and Strongly Disagree, represented by numbers.

The first item says that the quality of the Laguna Lake is worsening, and 33

strongly agreed to this. Next, 36 of the participants strongly agreed that the rising number

of pests in the lake is an issue. 32 participants strongly agreed that the control of the

consignation in the prices of fish catch is problematic. In the fourth item, there were 23

who strongly agreed that the number of giant fish pens is an issue in fishing. As for the

fifth, 16 participants strongly agreed that their simple fishing technology is an issue.

Consequently, there were 34 who strongly agreed that there is a rampant stealing of

fishing gears and equipments in their communities. 31 out of 60 strongly agreed that the

illegal and destructive fishing in the lake is an issue. In contrast, 32 participants strongly

disagreed that it is an issue that the registration of fishing boats and vessels is too costly.

Moreover, 26 of them strongly disagreed that the strict rules and regulations in fishing is

a problem. In the last item, 27 participants were neutral regarding the high costs of input

in the fishing production.

It is apparent how the youth in the fishing communities of Brgy. Ticulio and

Brgy. Pipindan carry the burden of the sinking state of the local fishing industry. Most of

them stopped their schooling at the secondary education and were not able to get a higher

level of education. Furthermore, a stark 82% of the interviewed youth have experienced

fishing. With this, it is evident that at an early age, the youth in the fishing communities

have experienced fishing for and with their families. Moreover, 49 out of 60 or 82% of

65

them have experienced or planning to work in the urban. Looking at the factors that

affected their decision to work in the urban, the majority answered that they strongly

agree that it is difficult to rely on fishing because of the low number of fish catch

nowadays which is a rural-push factor. Consequently, a majority of them viewed that

they will be able to help their families financially with a work in the urban and that there

are greater job opportunities there, which are both an urban-pull indicator. It could be

seen that the youth’s perception in the urban is messianic in a way that it gives them a

chance to progress in life. However, from the data gathered, most of them had contractual

or temporary jobs, not exceeding six months, and received compensation mostly below

the minimum wage. However, based on their attitudes regarding their experiences, they

expressed that they prefer working in the urban than in their communities. Despite the

tedious and long hours of work, they said that it is better there because of the certainty in

income it offers. 48 out of 60 thought that working in the urban is better compared to

fishing in their communities, and 49 out of 60 out rightly preferred working in the urban

than in their locality. Despite their messianic view in labor migration, it could be seen

that it is not enough. When asked whether or not they plan to look for another job outside

their community, a majority of them said yes because of their need to earn again. It is

evident that although the urban work promises certain compensation, it does not provide

security that it will be enough. This contradicts their view that working in urban areas

will help and secure them financially.

66

DATA ANALYSIS

Rural-Urban Labor Outmigration of the Fisherfolks

“With today’s hard times, it’s difficult to rely on the seasonal income from the

lake.” These have been the words of a 22-year old fisherfolk in Brgy. Ticulio when asked

why he would choose working in the cities over fishing in their community.

One of the earliest times the world has witnessed rural to urban labor migration

was in the 19th

century Europe – an immensely distant time and place from today’s Isla

de Talim. This was when the boom of industrialization mushroomed urbanization. As

socioeconomic crises rose up in the rural, people looked for more secure livelihood in

different places. It is important to note that this labor migration is seasonal and circular.

The great boom of city building provided work to the people from the rural. With this,

industrialization has encouraged labor migration which spurted to urbanization, as urban

growth outstripped rural growth eventually.

As centuries passed on the other side of the world, rural to urban labor migration

is still prevalent. At such an early age, the youth from the fishing communities of Rizal

were exposed to the difficulties of life in their barangays and began to be optimistic for

the opportunities they see in the cities. The dynamic relationship between the push and

pull factors of the rural and urban has led to the labor outmigration of the youth. The

conflicts and frictions that are present in the community repulse them away, while the

modernization and development façade of the urban magnetizes the youth to the cities –

even if this means working in an environment they are not accustomed to.

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To take things further, the synthesis of these push and pull factors alone does not

simply result to labor outmigration. In the case of the fisherfolks from Isla de Talim,

multifaceted and more complex roots could be found. The study of different stages of

circular migration (pre-departure, on-site, return, and reintegration) among the youth of

Isla de Talim reveals that the phenomena is far from voluntary, and is actually structural.

It could be seen in every stage how the given and available conditions for the youth leads

them to the phenomena of migration trap4.

The Youth among the Fisherfolks of Isla de Talim

This conversation is based on a translated informal interview with Hon. Norlito Q.

Teodoro (about 35-40 years old), a Barangay Official for Sports and Youth Development

in Brgy. Ticulio, on the 14th day of February 2016.

PATRICIA: How are the youth here in the community?

NORLITO: They are okay. Actually, I’m organizing a basketball league in the barangay

to keep them off substance abuse. The youth are very excited about that (the league).

PATRICIA: The youth here use drugs?

NORLITO: Some, because of the influence from other barangays. But only a few, partly

because they don’t have money for that, and partly because of the efforts of the

community to prevent it.

PATRICIA: Oh. What are the everyday activities of the teenagers here?

4 The author was able to coin the term migration trap from her field observations and discussions on the

labor migration patterns of the youth in Isla de Talim.

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NORLITO: Some of them go to school, especially those who aren’t done with high school

yet. If you’re talking about the older youth, 18 and above, some go fishing – sometimes

with their families, sometimes with their peers. But usually, especially among the boys,

going to kati (“cities”) to work is popular.

The field works for the study were done on weekends, when the youth were not in

school, resting in their homes, and returning from the cities. Being in the barangay on

weekends, one could see the dynamics of the youth inside the community. Some were

taking the opportunity to rest, some were helping their parents prepare their fish nets,

while some are outside playing ball and catching up with their peers. But in all of these, it

is evident that the culture of connectedness was still intact in the community, especially

among the youth.

Walking in the streets of Isla de Talim, one would think that these were male-

dominated communities in terms of population. It is a usual scene to see young men and

boys playing in basketball and billiards, or singing karaoke. However, looking at the data

given by the barangay officials, the ratio of male to female population were actually not

that far. This is because of the patriarchal and feudal culture that is strongly prevalent in

the communities. Young men were more accessible for interviews and surveys because

they were the ones outside their homes, while young women, on the other hand, have

responsibilities inside for their families. Gender roles were upheld in the communities,

wherein the boys, even at an early age, were taught how to fish with their fathers. This is

in sharp contrast with the young women in the community, who at the very beginning

were mostly discouraged to directly participate in fish harvesting activities. Girls in

fishing communities were mostly left inside their homes to do household chores and take

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care of their siblings. However, it must not be left unnoticed that the girls and young

women are directly involved in pre- and post-harvest activities such as preparing the fish

nets used for harvest, cleaning, and selling the fish catch inside their barangays.

Even though the youth actively participate in the fish production in their

communities, they claim that it doesn’t affect their schoolwork negatively. However, it

could be seen in Table 4 that most of the youth stop their formal education once they

graduate in high school. Different factors affect this, for instance the inaccessibility of

college education to the youth in terms of distances and finances. Another factor is that

once they experienced earning money, most of which started with fishing, their interest

started to shift from studying to working.

Furthermore, marrying or having a partner in an early age is a trend in the

communities. Consequently, young men and women start forming families of their own.

Some live with their parents, while some manage to live independently.

Before They Leave

Fisherfolks of Isla de Talim have always considered themselves as the sons and

daughters of Laguna de Bay. Every day they see it, rely on it, and therefore live with it.

Fishing in the area has already been embedded in their traditions, but the given living

conditions of these fishers nowadays have turned the tides of some away from fishing.

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Youth’s Involvement in the Fish Production

Even before working in the urban, majority of the youth have already experienced

working in the community (see Table 5A). Most of those who have already experienced

working in the city had fishing as their first and foremost work experience. As said

earlier, boys start to be involved in the fish production as early as 10 years old. They are

often brought by their parents to be a help with catching and harvesting of fishes. Since it

could be seen that the fish harvesting process heavily involves the males in the

community, the entire fish production is seen as a male-dominated livelihood. Contrary to

this, young women are also directly involved in the process. As said earlier, they often

get involved in the pre- and post-harvest stages of the production. Even if it is rare for

women to participate in the fish harvest period, they contribute 50-70% of the production

as the tasks of preparing and fixing the fish nets and other equipments, food processing

(through drying and smoking of the fish catch), and selling them fall into the hands of the

women. They are also the ones who manage the budget in their households, which

includes the budget for the inputs of fish production.

However, today, not all families practice fishing. “It’s all about passing it on. If

the parents are fishers, their children will also fish. But if the parents are educated and

don’t fish, they (the children) work outside the community”. This was the explanation of a

local in Isla de Talim, when asked why none of her children fish. She is a mother of five,

three out of which work in the cities while the other two are still studying.

Although fishing is still prevalent in the community, not all practice this. In fact,

there are few families that are not educated with the process of fish production. These are

due to different factors like their family just emigrated to the barangay, their parents are

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not fishers, and that they were discouraged by their parents and were pushed to just

concentrate on their formal education.

It is seen that the work experience of the youth in the communities were often

defined by the family they are in. Most of the youth in Isla de Talim has fishing as their

first work experience, whether directly or indirectly. But even though there was a few

that have not participated yet in fishing, they are still aware of the issues regarding the

lake and production.

Fishing from the Eyes of the Youth

A mix of favorable and unfavorable responses regarding fishing in Laguna de Bay

surfaced from the interviews among the youth. In fact, from the 60 participants, 29 of

them said that they would still want their families to depend on fishing in the lake, while

31 thought otherwise (see Table 6A). Reasons behind the favorable responses include

seeing fishing as a tradition that should not be forgotten, a source of social security, and a

livelihood that could still support their everyday needs. Some of the interviewed youth

see fishing as a social security, which means that if the people are pressed for jobs, they

will always have the lake to resort to. According to them, Laguna de Bay will always be

there for the people. On the other hand, unfavorable perceptions include the uncertainty

of income from the lake and seeing it as a livelihood only for subsistence living and not

for the improvement of their welfare.

In hindsight, fishing in the lake therefore is also a hub for people who may not

really have a knack for it or who do not even like it in the first place. These people may

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have been just bound to fishing because of circumstances such as the lack of other

sources of income and unemployment.

The youth participants were also asked about their perceived issues on the lake.

The top five matters the youth perceived as issues were the rising number of pests (water

lilies, janitor fish, snake turtles, etc.) in the lake, the rampant stealing of fishing gears and

equipments, the worsening quality of the lake, the control and power of the consignation

over the fish market, and the illegal and destructive ways of fishing that are being

practiced in the lake.

Additionally, the research participants were also asked about their perception on

the future of the lake (see Table 6B). Given the situation of Laguna de Bay today, the

majority of the participants thought that the lake will be so much worse in the future.

They expressed their pessimism on the development and rejuvenation of the lake thinking

that it is a hopeless case. “People, even the government, can’t save the lake. It is already

destroyed through the years,” said a 24 year old fisher from Brgy. Pipindan.

In contrast to this, France expressed his optimism on municipal fishing in the

Laguna Lake. He mentioned that the results of PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas Fact-Finding

Missions in Taguig, Muntinlupa, and Laguna, fisherfolks could still earn up to P1,000 a

day. According to him, it is a clear indication that the lake is still sustainable. However, if

government projects that push for the privatization and conversion of the Laguna Lake

continue, this could destroy the ecology of the lake. “But the power of the people should

not be underestimated. In the end, the power to fight and stop these projects still lies in

the masses,” France added.

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Parents Discourage their Children to Fish

In the Philippines, fishing is not as profitable in comparison with fishing in other

developed countries. Most Filipino fisherfolks suffer from the backward technology in

the industry. In fact, only 38% of the municipal fisherfolks in the country have a

registered motorized boat, most of which only have 4-16hp. While 62% of them still use

non-motorized, paddle boats (PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas, 2015). From the conducted

interviews, most of the fisherfolks earn P200 to P500 a day, which is barely enough for

their basic needs once the inputs for production were subtracted.

In the focus group discussions conducted among the parents in the community,

opinions regarding whether or not they encourage their children to fish were expressed.

Almost all of the participants in the group discussions do not want their children to fish.

Some of their quotes were:

“I agree that they should go to the cities to work. Here, income is not

promised. It is very seasonal, unlike in the cities where income is stable.”

“I don’t want them to experience the difficulties I experienced in fishing.”

“Fishing is difficult. I don’t want them (the children) to even touch a fish

net.”

“Parents here always dream for their children to work in the cities. We

struggle for them to finish their schooling so that they could work in the

urban. Sadly, some just end up fishing.”

The participants in the focus group discussions all agreed that education means

access to greater job opportunities. Many of them would rather have their children focus

on their studies before getting involved with fishing. Some, however, was pushed to

involve their children in the fish production process because of their economic

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conditions. Instead of splitting their income with someone else, they would rather have

their children work with them so they could still bring home their income in full. But they

expressed that if only they have a choice, they will really discourage their children to

fish. In the same way, Punch and Sugden (2012) observed that there is a trend in

Vietnam, India, and China wherein parents in the rural set their children’s future to a

different direction through education. It was also observed in their study that uncertainty

and risks in the livelihood of fisherfolks are factors for them to diversify their sources of

income.

Every day, the families in Isla de Talim face the difficulties of fishing in Laguna

de Bay. Because of their socioeconomic conditions, they have become vulnerable to the

anti-masses, anti-poor, and anti-fishers policies in the country. Consequently, the

livelihood that used to be rich, sustainable, and in their control is now what they consider

risky and full of uncertainties. With their situation, labor migration has become a coping

strategy for them to reduce their vulnerability, even if this means abandoning their

traditions and participating in things they are not accustomed to.

“We should just leave fishing. The fight for better life is in the cities. It would be

better if we all should just leave fishing,” one of the local fishers said.

The Decision to Leave

“Of course, I want to work there someday. I don’t think jobs in the

cities will be easier and the wages will be so much higher than fishing. But

I still hope of working in there someday, because the income there is

certain. If you work, you’ll have money.”

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These were the words of a high school student from Brgy. Pipindan, when asked

why he wanted to work in the urban after graduating. This quotation reflects the fact that

despite knowing that incomes from the urban jobs are not drastically higher than those

from rural work, getting jobs in the urban is still desired because of its regularity. This

also mirrors the objective for migration of the youth in the area, which is to cope rather

than to accumulate. There are many migration streams that are accumulative or

undertaken to earn more or to be able to save up. However, it is observed in Isla de Talim

that the aim for migration is mainly to cope with rural distress or to be able ease their

daily vulnerability.

The Push and Pull Factors of Labor Migration

The dynamic relationship between demographic, individual, socio-economic,

environmental, and structural aspects of life could be translated to the push and pull

factors of migration. However, in the context of labor migration, the push and pull factors

are mainly characterized by the lack and availability of economic opportunities in the

area of origin and destination. With this, reasons that set labor migration into sailing may

include personal and interpersonal factors in a micro-level, and inter-regional and

intraregional disparities in a macro-level.

Migration has always been seen as band-aid solution for the experienced poverty

and underdevelopment. In fact, it was seen to hold a great potential in meeting the

Millennium Development Goal (MDGs)5 as it involves a greater population. However,

5 The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), created in September 2000, are the world's time-bound

and quantified targets for addressing extreme poverty in its many dimensions-ranging from halving extreme

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looking at the phenomena closely, internal labor migration mostly involves the poorest of

the poor. This well-known fact struggles to be investigated. The synthesis of push and

pull factors drives internal migration. Push factors include those that compel a person to

go to some other place. For labor migration, it may due to low productivity,

unemployment, poor economic conditions, and the lack of opportunities for advancement

or personal development. Pull factors, on the other hand, are those that attract the person

to an area such as better employment, higher wages, and better facilities. Looking at it

closely, push and pull factors are felt manifestations of disparities or inequality between

different areas.

In Isla de Talim, wherein the people’s way of life was originally dependent on the

state of Laguna de Bay, migration has been a coping strategy to ease their vulnerability

on their changing and aggravating state of life. The people in these fishing communities,

although attached in their traditions of fishing, are already feeling discouraged to

continue this as a sustaining livelihood.

As said earlier, labor migrations is the sum of the push and pull factors felt by the

migrant workers. Furthermore, these factors are composed of personal, socioeconomic,

environmental, and structural factors. In the case of the fisherfolks, environmental factors

are closely tied with the economic factors as their living conditions in their communities

are strongly linked to the state of the lake. Personal factors include those that entice the

youth to work outside their communities for their personal development. This includes

reasons regarding their life experiences and use of educational attainment.

poverty rates to halting the spread of HIV/AIDS and providing universal primary education – all by the

target of 2015.

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Socioeconomic reasons are the factors that regard the economic living conditions and

livelihood of the individuals, their families and, to an extent, their communities.

Environmental factors also affect their decisions to labor migrate since their local

livelihoods heavily rely on the environmental state of Laguna de Bay. In addition to this,

structural factors were also considered since employment, opportunities, and livelihood

lay in the hands of the government. In the survey interviews among the youth in the area,

the top factors that affect labor migration were said to be (1) there are greater job

opportunities in the urban (pull factor), (2) to help the family’s financial needs (pull

factor), (3) decreasing fish catch from the lake (push factor), (4) to enrich life experiences

(pull factor), and (5) worsening water quality of the lake (push factor). See Table 7.

“I think there is more for us in the cities.”

“Fishing will always be a tradition, but it can’t sustain each one of us anymore.”

“Income is more certain in the cities.”

Two of the urban pull factors that were considered by the survey participants

involve the job availability and wage stability provided by working in the urban. The

booming manufacturing industry in the country accommodates most of the research

participants. Despite the jobs being contractual, they still view these as a lucrative labor

market. The youth in these marginal fishing areas were being magnetized to work in the

urban areas. However, the bitter nature of the jobs being underpaid and overworked hides

beneath the promises of stable and greater wages.

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Another pull factor that is to enrich life experiences was also taken to account by

the youth participants. This signifies that they view labor outmigration as an educational

experience that has the potential to merit their personal development.

On the other hand, there were two rural push factors that the research participants

observed. Both of these factors were directly related on the environmental condition of

Laguna de Bay. Coming from the fishing communities that are attached to the lake, its

situation affects them greatly. The livelihoods of the families in Isla de Talim heavily

relies on the lake, but as the youth witness the changing and worsening state of Laguna

de Bay and as they were being discouraged to participate in the local fish production,

they were being disheartened to contribute to the local agricultural activities, and resort to

wage labors in its stead.

These rural-push and urban pull factors are interrelated. This means that those

people who are being pushed to work outside their communities are also being pulled by

their great expectations to go to the urban places. The researcher strongly believes that

the rural-push and urban-pull factors work simultaneously and are not in conflict with

one another. In hindsight, the friction of these factors produces a synthesis that

harmoniously magnetizes the youth to labor migration.

Education and Migration

“I remember my teacher telling us how much money a person can make in the cities or

abroad. From then on, I liked the idea of working somewhere else.”

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The education system in the Philippines encourages and gears students to be

globally competitive and work overseas. Furthermore, the mass media in the country

have consistently glamorized images of grand opportunities awaiting students who finish

degrees that are in such demand overseas such as nursing and seafaring (Manalo & van

de Fliert 2013). The fact that a huge bulge of the surveyed youth only attained up to

secondary-level education is a factor that should not be dismissed (see Table 4C). It is a

common belief among the families in Isla de Talim that they should invest on the youth’s

education to be able to work in the urban areas. However, due to the economic

circumstances of these families, they were not able to fulfill this goal. Most of the youth

stop their formal education at the secondary level, while only few were able to pursue

their education to the tertiary level. The nearest university from Isla de Talim is the

University of Rizal System – Binangonan Unit, with tuition fees amounting around

P10,000 for a single semester. This formal schooling requires the youth to prepare the

said amount of money for their tuition fee, excluding the expenses for books and

research, commute fares, daily allowances, etc., which is not financially attainable for

most of the fishing families. Some that were not able to continue their schooling to the

tertiary level, resort to technical vocational programs provided by TESDA. Most of them

take courses on automotive servicing and welding.

In retrospection, the education that was accessible to the youth of these fishing

communities does not encourage them to participate in agricultural activities. Moreover,

it could be seen that the education their formal schooling provides is geared toward

service-oriented wage markets. In return, the youth treat this as a capital or advantage to

be more qualified and equipped for wage labors in urban job markets.

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Who Influence Them to Leave?

Job abroad, in general, has always been seen as a source of job security. This has

been the aspirations of many Filipinos in life. The Philippines has a rich history in labor

migration that involves skilled, semi-skilled, or educated migrants. Majority of the youth

participants said that it was their own decision to work or to aspire to work in the cities.

In their perception, they could maximize their education with working in the urban. Some

even say that it is their goal or dream as a student to be able to work in the cities and not

fish anymore.

“It (working in the cities) just sounds better than fishing.”

Stark and Bloom (1985) with the New Economics of Labor Migration, however,

shifted the focus of migration from individual independence to social interdependence.

People’s decision to migrate cannot be solely understood in an individual level, it is

always a social decision, whether directly or indirectly. An example of this is how people

compare themselves with their reference group. A reference group could be their clan,

peers, or barangay. In Isla de Talim, it is noticeable how the comparisons were made

within the community. The families with members that work abroad were usually the

ones who could invest on a well-structured cemented house complete with tiles and gates,

while the fishers in the community usually live in simple cemented houses or shanty

houses with wood pieces as walls and iron sheets as roofs. Comparisons with each other

were made, and some households admit that they cannot help but aspire to be able to

invest in a better, well-constructed house.

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A social process called chain migration6 was also observed in the community.

Chain migration works in the concept of social networks, which include family, friends,

and community. In the context of labor migration, the initial migrant is able to influence

others to work outside the community as well, which creates a chain reaction to those

connected with the initial migrant. In Isla de Talim, being connected with a person who

works outside the community could serve as a social capital, since the initial migrant

could recommend or guide the other migrants in their hunt for jobs in the cities. The

process of chain migration explains how relatives, friends, and acquaintances that had

experiences in labor migration could be an incentive to those who are interested. From

the surveys among the youth, it could be seen that majority of them are being influenced

by someone who already has experience working in the cities. Moreover, it was observed

that they have more confidence to labor migrate if they are in groups and if they know

someone who has already done it. See Table 8.

Working in the Cities

The world is in the age of mobility, if not migration. Circular migration has been

greatly aided by increased ease in mobility and modern communication technologies.

Advances in transportation and communication have allowed people to move faster and

further than ever before. Improvements in these technologies have dissolved the concept

of distance for the migrant workers. Commuting is an important feature in internal

6 While chain migration was already used by Kenny (1962) and Price (1963), the term was explicitly

defined by MacDonald and MacDonald (1964) in their research, ‘Chain Migration, Ethnic Neighborhood

Formation and Social Networks’ as the movement in which prospective migrants learn of opportunities, are

provided with transportation, and have initial accommodation and employment arranged by means of

primary social relationships with previous migrants.

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circular migration. Simplicity of commute from the rural to the urbanized areas has

provided the migrant workers ease, whether it includes several trips a month or daily

commute for work. Youth labor migrants from Isla de Talim take a boat trip to the

mainland of Binangonan and multiple jeepney rides in order to get to their destination.

The Places They Go To

Although rural-urban migration is not the main form of migration worldwide, it is

rapidly gaining importance, especially in the urbanizing economies of Asia as rural-urban

wage differentials grow (Deshingkar and Grimm 2005). Much of this migration is long-

distance to larger cities, for instance Pasig, Makati, Mandaluyong, and other cities in

Metro Manila. Moreover, the short-distance movers should also be considered. These

were typically undertaken by the youth who have less capital. These smaller moves are

usually to smaller towns and conglomerations of non-fishing activities, such as in the

more urbanized areas in the Rizal Proper like in Taytay, Antipolo, and Binangonan. See

Table 9A.

Fisherfolk Youths in Urban Jobs

From the survey conducted among the youth, most of them landed jobs as factory

workers, mostly in manufacturing companies such as Comfoods Inc. (Fibisco Division),

Universal Robina Corporation (URC), Marigold Manufacturing Corporation (“Mama

Sita”), Unilever Philippines Inc., etc. Moreover, jobs in private companies as a

contractual worker come in second. The young men in Brgy. Pipindan call these

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companies “advertising” wherein they are the ones who put up posters and signages in

establishments and buildings. These jobs are commonly shared in Brgy. Pipindan as

young men usually gets hired in groups. See Table 10A.

A case study with a 28 year old from Isla de Talim named Calid shared his

experiences in working for URC. Universal Robina Corporation is a snackfood and

beverage producer and boasts to be the first “Philippine multinational” company. In the

said company, Calid’s task included carrying heavy loads and mixing solutions in large

machineries. A normal shift would last eight hours, but Calid frequently works overtime

with an additional eight hours. With a total of 16 hours of work, he admitted that working

in a factory is definitely more difficult than fishing.

In another case study, JV, a 19 year old from Brgy. Ticulio who worked at

Comfoods Inc., also shared similar situations with Calid. Commonwealth Foods or

Comfoods Inc., is a conglomeration of three food manufacturing companies which are

subdivided into: Cofi Division (roasted and instant coffee products), Philfood Division

(cocoa and chocolate products), and Fibisco Division (biscuit products). JV worked in the

Fibisco Division of Comfoods Inc., wherein he was tasked to carry heavy loads in his

whole shift, which weighs up to 25 kilograms. Like Calid, he also frequently worked

overtime with an additional of four hours for extra income.

Staying in the City

Research participants shared that the process of labor migration could depend on

some cases like (1) if the person knows someone who initially migrated and could

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recommend him/her to a job (2) if the person himself already has a contact person to a

company or agency, or (3) the person has to look for another contact or company.

From the case study with Calid, he needed at the very least P400 on hand when

looking for a job in the cities. A large part of it goes to transportation, for food allowance

could be adjustable. But this may vary on the distance of the destination from their

community. Calid’s jobs in URC only lasted for five months, in this span, he only

returned to the community two to three times a month (see Table 9B), for returning home

cost him P200 per trip.

Calid also explained that they migrate in groups of four to five so that they could

divide the expenses with each other. Even if they work in different factories, they rent an

apartment or a room together which usually cost them P3, 500 a month. When divided,

boarding in the city costs them around P700 to P850 a month. Moreover, JV shared in the

interview that he migrated with his peers, a group of ten. Together, they were able to rent

an apartment with the monthly rate equally divided among them, which amounted to

P900 a month. Same with Calid, even if they go to different factories, JV and his peers

still decide to live together. “It is for the company of each other and so that we could

decrease the expenses like boarding,” he explained. With the expenses for boarding and

daily commute, he only had P50 for his daily food budget.

Consequent to this, a migrant worker from Isla de Talim would initially need

around P3,000 to P4,000 on hand in order to work in Metro Manila. This budget includes

their transportation, food, lodging (down payments), and their job-related expenses such

as identification cards, paper works, certifications, and clearances. Having this budget on

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hand is a struggle. Some of them work first in construction sites in order to save up, some

budgeted this from their previous earnings, and mostly loan this sum of money (which

they will have to pay when they return to their communities).

The Vulnerability of the Youth Migrants

Whether or not labor migration is poverty reducing, it is certainly a tough

undertaking especially for the youth migrant workers. These people travel and live in

difficult daily situations. From the moment they set foot in the urban, they were harassed

with high levels of insecurity coming from the higher costs in the cities, down to the

overworked and underpaid situation of workers in corporations, and the burden of

cultural differences of rural fish production to the urban manufacturing jobs. For instance,

one research participant admitted that the hierarchical organization system in the factory -

supervisors, regular workers, and contractual workers - was a struggle for him to accept.

This was because of the freedom they enjoy in fish production. However, in factory

works, they were constrained by the orders and demands of those in the higher position.

He admitted that submitting and keeping up with these demands were difficult for him.

But in contrast to this, despite the difficulties, the survey results proved that the

youth still prefer working in the urban and that it is better than fishing in Laguna de Bay

(see Table 9B). A majority of the research participants did not think that the youth

workers are more vulnerable in the workplace (see Table 11). In their perspective, being

vulnerable in the workplace depends on the workers themselves. If they do not know

their rights and if they do not protect themselves, they would definitely be vulnerable to

forms of harassment.

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In the key informant interview with Sto. Domingo, he said that the nature of this

labor migration is not sustainable and it will not make them less vulnerable. He made

clear that although income is more certain in the urban, it does not mean that it is always

enough. He added that the jobs they land are often temporary or contractual, and some

may even be harder and tedious compared to fishing. He said that the youth may be

equally or even be more exploited in their jobs in the urban.

The Return of the Labor Migrants

“My two sons work in Mandaluyong, but they’ll return in few weeks once they get

endo.”

While 80% of the research participants prefer to work in the urban, all of them are

ought to return to their barangays. End of contract in the companies they work at, or

what they call “endo”, signals the homecoming of these temporary migrant workers. As

they come back, they carry with them the remaining money they earned, alongside the

experiences and lessons they gained. However, as they come back to their communities,

responsibilities await them. First and foremost, they have to pay for their initial loans.

Most of them needed to loan money in order to migrate to the cities. Next, they give the

remains of their income to their families. These families have been waiting for them to

return in order to help with their finances. However, for the youth migrants, returning

home has a bittersweet feeling. Although this means they could finally rest and spend

time with their families after providing for them, returning also signifies that the job they

had in the urban ended and their coping strategy for vulnerability is over.

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In hindsight, the youth migrants are aware of the temporary nature of urban jobs.

They are conscious that most of the jobs they could get in the cities are contractual, but

still they are optimistic with the temporary income certainty these jobs provide. They

know that in order to chronically cope with the rural distress they are experiencing, they

have to repeat this labor migration. Consequently, given that they are attached to the

traditions of fishing in their communities, circular migration reflects the fact that the

youth would rather stay in their communities if opportunities were offered there.

The Negative Circularity of Rural-Urban Labor Migration

88% of the labor migrants said that they are willing to repeat urban labor

migration. Most of these were because of the need to earn again. While economic

motives are significant factors, the desire of the few to gain wider experiences and

knowledge should not be neglected (see Table 13). Labor migration from these fishing

communities is seen as a coping mechanism, wherein to be able to deal with extreme

poverty brought by the seasonal productivity of fishing, they look for alternative sources

of income in the cities. Given the fact that urban manufacturing jobs are not attached to

the seasonal tides of fishing, the young people take advantage of working in the urban

especially during the unproductive fishing seasons in Laguna de Bay.

Circular migration has always been seen as a strategy for rural development and

poverty reduction. Studies have shown that remittances from the urban were expected to

have positive impacts on sending households and exert a multiplier effect on the

economy, which in turn can lead to a virtuous cycle of poverty reduction and

88

development in the countryside, and eventually reducing regional inequalities

(Deshingkar 2006). For instance, Afsar (2003) argues that migration has reduced poverty,

whether directly or indirectly, in Bangladesh as remittances have expanded the area under

cultivation and rural labor markets by making land available for tenancy.

In sharp contrast to these studies, working in the urban for the youth fisherfolks

does not show any direct and indirect positive impacts to their communities of origin.

Circular migration for poverty reduction and rural development is not the case for the

youth migrants of Isla de Talim. As plummeting rural conditions, such as poor

environmental and economic situations, push the youth fisherfolks away from their

communities and as the glamorized opportunities in the urban magnetize them to migrate,

they unconsciously being ensnared in migration trap.

Moreover, the multiplier effect of the flow of remittances does not apply to the

situation of the youth migrants of Brgy. Ticulio and Pipindan. The labor outmigration

phenomena in the lacks remittance flow because the youth migrants do not use formal

banking channels for their income. The youth migrants themselves carry their earnings

back to their community. As for their consumption patterns, their families mostly spend

their earnings on food. Incomes from urban work usually do not give allowances for

emergencies, savings, and investments.

They are trapped in the vicious cycle of labor migration wherein these youth

fisherfolks resort to a band-aid solution of having temporary and contractual jobs in the

cities. These jobs are far from what they thought sustainable. These jobs cannot satisfy

the accumulative labor migration they hoped for, wherein they can work for a while in

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order to have financial security. The reality is that their labor migration is merely a band-

aid solution for their vulnerability in the communities. It is a coping mechanism wherein

they choose to become overworked and underpaid laborers in the urban for subsistence

living. In fact, according to the research participants, when the daily expenses were

subtracted from their wages, the income differential between fishing and their urban work

becomes barely noticeable. This negative circularity contradicts the conventional

perception that labor migration is “voluntary”. With the worsening conditions in their

rural communities and given the glamorized temporary solutions in the cities, the youth

migrants are forced into the vicious migration trap.

The negative circularity of migration ensnares the youth fisherfolks as long as

there are no economic opportunities in their communities. They are ensnared in migration

trap, wherein series of outmigration will be their temporary solution, despite the fact that

they could be equally, if not more, vulnerable in the cities and urban work cannot

promise them financial security. In their perception, the cycle of internal labor migration

is enough to get them through.

Labor Migration from a Macro Perspective

Everything is Interconnected

It is inadequate to simply leave the “push and pull factors” with the explanation

and analysis of the phenomenon of labor migration. In fact, it boosts the myth that labor

migration is a viable solution to the problems of unemployment, low wages, balance of

payment deficits, and technological underdevelopment (de Guzman 1985). However,

90

considering the push and pull factors of migration in the phenomena could be useful for

they are the seen and felt immediate manifestations of the prevailing system that truly

drives labor migration. The push and pull factors of labor migration should be considered

because they were based on the experiences of the youth migrants. However, the analysis

should go beyond these factors. A more profound and instructive analysis of migration,

whether local or international, is to view it as a result of the prevailing capitalist world

system, wherein there is an uneven development between sectors and regions, and a

worker will sell his labor power wherever and whatever work can be found.

Increased internal migration and mobility is one of the most significant yet

overlooked aspects of globalization. There is a rapid growth of intra- and inter-area

mobility with people looking for job opportunities and better economic conditions.

Indeed, everything is interconnected. Globalization has an impact with international

movements as well as with the internal. The global reorganization of trade and labor

markets has an important connection to migration trends of the people, the Filipinos, and

more specifically the fisherfolks of Rizal. Moreover, critical study on the phenomena

questions the “voluntary” nature of labor migration. In tackling the interconnections of

globalization and labor migration critically, the invisible drivers of migration that

controls or “force” the youth to circular labor migration surface.

91

Globalization and Labor Migration

National development strategies as designed by the World Bank–IMF–WTO call

for economic restructuring of different countries for the benefit of the powerful and

ruling economies.

Concretely, this means dismantling trade barriers, propagating export-oriented

production, and strengthening import-dependent markets in the developing countries.

Export-oriented industrialization (EOI) led to the establishment of industries and

industrial free trade zones that geared towards selling agricultural and manufactured

products in the world market without restrictions in a cheap price.

An important aspect of globalization is the relocation and proliferation of

manufacturing companies in the countries where labor is cheaper. The link between

migration, urbanization and manufacturing was created as the growing modern industrial

complexes have increased the demand of labor in the urban. Contrary to the conventional

knowledge on urbanization and migration, internal migration steadily increases despite

the increasing rates of urban unemployment and poverty. This is because of the

availability of economic opportunities in the urban than in the rural. The growth of

manufacturing industries in the cities has become an attractive ‘pull’ factor to those in the

rural.

In addition to this, global agreements such as the recently concluded Millennium

Development Goals (MDGs) and the newly formed Sustainable Development Goals

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(SDGs)7 were also to influence the labor migration trends and patterns. For instance, the

Blue Economy which has an objective to maximize the world water and aquatic resources

through its restoration, exploitation, and conservation. The concept gained further

acknowledgement when it was applied in the SDG Goal 2 that is to end hunger, achieve

food security, and improve nutrition, a and promote sustainable agriculture. With the

Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, the Blue Economy was seen

vital to boost the production of the aquaculture and the fisheries sector in the world. It has

the aim to intensify global fish production in order to meet the increasing demand for fish

as the demand and world population grow. However, the progressive fisherfolk group

PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas, believes that the objective of the Blue Economy is to

promote the import-dependent and export-oriented policy while subverting the local fish

production. This, it said, will eventually lead to the death of depleting marine resources.

These global conditions and trends affect the direction where the Philippine

production is geared to. These policies and agreements direct the national programs

which eventually impacts the local fisherfolks. The established and existing world system

has structured globalization which orchestrates the production and economies of every

developing country, and furthermore invisibly drives the internal and international

migration and mobility of the people.

7 At the United Nations Sustainable Development Summit on 25 September 2015, world leaders adopted

the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which includes a set of 17 Sustainable Development Goals

(SDGs) to end poverty, fight inequality and injustice, and tackle climate change by 2030.

93

Structures in the Philippines and Labor Migration

National policies were designed to curb the customary international structures and

agreements made by the ruling economies in World Bank, IMF, and WTO. Some of the

concrete local manifestations of the influence of global structures are on the fisheries

with the Executive Order 154 on the National Plan of Action on IUUF8and RA 10654 or

“An act to prevent, deter, and eliminate illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing,

amending the Fisheries Code of 1998”9.

These policies were passed in accordance to the international bodies that set the

standards for the trade and production of developing economies.

Concretely, the EO 154 was passed by Pres. Benigno Aquino III in consequent to

the yellow card warning given by the European Union regarding the IUUF in the country.

According to the EU, the shortcomings of the Philippine government in fishing

management should be acknowledged in order to ensure the sustainable fishing standards

set by them. This is a concrete example of how the international bodies could persuade

the national authorities in managing the local resources of the country.

In addition to this, EO 154 led to the instantaneous passage of RA 10654 that, in

essence, intends to further and widen the liberalization of the fisheries in the country.

This means strengthening free trade in the sector wherein the country exports large

quantity of fish products to EU, US, and Japan. In fact, to guarantee a stable and secure

8 Executive Order No. 154, entitled, “Adopting a National Plan of Action to Prevent, Deter, and Eliminate Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated Fishing (NPOA-IUU), and for Other Purposes,” was signed by

President BS Aquino on 6 December 2013. 9 RA 10654 or An act to prevent, deter and eliminate illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing,

amending Republic Act No. 8550, otherwise known as 'The Philippine Fisheries Code of 1998' and for

other purposes” lapsed into law on 27 February 2015.

94

supply, EU-Philippines Free Trade Agreement on the Philippine Fisheries Sector was

established. Moreover, the effects of the said amendments and legislations led to the

reduction of fishing areas for the small-scale fisherfolks. Declared in the Fisheries Code,

the municipal fisherfolks are restricted to have boats not exceeding three gross tons and

are only allowed up to 15 kilometers away from the coast. In contrast to this, the Code

permitted large commercial fishing vessels to unreservedly move on the fishing areas,

including in the areas designated for municipal fishing, given that it is not less than seven

feet deep. In addition, the law also delegated authority to the local government units to

pass ordinances that penalize, enforce tax, and control the municipal fishers. This

cemented the way for zoning ordinances, color coding, and municipal licensing that

further narrowed and limited their fishing activities (PAMALAKAYA 2015).

In addition, globalization had also promoted the monopoly control over the

Philippine fisheries. The Agriculture and Fisheries Modernization Act (AFMA) of 199710

and the Philippine Fisheries Code of 199811

were implemented in order to answer the

challenges of globalization. They intensified globalization by orienting the local

industries towards export production and promoting dependence on foreign investments

in the country. In fact, the country’s aquaculture industry can be described best as

dominated by big fishlords and transnational companies (TNCs). They monopolized vast

hectares of fishing lands and advanced aquaculture technology. These big fishlords and

10 Republic Act 8435 is also known as AFMA or Agriculture and Fisheries Modernization Act of 1997. It is an act defining measures to modernize the country’s agriculture and fisheries sectors to make them

competitive in the market. The law took effect 9 February 1998. 11 Republic Act 8550, cited as the Philippine Fisheries Code of 1998, is an act providing for the

development, management and conservation of the fisheries and aquatic resources, integrating all laws

pertinent thereto, and for other purposes.

95

TNCs also possess high amounts of capital, and the majority of their harvests are for

export.

Fishlords’ and TNCs’ aquaculture activities displace thousands of small-scale

fishermen. These fishermen live by manually gathering shells, crabs and shrimps by the

coast, and some fish using rudimentary instruments. But aquaculture projects stop them

from pursuing their livelihood for their offshore fishing grounds have been penned off,

denying them access, making their area narrow.

The examples given above reveal the invisible drivers of labor migration and

mobility, whether international or internal. These international and national strategies and

programs set sail the internal labor migration in a hidden manner and in such a way that it

manifests itself through the push and pull factors. The interconnectedness of these global

and local policies to the lives of each youth fisherfolk in Isla de Talim could be seen in

the conflicts and contradictions in their daily activities. The cases that were given in the

country are just some of the roots that shadow the push and pull dynamics of the youth

fisherfolks’ labor migration. These were added in the research to prove that the push and

pull causes of this phenomena have a greater, deeper driver – the prevailing world

structures. Indeed, everything is interconnected.

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CHAPTER III

Conclusion and Recommendations

97

CONCLUSION

The devastating paradox of the Philippine fisheries sector particularly affects the

small-scale municipal fisherfolks. It is because of the great potential of the resources the

country holds– the waters and the fisherfolks – and yet, it is in the hands of a backward

and semifeudal economy. It is a huge paradox to live in a rich archipelagic country with

diverse bodies of water, but the local fisherfolks themselves are being neglected with

livelihood, and, worse, food. In sharp contrast to the booming aquaculture industry in the

Philippines, the municipal fisherfolks suffer from the highest poverty incidence with

39.2% as of 2012. This means that 2 out of 5 of the direct fish producers in the country

live below the poverty threshold.

The situation of the fishing communities in Laguna de Bay is a microcosm of the

Philippine Fisheries Sector. In the largest lake in the country and the fourth largest in

Southeast Asia could be found the municipal fisherfolks who are being victimized by the

globalization of the Philippine fishing industry. This could be pictured with the everyday

struggle of the fisherfolks in the Laguna Lake trying to get their way around giant fish

pens that are owned by rich businessmen and transnational companies. The fisherfolks

are being directly hit with the effects of globalization such as their plummeting income

from small-scale fishing. As a result, they are forced to seek other sources of income,

thus, their labor outmigration. With their worsening conditions, the youth prefer to leave

their community and look for a different occupation, may it be a contractual job in a

factory or a seasonal construction work in the city perceiving these a more stable income

than fishing.

98

Circular labor migration was observed to be a recurring theme among the youth in

the fishing communities of Rizal. The phenomenon they are experiencing is not voluntary

nor is it according to their will. It is a forced, moreso a structural phenomena, wherein

from the very beginning, they are being directed towards migration trap.

At a glance, one may seem that labor migration is being driven by merely push

and pull factors. Rural push factors discourage the youth to participate in the rural

activities and livelihoods, while urban pull factors magnetize them to the glamorized life

in the urban areas. A deeper observation perhaps produce a conclusion that besides the

push and pull factors, individual, economic, and social factors must also be taken to

account. However a critical analysis reveals that these push and pull, individual,

economic, and social factors have a dynamic relationship and actually are structural in

nature.

The vicious cycle of temporary labor migration starts with a stage even before the

youth experience working in the urban areas.

At an early age, the youth in these communities developed a deep involvement in

fishing. Their participation in the fish production process was truly remarkable. From the

very first stage of the production, they have been involved. They are the ones who

prepare the tools and equipments for fishing, and most of them – starting with an early

age - go to fishing with their parents in order to lend an extra hand. They are also active

in the post-production process. The young women, along with their mothers, are

commonly active in this stage. They prepare the fish catch for selling; some process the

fishes through drying it under the sun, or even smoking it. Consequently, as they

99

participate in the local fish production, it could be seen that their experiences in fishing

have exposed them to the issues of the Laguna Lake and the local fish production.

From an early age, the youth from these fishing communities have already drawn

their conclusions regarding the agricultural sector. In their perception, they cannot

depend on fishing in the Laguna de Bay for financial security. From what they have seen

and experienced, fishing in the lake could only support mere subsistence living. A case

wherein the food they produce is at most, just enough for them to eat for a day. Some of

the problematic issues regarding the fishing industry in the lake the youth have perceived

were the swelling number of destructive pests in Laguna de Bay, rampant illegal and

unsustainable ways of fishing, widespread stealing of fishing gears and equipments,

worsening water quality, and the proliferating number of fish pens in the lake.

The push and pull factors of labor migration were governed by the common idea

the youth share, that income in the urban areas are more certain and stable than the

income in the rural. These include ideas that urban areas offer financial security and more

job opportunities, while fishing in the lake is not sustainable anymore because of the

decreasing number of fish catch. These factors are further validated by the educational

system that the country has. The educational structure of the Philippines does not

encourage the youth to participate, moreso enrich the research on agriculture. In its stead,

the national education system sensationalizes outmigration – international or internal.

Additionally, the youth were also being pressured and, to an extent, persuaded by the

phenomena of chain migration.

Moreover, as these migrant workers labor in the urban areas, they are faced with

temporary and contractual jobs that makes pushes them to be overworked and underpaid.

100

The wages from these - mostly manufacturing – jobs does not guarantee financial

security at all. These youth workers are only secured by the fact that when they sell their

labor, their income is certain. The reality that they are equally vulnerable in their urban

jobs as they are in fishing, becomes irrelevant at this point.

The different push and pull factors are the most immediate materialization of the

structural roots of circular migration. Though seemingly divided, these different factors

work together in harmony. These factors are the waves that carry the youth from these

fishing communities to migration trap, a social phenomenon wherein the structural living

conditions (socio-economic and socio-political) of a person lead him/her to the vicious

cycle of labor migration. Its structural roots are embedded and hidden in the prevailing

global system that acts like an invisible hand, driving every single youth into labor

migration.

The reigning global and international policies and agreements on the fishing

economy affect the national programs of the government on the fishing industry. It has

formulated programs and policies that neglected the industry’s direct producers for the

sake of satisfying the export-oriented and import-dependent system of the country’s

economy. A few of these programs are the Agriculture and Fisheries Modernization Act,

Philippine Fisheries Code of 1998, and RA 10654 or “An act to prevent, deter, and

eliminate illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing, amending the Fisheries Code of

1998.” In their programs, while the government has boosted its efforts on aquaculture

that is oriented for exports, it has increasingly relied on private capital to finance its,

supposedly, development programs. The country’s fisherfolks are the hidden victims of

101

these global and national policies. They are the ones who are the most exposed to its

consequences.

With their circumstances being systemic, migration indeed becomes forced. The

system has left them with no other choice but to swim and try to survive the waves.

Repeated labor migration has been the solution for their rural havoc. But the coping

mechanism of temporary migration ensnares them chronically. The migration they have

been directed to was never for accumulation, it does not promise them development. It

could only offer them band-aid solutions. Thus, these migrant workers were trapped in

this negative circularity of labor migration in order to make themselves temporarily less

susceptible to the depths of vulnerability.

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RECOMMENDATIONS

For Government Interventions

Policymakers in rural development should take notice on this phenomenon among

the youth for they are indeed the future of the sector, moreso the society. The synthesis of

different social, economic, and environmental conditions in the lake and in their

communities hinders them in supporting their own industry – fishing. The government

should support the Philippine fishing industry in such a way that the direct producers

themselves are the primary stakeholders and beneficiaries of the fruits of the sector.

Creative strategies should be done to continuously encourage and engage the future

generations to develop fish production in their local community.

Tactics for the development of the fishing industry should, first and foremost,

come from the fisherfolks themselves, specifically the small-scale, municipal fishers.

Policies and programs that seek to aid the improvement and progress of this sector must

prioritize its chief stakeholders.

At the minimum, the local government units around Laguna de Bay should

instigate local alternative livelihood programs that will be able to assist and support the

needs of the fisherfolks in times of calamities and unproductive fishing seasons. National

leaders and legislators should also prioritize the welfare of the toiling masses, particularly

the rural people in the urban industries. The government should further look at their

working conditions with an objective to ensure their safe and just working conditions.

As for the youth in the fishing communities, consequent to the national programs

on rural development and fishing reforms, the educational system in the country should

also be restructured. Formal education at all levels should be accessible to the youth,

103

abolishing all barriers that hinder them including high tuition fee rates, reachable

academic institutions, and available infrastructures. Moreover, the rural youth should be

empowered to participate and be active in the agricultural production. Glamorized images

of labor migration should be shattered with mass-oriented and pro-rural learning system.

This study also calls for a genuine approach that will make the resources,

specifically Laguna de Bay, completely available for its fisherfolks with efforts in

rehabilitating its ecological health and a continuous support from the government to

develop new technology for the municipal fishers. This genuine approach could only be

achieved through genuine fisheries reform law and national industrialization.

Fisheries and aquatic reform will not be met successfully unless it calls for the

total abolishment of structural violence on the fisherfolks through the existing neoliberal

policies. This research calls for a genuine and progressive fisheries and aquatic reform in

the country that foremost prioritizes the national food security and the technological

improvement of the industry. Exportations and importations should be regulated with

moratoriums to ensure adequate, safe, and cheap supplies for the Filipino people. Any

forms of privatization and conversion, specifically in the Laguna de Bay, should also be

stopped and eradicated. Fishing areas and resources should fall back to the hands of its

rightful owners, the sovereign fisherfolks. Among these, to ensure the protection of the

fisherfolks against vulnerability, it is imperative for the government to guarantee

sufficient, just, and appropriate support for the national fish production. These direct

producers should always be protected by the vulnerability brought by ecological and

environmental changes, whether natural or anthropogenic (PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas).

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For the Improvement of the Research

Being the poorest sector of the country, the welfare of the fisherfolks should be

mainstreamed. For the succeeding studies, the research on this could be further enriched

through the agricultural economics of the sector using a micro-level analysis - the

expenses of the fishers on their inputs (boats, fishing gears, gasoline, etc.), where they get

their capital, and transactions in the local fish markets through middlemen and

consignations. In addition to this, the roles and situation of women in fishing

communities, especially amidst the phenomenon of labor migration, could also be

investigated.

As for the design and methodologies, the indigenous knowledge and voices of the

fisherfolks should not be underestimated and neglected in the study. Sensitivity in

approaches for data collection should also be observed. The aim of the study must always

be to empower the fisherfolks. Their welfare should always be protected, and the research

itself should not push them further to vulnerability.

May this research serve as an encouragement and inspiration to further and deepen

the studies on the fishing industry of the Philippines. May this inspire, and more

importantly, ignite fire in the hearts of the readers to celebrate the strength and

importance of the country’s small fishers, and to empower these fishers as they face the

waves of challenges in the sector.

105

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development.’ World summit on sustainable development. International Institute

for Environment and Development, viewed on 14 January 2016,

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Taguiwalo, J (ed.) 2005. ‘Intensifying working women’s burdens: The impact of

globalization on women labor in Asia’. Asia Pacific Research Network. Manila,

Philippines.

United Nations Population Fund 2014. ‘The 2014 state of the world population report, the

power of 1.8 billion: Adolescents, youth and the transformation of the future’.

UNFPA, Asia, viewed 13 March 2016,

http://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/resource-

pdf/SWOP%202014%20fact%20sheet%20-%20Youth%20in%20ASIA.pdf

Weeks, JR 2008. Population: An introduction to concepts and issues, tenth edition,

Thompson Wadsworth, United States of America.

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Organization of the United Nations. Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific.

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Yu, J 2003, ‘Philippine aquaculture: For export only?” IBON Facts and Figures, 15 June.

110

APPENDIX

111

UP MANILA

DEVELOPMENT STUDIES PROGRAM

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL

SCIENCES

COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

Dear ____________________,

Greetings! This letter is a request to accommodate the bearer, Patricia Mari T. Mungcal, a

student of the University of the Philippines Manila currently conducting her research as a course

requirement in BA Development Studies. The student’s research topic is rural-urban migration of

youth fisherfolks in the communities of Rizal.

The researcher is requesting an interview with you with regards to your vast experience and

knowledge in the field. This interview will hopefully aid the research of the student regarding the

phenomena of labor outmigration of the fisherfolks.

The researcher believes that your vast experience and knowledge on the subject matter will

significantly contribute to the broadening and deepening of public discourse which she tries to

achieve.

For clarification, you may contact the researcher through the number provided below.

Thank you very much and may this merit your kind consideration.

Sincerely,

MUNGCAL, Patricia Mari T.

0932-853-1594

Endorsed by:

Prof. Allan Mesina

University of the Philippines Manila

afmesina@up.edu.ph

112

Rural-to-Urban Labor Outmigration of Youth Fisherfolks

in the Communities of Rizal Patricia Mari T. Mungcal

An Interview Questionnaire for PAMALAKAYA Pilipinas

1. Ano po ang organisasyong PAMALAKAYA – Pilipinas?

2. Bakit po mahalagang mabigyan ng boses at pansin ang mga mangingisda ng bansa?

3. Ano-ano po ang mga aksyon na ginagawa ng organisasyon para matugunan ang mga

isyung kinakaharap ng mga mangingisda?

4. Pakilarawan po ang kasalukuyang kalagayan ng industriya ng pangingisda sa ating bansa.

a. Ano po ang mga kalakasan (strengths) nito?

b. Ano naman po ang mga kahinaan (weaknesses) nito?

5. Ano-ano po ang mga isyu ng mga mangingisda mula sa iba’t-ibang bahagi ng bansa?

6. Ano ang kahalagahan ng industriya ng pangingisda sa bansa?

a. Malaki ba ang naiaambag nito sa ating kaunlaran?

b. Ito ba ay aktibo sa pandaigdigang kalakalan?

c. Gaano karami ang umaasa sa industriyang ito?

d. Sa aquaculture, municipal, at commercial fishing, ano po dito ang

pinakamahalaga? Ano po ang dapat bigyan ng pansin ng ating pamahalaan?

7. Pakilarawan po ang sosyo-ekonomikong kalagayan ng mga mangingisda sa loob ng

industriyang ito.

a. Ano po ang papel ng mga mangingisda sa kauswagan (development) ng ating

bansa?

8. Ano-ano ang mga pangunahing isyu na kinakaharap ng mga mangingisda sa ating bansa?

9. Ano ang mga batas na tumutulong o pumoprotekta sa ating mga mangingisda?

10. Ang Laguna de Bay ay ang pinakamalaking lawa sa ating bansa. Pakilarawan po ang

pangingisda dito. (Aquaculture, municipal, commercial)

a. Gaano po kahalaga ang Lawa ng Laguna sa kabuuang industriya ng pangingisda

sa bansa?

b. Gaano karami ang umaasa dito?

c. Gano kalaki ang naiaambag ng lawa sa ekonomiya ng bansa?

11. Ano-ano po ang mga ispesipikong isyu na kinakaharap ng mga mangingisda sa Lawa ng

Laguna.

a. Mga ispesipikong isyu na kinakaharap sa Rizal?

113

12. Ano-ano po ang mga kadahilanan sa pagbabago ng lawa?

a. Kailan po ito nagsimula?

b. Paano ito lumala?

c. Masasabi pa po bang likas-kaya (sustainable) pa ang pangingisda sa lawa para sa

mga susunod na henerasyon?

13. Nagkaroon na po ba ng mga programang tunay na tumutulong sa Lawa ng Laguna?

14. Paano po naapektuhan ng pandaigdigang sistema ang pangingisda ng mga maliliit na

namamalakaya sa Laguna de Bay?

15. Pakilarawan po ang kalagayan ng mga kababaihang namamalakaya o mula sa komunidad

ng mga mangingisda?

a. Ano-ano po ang mga ispesyal na isyu na kanilang kinakaharap?

16. Pakilarawan po ang kalagayn ng mga kabataang namamalakaya o nasa loob ng

nangingisdang komunidad.

a. Ano-ano po ang mga ispesyal na isyu na kanilang kinakaharap?

17. Makikita po na may kultura at trend sa mga komunidad ng mangingisda sa Rizal kung

saan mas pinipili na lamang ng mga mangingisda na humanap ng trabaho sa pook urban.

Ano po ang masasabi niyo rito?

a. Sumasang-ayon po ba kayo rito? Ito po ba ay isang likas-kayang alternatibo sa

pangingisda?

b. Ano-ano po ang nakikita ninyong dahilan sa likod ng penomenang ito?

c. Hudyat na ba ito na dapat nang iwanan ang pangingisda?

18. Pakilarawan po ang kalagayan ng mga mangingisda sa kanilang paglipat ng trabaho o

migrasyon mula sa pangingisda tungo sa mga kontraktwal na trabaho.

19. Paano po naaapektuhan ng pangkabuhayang migrasyon ng mga mangingisda ang

kanilang mga naiwang komunidad?

20. Ano po ang rekomendasyon ninyo sa ating gobyerno ukol sa migrasyong

nagaganap sa mga mangingisda?

114

Ako po si Patricia Mari T. Mungcal mula sa programang Araling Pankaunlaran ng Unibersidad

ng Pilipinas – Maynila. Humihingi po ako ng kaunting oras ninyo upang sagutan ang aming mga katanungan tungkol sa inyong pagtingin sa migrasyon patungo sa mga pook urban upang

maghanapbuhay. Ang inyong ibabahagi sa pagsisiyasat na ito ay gagamitin lamang sa pang-

akademikong layunin lamang . Makakasiguro po kayo na ang inyong panagalan at iba pang

personal na impormasyon ay hindi tutukuyin at mananatiling protektado. Maraming salamat po

sa inyong partisipasyon.

Batayang Impormasyon

Pangalan (Opsyonal): Edad:

Kasarian: Civil Status:

Kasalukuyang hanapbuhay: Bilang ng miyembro sa pamilya:

Ilan kayong magkakapatid: Pang-ilan ka sa magkakapatid:

Hanapbuhay ng tatay: Hanapbuhay ng nanay:

Ano ang iyong tinapos sa pag-aaral?

Elementarya; Anong antas? ______________

Hayskul; Anong antas? __________________

Kolehiyo; Anong kurso at antas? __________

Hindi nakapag-aral

May plano ka bang ipagpatuloy ang iyong

pag-aaral? Bakit?

Karanasan sa Hanapbuhay

Naranasan mo na bang mangisda?

Oo Hindi

Kung OO, anong edad nagsimula?

Kung OO, ano ang iyong pamamaraan sa pangingisda? (Bilugan ang naaayon) Pamamante Pagbububo Pagtutulya Pananakag Pangangahig Pagkakaladkad Pagtitibog Pamiminwit Mayroong fish cage Mayroong fish trap Iba pa:___________________

Kung OO, ano-ano ang iyong mga kagamitan? (Lagyan ng check ang naaayon at ibigay ang detalye) __ Bangka de sagwan __ Bangka de motor (horsepower: )

__ Lambat (Anong uri? Gaano kahaba? ) __ Fishcage (Ilan? Gaano kalaki? Anong uri ng isda ang inaalagaan? ) Iba pa:

Kung OO, magkano ang karaniwang kita sa isang pagpalaot? Kung OO, saan napupunta ang iyong kinikita?

Sarili lamang

Pamilya lamang

Hinahati sa sarili at

pamilya:

Kung OO, Magkano ang gastusin sa isang pagpalaot?

Kung OO, Paano nakakaapekto ang pangingisda sa iyong pag-aaral?

Kung HINDI, bakit wala ka pang karanasan sa pangingisda?

Ano-ano pa ang iyong mga naging hanapbuhay o pinagkakakitaan bukod sa pangingisda?

Mayroon ka bang kakilalang umalis upang magtrabaho? Ano ang naging trabaho niya?

Naranasan mo na bang umalis ng komunidad upang magtrabaho?

Oo Hindi (lumaktaw papuntang 10)

KUNG OO, 1. Ano/saan ang iyong mga naging trabaho? (Pakilagay ang kompanya)

Cottage industry: _________________

Pabrika: ___________________________

Waiter/Waitress: ____________________

2. Tagal ng trabaho: (sa bawat napasukang trabaho)

6 buwan pababa

6-12 buwan

115

Namasukan bilang kasambahay

Salesperson:__________________

Tumatao sa tindahan

Driver Iba pa: __________________

1 taon at 6

buwan

1 taon, 6 buwan

– 2taon

2 taon pataas

3. Gaano ka kadalas umuwi sa iyong komunidad? Araw-araw/ 2-3 beses kada linggo/ Kada linggo/ 2-3 beses kada buwan/ Kada buwan/ Mas matagal pa:

4. Saang lugar ka naghanapbuhay?

5. Kita kada araw: (sa bawat napasukang trabaho)

6. Ano-ano ang dahilan ng iyon paghanap ng trabaho sa kalunsuran? Piliin ang naangkop sa iyong kadahilanan.

1 – Lubos na sumasang-ayon 2 – Sumasang-ayon 3 – Sakto lamang 4 – Di sumasang-ayon 5 –

Lubos na hindi sumasang-ayon

7. Sino ang nakaimpluwensya sa iyo na magtrabaho sa kalunsuran?

Sarili

Mga magulang

Buong pamilya

Mga kaibigan

Mga kakilalang may karanasan nang maghanpbuhay sa kalunsuran

Iba pa:

8. May plano ka bang muling umalis upang magtrabaho? Bakit?

Wala na – bakit?

Oo – hindi pa sapat ang aking naipon

Oo – mayroon muling oportunidad o inalok na trabaho

Oo – para dumami at mapalalim pa ang karanasan

Oo – (Iba pang dahilan):

9. Ano ang iyong naging karanasan sa paghahanapbuhay sa kalunsuran?

Lubos na mas mabuti

Mas mabuti

Pareho lamang sa rural

Mas masama

Lubos na mas masama

116

Bakit?

10. KUNG HINDI, may plano ka bang umalis balang araw upang magtrabaho sa kalunsuran? Bakit? (Kung meron, sagutan ang #6)

11. Mas gugustuhin mo bang magtrabaho sa kalunsuran? Bakit o bakit hindi?

Pagsusuri

Ano ang iyong saloobin sa mga isyu sa lawa at produksyon? Piliin ang naangkop sa inyong saloobin.

1 – Lubos na sumasang-ayon 2 – Sumasang-ayon 3 – Sakto lamang 4 – Di sumasang-ayon 5 – Lubos na

hindi sumasang-ayon

Gugustuhin mo pa bang sumandig sa pangingisda bilang pangunhing kabuhayan ng iyong pamilya?

Ano sa tingin mo ang hinaharap ng pangingisda?

Lalo pang bubuti

Bubuti

Pareho lamang

Sasahol

Lalo pang sasahol

Sa tingin mo ba ay mas bulnerable ang mga kabataang katulad mo sa karahasan sa trabaho?

117

RURAL-TO-URBAN LABOR OUTMIGRATION OF YOUTH FISHERFOLKS IN THE

COMMUNITIES OF RIZAL A CASE STUDY

Personal Profile

Pangalan: Edad:

Kasarian: Civil Status: Address:

Antas na inabot ng pag-aaral: Eskwelahan:

Family Profile

Pangalan Edad Trabaho Tinapos sa pag-aaral

1. (Tatay)

2. (Nanay) 3.

4.

5. 6.

7.

Work Experience (Pangingisda)

Edad ng magsimulang mangisda: Anong pamamaraan ng pangingisda:

Mga kagamitan sa pangingisda:

Magkano ang gastos sa bawat paglaot? Ano-ano

ito?

Kung nagpapabayad sa pangingisda,

magkano?

Saan napupunta ang kinita?

Pamilya

Sarili

Iba pa:

*Kung walang karanasan sa pangingisda,

bakit?

Ano ang pagtingin mo sa pangingisda?

Labis na masaklap Masaklap Sakto lang Maginhawa Labis na maginhawa

Bakit?

Work Experience (Sa urban):

Trabaho/Posisyon: Lugar ng trabaho:

Kompanya: Uwian: Oo/Hindi Oras ng trabaho:

Nakakailang trabaho mon a ito? Katangin ng trabaho:

Regular/Kontraktwal/Seasonal/ Project-based

Kita kada araw: Kailan ka nagsimulang magtrabaho sa urban?

Gastos kada araw? Ano-ano ito? Kailan ka bumalik?

Bakit ka bumalik?

118

Karanasan sa urban:

Labis na masaklap

Masaklap

Sakto lang

Maginhawa

Labis na maginhawa

Bakit?

Ano ang iyong pangunahing rason sa pag-alis

sa komunidad at pangingisda?

Bakit ka bumalik sa komunidad?

Saan napunta ang iyong kinita?

Ano ang nag-eenganyo sa iyo na magtrabaho

sa urban?

May plano ka bang umalis para magtrabaho?

Bakit o bakit hindi?

Pagsusuri:

Ano sa tingin mo ang pangunahing isyu sa pangingisda:

Pumapangit na kalidad ng lawa (saltation at siltation)

Mga peste

Mababang halaga ng isda

Malalawak na fishpen

Mahirap na teknolohiya sa pangingisda

Nakawan ng gamit sa pangingisda

Iba pa: ____________________________

Saan mas maganda mamuhay at magtrabaho, sa urban o rural? Bakit?

Sa iyong tingin, maaasahan pa ba ang pangingisda bilang pangunahing kabuhayan? Bakit?

Ano ang papel ng pangingisda sa kaunlaran ng komunidad? Ito ba ay mahalaga pa o hindi na?

Sa iyong paningin, naapektuhan ba ng mga pandaigdigang kasunduan ang buhay ng mga

mangingisda? Bakit?

Ano ang iyong opinyon sa paglipat ng trabaho mula sa rural tungo sa urban?

119

- END -