the restructuring of the spanish salted fish marketnaumannj/professional geography... · salted...

The restructuring of the Spanish salted fish market

KNUT BJØRN LINDKVISTDepartment of Geography, University of Bergen, Fosswinckelsgt 6, NO-5007 Bergen, Norway (e-mail: [email protected])

LORENA GALLART-JORNETSINTEF Fiskeri og havbruk A/S, Brattørkaia 17 B, 7465 Trondheim, Norway (e-mail: [email protected])

MAI CECILIE STABELLDepartment of Geography, University of Bergen, Fosswinckelsgt 6, NO-5007 Bergen, Norway (e-mail: [email protected])

This article discusses how cultural, technological andsocial factors contribute to the restructuring of theSpanish salted fish market and production systems.The analytical principles used are institutional,evolutionary socio-economic theories on spatial,technological and social change. A major focus of theanalysis is the use of production chain theory toanalyze the Spanish salted fish market. The mainissue is whether Spain, as a traditional salted fishconsumer market, is more influenced by technologyand supplier strategies than by cultural aspects andconsumer traditions. The strategies of Icelandicsalted fish suppliers, better preservation systems andnew salting methods seem to have influenced therestructuring of the Spanish salted fish market morethan cultural factors. Nevertheless, without theSpanish tradition of salted fish, the new light saltedfillets and desalted products most likely would nothave been accepted by consumers. In addition, theIcelandic influence proves the strength of nationalIcelandic production systems.

La restructuration du marche du poisson sale enEspagne

Cet article se penche sur la facon dont les facteursculturels, technologiques et sociaux font progresser larestructuration du marche espagnol du poisson saleet des systemes de production. L’approche analytiqueutilisee repose sur les principes theoriques del’ evolution socioeconomique et institutionnelle enmatiere de changement spatial, technologique etsocial. Notre analyse porte principalement sur lerecours a la theorie de la chaıne de production dansl’ etude du marche du poisson sale en Espagne. Lagrande question soulevee est celle de savoir sil’Espagne, en tant que marche traditionnel deconsommation du poisson sale, est davantageinfluencee par la technologie et les strategies desfournisseurs que par des elements culturels et lestraditions des consommateurs. Les strategies misesau point par les fournisseurs islandais de poissonsale, les systemes de conservation ameliores, et lesnouvelles methodes de salaison auraient eu une plusgrande influence sur la restructuration du marcheespagnol du poisson sale que les facteurs d’ordreculturel. Cela dit, la tradition espagnole du poissonsale aurait permis aux nouveaux filets legerement

The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 52, no 1 (2008) 105–120

C© / Canadian Association of Geographers / L’Association canadienne des geographes

106 Knut Bjørn Lindkvist, Lorena Gallart-Jornet, and Mai Cecilie Stabell

sales et aux produits sans sel de faire leur entree surle marche de consommation. De surcroıt, l’influence del’Islande est une preuve de la vigueur des systemes deproduction nationaux islandais.

Introduction

The Spanish market for salted fish products isundergoing a fundamental restructuring. Importvolumes of salted fish to Spain almost doubledbetween 1991 and 2005, from 30,000 to 59,000metric tons. New products have been introduced,and the entire process of salted fish productionhas changed. This article aims to determine thekey factors responsible for such trends in oneof the world’s leading seafood markets. Althoughthe Spanish salted fish market is influenced bytradition, the article examines whether modernSpanish salted fish processing for consumptionis more influenced by general technological, so-cial and economic factors. These external factorsinclude new salting processes, trends among con-sumers towards demanding more packaged pro-cessed products, and the adoption by Spanishmarket participants (consumers and processingfirms) of Icelandic quality measures for saltedfish. In other words, is Spain a technology-and supplier-driven salted fish market? Indirectly,this question addresses whether traditions amongSpanish consumers and producers are having lessinfluence.

Theoretical Perspective

Nordic and Spanish research into the salted fishindustry has concentrated on technological issuesin the production process. Focus has been onsalting (Barat et al. 2002; Andres et al. 2005), ad-ditives for salting and desalting; Thorarinsdottiret al. 2001; Esaiassen et al. 2005; Fernandez-Segovia et al. 2006) and fresh fish as raw ma-terials (Lauritsen et al. 2004; Barat et al. 2006).Social science perspectives on the analysis ofproduction chains in salted fish industries arenot common, although technologies are imple-mented by firms and individuals who act withinsocio-economic frameworks. However, scientificresearch seems to indicate that the wrong treat-ment of the catches on board the fishing vessels

is often the reason for poor end-product quality(Joensen et al. 2004).

Many changes in the production chain pro-cesses of industries have resulted from aninteraction between the use of technology, organi-zational characteristics related to the different in-dustries, specific demand and action spheres, andthe production and demand structures of spe-cific markets (Storper 1997; Dicken and Malmberg2001; Crevoisier 2004). Crevoisier (2004) linkedtechnology, organization and territories to inno-vative environments through the agents’ abilityto make use of the right technology (machinery,know-how and innovation orientation) and orga-nizational arrangements (adapting to governancerules and participation in production networks)within the characteristic material and institu-tional settings of the specific territories. Collab-oration in local production networks in specificterritories produces joint production experiences,which are accumulated as non-codified or non-traded traditions, conventions and competenceresources. When an innovative environment ormilieu of producers also establishes its own in-sight into what takes place, not only in theirown territories but also in the other markets theyrely on, the principal actors of such environmentsmay achieve a thorough and relational under-standing of the functioning and trade conditionsof the whole production chain. The traditions,investments and competence formation that re-sult from the production practices then producean immobile, localized and socially shared knowl-edge asset within specific territories, which deter-mines much of the subsequent behaviour (Dickenand Malmberg 2001; Crevoisier 2004). This terri-torial influence was labelled the ‘matrix-effect’ byCrevoisier (op. cit).

However, the technological influences may attimes be so strong that former systems andtechnologies are exposed to ‘creative destruction’(Hayter 1997). Destruction in this sense meansthat former products become obsolete and re-placed by new products. Moreover, former pro-duction environments may lose influence if they

The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 52, no 1 (2008)

The restructuring of the Spanish salted fish market 107

are unable to follow new demand trends. A tech-nology concept that includes new production so-lutions and new knowledge may enforce neworganizational and production practices and bethe main explanatory variable for the relocationof industries. Furthermore, new consumer trendsmay change demand patterns from traditional ar-eas to new products where some of the formerproducers are unable to compete.

The changes in technology and product mar-kets are followed by organizational restructur-ing among participants in consumer markets, aswell as among producers. Such transactions inthe stages between producers and market play-ers and consumers, which define the productionchain, are seen within the perspective of Edging-ton and Hayter (1997), who among others focuson territorial components, governance structuresand specific institutional contexts of the pro-duction chain. In accordance with the produc-tion chain theory and the concept of ‘milieu’ orproduction environments, this article defines amarket as the specific environments and their in-volvement in production and transactions in eachof the production stations throughout the wholechain. The production chain is then composed ofmarkets with different interdependent functionsand transactions; from those stations of the chainthat present the raw products in the first placeto the different consumer environments (or seg-ments) at the other end of the chain, which ex-press preferences, viewpoints or conventions onthe quality of the work performed in the stationsprior to the consumer market.

For many producers, who want to strengthentheir positions in transactions in the first partsof the production chain, a common strategy is toparticipate in networks or through different typesof alliances. How well such collective behaviourdevelops often depends on the institutions andproduction rules and practices (conventions) thatprevail in the different production systems ofspecific regions and the different types of mar-kets that dominate the regions. Successful pro-duction environments, which involve value addingof raw products, for instance by salting fish,may try to establish production practices orinstitutions enabling and strengthening marketintelligence, knowledge transfer, interactive learn-ing and innovation among participants of theirproduction environments (Cornish 1995; Storper

1997; Boschma 2004, 2005). And, if one group ofproducers in the initial stages of the productionchain is able to replace customers’ market con-ventions with their own producers’ conventions,then the influence of the consumer markets willbe reduced, and possibly by less than the influ-ence of the production territories. This article isconcerned with this last possibility.

The remainder of this article investigates thechanges that are taking place in the produc-tion chain and production system of the Span-ish salted fish market. Technology, organizationalchanges and the markets as territorial settingsare seen as influencing factors. The main hypoth-esis is that the forces driving the restructuringof the salted fish production system in Spain arethe strategies and actions of suppliers and theirprocessing locations in the value chain. The mainparticipants in both producer and consumer mar-kets of the salted fish value chain are further af-fected by changes in salted fish technology andby associated socio-institutional processes. Theincorporation of technology into the productionstrategies in accordance with market trends en-sures the success of participants.

Figure 1 shows the interrelationship betweenthe variables that create changes in the differ-ent stages of the production chain. Every pro-duction system must respond to technologicalchanges affecting the different markets throughdifferent types of organizational or institutionaladjustments. The two markets in the model arethe resource and the consumer markets. They areassumed to represent Crevoisier’s territorial com-ponent. The resource markets are exemplified bycountries such as Iceland and to a smaller degreeNorway. Although Spain as a consumer market isconsidered to be divided into different consumerregions with their own specific consumer de-mands for salted fish (Gallart-Jornet et al. 2005a),this article will discuss Spain in general. Tech-nological and institutional influences affect allmarkets but in different ways according to thetradition and cultural filters that their regionallyinfluenced frameworks and participants have de-veloped (Dicken and Malmberg 2001). Therefore,behind any institutionalized way of implement-ing new products in markets using new technol-ogy or new organizational forms are the firmsor other participant groups that influence eithersupply or buyer markets. Participants implement



Figure 1Theoretical model for investigation of market adaptation among

salted fish producers

technologies, supply markets, import salted fish,and even consume it. Technology and institutionsare expected to have consequences for the saltedfish market in Spain, and so are firms that setup strategies and use technologies and new insti-tutional arrangements to gain a competitive ad-vantage in the Spanish market, which in the endis the key factor for change. When the modelof market adaptation (Figure 1) contains bidirec-tional arrows, it indicates that the participantsuse technology or institutional rearrangements toaffect markets and that technology and institu-tions also influence the behaviour of the partici-pants in the markets.

The remaining discussion is organized aroundthe model (Figure 1) and will focus on productand market changes. First, we introduce the ter-ritorial aspects of the model by presenting thebuyer and consumer markets in Spain throughreference to the historical development of thesalted fish industry. The technology influence isillustrated in the next section using the differ-ent salting techniques and the chemical changesthat are involved in the development of new saltfor fish production. In addition, the economicconsequences of using modern salting techniquesrather than traditional techniques are discussed.Then we discuss the supplier and resource mar-kets using information from interviews with Ice-landic salted fish producers and outlines howthese Nordic producers restructured Spanish in-stitutions and influenced the Spanish consumermarket and its perceptions of what constitutesa good salted fish product. The consequences of

these market developments, referred to as prod-uct and market changes and measured by importstatistics and territorial changes, are presentedin the next section. They give an idea of howthe different influencing factors are able to con-tribute to change in the traditional home marketfor salted fish products. The last section sumsup the discussion and answers the research ques-tions raised in the introduction.

Data collection

Sixteen, or two-thirds, of the 24 registered im-porters to Spain of traditional salted fish fromNorway were interviewed intensively during au-tumn 1998. Information was also collected fromNorwegian producers and from Seafood Nor-way’s Madrid office. The interviews includedfirms across Spain, north of Madrid. Although wefocused on imports from Norway, all firms im-ported from other countries as well, and the Ice-landic influence was striking. These firms wereresponsible for most of the total import vol-ume into Spain in 1998. The five most im-portant firms (according to the import volumesobtained from the 1998 interviews) were inter-viewed again in either 2004 or 2006. In addition,four more companies from the Basque regionand Cantabria were included in 2006. Moreover,four other well-established firms were includedfrom the Valencia province to enable us to studythe southern Spanish salted fish industry. Thecoastal region from Barcelona to Valencia was ex-amined by Gallart-Jornet and colleagues, who in-terviewed 13 storekeepers and producers in 2004(Gallart-Jornet et al. 2005b). The numbers of in-terviews with firm representatives in Spain were16 in 1998 and 26 between 2004 and 2006. Pro-duction of salted fish in Norway has been ex-amined by Lindkvist and Hauge in 2000 andby Haaland in 2002. Altogether, 40 Norwegiansalted fish producers and key informants wereinterviewed from 1998 to 2002. The section cov-ering the Icelandic strategy of conquering theSpanish salted fish market is based on up to 2hours of in-depth interviews in 2006 with fourof the most central Icelandic salted fish produc-ers exporting to Spain. Their stories confirmedthe changing characteristics of the Spanish saltedfish industry obtained from the Spanish inter-views from 1998 to 2006 and the information



given by the Norwegian investigations referredto earlier. Finally, the discussion of the historyof the salted fish industry and salted fish tech-nology is based on works by historians who fo-cus on the traditions of the Spanish salted fishindustry. The statistics used were made avail-able by Seafood Norway’s statistical department(Lauritzen 2006).

Salted Fish History and Developmentof Markets in Spain

Salted fish products have had an important placein Spanish culture. According to Gallart-Jornetet al. (2005a), the native Iberians were alreadydrying and salting fish, mainly tuna, in pre-Roman times. Using salt as a means of conserv-ing food was an easy and cheap way to producedurable products. The area, being rich in salt andhaving a dry, hot summer climate on the Mediter-ranean coast and on the inland plateau, was nat-urally well suited for the preparation of driedsalted fish. During Roman times, Hispania waspraised for its high-quality salted fish and thearea was considered one of the most importantregions for producing and exporting such prod-ucts. Over time, specific production cultures de-veloped as traditions and skills were passed fromgeneration to generation. During the ‘barbarian’and later the Muslim domination of the IberianPeninsula, the ancient tradition of drying andsalting fish declined in importance and almostdisappeared. However, in the thirteenth century,the tradition re-emerged and showed that, despitelimited production, the fishing techniques andthe organizational system for catching and trad-ing tuna had survived (Gallart-Jornet et al. 2005a).This was also the period when Christianity in theform of Catholicism became the dominant reli-gion and, because of the strong presence of fishin the Catholic diet, some development within thesalted fish industry was inevitable (Lopez Losa2002). The fish came from water and were thusa ‘cold’ food, permitted for consumption duringLent and other days of abstinence. In addition,dried salted fish, especially codfish, was a cheapsource of high-quality nutrition for poor people,replacing both fresh fish and meat, which weremore expensive.

The Canadians, the British and the French werecentral suppliers of salted codfish to Spain untilthe twentieth century, when they lost ground tothe Nordic countries and to Spain’s own trawlerfleet. However, the Norwegians were also impor-tant suppliers of salted fish before the Nordiccountries became the dominant supplier region.Although the first cod cargo from Kristiansund,Norway, had arrived in Bilbao in 1762, it was notuntil the middle of the nineteenth century thatNorway augmented the supplies from Canada.Norway’s traders increased their supply of driedsalted cod throughout the nineteenth centuryfrom between 5,500 and 8,000 tons in the 1830sto between 16,000 and 24,000 tons in the 1860s(Grafe 2004). The New Foundlanders regained im-portance as suppliers for a short period after theFirst World War (Gallart-Jornet et al. 2005a). Be-ginning in the early 1920s the Spanish cod fish-ing fleet was rebuilt, and Spanish trawlers joinedin the fishing of cod both in the northwest At-lantic and off the north Norwegian coast (LopezLosa 2002).

Spanish production of salted cod was at itshighest in the 1960s, when more than 100,000metric tons of bacalao verde were landed. How-ever, the catch volumes were falling from theirpeak in 1967. With this reduction, there grad-ually came the need to compensate smallercatches through importation, especially from Nor-way (Lopez Losa 2002). Figure 2 shows the re-gional distribution of supplies to the Spanishmarket from 1920 to 1980.

Figure 2 emphasizes how Spanish bacalaoverde (wet salted split cod produced on boardthe trawlers) were landed in the Spanish harboursof Pasajes and Vigo from 1920 to 1980 and dis-tributed mainly to the middle and south of Spain.Much of this fish was exported to Portugal andLatin America after little and much drying (strongcuration). In northern Spain, most of the fishconsumed was imported bacalao from Norway,whereas the Spanish bacalao was distributed tosouthern Spain. The product consisted of wholesplit cod.

Since joining the European Union (EU) in 1986,Spain has experienced a systematic reduction infishing quotas, resulting in the Spanish cod fish-ing industry becoming dependent on imports. Op-eration of the EU’s Common Fisheries Policy (CFP)



Figure 21920–1980: The Spanish salt fish market: Supply and consumption areas. Location of clip-fish producers

SOURCE: Personal information from respondents

contributed to a continued decline in total catchfor Spain during the 1990s and its domestic sup-ply became insufficient to meet total demand(Gallart-Jornet et al. 2005a). Because of its needto import both fresh and dried salted fish, Spainrepresents an even more important market forexports of salted fish in Europe than before. Dif-ferent countries exporting salted fish products tothe Spanish market offer different types of prod-ucts, in terms of both conventional salted fishand new products. This development has beenin accordance with EU regulations (Gallart-Jornetet al. 2005a).

Despite a long-term reduction in domestic con-sumption of salted fish products over the years,Spain still has the second largest annual percapita consumption of salted fish products in Eu-rope. As such, the country offers an attractiveconsumer market for foreign salted fish prod-ucts. As this article will show, there are long-termtrends indicating an upturn in the consumptionof traditional as well as more modern products.In addition to the changes in volumes consumed,there have also been changes in the regional pat-tern of consumption in Spain. This restructuringled to Spain being no longer divided into regionswith distinct market areas that related to the sup-

pliers of bacalao verde in the period 1920 to1980. Although it is still possible to character-ize distinct regions, the ‘pattern’ of salted fishconsumption within Spain today is much morechaotic and fragmented.

New production processes and technologieswithin the salted fish industry have led to amore diversified product assortment, and tradi-tional wet salt-cured and dried salt-cured fish arebut two of the many salted fish products of-fered in the Spanish market. Different regionswithin Spain prefer different products. Thus, theresulting chaotic map of the origin of the ba-calao consumed in Spain is also a result of differ-ent regions within Spain weighting the attributesof products from salted and cured cod differ-ently (Gallart-Jornet et al. 2005a). With the varietyof salted fish products available on the market,different regions have developed their specific‘tastes’.

Some elements in the restructuring of Spain’ssalted fish market have been a transition fromthe traditional, with few and known processes,to the manifold—the flexible. Behind this de-velopment, we find different processes. First, anew, modern social situation with changing work-ing and living conditions represents one process



(Gallart-Jornet et al. 2005a). More women are nowemployed outside the home, and this social mod-ernization results in less time available for foodpreparation. Women do not have the time toprepare the traditional salted fish, clip-fish. Theprocess of desalting and rehydration takes time,and the water needs changing regularly, mak-ing it difficult for women with jobs to processthe traditional salted fish products during theday. Second, products such as frozen, light saltedfillets, partially desalted fish, portions packagedready to eat, and ready-to-cook products havetherefore become more convenient additions tothe conventional salted fish products.

Finally, the third change is the new ways of or-ganizing the market supply of salted fish. Thisprocess needs to be seen in conjunction with themodernization of society. Limited time for buyingand preparing food has opened up the need forthe establishment of more super- and hypermar-kets, where it is possible to buy different foods inone location. Instead of supplying the traditionalfish dealers, the suppliers are now, to a greaterextent, supplying these super- and hypermarkets.Furthermore, they are supplying a greater varietyof salted fish products, rather than just the tra-ditional groups of products.

Changes in Technologies of SaltedFish Production

In general, four main methods of salting fish havedeveloped over the years (Klaveren and Legendre1962; Gallart-Jornet 2006). The salting methodsare dry salting, pickling, brining, and brine injec-tion. Dry salting and pickling are the traditionalmethods used in ancient times, for instance, forthe salting of tuna in the Mediterranean coun-tries. Brining, the use of salt solution for thesalting of fish, originated in the twentieth cen-tury, and brine injection is a very modern phe-nomenon. By combining these main methods,several subcategories of salting methods can bespecified.

The first method for salting cod that has beenused for centuries is dry salting or kench curing,where the fish fluids are drained from the fishstorage bin. Here, solid salt is rubbed into thefish meat, the fish is then pile-stacked with alter-nate layers of fish and salt. The salt penetrates

the meat and the extracted fluid is allowed todrain away. Normally kench salting is suitable forlean fish. The pile salting method results in thedehydration of much of the salted fish because ofthe increasing pressure from the overburden onthe fish in the lowest part of the batch. Kenchcuring or dry salting is the traditional Spanishway of producing bacalao verde. Spanish trawlersproduce bacalao national by dry salting for a 3-month period. This tradition arose because thespace onboard schooners is limited, and this isthe only reason why this method is still in usein the few fishing vessels still operating. This ap-plies to vessels that catch cod at banks far fromthe home port. Normally, after this intense salt-ing process, the subsequent preparation has beento dry the fish.

The second method, pickling, is similar tokench curing or dry salting except that the mois-ture extracted from the fish is not allowed todrain away. The fish are first put in salt cellarsand become gradually immersed in a very salted‘pickle’ of extracted fluids. The brine obtained isstrong, concentrated brine made from the fish tis-sue fluid, and it usually reaches saturation point.Saturation here means 24–26 percent salt and, atsuch a concentration, it is not possible to dissolvemore salt.

In direct brining, the third method, the fish aresoaked into a prepared concentrated salt solutioncontaining, for instance, 5 to 18 percent sodiumchloride. The fish may, for instance, be treatedin less than saturated brines for a very short pe-riod (1–2 days). This method is used for lightsalted fish and is considered to be sufficient forflavouring purposes. In addition, compared witha faster salting process, a higher yield is obtainedbecause the fish meat retains much of its fluids.The alternative methods here are linked to themanipulation of the salt content of the brine. Ifthe salt concentration of the brine is increased,then a method is obtained that functions as analternative to pile salting.

The combination of brining and dry saltingis still the most common traditional method ofsalting fish. This is the way that the traditionalbacalao verde is produced in other salted fish ex-porting countries. The method involves anywherefrom a couple of hours to 2 weeks of pickling(Method 2) and 2–3 weeks with stacking and dry-salting (Method 1).



The different salting methods were methods ofstorage and transportation. However, the fish hadto be prepared for the consumer markets. Whenthe social modernization in Spain changed the ba-sis of the traditional consumer market, the de-salting process was left to the producers in theproduction chain. Before desalting, the producersor retailers cut the whole split cod and big filletsinto smaller portions. This salted cod was usu-ally desalted before consumption. Generally, thedesalting process is traditional and it has usu-ally been performed by housewives. The normalmethod was to soak the product in tap water forup to 48 hours. The water is changed once ortwice so that it is as little saturated by salt aspossible.

The change in production from homes to pro-ducers involved new conventions or productionrules. Social changes also increased the competi-tion between cheaper food products in the mar-kets. This was a challenge to the producers toachieve more efficient production. In addition,health aspects of food production became impor-tant at the same time and production practiceswere changed. In the 1990s, the focus was onlight salting and products that were more suitablefor immediate consumption or short preparationtimes. Light salted products also allow for morefocus on health as too much salt has been con-sidered unhealthy. Finally, this development wasmade easier with the introduction of better stor-age options for light salted products, such as re-frigerators and freezers. All in all, new ways ofsalting and new products had to be offered toconsumer markets. When light salted fish becamethe solution, other challenges appeared. A criticalfactor with light salting became the need to pro-duce a safe product (from a microbiological per-spective) with a long shelf life, even with bettercooler and freezer technologies. An even distri-bution of salt is important in these matters.

A radical development of salting processes,which was adapted from the meat industry (Lind-kvist and Hauge 2000) during the 1990s to meetthe new demands, was the use of brine injectionusing injection machines in the salting process.Injected brine may contain various additives (e.g.,phosphates) with the ability to increase weightthrough water retention. The injection processalso has other advantages, such as a more evendistribution of salt in the fish muscles compared

with immersion brining. After injection, stepsthat are more traditional may follow in the salt-ing process depending on where the productiontakes place in the production chain. If the processis stopped before traditional salting, the prod-uct will be a very light salted product, often soldfrozen. The combination of salt injection and tra-ditional salting methods are used for the produc-tion of heavily salted products.

The economy of new technologies

The effects of the new production processes (de-salting and injection) must be considered froma production chain perspective, where the dif-ferent production processes mentioned are sys-tematized. The normal processing of traditionalbacalao consists of several stages; the first col-umn of Table 1 shows the first stages of theprocess, up to the production of light saltedfish. In the traditional process, the fish is firstthawed and filleted (Day 2), then pickle saltedfor 3 to 5 days (Days 3–7), followed by 14days of dry salting (Days 8–21). Table 1 showsthat during the next couple of days, the pro-duction of light salted products takes place. Thefish is cut into single pieces and desalted dur-ing Days 22–24. However, to produce wet saltedcod or bacalao verde the process continues withstacking at least twice, depending on the de-gree of product curing required. Thereafter, thedrying stage is optional, depending on the de-mands of the market. After this process, thehomemaker would generally desalt bacalao for2 more days. Because of the modernizationtrends, the desalting process is, as mentioned,now increasingly performed within the industry.However, the total process of a more or lesstraditional production chain lasts for at least 1month. Normally, the weight of the finished prod-uct is lower than the weight of the raw fish. More-over, labour costs have been incurred during theprocess. Altogether, negative yields and increas-ing labour costs lead to higher market prices forthe desalted bacalao.

If the traditional process is compared with thedifferent production processes of the light saltedfillets consisting of 2 days of processing (thaw-ing, filleting, salt injection and freezing), it isclear that the traditional process cannot compete(see Table 1). The processing time is reduced to



Table 1The economy of two production processes in the salt fish industry

Production of traditional Production of light salted frozenProduction stages

desalted frozen bacalao cod ‘Bacalao al punto de sal’Production processusing fresh cod Day Day(Gadus morhua) number Yield number Yield

Frozen cod h&g 1 1 kg 1 1 kg

Thawing 2 2

Filleting 2 0.7 kg 0.7 kg

Salting 15–21 0.5 kg 2 0.9 kg

Brine salting Injection 0.65 kg

Freezing 2

Final product 18–24 0.8 kg 2 1 kg

Light salted frozen cod Traditional desalted Yield 80% Yield 100%

‘Bacalao al punto de sal’ frozen bacalao Price ∼ €7–10 Price ∼ €4.20

SOURCE: Private information from a key Spanish salt fish producer.

less than one tenth, and the total weight yieldis higher than the traditional process. Therefore,the modern product is sold for less than half theprice of the traditional product.

Other consumer trends in the Spanish mar-ket are the increased demand for ready-to-useproducts. The desalting stages of the produc-tion processes are therefore transferred from theconsumers at home to the salted fish produc-ers. The final products offered to consumersare mainly desalted frozen cod products. Inthis way, the Spanish bacalao industry has in-troduced new products to save the housewifetime and to meet competition from other foodproducts.

So far, we have discussed the changes in theSpanish salted fish market that are linked tonew types of production processes and productsthat have resulted from social changes and newmarket trends. The consequences are that theSpanish salted fish market has become even moreheterogeneous than before and difficult to followfor agents outside Spain.

The Influence of Icelandic SaltedFish Producers

The restructuring of the Spanish salted fish mar-ket has been influenced to an important degreeby the interactions of Icelandic producers withtheir Spanish collaborators. The modern Icelandic

influence in Spain started discretely early in the1980s. Around 1980, three groups of fish pro-ducers dominated the Icelandic fishing industries.One group functioned as a monopoly with an ex-clusive right to export salted fish from Iceland.This group is known as the ‘Union’ or SIF andrepresents the Union of Icelandic Salted Fish Pro-ducers. Another sales organization was the ‘Ice-landic’, established in 1942 to promote the exportof frozen fish. Finally, ‘Samband’ was started af-ter the Second World War as a parallel establish-ment for another dominant group for the sale offrozen products.

At the beginning of the 1980s, Iceland exportedonly 4,000 metric tons of salted fish to Spain,which at that time consumed much less saltedfish in restaurants than in the home. However,the Spanish markets were already changing in thefirst half of the 1980s, and gradually more saltedfish was consumed in restaurants. At this time,however, the Icelandic producers were not ableto guarantee quality or volume. The fish werecaught in gill nets by trawlers. The traditionalproducts were split wet salted fish produced bypickle salting and kench curing.

During the 1980s, the Icelanders worked to im-prove the traditional salted fish. The first newproduct was the Tandur fish, which was put inbrine for 3 days and then salted in stacks for3 weeks. The water content of the fish increasedand the yield increased from 42 to 48 percentsalt content. The first Tandur fish was widely



accepted in Spain, and people also started to eatmore in restaurants as incomes increased and fe-male participation in the labour market increased.

Several events fostered Icelandic interests inthe Spanish salted fish market. Political andinstitutional changes opened the Spanish mar-ket for external initiatives and, when the countryjoined the EU in 1986, groups that functioned likemonopolies and enjoyed exclusive rights in spe-cific markets were no longer popular. In Spain,one such dominant salted fish group was work-ing from Bilbao and another from Barcelona. Asalready mentioned, EU membership also meantless favourable conditions for the Spanish fishingfleet in European waters and, therefore, importa-tion of salted fish was necessary. As exporters tothis growing market, the Icelandic were unhappywith a situation where two regional monopoliesbought 80 percent of all Icelandic salted fish in amarket potentially bigger than that indicated bythe sales figures and where the producers werewithout much influence.

The new technologies described above changedmarket demands and new fish products were in-troduced. Wet salted fish that were not driedcould be sold in larger quantities to consumersthan was the case with the traditional driedsalted fish. In addition, now that Spanish pro-ducers could afford to buy forklifts and setup cold storages, the transportation of wet fishwas made easier with the use of containers andpallets. In addition, the establishment of spe-cific production practices in Iceland paved theway for increased exports to Spain. When Ice-land still had the monopoly of SIF, the qual-ity standard categories for salted fish productionwere established. The Icelandic producer associ-ations continued for a while to control the ex-ports within their own product categories, eventhough their Spanish counterparts had to abol-ish their institutional market control. The Ice-landic also furnished their own producers withtechnical support when needed and functioned asconsultants when the producer members neededmarket or production advice before important de-cisions were to be made. They established groupsof central players and technicians who developeda common set of competencies and know-how tosecure the best production. Thus, Iceland had astrong production system at hand when the com-petition for the Spanish market started.

With the institutional and social changes inSpain after EU entry, the ground was laid for ex-tensive restructuring and the Icelanders decidedin 1987 to take greater control over Spanish mar-ket developments for salted fish products. Thelinks between the Icelandic salted fish producersrepresented by SIF and the two Spanish monopo-lies were cut in 1988. Instead, five collaboratingfirms in Cataluna and six in the other Span-ish provinces were included in an SIF-dominatedIcelandic–Spanish sales network.

Development of light salted frozen fillets

The development of the salted fillets marketstarted after the introduction of the Tandur fishin the 1980s. The first fillets were salted usingtraditional processes and were thus traditionalsalted fish. Involving the other fish processors’organizations outside the salted fish regimes wasout of the question. The frozen fish industry op-erated in other markets and processing categoriesand was not involved in salting. However, the for-mer Spanish regional monopolies attempted toresist the Icelandic attack in 1988 by import-ing fresh cod themselves, but in a salt brine so-lution from Iceland. The attempt was not suc-cessful. Nevertheless, this showed that traditionalprocesses could be done differently.

New technologies and innovations meant thecrossing of traditional institutional borders be-tween frozen and salted products and opened thepossibilities for developing new types of prod-ucts. One product that has increased its mar-ket share of salted fish products is frozen lightsalted fillets. The processing of soaking the fil-lets for 48 hours in a brine solution with a saltcontent similar to seawater has already been de-scribed (cf. Table 1). The fillets could also beinjected with a similar salt solution. The frozenfillets with 2 percent salt were then sold by thefrozen fish monopoly of Iceland. A customer inFrance with clients in Cataluna, Spain, showed aninterest in the product. The new light injected fil-lets were then considered similar to the desaltedfillets already marketed in Cataluna as tasty whitefillets, and the product was accepted by the cater-ing segment. Marketing focused on the quality–price relationship and guarantee of delivery. Ex-port of light salted fillets was 7 tons in 1990.Total Icelandic exports to Spain of frozen fillets



of cod and saithe were 800 tons in 1996 and justover 10,000 tons in 2005.

Since the mid-1990s, the brine solution haschanged its content and is now supplied with theadditives of phosphates and anti-oxidants named‘Carnal’, which further increase the water content.‘The injection machines use a solution mixed withCarnal. No one wants to talk about it, every-one knows about it and the market seems to behappy with the development. The fish is whiterand even more appealing’, explained one of ourrespondents with over 20 years of experience inthe business.

For the Icelandic producer, the new productstill created challenges. A new sales network hadto be established. The traditional salted fish net-work in Spain reacted negatively. ‘We were thebad guys who spoiled their industry, traditionsand economy’, said one sales manager of an Ice-landic firm. A new sales network was establishedthat, by the summer of 2006, consisted of around600 Spanish agents who functioned as distrib-utors in Spain. Central offices are in Malaga,Barcelona, Madrid and Valencia. They are repre-sented by agents in Madrid, The Basque Coun-try, Valencia and Vigo in Galicia. In Malaga, theIcelandic producer has purchased a Spanish fac-tory for transforming the products to even moreappropriate sizes. This takeover also required afleet of vehicles for the distribution of the prod-ucts in Spain. ‘So now we are going one leveldeeper into the market’, the firm representativeclaimed.

Another factor that triggered sales of frozenlight salted fillets from Iceland was the reorgani-zation of a former association of Icelandic frozenfish producers in 1996. It was restructured tobecome an independent company focusing onfrozen fish. That meant a deeper involvement ina global strategy of supplying several productsfrom many foreign producers to their customers.The network of 600 Spanish distributors couldthen offer every product supplied by the Icelandicproducers to their clients. A permanent sales or-ganization with a considerable number of loyalemployee representatives had been established assales channels for the Icelandic firm.

Technology not only makes borders moreporous between product species but also al-lows geographical borders to be more easilycrossed. The invention of the injection machine

and chemical solutions were soon adapted byother countries, and imports to Spain of lightsalted fillets from new producers are increas-ing. However, data regarding other specific coun-tries who are suppliers are uncertain concerninglight salted products. However, although it is ob-vious that Chinese exports of salted cod prod-ucts are not impressive1, the Chinese influenceis perceived as increasing. The Chinese product ischeaper but of good quality according to one ofour Icelandic informants. The products are pro-duced from frozen fish and frozen again. ‘Theproblem with the Chinese is that you have to becareful with which company is contracted for theproduction; but if you find the right one, there isno problem with the quality’, one of the other re-spondents asserted in Iceland during the summerof 2006.

The deep structures that have decidedthe Icelandic success

To sum up the Icelandic influence on the Span-ish market, six different factors may be outlined.First, the prime strategy for Icelandic salt cod toSpain was to introduce Icelandic production stan-dards, focusing on product colour, taste and thetexture of the fish meat. This is the product ap-pearance. However, this necessary condition wasnot sufficient to win the Spanish market.

The second condition was that new productionpractices were established in the salted fish in-dustry, which allowed the use of chemicals inthe brine. One such additive is phosphate. Al-though some of the informants were scepticalat its introduction, the outcome was convincing.The consumers liked the taste, the colour andthe texture. What was good for the eye was alsogood for the stomach, as one of the Icelandic in-formants remarked. However, even more impor-tant was the ability to keep more of the wa-ter in the fish meat. Better volume yields werealso important for the economy. This securedthe profitability for the producers. This factorapplies to the production-based conventions andtechnology.

1 China’s direct exports to Spain are relatively small, less than900 tons of conventional salted fish in 2005, and about 3,000tons of cod fillets (all types, salted or non-salted) in the sameyear (Source: Lauritzen 2006).



The Icelandic ability to deliver exactly what wasordered—with reference to quality, product speci-fication and volume—was another necessary con-dition. This condition was based on the quotasystem that came into being in the 1980s, allow-ing Icelandic factories to own big boats, decidewhich gear to use to produce the best raw mate-rials and catch the fish when the market neededit. Combined with a system that specified prod-uct quality, the Icelandic producers developed thereputation of being reliable and superb produc-ers. This is what the Icelandic call the quotaownership system. However, it is seemingly moreaccurate to call it the producer controlled pro-duction chain. A logical derivation of this is theability of the Icelandic producers to adapt to thepossibility of political, social and economic mar-ket frameworks being opened for the producers.Such adaptability also required the producer tocontrol the organization of the production chainand the location of production in order to reflectconsumer demands. This point concerns marketadaptability.

A final related precondition for the Icelandicsuccess was the coordinated and long-term socialstrategies that were elaborated when SIF was ina monopoly situation. The main idea was to at-tach oneself closer to the retailers. More recentstrategies have only been adjustments of whatwas agreed upon more than a decade ago. Thisis the retailer strategy.

The Changing Spanish SaltedFish Market

By the end of the 1980s, the Spanish marketswere affected by the competition between Ice-landic and Norwegian salted fish producers. Newregimes of deregulation were introduced in theNordic countries early in the 1990s. Export mo-nopolies were abolished and more initiatives wereseemingly left to the individual producers. TheNorwegian influence in Spain grew quickly un-til the mid-1990s (Table 2). In 1996, Norwegiansalted fish producers were responsible for morethan one third of exports to Spain, a situa-tion that remained until 1998. Norwegian exportsstarted to fall before the turn of the millennium.Iceland lost market share in the beginning of the1990s but since 2005, they have taken over half

Table 2The supply of salt fish to Spain from different countries

Market share 1991 1996 1998 2005

Norway 12.1% 34.4% 34.7% 9.6%

Iceland 46.9% 32.7% 45.4% 49.0%

Faeroe Island 18.1% 11.1% 10.8% 13.1%

Other countries 22.9% 21.8% 9.1% 28.3%

Total 100% 100% 100% 100%

Total import to Spain 26,146 37,746 36,526 58,859

(metric tons)

SOURCE: Lauritzen 2006.

of the total Spanish market. This article will notdirectly discuss the failure of the Norwegian pro-ducers in Spain, although it seems to be part ofa long historical cycle of ups and downs in thetrade relationships between countries in this mar-ket (cf. Section 2).

The restructuring processes have introducedsignificant regional changes in the Spanish saltedfish market. In 2006, the picture (see Figure 3)is very different from the situation in the yearsbefore 1980 (see Figure 2). The triangle drawn be-tween Bilbao, Madrid, and Barcelona indicates themain importing regions, which means that the im-portant consumer regions also have become the

Figure 3Spanish salt fish market, 26 October 2006

SOURCE: Personal information from respondents. Notes to Figure 3:

S = Spanish national, I = Iceland, N = Norway, F = Faroe Islands



Figure 4Spanish import of salted fish

SOURCE: Lauritzen 2006

main importing regions. Galicia is still important,although the tendency in Galicia is to import un-salted fish and process the fish in the province.Nevertheless, the main trend is that more coun-tries are becoming suppliers. Norway has lostits previous dominant position, and the suppli-ers from Iceland are now dominating most of theSpanish regions.

The other tendency, as displayed in Figure 4,is that Spain is a rapidly growing market for thetraditional salted fish, but is using newer salt-ing technology. Most of the traditional salted fishfrom Iceland and the Faeroe Islands is first in-jected with a brine solution and thereafter drysalted.

Spain has increased its imports (see Figure 4)of traditional salted fish products. Imports ofsplit salted fish, clip fish and salt fillets increasedfrom 24,600 metric tons in 1991 to 41,300 tonsin 2005, an increase of nearly 68 percent. Since1998, the increase in Spain’s imports of tradi-tional salted fish has been more than 9,000 tons,or almost 29 percent. During these years, theNorwegian producers have had problems keepingtheir market shares in Spain. The decline for

Norway from 1998 to 2005 has been significant:7,200 tons, or more than 57 percent. Norway isthus losing ground in a rapidly growing market.

In the Spanish salted fish market, new prod-ucts both within the traditional segments andoutside are replacing older products. Figures 4and 5 show a significant increase for two spe-cific groups of products, namely, conventionalsalted fillets and frozen fillets of cod and saithe.The data used to make Figure 5 are aggregatedfor three time periods: the years 1991–1995,1996–2000 and 2001–2005, and then presentedas averages for each period (see Figure 5). Theaggregation contributes to a smoothing of fluctu-ations over time, and thus brings out structuralchanges. Figure 5 shows that the import of con-ventional salted fillets has increased significantlyfrom 1991 to 2005, from about 5,300 tons onaverage for the years 1991–1995, to about 7,700tons for 1996–2000 and then to almost 13,000tons for the last 5-year period, 2001–2005.

The increase has been even larger for frozenfillets of cod and saithe injected with 2 percentbrine. Since the mid-1990s, this new product hasbecome more and more popular in Spain.



Figure 5Product segments in the Spanish salt fish market from 1991 until 2005

SOURCE: Lauritzen 2006

In the period 1991–1995, 2,700 tons of frozencod and saithe fillets were exported to Spain (seeFigure 5). Exports then increased to an average of4,300 tons for the years 1996–2000, and furtherincreased to about 13,500 tons for the last 5-yearperiod. An illustration of the size of this increaseis that total imports to the country were 17,500tons in 2005 (see Figure 4). The Nordic countriesdelivered about 10,000 tons of these frozen filletsin 2005, and only 7,000 tons came from othercountries.

The distribution network for frozen fillets isthe hotel, restaurant and catering (HOREC) mar-ket in Spain. As indicated already, the Icelandershave built their distribution network indepen-dently of the traditional distribution network forsalted fish. The Icelanders have thus includedcompletely new groups of customers in theirsales strategy.

A third group of products in the ‘family’ ofsalted fish, but still only amounting to a smallpart of total volumes, is ‘other salted fish prod-ucts’. These have, however, shown a significantincrease in sales in the Spanish market. A fourthgroup is clip fish, where imports increased un-til the turn of the millennium, only to declinesomewhat until 2005. This small group of prod-ucts make up only 2.5 percent of the total importvolume.

The biggest group is still conventional wetsalted fish that are imported whole into Spain(Figure 5). Regarding volume, there are few

changes for this product. Imports have never-theless declined somewhat, from almost 24,000tons in the period 1991–1995 to about 23,000for the period 2001–2005. This group of productsis characterized by stagnation, even with only aslight decrease in volume. However, this reduc-tion is still relatively significant. From constitut-ing nearly 77 percent of the market in 1991 and63 percent in 1998, wet salted fish constituted 41percent in 2005, a reduction of 36 percent over15 years.

Conclusion

This article discussed how cultural, technologicaland social factors are contributing to the restruc-turing of the Spanish salted fish markets and pro-duction systems. The analytical principles usedare evolutionary socio-economic theories of tech-nological and social change. The Spanish marketis structured by social modernization in general,new salting methods, and the increasing domi-nance of Icelandic salted fish producers who havebeen able to establish Icelandic production con-ventions as market conventions in Spain. Never-theless, traditional salted fish production prevailsin the Spanish market. The result is a heteroge-neous market consisting of products that modernfamilies can consume without investing too muchtime in cooking. Such products may be purchasedin smaller quantities and may involve many



participants in the production process. Still, theIcelandic producers have obtained a dominant po-sition in the Spanish market.

The Norwegian answer to the Icelandic takeoverin Spain has so far been to seek other mar-kets (for instance Brazil) where competition hasnot been as strong. However, the total incomeof salted fish sales has fallen for the Norwe-gians from 1991 to 2005, and social changes arealso becoming visible in the ‘escape countries’.Still, the next Norwegian move may be to intro-duce farmed cod from a new and growing in-dustry as raw product in salted fish productionwhen problems related to standardized feedingand quality are solved. In 2007, salting of Norwe-gian farmed cod is still at an experimental stageand is not profitable compared with marketingthe fresh fish for European restaurants (privateinformation).

The discussion seemingly does not wholly sup-port Crevoisier’s (2004) point that the territory,or the Spanish production and consumer regionin this case, have a matrix influence. The ex-ternal, influential processes involving new tech-nology that makes production more efficientand cheaper seem stronger than the local tra-ditions and local production systems. Instead,the interference in the Spanish market by theIcelandic producers seems to be especially influ-ential, and Icelandic producers have proved capa-ble of adapting to new methods and ousting theircompetitors. The Icelandic strategic moves havetherefore had a decisive influence. They havebeen able to change Spanish production institu-tions and distribution systems. With their lightsalted frozen fillets, they have established inno-vative and new products that have required anew distribution system and that meet the de-mands of modern customers in the markets. Inaddition, new salting methods, cooling systemsand the distribution networks of supermarketsare global phenomena that have influenced thedirection of market changes. Therefore, when thequestion was asked in the introduction as towhether Spain was a technology- and supplier-driven salted fish market, the answer must bepartly yes. On the other hand, when markets arelocated to territories and linked to each otherfrom a production chain perspective, then theIcelandic supplier or producer territory no doubthas a matrix influence, according to Crevoisier’s

theory, to stimulate its agents to take the lead inSpain.

Although it seems that Spanish consumers haveadopted new products and conventions, the newproducts also seem to have evolved from de-mands resulting from modernization processeswithin Spanish society. Furthermore, it is mostlikely that, without the Spanish tradition forsalted fish in general, the new light salted fil-lets and the desalted products would not havebeen accepted by consumers. Therefore, withinsuch a social context, Crevoisier’s point (2004)on the importance of earlier territorial influencesmust also be accepted. Spanish consumer tradi-tions have influenced, and to some degree mod-ified, the external influences from external pro-duction systems and technology.

In a theoretical context, this discussion mayhelp us to focus more on aspects of Crevoisier’stheory of innovative environments. If territoriesare forced to confront each other in a processof economic competition, the territory with thestrongest competitive ability may be said to exer-cise the matrix effect. The matrix effect is relativeand dependent on a relational effect from otherterritories.

Acknowledgements

The authors thank Professor Jens Christian Hansen for hisvaluable comments to an earlier version of the article. Manythanks also go to two anonymous referees and the editor,Professor Roger Hayter, for their comments and suggestions;to Dr. Jose Luis Sanchez, University of Salamanca, Spain forhis support to the “Spain projects”; and to Dr. Maria JosePineira, University of A Coruna, who participated in the ear-liest stages of the ‘Spanish research projects’. The authorsalso thank Statistics Manager Jan-Stale Lauritzen Seafood Nor-way, who made the export statistics available for the ‘salt fishproject’.

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