somali scripts

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Taxanaha Darsidda Afa iyo Suugaanta Soomaalida Somali Language and Literature Studies series 1 Afmaal Proceedings of the Conference on the 40 th  Anniversary of Somali Orthography Djibouti, 17th 21st December 2012  Tifaftireyaasha/Editors Cabdirashiid M. Ismaaciil  Cabdalla C. Mansuur Saynab A. Sharci

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Taxanaha Darsidda Afa iyo Suugaanta Soomaalida

Somali Language and Literature Studies series

1

AfmaalProceedings of the Conference

on the 40 th

 Anniversaryof Somali Orthography

Djibouti, 17th – 21st December 2012

 Tifaftireyaasha/Editors

Cabdirashiid M. Ismaaciil

 Cabdalla C. Mansuur

Saynab A. Sharci

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Published by 

 The Intergovernmental Academy of Somali Language

First edition

Daabacaadda koowaadDjibouti, 2015

© AGA 2015

Formatting/ Mise en page

Maryam Ali Ahmed Ali

Design

Farid Fouad Ali

ISBN : 978-2-9551925-0-4

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Intergovernmental Academy of Somali Language 

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Mauro Tosco

Short notes on Somali previous scripts

1. Introduction94 

Islam reached what we now call the Somali coast very early. Consequently,exposure to Arabic and its writing must be equally ancient in the area. Actually,as stressed by Zaborski (1967: 125), contact with the Arabian Peninsula and itsinhabitants must have been going on since times immemorial and well predated

Islam.o Arab (or Arabic-writing) geographers rom the 10th century (c. Esser andEsser 1982) we also owe the first descriptions o the East Arican coast (c. Esserand Esser 1982). Equally to ‘the be- ginnings o the 10th century’ (i primordiidel 900 d.Cr.) Cerulli (1926: 20) ascribes the oundation o Mogadishu by Arabreugees rom al-Ah  sa    (on the Persian Gul) and the development in the ollowingcenturies o a mixed Arab-Somali population. Cerulli himsel (1927) reportsevidence pointing to a much earlier date (the middle o the 2nd century A.H. 95 –

the second hal o the 8th century) or the documented arrival o Arab individualsor groups in what was to become Mogadishu.

A striking act is that such an early (and continued) presence and contact didnot result in any tradition o writing down the local language. Perhaps the verygeographical proximity with the Arab world and the close and requent contactswith Arabs made the independent development o an Arabic-based scriptinconvenient.

I think nevertheless that the real reason lies in the sociology o the Somalipopulation, mainly semi- nomadic and living in the interior, no doubt accountsor this lack o any “ajami o Somalia”. Written Somali – in any orm – is a muchmore recent development, dating as ar as we know not earlier than the end o the19th century. Tis article deals thereore with a comparatively short history. Yet,such a rich and inspiring history!

94  This article is an abridged version of Tosco (2010), which the interested reader is invited to consult

for a fuller treatment.

95 A.H. = Anno Hegirae, i.e. Islamic Year.

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2. Somali in Arabic script

Arabic Somali literature is very rich, encompassing or the most part religious

literature; in the 20th century political, journalistic, and scientific publicationshave been added (including proposals to use the Arabic script to write downSomali, as detailed urther below).96 

By ‘Arabic Somali literature’ it is meant here written material produced by Somaliusing the Arabic language. It is not the aim o this work to present or discussit here, or, even less, to give an aesthetic appreciation o it. Tis must rather bedone under the heading o Arabic (and, beyond, Islamic) literature. Te interested

reader is reerred to the many works by the late Andrzejewski (e.g., Andrzejewski1983, and Andrzejewski and Lewis 1998), and the recent book in Italian by Gori(2003).

Te ollowing notes are limited to a brie discussion o the main problems acedwhen writing Somali in the Arabic script, and a ew o the solutions proposed oractually put into practice.

In the case o Somali, the problems lie, as is so oen the case with the Arabic script,in the rendering o five vocalic qualities, both short and long, yielding a numbero 10 vocalic phonemes.97

Further, Somali needs a sign or the postalveolar /ɖ / and or the voiced velarplosive /g/ – both missing in Arabic. Te proposals and uses differ mainly in theirtreatment o these points.

Little is known on the unplanned use o Arabic mixed with Somali in Arabicscript. In his article on the so-called Gadabuursi script, Lewis (1958: 135-138)discusses the phenomenon, called “wadaad’ s writing” or “wadaad’ s Arabic” (awadaad being a learned religious man with some knowledge o Arabic). Such awriting generally consists o broken Arabic with Somali words, and is (or was)used in business, private correspondence, the writing o petitions and the like. Teollowing specimen is reproduced here rom Lewis:

96 Gori (2003) provides an interesting classication of written productions in Arabic from Somalia.

97 Actually, each Somali vowel has both a closed and an open variant, yielding in North-Central Somali

20 distinct vocalic phonemes. This opposition, of limited functional load, is not marked in Osmania (nor

in other Somali scripts), nor in the Latin modern orthography.

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Table 1: Arabic with Somali words (“wadaad’s script”) (Lewis 1958: 138) 

Nothing being known o earlier adaptations o the Arabic script to Somali, anyaccount o the Somali language written consistently using the Arabic script startsas late as the end o the 19th century, with Sheekh Awees.

Sheekh Aweys (or Awees) Maxamed Baraawii98 (Arabic: Šayh    Uways b. Muh  ammadal-Barâwî)99 was an important religious leader o the Qâdiriyya brotherhood. Hewas born in 1847 in the Southern town o Brava; aer having studied in Baghdad,he came back to Brava in 1880. Until his death he lived in different locations inSouthern Somalia and promoted the Qâdiriyya brotherhood all over East Arica.He was killed, together with all his disciples except one, on April 19, 1909 bymembers o a rival clan.

Sheekh Awees is linguistically different rom all other sources, as he writes in a

mixture o Southern Somali dialects, a act which is reflected in his writing choices,which are studied in detail by Cerulli (1964).

98 Somali nouns are written consistently in the modern Latin orthography.

99 These short biographical notes are taken from the much richer account by Gori (2003: 31-32).

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wo manuscripts are discussed by Cerulli: one is a song o political polemiccharacter (against the “Mad Mullah” Maxamed Cabdille Xasan and his guerrillawar against the British). Te second is a manuscript o religious poetry.

In the first, in order to write /g/ Sheekh Awees uses the Arabic sign or <k>with three dots above. I do not know how Sheekh Awees devised this solution,i by himsel or via a knowledge with non- Arab Arabic scripts: this particularcombination o <k> and three dots is (or was) used in order to write a velar nasal(IPA /ŋ/) in the Arabic-based alphabets o urkish (Ottoman), Kazakh, Kyrgyz,and Uyghur. Te value /g/ seems restricted to Sheekh Awees.

Tis is also the only graphic innovation introduced in respect to the alphabet asused in Arabic. In a single case, /g/ is written with the same Arabic sign or /k/

but with a line above (as in Persian, Urdu, Kurdish and other languages). Still inother cases, or unknown reasons, it is transcribed with the Arabic sign or anuvular ricative, usually transcribed <ġ> and employed or the transcription ointervocalic /q/.

Te Arabic sign ‘jîm’ (variously realized in the Arabic dialects as affricate /ʤ/ -mainly in bedouin dialects – or as ricative /ʒ/ - mainly in urban dialects – and asocclusive /g/ in Cairo and Aden) is used or marking in Somali the affricate /ʤ/(also realized as voiceless /ʧ /). Te postalveolar plosive /ɖ / (<dh> in the modern

Roman orthography) is written with the sign or the “emphatic” (pharyngealized)Arabic phoneme usually transliterated <t  > in the Orientalist tradition. In onecase (reported herebelow in able 3), it is instead written with the sign orpharyngealized <d  >.

(Southern) Somali /ɣ/ is written with the corresponding Arabic sign usuallytranscribed <g  >.

Another Southern Somali pronunciation is ound in the transcription o

intervocalic /b/ – oen realised ricative (/β/) – with the Arabic sign or /w/.Arabic words retain their Arabic writing even when they contain phonemesunknown in Somali.

/e/ and /o/ are written as /ay/, /aw/; vowel length remains unmarked, althoughoen a short Somali vowel is written long – possibly, as Cerulli remarks, when itbears stress.

As in the modern Latin orthography, many clitics are written together with the

word they cliticize to.Te excerpt o the song in able 2 (rom Cerulli 1964: 118) shows a ew peculiarities

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o his writing o Somali, and not a ew irregularities.

Table 2: A page of Sheekh’Awees Somali poetry in Arabic script

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A ew words are typically Southern: e.g., in line 2 and 3, intoo or ‘where’ (instead,e.g., o Standard Somali xaggee).

In line 3 again, the word dab ‘fire’ is written by Sheekh Awees with <w>, reflecting,

as noted above, a Southern pronunciation with /β/.In line 16, /ɖ / is not written – as expected – with the Arabic sign or thepharyngealized <t  > but exceptionally with the sign or pharyngealized <d  >:dhalashii “the offspring”.

/g/ is marked very irregularly:

with the Arabic sign or < g   > in line 2 (dagaalkii ‘the fight’);

with <k> with a line above (as, in line 3, gadaal  ‘behind, back’);

with <k> and three dots above (as, in line 9, Galadii ‘the Galadi’ and gubeen ‘theyburned’.

As to what concerns vowels, inconsistencies (or mistakes) are seen in the unexpectedlengthening o Somali short vowels, e.g., in line 3 bunduuq or bunduq ‘gun’, andin line 9 guubeen or gubeen ‘they burned’, as well as, in line 16, dhalaashii or

dhalashii ‘the offspring’.Arabic words are retained in their original orm, as, in line 6, t   umma ba‘ di ‘andaer that’.

A different system is used by Sheekh Awees in his religious poetry, apparentlypredating the political song discussed above: here /g/ is either transcribed <g  > orsimply <k>, with no special diacritics. Quite strangely, /d/ is oen not transcribedwith the Arabic sign or /d/ but with the sign or the interdental (<d   >).

Other proposals or writing Somali using the Arabic script were advanced in the20th century. Lewis (1958) and Cerulli (1964: 138-151) discuss at length the projectby Sheekh Maxamed Cabdi Makaahiil, who in A.H. 1354 (1935-36) published inBombay (Mumbay) a book under the title Inšâ’ al-makâtibât al-‘asriyya î l-lug  a al-s  ûmâliyya (‘Te institution o modern correspondence in the Somali language’; c.also Gori (2003:14). Cerulli (1964: 140-148) urther reproduces, transcribes, and

translates letters and proverbs published by the author in his orthography.Te main originality o Sheekh Maxamed Cabdi Makaahiil’s proposal lies in thewriting o postalveolar /ɖ / with the Arabic sign or <d> with three dots above.

As or the writing o /g/, he proposes to use the sign or <k> with a line above.

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Somali /d/ is not transcribed with the corresponding Arabic sign, but with the signor the pharyngealized voiceless (<t  >).

In order to write /e/ the author proposes to use both the signs used in Arabic or

/a/ (Arabic ath  a) and /i/ (kasra), while or noting /o/ he proposes to use the Arabicsign or /u/ (d  amma) but inverted.

Showing great spirit o independence and innovation, the author transcribes theArabic loans according to their Somali pronunciation.

Finally, neither Sheekh Awees nor Sheekh Maxamed Cabdi Makaahiil mark in anyway the gemination o a consonant.

In 1954, Muuse Xaaji Ismaaciil Galaal, better known or his collection o Somali lore(Xikmad Soomaali) (Galaal 1956) published with linguistic notes by Andrzejewski,put orward the most advanced and coherent proposal to write down Somali in theArabic script (Galaal 1954). As sum- marized by Lewis (1958), Muuse ollowedSheekh Maxamed in using the sign or <d> with three dots above in order torepresent the postalveolar /ɖ /; he departed  instead rom all his predecessors inmarking /g/ with the jîm sign (usually reserved or /ʤ/) with three dots below.

His most revolutionary step was nevertheless the invention o seven completelynew signs in order to mark the vowels (all the short ones, as well as /ee/ and /oo/).

Labahn (1982) urther mentions a proposal by Ibrahim Hashi Mahamud(Ibraahiim Xaashi Maxamud). From Labahn’s (1982: 296-297) comparative table(reproduced here urther below as able 17), Ibraahiim’s proposal involved theuse o the Arabic sign <t  > or postalveolar /ɖ /, o <g  > or /g/, and a combinationo the Arabic signs or the long vowels and the sign or the glottal stop (hamza) in

order to mark all the vowels o Somali.

able 3 lists the correspondences between Arabic signs, the present day Latinsigns and the phonemes o Somali.

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 Table 3: Main regular correspondences for Somali in Arabic script

3. The Osmania

100

 alphabet3.1 History

Te best source or the early history o the script is probably Maino (1953: 23-26).101 Maino (1951) and Ricci (1959) provide interesting inormations on laterdevelopments and its political ortunes. Te ollowing notes are mostly derivedrom these works.

Te indigenous Osmania writing is the invention o a single man: CusmaanYuusu Keenadiid, who devised it around 1920-1922.

Cusmaan Yuusu had been born in Hobyo around the turn o the 20th century(thus Maino 1951: 108: circa cinquant’ anni a, “approximately fiy yearsago”). He was, as Cerulli (1932) inorms us, a member o a very prominentamily: Cusmaan (or Cismaan, both being accepted Somali renderings o theArab name ‘Ut   mân) Yuusu was a younger brother o the Sultan o Hobyo,‘Alî Yûsu (Cali Yuusu in the modern Somali orthography) Keenadiid.

100 I choose to use this – maybe Italianizing, but certainly widespread - transcription. Other

denominations include “Osmanya” (thus Michael Everson; see below) and “Osmanìa” (the latter in Italian

publications predating the Second World War, where a larger use of stress marks was common).

101 Maino was a great supporter of the Osmania script, as evidenced in Maino (1953: 35-37). On

the other hand, on page 38-39 of the same work, Maino also admits the costs and technical difculties

of its implementation.

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His ather, Yuusu Cali, had conquered Hobyo and established a separateSultanate, receiving the nickname Keenadiid (“the one who reuses restraints”) or

his fierce character. In order to gain Italian support against his rivals, Yuusu Caliaccepted the Italian protectorate in December 1888. Although the Sultanate wasfinally annexed by the Italians on July 10, 1925, the Keenadiid amily continued tobe very prominent in administration and politics.

Cusmaan had no political power, but soon become an “intellectual:” he learnedArabic in Hobyo and in Mogadishu, and he also had some knowledge o Italian(ha qualche nozione dell’ italiano; Cerulli 1932: 177). In Arabic he wrote also allthe correspondence o his amily. On the other hand, it must be emphasized that

Cusmaan had no knowledge o the Ethiopic script, nor had this played any role inthe elaboration and development o the Osmania script.

Cusmaan Yuusu devised his script in the period between 1920 and 1922. Telocal Italian Commissioner was probably among the first to hear about Cusmaan’sscript. He was soon ollowed by Marcello Orano, who went to Hobyo as ‘Resident‚and had Cusmaan as his private teacher o Somali. Orano later published a Somaligrammar in Italian in 1931. Soon aerwards, in 1932, Enrico Cerulli got in contactwith Cusmaan’s nephew, Yaasiin, and obtained rom him the material or his 1932

article (Cerulli 1932).

Photo: Cusmaan Yuusu (lef) with his nephew Yaasiin (date and place unknown;

rom Maino 1953: 24)

 

A ew people among Cusmaan’s riends and relatives started soon to use the newly

devised script or private correspondence, but in general the new script did notmeet with much impact until the end o the Second World War. Ricci (1959:110-111) summarizes well the local and clanic nature o the script, as well as itsflourishing aer the war.

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Te end o the Second World War and o the Italian colonial rule marked thegreatest opportunity or Cusmaan’s alphabet. In 1945 the Italian colonial power hadcrumbled, Somalia was under British occupation, and talks about independencewere rampant. From an early Somali Youth Club ounded in Mogadishu on May

15, 1943, a real national party was born in 1945: the Somali Youth League. TeLeague espoused in article 5(d) o its statute the cause o the Somali language asthe uture language o the country, and o a Somali script – the Osmania. TeLeague started disseminating Osmania in Mogadishu, and Cusmaan’s nephewYaasiin (the single most ervent propagandist o the script) was invited to teachthere already in 1945 (Maino 1951: 109). Other schools were opened by the Leaguein the major towns o Somalia and abroad (in Addis Ababa, in Kenya, Zanzibar,Yemen). It is unknown how many people got in touch with the script; many o

them were young people, and very oen women (Ricci 1959: 110); it is at this timethat the script came to be called far soomaali (‘Somali script’), or, in its articulatedorm, farta soomaalida, a denomination which replaced the earlier designation oOsmania (or, in Arabic, al-kitâba al-‘ut    mâniyya ‘the ‘ut    mâniyya script’).

Such a political support or Osmania met fierce resistance: both the idea o Somali(rather than Arabic) as the uture language o the country, and more prominentlythe adoption o an indigenous script were not widely popular. en years later theSomali Youth league decided to expunge rom its statute the article which called

or Osmania as the script o Somali, and even declared Arabic the official languageo Somalia.

Support or Osmania continued through the activities o the Somali Language andLiterature Society, established among others by Cusmaan’s nephew Yaasiin onOctober 5, 1949. Te Society was originally a branch o the League but becameindependent and continued propagating the Osmania alphabet well aer theLeague had ceased its political support. In 1957 the Society started publishingSahan ‘Explorer’, a three-page journal in Osmania under the direction o Xirsi

Magan. All these notes are due to Ricci (1959), and I was unable to trace anyinormation on the activities concerning Osmania aer the independence oSomalia (July 1st, 1960). Ricci inorms us that in 1957 the Italian-language dailyCorriere della Somalia published a whole page in Somali in the Latin alphabet,under the initiative o Pro. Bruno Panza102, among others. As Ricci inorms us,the experiment was brought to an end by the fierce opposition it met.

Discussions on the language o the country and its script continued. Te Somalilinguistic paradox consisted in a largely linguistically homogeneous country, the

existence o an old poetic koiné (based upon the Central varieties o Central-Northern Somali), and – at the same time – the absence o a single oreignwritten medium, not to mention a written orm o Somali: English was used in

102 Much later, Panza wrote the rst pedagogical grammar of Somali in the Latin alphabet for for -

eigners (Panza 1974). I had the honour of meeting him in Mogadishu shortly before his death in 1986.

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the Northern parts o the country (ormerly the British Somaliland), Italian in therest, and Arabic was known and, most o all, respected everywhere.

As is well-known, the military coup d’état on October 21, 1969 put an end to

the long discussions on the ‘official’ Somali writing. Already in 1961, a SomaliLanguage Commission had been established in order to study the matter; Labahn(1982: 137) mentions that no less than 18 writing systems (between indigenous,Arabic-based, and Latin-based) were proposed.

In 1966, a Unesco commission made up by linguists Bogumil Andzejewski,Stean Strelcyn and Joseph ubiana produced a report in which the use o aLatin script was advocated (Andzejewski, Strelcyn and ubiana 1966). Even inthis recommendation, however, the most ingenious solutions o the Latin Somali

alphabet – namely, the writing o the pharyngeals /ħ/ and /ʕ/ as, respectively, <x>and <c> – were still absent. A ew Latin-based orthographies are presented in thefinal comparative table by Labahn (1982: 296-297; c. able 17). Tey vary in theproposed representation o the pharyngeals /ʕ/ and /ħ/, the postalveolar /ɖ /, andthe long vowels.

Te Latin Somali alphabet was officialized on the occasion o the third anniversaryo the “revolution” (as the coup d’état had been restyled), and became effective onJanuary 1st, 1973. Labahn (1982: 172-173) reproduces here the whole passage o

Siyaad Barre’s speech in which the orthography o Somali was proclaimed. Sufficehere to quote rom Labahn the very first lines o the English translation:

“I also want to impress on the Somali people today that a unanimous decisionhas been reached to write the Somali script [...]. A modified Latin script has beenchosen or economic reasons as well as convenience. Te resources o this nationcannot shoulder the burden o innovating a new alphabet (or matters o printingetc.) and there is also the inconvenience o having to wait or a long time beorewe realize this goal. [...] Most o the world uses the Latin alphabet. [...] I we use atotally new script, it would have become an isolated one.”

Te rest o the story has been told many times (Labahn 1982 being probably themost accurate account): the rapid spread o the new script (a spread acilitatedby the ofand treatment o any opposition by the military government), thegrowing wealth o publications in it and the terminological enrichment o Somali(c. in particular Caney 1984).

Tere is a distinct flavor o benign autocracy in much talk on language policies,

and the Somali experience is no exception and has too oen been told in apologeticterms: a good example here is Laitin (1977, and even more 1992). About SiyaadBarre’s régime in Somalia and its language policy, Laitin affirms that the Somaliexperience demonstrates ‘an association between language policies in which thelower strata’s voices can be officially heard in their own language and a government

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that is attentive to the needs o those strata’ (Laitin 1992: 59; emphasis mine).103

Nevertheless, Osmania had not passed away: as late as 1971 a whole book had been

published in Osmania, with the title Aeenna iyo artiisa “Our language and itsscript.” It is a primer consisting o 72 pages (the last one containing a picture oCusmaan Yuusu with the English caption: ‘Founder o Osmania Script / OsmanYusu Keenadiid’).

It has been recently rediscovered by Michael Everson, a linguist, typesetter andont designer (http://www.evertype.com/misc/bio.html).

In an undated interview (http://www.evertype.com/misc/osmanya-interview.html), he explains how the book was sent to him by a relative o CusmaanYuusu, Osman Abdihalim Osman (i.e., Cusmaan Cabdixaliim Cusmaan YuusuKeenadiid). On the basis o the book, Michael Everson has made proposals toencode Osmania to ISO and to the Unicode echnical Committee.104

Te coverpage is reproduced here in able 4. It contains English notesby Michael Everson.105  Regardless o the actual diffusion o this work, itspublication date can only mean that the definitive decision on the introductiono the Latin alphabet went not as smooth as we may be led to think.

103 Much later, Panza wrote the rst pedagogical grammar of Somali in the Latin alphabet for

foreigners (Panza 1974). I had the honour of meeting him in Mogadishu shortly before his death in

1986.

104 Laitin is a rm believer in state ‘rationalization’ (Weber’s ‘iron cage’, as Laitin remembers)

applied to language. Laitin refers to this process as ‘linguistic rationalization’. Given the derivation of

‘rationalization’ from ‘rational’, the term acquires an obvious positive connotation (certainly voluntary on

the part of Weber, one of the greatest apologists of the modern state). As a part of this rationalization

process, e.g., «writers would be asked to develop material in a language in everyday use” (Laitin1992: 155; emphasis mine) and citizens must be required to know the national language (Laitin 1992:

158) and zoned according to their vernaculars (Laitin 1992: 135; empahsis mine). Obviously, the “high

linguistic barriers [which] separate the citizen from the state” (Laitin 1992: 149) are for Laitin an

obstacle to development.

105 The book is now available on the web (http://www.evertype.com/standards/iso10646/pdf/

afkeenna-iyo-fartiisa.pdf).

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Table 4 : Cover page of Afkeenna iyo Fartiisa “Our language and its script”

3.2 The script

Te Osmania is a le-to-right alphabet o 22 consonants and, in its developed orm,

8 vocalic signs106

Signs are written separate rom each other. All the phonemicconsonants o Northern Somali are represented (although the sign or the glottalstop is omitted word-initially – as it is in the present Latin orthography), and 8o the 10 phonemic vowels o Somali have separate signs. Not represented in thealphabet (as well as in the present Latin orthography) are the tonal accent and the[±AR] value o the vowels.

Cerulli (1932) puts orward the curious opinion that the author ound inspirationin both the Arab and the Latin scripts when devising his alphabet - actually, the

Latin inspiration is limited to the direction o writing (rom le to right), while theinfluence o Arabic – equally limited – is obvious in:

106 Unicode codes for Osmania may be found at: http://www.unicode.org/charts/PDF/U10480.

pdf). The font is available at the price of US$ 19 at: http://www.xenotypetech.com/osxOsmanya.html).

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• the order o the signs – which ollows as close as possible the Semitic(and Arab) order. Signs or Arabic phonemes absent in Somali (interdentals,‘emphatics’, etc.) are obviously absent in Osmania. Te position o the postalveolar/ɖ / (<dh>) is the same o Arabic <d  >;

– the absence of signs for capital letters;

– the absence of signs for long vowels (see below);

– the use of the signs for the semivowels /w/ and /y/ in order to expresslong /uu/ and /ii/, respectively (but see below).

Although aiming at phonological transparency, the script was characterized by ewetymological or pseudo-etymological choices which enhanced the morphological

distinctiveness o morphemes and contrasted with their phonological realization.In particular, certain regular assimilations were not taken into account. Moreno(1955: 292) recapitulates:

• the article and the other determiners, which are affixed to the noun, arewritten separate rom it. Tus, in the first line o the last section o the text inable 15, dalka  ‘the country’ is written <dalka>. From this choice a number oconsequences arise:

the quality o the final vowel in a vowel-ending noun is preserved and itsassimilation to the quality o a ollowing affix is not considered. Tus, hooyada ‘themother’, rom hooyo ‘mother’ and the eminine article -ta, is written as <hooyoda>;

• as the preceding example shows, the voicing o the article (there, -tayielding -da) and other changes in the orm o the determiner are instead markedin the orthography;

• one o the most peculiar assimilation rules o Somali causes a word-final/l/ and an affix-initial /t/ (the marker o the eminine gender and o certain verbalaffixes) to combine yielding / ʃ /. Te solution o Osmania is, as usual, to preservethe identity o the noun and to mark the result o the assimilation on the affix. Forexample, the affixation o hal ‹she-camel› and the article, yielding hasha (/ha ʃ a/),is written <hal sha>;

• the complete assimilation o the marker o the masculine gender -k- aercertain word- final phonemes is marked with an apostrophe (borrowed rom the

Latin script). Tus, dhinaca (/ɖ inaʕa/) ‹the side›, rom dhinac and ka, is written inOsmania <dhina‘’a>

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• equally unmarked is the assimilation o a final /d/ beore an affix-initial /t/,as common in verbal conjugation (especially but not only in the Reflexive-Middle,which is marked by -ad-): <qaadtay> stands or the morphological sequence /qaad- + -tay/ ‘you/she took’; its realization is /qaːtæj/ and is written in the modern

Latin orthography as qaatay .

Italian scholars were the first to give notice o Cismaan Keenadiid’s script. Amongthem, Cerulli (1932 [1959]: 178) published a short notice already in 1932, with theollowing able 5.

Table 5: An early version of the Osmania alphabet

In Cerulli’s table the Latin correspondences are shown with the signs o the

Orientalist tradition. Te ourth sign should be transliterated with <g   > (thediacritic caron in the transcription being invisible in my copy, reproduced here).

Equivalences using the modern Latin Somali alphabet are shown in able 6:

Table 6: The Osmania alphabet and the modern Latin Somali alphabet

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Tis earlier version o the Osmania script did not have special signs or the long vowels. Teir writing is described by Cerulli (1932: 178):

• or long /e/ and /o/ the vocalic sign is repeated;

• alternatively, in order to write /ee/ the sign or /e/ is ollowed by the sign or /y/,and to write /oo/ the sign or /o/ is ollowed by the sign or /w/;

• or long /i/ and /uu/ the vocalic sign is ollowed by the sign or the semivowels/y/and /w/, respectively;

• or long /a/ the vocalic sign is ollowed by the sign or the glottal stop (’aliin Arabic).

In this way, each long vowel is represented by a double sign. Te influence oArabic is evident in the use o the matres lectionis (<’>, <w>, <y>) in order toexpress vowel length, as recapitulated by Cerulli (1932: 178).

Table 7: Marking of the long vowels in the early Osmania alphabet

Te Italian text means: ‘For be   , thereore, one can also write <bee>, and or bo    also<boo>’. Later developments in Osmania writing seem to involve the ollowingpoints:

• irregular use o ‘taller’ signs or capital letters;

• introduction o Western punctuation marks;• appearance o a ew ligatures (in hand-written texts);

• decrease in the use o the sign or the glottal stop. Tis is not even

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represented in later alphabetic tables;

• partially connected with the preceding point, three special signs aredeveloped or marking three long vowels, /aa/, /ee/, /oo/.

• /ii/ and /uu/ come to be marked with the same signs or the semivowels/y/ and /u/.

Tese developments seem to contradict each other in terms o graphic influence:the efforts at creating capital letters and the introduction o punctuation marksare obviously due to contact with modern European languages (most probablyItalian); on the contrary, the use o the signs or the semivowels or marking thelong vowels is in accordance with the Arabic (and Semitic) tradition. Te “crisis

o the glottal stop” is simply a reflex o the limited phonological load and auditoryquality o this phoneme: in Somali (as in many other Cushitic languages) anyphonological word begins with a consonant (i.e., #VX is not an admissible wordonset). An initial glottal stop is omitted in the modern Latin orthography, while aglottal stop is retained in the other positions (but optionally word-finally). Tus,the orthographic string a ’mouth; language’ stands or /ʔa/, alongside lo’ ‘cattle’(/loʔ/) and la’ aan ‘without; lacking’ (/laʔaan/). In casual writing the sign or theglottal stop is oen dropped altogether. able 8 summarizes the marking o vowelsalong the history o Osmania.

Table 8: Expression of the long vowels in Osmania

 

Te main difference between earlier and later reproductions o the alphabet chartlies in the presence o a special sign or the glottal stop (the first sign): (Maino(1951), Lewis (1958), as well as the chart in Aeenna iyo artiisa (1971) omit thesign or the glottal stop altogether. able 9 here below reproduces Maino (1951:116), also reproduced in Maino (1953: 29) and Moreno (1955: 291). As Moreno

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inorms us, it was originally handwritten by the inventor’s son Yaasiin.

Table 9: Later version of the Osmania alphabet and Osmania digits

Special signs or digits are included here. Tey too are originals; an obvious reflexo the Arabic digits, the signs or ‘7’ and ‘8’, which are specular to each other (theArabic digits are < > and < >, respectively).

As anticipated, this later version o Osmania does not include the glottal stop.Te order o the signs ollows that o the Arabic alphabet as close as possible, butthe order o <dh> and <g> is reversed: or /ɖ / (modern <dh>) the position o theArabic sign <d  > is used, and the sign or <g> is inserted immediately beore. Tesigns <w> and <y> are listed among those or the vowels.

Lewis (1958) includes instead the signs or the semivowels aer all the otherconsonants and repeats the signs among the vowels. Again, no glottal stop isound. For unknown reasons, the last sign in the Arabic alphabet is shied wellbeore, aer the signs (using the modern Somali signs) or <x> and <kh>. Eitherthe author o the table wanted to put three acoustically similar phonemes (/h/,/ħ/, /χ/) alongside each other, or, maybe, he wanted to list together phonemes

having similar English transcriptions: <h>, <h  >, <kh> (the latter, in the Orientalist

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tradition represented here by Cerulli and Maino, <h   >). Finally, shiing <h> hasthe effect o letting the signs or /w/ and /y/ directly precede the vocalic signs.

Te alphabet charts in Lewis (1958: 141) and the one in Aeenna iyo Fartiisa (p.21) are reproduced here below as ables 10, 11, and 12.

Table 10: The Osmania alphabet

Table 11: Osmania numerals 

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Table 12: The Osmania alphabet

3.3 Texts in Osmania

I literature on Osmania is very limited, literature in Osmania is almost non-existent. Epistolar correspondence is provided in Latin transcription, with notesand an Italian translation, by Ricci (1959), but the originals are not included. A ewtexts are given by Maino (1951, 1953) and by Moreno (1955).

Moreno (1955: 290-297) presents the Osmania alphabet and a ew texts, togetherwith their transcription and an Italian translation. He reproduces the Osmaniaalphabet table and the texts o Maino (1951), together with another anonymoushand-written text. Tis material is reproduced here because, as Moreno remarks,

it shows interesting scribal practices: first o all, ligatures between a ew signs maketheir appearance.

Moreover, in all these texts a ew Western orthographic signs are used:

direct speech is preceded in the previous sentence by colons and introduced and

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closed by <”_”> (as usual in handwritten Italian); each paragraph is ended by aperiod;

a word-cut at the end o a line is marked by an equal sign (<=>) – again, as usual in

handwritten Italian (c. the second line rom the end);a ew ligatures appear; e.g., in the third line rom the end in the text o able 15.,the signs or the string <ba> (4th word) and the string <qd> (4th and 5th word)are written together.

Table 13: Osmania text: “A strange divorce” (from Maino 1953: 68-69; also

1951: 119-121)

Te first line is (in modern Somali orthography): Aan hadalno waa aan helshinno‘let’s speak is (i.e, means) let’s reach an agreement’. Te standard orthographywould use here the assimilated orm heshinno rom the verb hel, which reproducesthe pronunciation.

Maino (1951) published also a selection o Somali proverbs in Osmania,reproduced again by Moreno (1955).

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Table 14: Osmania text: Somali proverbs

Table 15: Osmania text: the Eskimos Osmania

Moreno (1955: 295-296) is the source o the text in able 15, which is interesting(apart or the presence o ligatures) rom the point o view o its content: it isa short text dealing, o all things, with the Eskimos and their land, possibly

originating as a schooltext and written down in Osmania by an anonymous hand.

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4. A note on the Gadabuursi and the Kaddaria scripts 

Te only inormation on the Gadabuursi writing is contained in an article byLewis (1958). Te script, Lewis inorms us, was devised in about 1933 by Sheekh

Cabdurraxmaan Sheekh Nuur. He was the qaadhi at Borama, near the Ethiopian

border. In Borama alone and among ‘a small circle o the Sheikh’s associates’ was

the script used; the author himsel did not ‘regard his invention as a contribution

to the problem o finding a national orthography or Somali’ (Lewis 1958: 142).

Tis script too is written rom le to right. It is aesthetically very elegant, althougha ew signs look too much alike: e.g., the sign or /a/-/aa/ and the sign or /d/ are

easily conused. I Osmania resembles a little bit Armenian, the script by Sheekh

Cabdurraxmaan is instead reminiscent o Georgian.

As in latter versions o Osmania, no sign or the glottal stop is present. But different

rom Osmania, the signs or /ii/ and /uu/ are distinct rom those or /y/ and /w/.

Short /o/ and /u/ share a single sign. Vowel length is not distinguished or /a/ and/aa/ and /e/ and /ee/.

Te order o signs ollows grosso modo the Arabic ordering, but with many

exceptions. In Lewis’ table, reproduced herebelow, /d/ and /ɖ / are barely

distinguishable, but rom an analysis o the accompanying texts it becomes evident

that the ourth sign stands or the postalveolar /ɖ /, while the postalveolar /d/ is

inserted between <h> and <r>.

Lewis (1958) reproduces, with transcription, translation and notes, various

specimen o Somali poetry written in this script (two gabay, a geeraar, a qasiida in

praise o the Prophet and two specimens o private correspondence).

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Table 16: The Gadabuursi alphabet (Lewis 1958: 142-143)

Still less is known to us about the Kaddaria script. It was devised by Sheekh XuseenAxmed Kaddareh. Andzejewski, Strelcyn and ubiana (1966: 9) briefly discuss theKaddaria script, noting that ‘[I]t is less widespread than Osmania and its historyis even shorter’. Te author also propose a number o possible modifications. Likethe other indigenous Somali scripts, Kaddaria is written rom le to right, but itis superior to both Osmania and Gadabuursi in having separate signs or all the

 vocalic phonemes. Te inventor also proposed a cursive variety o his script orhandwriting.

Labahn (1982: 296-297) lists it among the Somali scripts; his table (originally romHussein 1968: 29-30) is reproduced herebelow as able 17; Kaddaria is No. 9,Osmania No. 2, and Gadabuursi No. 8.

Conclusions

Tis is not the end o the story: Labahn (1982: 137), mentions that among the18 writing systems discussed by the Somali Language Commission “el warensomalische Entwicklungen”. Apart rom Osmania, Kaddaria and the ‘Gadabuursi’

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system, what were the other eight? We do not know.

It is obvious that none o them ever became popular writing systems. Osmania was

the only serious competitor. Te economic costs involved in the introduction ospecial typographic signs were the first and most obvious reason o its final ailure,but the ideological actors are at least as important: Osmania was widely perceivedas a “clanic” thing. Te heavy involvement o his amily in the Italian colonialadministration and in the first years aer the independence certainly did not help.

Still, in a way, Osmania is not dead: interest in it continues, certainly spurred bythe sad conditions o many young Somalis in the diaspora, and one easily finds

on the web heated discussions about its value as a national symbol and even thenecessity o revitalizing it. I daresay Osmania will last. And or a long, long time.

Table 17: Somali scripts (Labahn 1982: 296-297)

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iso10646/pdf/aeenna-iyo-farisa.pdf.