Social Frontiers: East and West

$~.50

Volume 261963

UniversHy of HaWOlH

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ISocia~ Process

Papers on the Theme

SOCIAL FRONTIERS: East and West

Bernhard L HormannEditor

Published Jointly by the

ROMANZa ADAMSSOCiAL RESEARCH lABORATORY

and the

SOCiOLOGY CLUBUniversity of Hawaii

I.1

VOLUME 261963

$1.50HONOLULU, HAWAII, U.S.A.

Conten~sPage

Social Frontlers, East-\'<7est: An Introduction to the ArticlesBernhard L. IIormann _ __ . . ._ .. _ _ .. 5

Copyright, 1963, byThe Romanzo Adams Social Research LaboratolY

, andThe Sociology Club, University of Hawaii

All ri~hts reserved-no part of this publication, exceptb~lef excerpt~, ~ay ?e reproduced in any formWIthout permISSIOn m writing from publishers.

Social ProceH is published annuaily by the Romanzo Adams Social Research Laboratoryand the SOCIOlogy Club of the University of Hawaii. Articles in Social Process do notnecessarily represent the views of the editorial staff who do not share the authors'responsibility for fact or opinion.

Cross-National Research in Aging: A Report in anOn-Going Research Project

Ethel Shanas ----.- .. -.. ---- .. - ----.-.-- .. __ ._. .. .._.. _._._._._.. 19

"Date-Line"/HawaiiEle and lJ7alt Dulaney . . . . . ... _. __ .... _._ 23

\X!hy They Came to Graduate School: A Comparison ofForeign and American Students .

Elliott Milstein, Anthony F. Chunn, and Arthtff A. Dole .... __ . 27

'Che Use of the Demonstration Project in theDevelopment of a Community Rehabilitation Program

Henry N. Thompson ----------··-·------------·c-c-.------.-------------.-_._ .. 42

Urbi et Orbi: Security as a Leading Factor ofSocial Evolution, Thoughts on Re-ReadingLa Cite Antique

Retotd Bertrand ---.--- --.----------- . .. . __ .. . 48

Community Development as a Social Science FrontierAndrew 117. Lilld .. -------.----- ---------------. --- ... . ._. ._ .... 57

Hawaii's Lands and the Changing RegimeRobert H. Horwitz -- ------------------- ..... _._____________ 65

Germany: The Religious Frontier--New Approaches toOld Problems

Fritz Seifert -- --- --.. ----. --- --- ---- .. ---- -- ------. --- -- --_ -- ._.. _. .__ ,, .._.....___ _ 70

The Hongwanji Buddhist Minister in Hawaii:A Study of an Occupation

Charles Hasegawa ------------------------------------ .__ .. __ ... .. __ .__ .... 73

Hongwanji in Rural Japan and Cosmopolitan HawaiiH ideftlmi .1.kahoshi .-.. ----- ..-.. ----.. -----.----.. -----c.---.--- -- -- ------ -.-.. 80

Interviews with Non-Member Parents of Japanese-AmericanChildren Attending a Christian Sunday School

lVlorimasa Kaneshiro ------.--.. ---.---.-..-.-. .__ .. .. .. .__ .__ . .. 83

Religious Affiliation of War Brides in Hawaiiand Their Marital Adjustment

YlIki,6o Kimma -.. ---------- ---.-- --------- . _. .. . .__ _. 88

Socna~ lF~ofi"DHe~su lEast=West:An ~ntroduction to the ArtOdes

Bernhard L. Hormann

Frontiers and Barriers in the Modem World

For purposes of our discussion, a social frontier exists when there isconfrontation, interaction, and communication across physical, temporal, social,and psychological barriers which have served to compartmentalize people,and to rigidify their perspectives. The confrontation challenges and changesthese perspectives. In the modern world immovable barriers on all sides seemto be giving way to dynamic frontiers, yet frontiers may ever again rigidifyinto new barriers. To illustrate the frontier-making process we may refer toHawaii.

Up to 185 years ago the Hawaiians were separated from the rest of theworld by 2,000 miles of ocean in such a way that they were unknown to thewider world; and except through myths, they, too, were unaware of the widerworld around them.

But from the time of its discovery Hawaii has been a frontier, increasinglyeven a congeries of frontiers. As the native Hawaiians confronted foreignerswho brought to them the forces of the wider world, their traditional way oflife disintegrated. Through the educational and evangelistic work of missionaries,they became a part of world civilization, to which they are now more or lessfully assimilated. When a variety of immigrant groups came in, pioneerenterprisers and contract laborers, and sugar plantation agriculture developedand made possible intensified and continued world trade, the inevitable socialbarriers making for separate ethnic compartments, were breached by encounters:sexual, employer-labor, ethnic group vs. ethnic group, one religious group vs.another, rural and urban, working class against managerial class, immigrantgeneration against nisei and sansei generation, tradition-directed people againstother-directed people, and local people vs. people on the outside--and so thebarriers gave way to a multiplicity of social frontiers.

In the world of today, and certainly in the Pacific basin, similar barriersare being breached and social frontiers are increasingly characteristic. Theseworld-wide frontiers are also of great variety, with problems of race relations;of international relations-complicated by a mushrooming of emergent andnew nations; of "East-West" relations across iron and bamboo curtains andBerlin walls; of people of Little Traditions-the foIl( and peasant peoples, vs.people of Great Traditions-the cosmopolitan peoples of the great worldcivilizations "East and West"; of people still living in their world of magicalforces and sacred values vs. the emancipated, uprooted, and disenchanted.

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The opposite pr~cess" is symbOlized in the isolation' by" barbed wire fenceand wall of West Berlin from its other half and from its natural hinterland,making it an "island." This man-made island contrasts with Hawaii's islandcharacter,which has steadily declined in importance.

Research into Social Frontiers

To analyze these dynamic social frontiers the conceptual tools which havebeen developed in research focused on traditional more staNe societies are notadequate. The predictions that can be made abOut the behavior of people whcihave common definitions, that. is, a culture, break down when those peopleare in circumstances where theil-own definitions obviously don't apply. Amongthe less applicable concepts for the. analysis of dynamic frontiers are folkwaysand mores, institutions, norms, .roles, status, social structure, ethnocentrism,culture-in the sense of cultural anthropology. Among the more useful conceptsare social unrest, the crowd, the public and public opinion formation, interestand pressure. groups, power and decision-1l:laking, the mass, fad and fashion,cult and sect, social movement, reform and revolution, innovation, bureaucracyand complex organizations, the natural small group or the primary group,symbolic interaction, the development of self, the marginal man, social type,the process of negotiation, social disorganization, anomie, prejudice, competition,conflict, accommodation, assimilation, acculturation, community development,social change.

These "sensitizing concepts," to use Blumer's term, become the subject ofempirical research. By observation upon observation they can be clarified,some discarded, others added. They thus become ever better tools for therealistiC analysis of the .,ever new situations and occurrences on frontiers. Theexperienced researcher can by systematic inductive research work himself intoa variety of empirical situations, learning quickly what is of significance in them.

By what kinds of empirical observations and tests, it may be asked, canthese concepts for the analysis of social frontiers be clarified?

Demographic research: First, research may be done upon demographicsocio-economic data. These data are acquired either from regular censuses takenin the geographic areas upon which research is being concentrated or by specialsampling studies. Unfortunately census data are often linavailablein frontierareas and the accumulation of data by procedures of scientific sampling iscmied through only in the face of great methodological obstacles. Amongthese obstacles is the difficulty of obtaining linguistic and social entree in mixedareas. Further, it must be remembered that in order to use the data for anunderstanding of the frontier sihlation, they must differentiate among thepopulation elements which are in confrontation. In Hawaii past censusesdifferentiated among the dominant ethnic groups. However, because of Hawaii'sbecoming a state in 1959, the 1960 census differentiated only in its detaileddata according to the categories in use On the U.S. mainland, white andnonwhite. The lack, which especially run-off data will rectify, has up to nowseriously hampered the continued comparisons made earlier, by which it has;for instance, been possible to measure the social disorganization and rates Ofassimilation of the various groups forming polyethnic Hawaii.

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, .~ furth~er. obstacle in data collectiQn.is thllt certai(l social facts, .easilyobtaI?able In stable andhomogeneou~com~linities, are not countable onfr~ln~lers because people are i.n transition, :IIlarginal,ambivalent. In Hawaii,for Instance, wher~ the. fronh.er between ~l1(:ldltism and Christianity is fluid,p~~le are not dectded In their own minds as to how to identify themselvesrelIgIOusly.

However, to the extent that data are available they can be analyzed. intotren.ds and rates. The trends which prevail over a period of time make possibleshort·term and always tenta~ive predictions. The rates of the various componentgroups can ?e compared WIth one ,another and with rates available from otherareas. For 1nstance~ the suicide and divorce rates of the Japanese of Hawaii~an be co~pared WIth the rates of Hawaii's other ethnic groups and with ratesIn the U~lte~ States and in. Japan. Such observed differences and changes intrends raIse Important questIOns for intensive field research.

Fi:ld resea:ch: Case studies form the second kind of research called foron SOCIal. front~ers .. Through extensive interviews, by carefully prepared schedules~nd by I~tenslve In.terviews in greater depth of representative and key personslllvolved Ill. a frontler confrontation, people in a social movement for instance?r people In a com~unity facing a disaster or debating an important sociai~ssue: an understandIng c~n be obtai?ed of how these dynamic situations are~haplng u~, how perspectIves are beIng modified. Such field research can befurther enrIched through historical research.

By a judicious combination of statistical analysis with case studies the socialresearcher can set up for himself something approaching a laboratory situationor perhap~ it would be better to use the analogy to an astronomical o~volcanological obse~vatory. At any rate these natural experiments which occurfrequently on fro~t1ers and under particularly favorable conditions for systematicst.udy are th: sOct~1 researcher's opportunity, and compensate for his ethicaldifficulty of ImpOSIng experiments upon fellow human beings.

C011textua./ studies: In the third place, the social researcher engages inw~at. ~ay be calle~ contextual research. When a field anthropologist studies aprImItIve comm.umty, the context in'terms of which he explains the variousforms of behaVIOr he observes is the "culture" of the people. But on a frontierw~ may be dea!ing with seve:-al cultures, some of which may be decaying, andWIth an eme~glllg culture bemg produced out of the process of acculturation.The problem IS more complex, more difficult.

One context. which seems to be applicable to most frontier situations in themodern world IS that of emerging world civilization. It is the perspectivecommo~ to cosmo~olit.an. people in modern world society. Some sort ofecumemcal p~rSfect1ve IS mherent and implicit in all great world civilizationsand world relIgIOns, which by implication are always universal for all mankindThe me~ers of ~he $reat ~istoric professions, including the'social researcher:have thIS perspectIve In theIr dedication to the welfare of all men and to therelentl~ss quest to improve their practices. and knowledge. At their best, thepr~feSSIO?S ,transcend local cultural differences, class barriers, racial barriers.It IS a cltche to repeat that science is international. In the creative arts today-

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music, painting, architecture, literature,drama-artists are attempting to usecreatively all the great traditions and thus ina sense to promote a world-wideprocess of merging them. On a small scale, these developments can be seen righthere in Hawaii, where architects, for instance,are designing homes, which inthe most successful examples blend harmoniously traditional Western Europeanand traditional Sino-Asian elements with very "modern," "functional" principles,as well as with the Hawaiian tropical note of bringing in the out-of-doors.

Politically the world now functions as one. Its wars are world wars andits international relations are primarily concerned with the prevention of suchwars and the containment of minor military operations, such as the "Koreanwar" of a little over a decade ago. Economically, world trade and the trade ofworld regions are increasingly across former national barriers, although theIron and Bamboo curtains show that trade barriers can always develop anew.There are also social movements such as Communism and nationalism, whichcut across traditional barriers. There seems indeed to be a single but highlymultinanimous world society arid civilization in the making.

One role of the mass media of communication seems to be to help createthis world context for the pre-industrial peasants now losing their purely localperspectives and acquiring a new kind of empathy, in some such way as DanielLerner described for the peoples of the Middle East in his Passing of TraditionalSociety. The mass media are also a constant bridge, not always happilyeffective, in the interpretation to the other-directed people of the mass societyof what the creative elite are doing in the sciences and the arts.

The expression, the human condition, now much in vogue, suggests anotherformula which cuts across all barriers. Implicit in all social situations, includingthose of the frontier, is the basic human situation. Plus ca change, plus c'est lameme chose. "La meme chose" is primary human nature, in Cooley's sense,and the changes and variations are expressions of this basic human nature. InRiezler's approach we look ever anew for the basic human condition in whichthere are implicit as possibilities the various human "passions," which form,as Riezler attempted to demonstrate, the immutable context or fabric withinwhich mutable expressions of human behavior occur. By these passions Riezlermeant pride and humility, care and carefreeness, shame and awe, happiness andmisery, fear and hope, envy and pity, love and hate, patience and impatience.His point was that they are always co-present as possibilities, in a sense implyingeach other-in each pair-and one another. He further pointed to the pronounsfound in all languages as also implying one another and thus pointing to thefact that the persons in a social situation are mutually involved. Similarly, thepresent moment always implies-for human beings-the past and the future.Riezler goes beyond Cooley's primary group in his concept of the social context,which ultimately includes the individual and his "world." This approach, byno means fully developed and systematized, nevertheless seems to suggest theright questions for studying in some coherent unified way all varieties of socialsituations, including those of the frontier, for as Park was wont to point out,persons of different backgrounds when they confront one another do so ashuman beings and a flowing back and forth of human claims is set off. Withdifferent perspectives, they may have little or nothing to do with one another,

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but on the border the human context which can unite them is at the same timean ever-present possibility, a frequent occurrence.

A recent contribution to this approach is Erwin Goffman's The Presentationof Self in Everyday Life, in which the author moves through all kinds of socialsituations in many part.s of the world to describe how individuals modify their::on~uct as they recog111ze themselves "on stage" or in "front regions," that is,In view of a public not of the inner circle. When, on the other hand, they are"pack stage" or in "back regions" they "present" themselves differently totheir inner circle.

Th", so.cial. researcher in Hawaii is presented a gratuitous methodologicaladvantage 111 hiS contextual analysis. Geographic insularity places Hawaii, so tospeak, on a con~ned stage on which its characters of diverse backgrounds maybe observed. It IS the nature of islands to delimit and set into bold relief thesocial context. which contai.ns and to some extent explains the people living onthem. Here IS a context In between that represented by the wide world andthat of ~he immediate and transitory situation and the primary group or localcommu11lty. In Hawaii this geographic characteristic is not only an immediatea~vantage to the social researcher. It is also a force making for more frequent,Widespread, and enmeshed relations among the people of the different ethnic,religiou:, ge?erational, and ?ther ~ompartments. B~cause of the relatively smallpopulatIOn tn.e frequency WIth whICh persons of dIverse backgrounds recognizeone.another 111 a human c.ontext is greatly increased. The processes whereby~~rrlers are broken, frontlers emerge, and ultimately an integration of theGlsparate groups of men takes place are telescoped. The very islands suggestto the pe?ple on them that in ~hat context they are part of a whole. Ambiguouslyand amblvalently they recog111ze one another as forming a "we." In this rapidemergence of a new whole in a community as heterogeneous as Hawaii lies thepeculiar fasci~ation for the researcher, who sees in Hawaii a sort of laboratoryor demonstratIOn-research project in which are articulated possibilities for theworld at large.

. T1~e social researcher and his context: Far from being able to keep himselfobjectIvely apart from the field situations he studies, the social researcher iscoming to a recognition that almost inevitably he is a part of the context. Whenthe modern researcher enters a small community there is created a new frontier.The observations he makes and the questions he asks start new interactionsand. in the very occurrence of these they already are part of the context.Ultunately too the report of his research gets back to the people studied-andof course to others like them-and if the findings are true or even when theyare .false be::om~ a pa~t of the conte~t within which those people then behave.So In ~awallMIchener s novel Hawt1tt, which certainly used the product of muchprofessl~nal research, and Fuchs' research report Hawaii Pono, have affectedperspectIves and behavior of people in Hawaii, even when they have arousedthe ire of the people.

Recognizing the inevitability of his contextual involvement the modernso~ial . r.es7:rcher, who in. the recent era of his "scientific ;eutrality andobJectlVlty eschewed applIed anthropology and applied sociology, now findsa new possibility of "participant intervention" for him and is able to justify

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his engaging in a new kind of social experimentation. Because he accepts boththe people in the situation being studied and himself-attempting to do researchin terms of the highest standards of scientific excellence-as part of thesa~econtext, the ethical danger of imposing experiments upon his unsuspect1llgsubjects becomes academic. The medical researcher does not "experiment" uponhuman beings. It is absurd for the social researcher to even think that he can"experiment" upon human beings. But he can experiment. with t~em. S~chexperiments have been variously referred to as demonst:a.tlOll p~oJects, p.llotprojects, action-research, planning and research, partlClpant 1llterventlOn,community analysis and development.

One of the most dramatic recent illustrations of experimentation and researchon the part of all the people involved in the context is the work .of the Co.mellanthropologist, Allan R. Holmberg, and his Peruvian and Amencan assoClates,working among the Quechua-speaking Indians of Vicos, Peru. He argues thatin community development the social researcher. can play much th~ same rolethat a psychoanalyst plays in helping a patient achleve enough self-enhg~tenmentso that the patient can change his own behavior. "It seems to me," he IS quotedas saying in the Saturday Review of November 3, 19~2, "that the rol: of theparticipant interventionist in the process .of commul11ty. development IS muc~the same. His job is to assist the commul11ty to develop Itself, a.nd to study thlsprocess while it is taking place. He cannot 'cure' the c~m~ul11lY"as a surgeoncures a patient; the community must perform ~he operatlOn l~self. As a resultthese peasants are in process of buying theIr. own la~d from profits madethrough more effective agricultural and market111g practices. .

In another part of latin America Robert Redfiel~ returned 111 1948 t~ aYucatecan village he had studied seventeen years earher, and after restudY1llgit, wrote A Village That Cbose Progress. .'. .,

In an urban community development program 1ll DeIhl by the ~l11Versltr of\'V'isconsin sociologist, Marshall B. Clinard, and the Indian com~ul11ty orgal11zer,B. Chatterjee, the approach was to have the people define theIr own problems,to help them make these definitions realistic enough so that t~ey could dosomething about them, and again through reports su~h as .thel.rs t~ keep asystematic account which becomes part of the cumulative sClentIfic lIterature.

Professional Sociology on Hawaii's Frontiers

The first professional sociologists arrived at the University of Hawaii. inthe 1920's, Romanzo Adams in 1920, Andrew lind in 1927, Clarence Ghckin 1929, and Robert E. Park on a visiting basis at the end of that decade andin the early thirties. Realizing that Hawaii's isol~tion would e~ectivel'y hamperany continuous research elsewhere, t~e rese~rch-~l~ded Adams lm~edlately a~denthusiastically launched the studles whlCh 1lldlCated that thIS commullltyoffered a research mine of many veins.

The wide ranae of Adams' studies covered demography, industrial relations,race relations (with special interest in interracial marriage), social disorganization.His research work was thus many-faceted, and this was because he saw at leastintuitively that in Hawaii no problem could be studied in isolation f~omthe other problems; research problems were interrelated. He also recoglllzed

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chewider implications of research in Hawaii, and thus participated in andcontributed research findings to the first two conferences of the Institute ofPacific Relations in Honolulu in the 1920's, which attracted outstanding scholarsfrom all the Pacific countries, and subsequently attended conferences in someof these countries. It was he who wanted the guidance of one of America'soutstanding research sociologists of that time, Robert E. Park, in order to relateresearch in Hawaii to research elsewhere.

The associates who then came continued Adams' enthusiasm for varied fieldsof research and Adams' concern for the wider implications of research workdone in Hawaii. The ecological studies of lind thus tied in with the ecologicalresearches which Park and his students were doing in Chicago. The plantationof Hawaii was studied by Edgar Thompson because it could be significantlycompared with Southern, latin American, Malayan plantations, and withEuropean latifundia. Research was done on Hawaii's marginal man, a conceptproposed by Park, but The Marginal Man by Everett Stonequist, which resultedafter a period of research and teaching in Hawaii, dealt with this type in otherplaces and times as well.

The depopulation and return of the Hawaiian people, their disorganizationand assimilation, have been compared with what happened to other Polynesians,American Indians, and other non-Western peoples in contact with Westerncivilization. The growth of immigrant institutions and communities and theirsubsequent disorganization and the assimilation of the descendants have notonly been studied comparatively within Hawaii but compared with the "racerelations cycle" on the U.S. mainland and elsewhere, and Hawaii has beenassigned a place on the "continuum" of race relations in the Pacific. Glickconceived of his study of the Chinese of Hawaii as clarifying a generalworld-wide process of kinship giving way to nationalism. The differentialresponses of Hawaii's and the U.S. mainland's Japanese to World War II havebeen the subject of research, and 1\1orton Grodzins, without ever coming toHawaii, demonstrated how the comparison clarified the concepts of loyaltyand disloyalty.

The marginal languages that grow up on cultural frontiers-pidgin, creole,dialect-have been studied intensively in Hawaii, and the processes of theirdevelopment and their sociological implications compared with linguisticphenomena on other frontiers. .

Adarns' interest in interracial marriage, to which has been added 3.n interestin interracial divorce, has been pursued by C. K. Cheng, Douglas Yamamura,Lind, Yukiko Kimura, Robert C. Schmitt, and others, and it is recognized thatin Hawaii the availability of demographic data and of pertinent case materialsis better than in most interracial areas. Such studies are clarifying amona otherthings the role of cultural similarity as against situational factors in ~aritaladjustment of couples coming from different backgrounds.

How politics is affected by racial, ethnic, and other social factors has beenstudied in Hawaii by Lind, Yamamoto, Digman, Horwitz, Schmitt, and others,with the comparative value of such studies implied. Digman recognizes, forinstance, that Hawaii's experience is comparable with, although also differentfrom, that of large Northern cities where the vote of European immigrantgroups has entered into the dynamics of elections.

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Regarding racial segregation in schools, Hawaii's experience has ~eencompared with that in other interracial communities and b.een. charactenzedas having permitted partially segregated private schools, whlCh m turn m~deit possible for the nonsegregated public schools to concentr~te on the educatlO?of Hawaiian and immigrant children until they reached a pomt where the p~bhcschools could develop their curriculum and standards to meet the educatlOnalneeds of Mainland-derived children too, and where the private schools couldopen wider their doors for all who coul~ meet their standards regardless ~f race.Such a development, which happened m an unplanned way and was aided bythe existence in Hawaii of a single unified public school system, suggests atleast possibilities in the problem of school integration, North and So~th.' suchas incorporating the suburbs of big Northern c~ties into t?e school dlstr~cts ofthe central city, so that schools can be more qUickly equahzed and allowmg anintegrative role for experimental private schools where standards, not race,

determine entrance.In regard to social disorganization, a study ~f juvenile del~nqu.eney is now

being done under Douglas Yamamura and Irvmg Kr~uss .,:,hlCh is pa~t of acomparative study involving several American ulllver~lti~s and dl~eren~communities. Studies of mental illness----<:omparisons of 111Cldence by KlyoshlIkeda and studies of contrasts in the symptoms of patients whose diagnosis isfor the same form of schizophrenia and who belong to two different eth?icgroups by Enright and Jaeckle·-indicate the pot~ntial ~alu~ for the ~nderstand111gof mental illness elsewhere through systematic studies 111 Hawall.

A number of other varied problems which attract the sociological researcherin Hawaii may be mentioned: military soc~~logy,. ,:,i.th emp~asis o~ thecommunity of military dependents and on mlhtarY-Clv111an relatlOns; dIsasterresearch, capitalizing on tidal waves, volcanic eruptions, the a~tack .on P~arlHarbor, major strikes, dramatic crimes; the sociolog~ of ~ourtsm: ~ncl.ud111gproblems of visitor satisfaction, tourism as a major .lelsure-time a:ti~lty m themodern world the relations between tourists and tounst-centered neighborhoods,like Waikiki ~nd Kailua-Kona on the one hand and the resident populationon the other, occupations and social types having to do with tourism-thebeachboy, the bellboy, the waiter, the surfing bum, the summer co~d, theimpact of tourism on the social atm~~phere of .t?e whole ~ommulllty,..thesociology of tipping, the impact of a V1S1t to Hawall o~ th~ sOClal and pohtlcal-the racial-outlook of the tourist, etc.; the modermzatiOn of peasants as aworld-wide process towards the understanding of which the ~esearches inHawaii give clues as to what happens when peasants become mobl1e, uprooted,and emancipated from their age-old traditions.

It is also important to recognize that certain kinds of researc~ pr~blemscarry little promise in Hawaii. As the medical researcher looks 111 vam f?rtropical diseases in these islands of the torrid zone, so the field ant~~op~loglstlooks in vain for preliterate folk societies, or small folk commulllties ~n ~heearly stages of their reaction to contact with the modern :"orld, or fun~tlOlllngpeasant villages. Both, howeve.r, have the opportulllty of stud~111g theimplementation of advanced publlC health progra.ms amon? peoples ~tdl underthe influence of their many folk beliefs and maglCal practices r~gar~111~ hea.lthand illness, derived in the case of the Hawaiians from their pre-hlstonc SltuatlOn

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of being without contagious disease, and brought over in the case of peasantimmigrants from areas of serious endemic and epidemic diseases.

In a negative way this absence of certain kinds of research possibilitiesmerely underlines what was pointed out earlier: first, Hawaii is an idealplace for studying-in a readily deducible human context, with available orascertainable statistical data, and with ease of access to case studies-problemsof change, social frontiers, marginal men, social processes; second, since, inthe world, such problems are rapidly overtaking situations of stability andstructure, research on Hawaii naturally illuminates research on this dynamicchanging world.

After forty years of sociological research one is entitled to ask what is thefruit of this research. The bibliography of books and articles is considerable,as mimeographed Report No. 37 (1963) of the Romanzo Adams SocialResearch Laboratory testifies. The present issue of Social Process is Volume 26of an annual journal started in 1935 as Social Process in Hawaii, primarily as amedium for the undergraduate sociology major, but through the years presentinga variety of articles by professional sociologists, political scientists, psychologists,economists, social workers, and journalists. But what does this work add up to?Certainly not to a body of confirmed laws. The work has rather, as has beenrepeatedly stated above, specific implications for the understanding of manydynamic situations elsewhere. Fundamentally and briefly Hawaii, as studiedby the sociologist, seems to point to alternatives both in the analysis andinterpretation by research and in the practical handling of problem areas inother parts of the world.

Introducing Articles on the Theme ~~SocialFrontiers"

So the present issue of our journal is organized around the theme of socialfrontiers and in some way or other all articles deal with a social situation inwhich expectations and definitions are being challenged by confrontation withother expectations and definitions and are changing, where misunderstandingscan occur, where new forms of behavior are being tried and people are gettingnew conceptions of themselves and the world. Because this theme is applicableboth to Hawaii and the world it makes a meaningful transitional theme in ourattempt to broaden the geographical scope of Social Process. In this attemptwe are also reflecting the rapid development of the University of Hawaii withits new federally supported East-West Center into an international university.

We have a group of articles on marginal classes of individuals: adolescents,graduate students, the aged, the physically handicapped.

Our article on aging research by Dr. Ethel Shanas, Research Associate(Associate Professor), Department of Sociology and Committee on HumanDevelopment, University of Chicago, reports not only on the mushroomingof research in this area in the last two decades, but on a particular researchproject now being carried out in Denmark, Great Britain, and the UnitedStates. The research is expected to improve social planning for the aged andto study the changes in the life patterns experienced by the aged in Western

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urbanized societies. The research among other things has put into perspectivethe problem of social isolation of the aged.

In all societies adolescence is a critical period in the lives of the members.These are ages when they undergo significant social transitions. But in modernsociety there are the additional problems of rapid social change and the givingup by ever larger numbers of people of traditional ways for the fads, fashions,and opinions of the mass society. At the same time the length of the periodof adolescence has been extended and a growing proportion are involved in aprocess of continuing education. The vocational handicaps of those who dropout become increasingly great as our society's occupational structure shows acontinuing relative decline in unskilled jobs. In a society of rapid change andgreat social mobility the gap between the generations becomes accentuated.These problems of youth are thrown into bold relief in a polyethnic societylike Hawaii. Here youth is restive under the restraints and "handicaps" ofits varying ancestral heritages. Here, too, there is the problem among youthsof a high sex ratio, growing out of the presence of large numbers of militarypersonnel. Thus the contemporary youth of Hawaii are maturin? at a time .ofsocial upheaval and in a place of racial and cultural complexIty. Ele TaI~a

Dulaney and Walt Dulaney, an interracial couple, who have taken work 1ll

sociology at the University of Hawaii, have at least for .the time being gi".enup their professional careers in nursing and boys' work, 1ll order to deal WIththe problems of youth through a newspaper colum~ w~ich .they started, ~nd

throuah talks and discussions before a variety of orgamzatlOns 1ll the commumty.In th~ir article they attempt to point to the more typical, more persistentproblems which have come their way.

At the tail end of the educational process comes graduate study. Elliott.Milstein and Anthony F. Chunn, graduate students, and Dr. Arthur A. Doleassociate professor of psychology at the University of Hawaii, report on theirresearch into the influences which made for the decision to go to graduateschool, comparing foreign and American students at the University of Hawaii.Finding fewer differences between foreign and American stude~ts th~n mil?htbe expected, they raise some provocative questions about the questlOn~a1fe whIchthey administered to their sample of students. To what extent dId the useof a foreign language to students studying in a foreign language affect thefindings ? Were the responses affected because the researchers represented thehost country? There is involved here of course the central problem of allresearch on social frontiers. Social research involves communication, but socialbarriers involve an absence, or deficiency, in communication. More than inmost social research the social researcher on the frontier must therefore bealert to how his research procedure, which adds a new flow of communication,becomes a part of what it is he is trying to study and something which mustbe considered in evaluating the outcome.

Forced upon an unknown number of persons in our society is another kindof marginality, having to do with the physical disabilities caused by disease,accident, and birth injuries. As with the aged, the lives of many have beenspared by modern medicine but many lead a constricted, not very full .life.It has been aptly said about them as about the aged, that "when years h~ve

been added to life, hfe has to be added to the years." This, the reincorporatlOn

14

t?, the.ful~est extent possible, of handicapped persons into family and communitylite and wto employment is the problem of rehabilitation. In Hawaii therehas been not only great interest in this field but also concrete demonstration­research bespeaking a systematic effort to make measurable progress. This workis described in the article by Henry N. Thompson, M.A., assistant director ofthe Rehabilitation Center of Hawaii.

Leaving the problem of the marginal person, we turn to transitions inhistory, when men have been able to discard established ways of handlingtheir recurring problems for new principles. These, too, are social frontiers,temporaUy rather than spatially conceived. Next year is the hundredthanniversary of the publication in France of La Cite Antique by Fustel deCoulanges. This classic developed the thesis that one such basic transitionoccurred in the Greco-Roman ancient world when the rites which tiedindividu::tls religiously and exclusively, first to clans and ancestors, and laterto the local deities of the city, were discarded in a series of revolutions,whereby citizenship was opened to all, political systems were freed from religion,and religion itself, through Christianity, was universalized and freed from directinvolvement with the clan or city and thus spiritualized. Using La Cite Antiqueas his point of departure, Professor Raoul Bertrand, formerly in the diplomaticservice of France and professor of political economy at the Paris Institute ofPolitical Science, now teaching French and German literatures at the Universityof Hawaii, gives us an essay proposing that man's quest for security to whichhe attributes the religion of the "ancient city," is universal and thereforenoticeable in the contemporary world-in the ancestral cults of the Chinese,Japanese, and Polynesians as in the secularized saints of totalitarian regimes.As ancient man was freed by the overthrow of kinship-bound and locality-boundreligion, so now a new revolution, not yet fully appreciated, is occurring inthe world today, which frees and democratizes economic development.

The advanced projects program of the East-West Center at the Universityof Hawaii has chosen as its major theme the great changes in the contemporaryworld so frequently referred to under the concept of "development." Ourarticle deals with "Community Development as a Social Science Frontier."Andrew W. Lind, senior professor of sociology at the University of Hawaii,uses his experience in conducting a seminar on community development todiscuss the emergence of this present focus of interest in various social sciencesout of such earlier approaches to the non-European world as missionary work,colonial and industrial paternalism, and mass education. He points to theoften overlooked difficulties of breaking through hoary traditionalism in orderto arouse democratic processes, and of expectations and population rapidlyoutstripping material development. Finally he emphasizes the interlockingrole of the social sciences in community development.

In "Hawaii's Lands and the Changing Regime" Robert Horwitz discussessome methodological aspects of his current research as it bears on one of thecentral issues in the modernization and democratization of Hawaii, viz., landreform. The relationship of changing patterns of land ownership and utilizationmust be studied empirically, and may be better understood, Horwitz argues,within the framework provided by classical political philosophy than through

15

"the distorting medium of positivistic social science." Dr. Horwitz is associateprofessor of political science at Michigan State University.

Finally, we have a group of articles on the religious frontier. Dr. FritzSeifert represents the post-war generation of students in Germany, where hestudied at the Universities of Ti.ibingen, Heidelberg, and Gottingen, and then,the recipient of a Fulbright fellowship and a fellowship of the World Councilof Churches, came to America and obtained his doctorate at the Pacific Schoolof Religion and is now on the faculty of the University of Hawaii. Awareof the social barriers which have been allowed to grow up between theProtestant church of Germany and the working classes and students, he describes,by virtue of his own past involvement, three church-sponsored approaches bywhich communication across these barriers has been initiated.

Reporting on the Buddhist temple in frontier Hawaii are two undergraduates,Charles Hasegawa and Hidefumi Akahoshi, and with their contributions wecontinue our tradition of representing the undergraduate student. They reporton the way the work of the Shin sect of Buddhism has been modified by beingtransplanted from Japan to Hawaii. Both writers are sons of Shin ministers andare themselves heading for the ministry. The problem of transplantingBuddhism to Hawaii is not that of the foreign mission, but rather that ofchurches following their emigrants to a foreign land and attempting thereto maintain themselves as/Colonial churches, in competition with other churchesand with loss of the ancestral tongue. It is the problem of the Scandinavianand German Lutheran churches in America and of the German Lutheran churchin Argentina and Chile. On the religious frontier of Hawaii we see Buddhistchurches in taking on institutional forms from their Christian competitorinstitutions, sometimes attaining a vitality which they do not have in Japan.But we also get the impression of an uphill struggle, of the inevitable attritionof membership in a society which is "nominally" Christian.

How this attrition takes place is reported, in this case from the point ofview of a Christian minister, The Reverend Morimasa Kaneshiro, of St. Mary'sEpiscopal Church, on the basis of interviews with parents of Japanese Buddhistheritage who are allowing, even encouraging their children to attend Sundayschool, while they themselves remain aloof.

Dr. Yukiko Kimura's paper continues her work on war brides, bringing inthe religious factor as an element in their marital adjustment. In it we seethat the weaker institutional hold of Buddhism in Japan seems to make forfewer marital problems with spouses of other religious, cultural, and racialbackgrounds than occur when both spouses are of Christian background but donot belong to the same church. All 324 of Dr. Kimura's couples representa social frontier in being cross-national and, generally speaking, interracialmarriages, European or Japanese brides married to men from Hawaii ofJapanese or non-Japanese ancestry. The author is on the professional researchstaff of the Romanzo Adams Social Research Laboratory.

16

BliBUOGRAPHY

A.dams, Romanzo. Interracial Marriage in Hawaii, A Study of the MutuallyConditioned Processes of Acculturation and Amalgamation. New York:Macmillan, 1937.

...................:............ Tbe Peoples of Hawaii. Honolulu: American Council,Institute of Pacific Relations, 1933. .

Blumer, Herbert. "What is Wrong with Social Theory." American SociologicalReview, 19 (Feb., 1954), 3-10.

Cheng, C K., and Douglas S. Yamamura. "Interracial Marriage and Divorce. in Hawaii." Social Forces, 36 (1957), 77-84.Clinar~, Marshall B., and B. Chatterjee. "Urban Community Development in

India: The Delhi Pilot Project," in Roy Turner (ed.), India's Urban Future.Berkeley and L.A.: University of California Press, 1962, 71-93.

Digman, John M. "Ethnic Factors in Oahu's 1954 General Election." SocialProcess in Hawaii, 21 (1957),20-24.

Enright, John B., and Walter R. Jaeckle. "Ethnic Differences in Psycho­pathology." Social Process, 25 (1961-62),71-77.

Glick, Clarence. "The Chinese Migrant in Hawaii, a Study in Accommodation."University of Chicago unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, 1938.

......- :.-.;;..... "-r:ransition from Familism to Nationalism among Chineselil Hawall. Amencan Journal of Sociology, 43 (1937-38), 734-743.

Grodzins, Morton. Tbe Loyal and tbe Disloyal: Social Boundaries of Patriotismand Treason. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956.

Hormann, Bernhard L. "Integration in Hawaii's Schools." Social Process inHawaii, 21 (1957),5-15.

................................. "Selected Bibliography on Social Research in Hawaii bySources." Romanzo Adams Social Research Laboratory, Report No. 37(1963).

Horwitz, Robert H., and Norman Meller. Land and Politics in Hawaii'. EastLansing, Michigan: Bureau of Social and Political Research 1963.

Ikeda, Kiyoshi; Harry V. Ball; Douglas S. Yamamura. "Ethno~ltural Factorsin Schizophrenia: The Japanese in Hawaii." American Journal of Sociology,68 (1962-63), 242-248.

Kimura, Yukiko. "V/ar Brides in Hawaii and Their In-Laws." AmericanJotlmal of Sociology, 63 (1957-58),70-76. Also Report No. 32 (1962) ofthe Romanzo Adams Social Research Laboratory.

Lear, John. "Reaching the Heart of South America." Saturday Review, Nov. 3,1962, 55-58.

Lerner, Daniel. The Passing of Traditional Society. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press,1958.

Lind, Andrew W. An Island Community, Ecological Succession in Hawaii.Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1938.

............................. "Divorce Trends in Hawaii." Romanzo Adams SocialResearch Laboratory, Report No. 18 (May, 1951).

............................. "Hawaii in the Race Relations Continuum of the Pacific."Social Process, 25 (1961-62), 7-14.

17

--L,-....;;~~~~~~~~~~~~~=~=~~=========~ ~~__~ ~ ~__

Redfield, Robert. A Vi/l,tge That Chose Progress: Chdn Kom Revisited,Chicago: University ofChicago Press, 1950.

___... ., ... .. The Primitive World and Its Transformations. Ithaca, N.Y.:Cornell University Press, 1953.

Riezler, Kurt. Man, Mutable and Immutable;, Chicago: Regnery, 1950.Schmitt, Robert C. "Characteristics of Voters and Non-Voters in Hawaii."

Romanzo Adams 'Social Research Laboratory, Report No. 31 (1961)._____:__. ..__ .._... .., "Age, Race, and Marital Failure in Hawaii." Romanzo

Adams Social Research Laboratory, Report No. 34 (1962).Social Process :in Hawaii. Sociology of Speech and Language. 24 (1960).

Whole issue, with bibliography.Stonequist, Everett. The Marginal Man, A Study in Personality and Cultllre

Conflict. New York: Scribner's, 1937.Thompson, Edgar T. "Population Expansion and the Plantation System."

American Journal of Sociology, 41 (1935),314-326.Yamamoto, George K. "Political Participation among Orientals 111 Hawaii."

Sociologycmd Social Research, 43 (1959),359-364.

18

Cross=NaHoU'iJa~ lResean:Ih~[fi) A9~!i'il9~A Report of an On-Goong Research Proiect',

Ethel Shanas

The origins of the cross-national study of the aging currently being carriedon by the author and her collaborators can be traced to a memorandum writtenby Ernest W. Burgess in 1940. At that time, Professor Burgess' was a memberof the Committee on Social Adjustment of the Social Science Research Council.As part of his work for this committee he prepared a formal statement outliningthe need for sociological studies of the elderly and pointing out the paucityof existing knowledge about the traits, behavior, and living conditions ofolder people.

Professor Burgess particularly raised the question of ne,eded cross-nationalstudies of the aged. He said: "One section of the study [proposed in hismemorandumJ should deal with a comparison of the status of old personsin various cultures, so that we may have a more objective understanding ofthe place which the old occupy in American society."2

\'Vhen Professor Burgess wrote his stimulating and provocative statement,social studies of older people were almost nonexistent. Those studies whichwere available were designed to assist in developing income maintenanceprograms and were primarily concerned with the economic status of the aged.

In the last two decades research into all aspects of the life of old peoplehas increased enormously.s The United States, along with other urbanizedcountries, has experienced a substantial growth in both the numbers and theproportions of older people in its population. This rapid increase in the elderlypopulation has resulted in various kinds of governmental programs designedto meet the needs of older people. Simultaneously, older people have becomethe subj ects of investigations aimed at securing knowledge about their attitudes,their health problems, their living conditions, and their family relationships.

'The American survey of the aged described in this paper is supported in whole byPublic Health Service Research Grant MH 05630 from the National Institute of MentalHealth. The Danish and British surveys are also supported in part by grants from theNational Institute of Mental Health.

'An extended quotation from a memorandum on social adjustment prepared by Ernest\XI. Burgess appears in Donald Young, "Memorandum on Suggestions for Research in theField of Social Adjustment," American Journal of Sociology, XLVI, No.6 (May, 1941),p. 878.

'See, for example, Nathan W. Shock, A Classified Bibliography of Gerontology andGeri,ttrics, Supplemellt 2, 1956 - 1961 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1963).

19

The comparability of the life patterns of old people in various cultures hasbeen a particular interest of the Social Science Research Committee of theInternational Association of Gerontology.4 Like all investigators seekinggeneralizations about social life, social scientists studying the elderly have hadto confront a basic question: Can a hypothesis about social behavior beconsidered proved by a study carried on within a single culture? Essentially,this is the same question with which Ernest Burgess was concerned more thana score of years ago when he. spoke of the need for comparative studies ofold people. .

The present cross-national research in aging is an outgrowth of these interests.

The Present Study

A cross-national survey of noninstitutionalized persons aged 65 years andover is now underway in three countries-Denmark, Great Britain, and thel]nited States. The investigators in each country are: .Denmark, Henning Friisand Jan Stehouwer, sociologists, and Poul Milhj, economist, of the DanishNational Institute for Social Research; Great Britain, Peter Townsend, sociolo­gist, of the London School of Economics and Political Science; the United States,Ethel Shanas, sociologist, of the University of Chicago.

This cross-national survey of the elderly is comparable in research methodsand analytical techniques in each of the three participating countries. The basicdata for the study were gathered in structured interviews with older people livingin their own homes. All three countries used comparable sampling designs,involving area~probability samples of their noninstitutional populations. 5 Inthe same way comparable interviewing procedures were followed in each country.

The purposes of this cross-national survey are twofold: to secure nationalestimates basic to social planning in each country, and to investigate specifichypotheses about the organization of the lives of older people. The major areasof interest in this survey of the elderly are (1) health, (2) employment,retirement, and economic status, and (3) family and living arrangements.

All three of the countries studied need to make certain social policy decisionsabout their growing proportion of older people. As an example, all threecountries need to know how extensive the services should be which will makeit possible· to maintain older people in their own homes in the face of theirdeclining physical capacities. Up to this stage, such services for the aged havebeen furnished on an ad hoc basis without any real understanding of either thetotal number of persons requiring these services, or even what services mightbe required.

'International Association of Gerontology, The Need for Cross National Sm'veys ofOld Age. Report of a Conference, October 19-23, 1956. (Ann Arbor: Division of Geron­tology, University of Michigan, 1956); Peter Townsend and Brian Rees, The Personal,Family and Social Circumstances of Old People. Report of an Investigation carried out inEurope in 1959 to plot a future cross-national survey of old age. (London: London Schoolof Economics, 1959); Ethel Shanas, "National Surveys of Older People in the UnitedStates," in \1(Tilma Donahue, Clark Tibbitts and R. H.Williams, editors, Psychological andSocial Proces.res of Aging: An Inte1'1Zational Research Seminar, (Atherton Press, 1963),(In press); Henning Friis, "Cross National Research on Old Age." A paper prepared forthe Unesco International Social Science Journal (In press) 1963.

'The proportion of institutionalized ::llder persons in the United States is estimatedat between 3 and 4 per cent.

20

The need for information vital to social planning for the aged, however,has not overridden the investigators' general interest in the life patterns of theaged. The overall organizing hypothesis in this research program is that inDenmark, Great Britain, and the United States, three urbanized'western countries,the condition and conduct of older people .will change with advancing age.\vithin each country there may be factors unique to that country which influenceboth the kind and extent of change which takes place and the time at whichsuch a change occurs. Certain basic life patterns, however, will be similar for theaged in all of these countries. 6

Findings

Older people in the three participating countries were interviewed duringthe late spring and the summer of 1962. In all three countries, it was possibleto interview between 80 and 85 per cent of all eligible respondents located, aresponse rate which compares favorably with that secured in survey studies ofthe general population conducted under nongovernmental auspices. Advancedage, alone, does not disqualify a respondent from being interviewed. Severalcentenarians were among the older people interviewed in the United States.

Each of the three participating countries has a different organization ofsocial welfare schemes for the elderly. Nevertheless, in each country, between3 and 4 per cent of all older people located in the community were found to be"too sick to be interviewed." The individuals responsible for the care of suchpersons were interviewed in their stead.

~yrhile it is too early in the analysis program for detailed cross-nationalfindings to be available in every area studied some of the findings from theAmerican survey in the area of family relations and living arrangements maybe of interest here.

A.bout four of every five persons aged 65 years and older in the UnitedStates have living children.

Twenty-eight per cent of all people 65 years of age and over in the UnitedStates who have living children live in a household with at least one child.

Eighty-four per cent of all people 65 years of age and over who have livingchildren are no further from their nearest child than an hour's journey.7Preliminary data from the Danish survey indicate that in Denmark about 85per cent of all old people are no more than an hour's distance from theirnearest child.

Roughly 22 per cent of all old people in the United States live alone.Preliminary tabulations indicate that about one-fifth of all old people inDenmark live alone.

Four to 6 per cent of all people in the United States 65 years of age andover are socially isolated. The definition of social isolation used here is anextremely broad one. An old person was defined as an isolate if he lived alone

'See Ethel Shanas, "Some Observations on Cross-National Surveys of Aging," TheGei'Ol!!oiogiJ!,o III, No. 1 (March, 1963). This paper gives a detailed discussion of themethodological problems involved in the design and operation of cross-national surveys.

TA detailed discussion of the living arrangements of older people in the United Statesappears in Ethel Shanas, The Health of Older People: A Social Survey (Cambridge: Har­vard University Press, 1%2), Chapter V.

21

~'----.~~~~~~~~~~==========-=---------------------

and had had no visitors or telephone calls the day before he was interviewed.A less rigid definition of "isolation" of course would decrease the proportionof isolates in the older population.

Twenty-six per cent of all older people in the United States say that theyare "often" alone. In contrast, 61 per cent say they are "seldom" or "never"alone. Almost exactly the same answers to this question were given by oldpeople in Denmark.' . "

Twenty-nine per cent of all American respondents said they were "often"or "sometimes" lonely. Eighteen per cent said they were "rarely" lonely and52 per cent that they were never lonely. Individual old people in the UnitedStates, however,believe that other older people are lonelier than theyare.s

Conclusions

The research program of cross-national studies in aging described in thispaper began with prel-iminary conversations among the responsible investigatorsin 1960. We have continued to meet on a regular basis since that time and wenow feel that' we will achieve the goals which we originally set for ourselves.

We should be able to provide basic information for certain social policydecisiions, particularly in the areas Of health care and employment. '

Our concepts and definitions should be helpful in other international studiesof older people. .

Our findings about the social patterns of aging may very well 'haveuniversal application in urbanized western countries.

We should make a contribution to the body of knowledge about aging thatin some measure will replace the phantasmagoria and social myths whichdominate so much of contemporary thinking about the old.

'Fifty-two per cent of all older people in the United States believe that "some" oldpeople are lonely, and an additional 36 per cent believe "many" old people are lonely.

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IIDate-:=thneDD /HawaoD

Ele and Walt' Dulaney

GaJ,1'1ing Rapport

The school auditorium's house lights are on-the youthful faces staringup at us are expressionless. Things could go either way with this group. Thestudent body prexy completes his introduction, .. . .. and here they are, thewflters of DATE-LINE, ELE AND WALT DULANEY!" Then he beckons usonstage to polite light applause.

"Bel-Io! We're here to talk about a number of things that interest us­everything from studies and school, to surfing and sex." A stir in the audience."You've probably noticed that we're an interracial couple .... We used tosa~ a 'mixed' marriage, but it made us sound all confused. So now we simplypomt out that one of us is Irish-English-Scotch-German-and-American Indiana~d th~, other~sn't." "Now wait a minute, BUSTER!" says Ele tugging at th~mike. That lme goes: One half of our team is JAPANESE, and the otherISN'T!" A good solid laugh-we're on our way.

Walt~akes the mike back and grins at the audience. "You may note toothat the 11ght reflects from my teeth-that's because I'm in braces engineeringa new smile for television. This ofIten makes people ask, 'Bow do you kisssomeone who wears braces?' and the answer is 'Carefully, very carefully!'''A wave of solid laughs now; the faces are smiling, we're in business!

Our business is young people-Hawaii's junior citizens and young adults.We talk to them in assemblies like this.

The Approach

As we try t~ help our young friends through our writing and personalcontacts, hun:or IS our strong weapon. Often by stretching a problem situationto an absurdity, we can help them see things with a fresh perspective, and finda better way to deal with, or accept, their situation.

. On problems of parental vetoes of desired dates, etc., we say, "Look at itthiS way. If your. parents didn't supply your food, you'd be too weak to staggerout of the do?r to date. And if they didn't give you a place to live, you'd betoo busy earnmg rent money to have time to date. And if they didn't provideyour cl?thing, you'd be too nude to date! So you see that your parents havea real ng~t to say whom you date and where you go as long as they're providingthe necessltles that make your social life possible." And more often than notthere are 'sheepish nods of agreement, as youngsters see things in this new way.

We try too to show young people that there's no such thing as a bad questionor a foohsh concern. If you've got a problem, let it out in the open air, don't

23

brood on it. Our policy is to answer every question as frankly as decencypermits, and to admit openly when we don't know the answer, and then seekthe advice of experts (clergymen, counselors, models, doctors, psychologists)for later reply.

The Letters

Themes. An average month brings 250-300 letters. The majority ask fourbasic questions: "How can I meet her?" "How can I get rid of her?" "Howfar should we go in date love making?" and "Why-parents?" These are nodifferent from the mainland letters that appear in Dear Abby, Ann Landers,et al. ..

Only in Hawaii. But it is the minority of "only in Hawaii" letters thatmake our mail columns fun. For instance:

"Our dub is having a mother-daughter banquet. I'd like to take my mom­but she eats only with hashi (chopsticks). What should I do?"

"When you present a lei, do you have to kiss the girl even if she's justlike a sister to you?"

"How do you tell a boy diplomatically that your dad won't let you go outwith him again if he shows up for a date in barefeet?"

Our Answers. A note on our letter-answering technique: We try neverto give a "this is it" answer. Instead we attempt to sketch the alternativespossible in the given situation and suggest other resources: Child and FamilyService, ministers, and library books that· could be consulted for furtherinsights. On simple etiquette questions, however, we do state the generallyaccepted. practice.

Servicemen's Letters. The saddest letters we receive come from servicemenwho are lonesome for feminine companionship and seek our help in meeting"nice local girls." Although sympathizing with the military male, we feelstrongly. that local practice cuts a girl off the. marriage prospect list of localmales once she becomes known as a "serviceman's date." So we do not tryto encourage such mixing. Instead we suggest the serviceman sublimate hisloneliness in worthwhile community service, youth club advising, church work,community theatre volunteering. But we know it's a rare serviceman who takesthis advice to heart.

Problemsof Etiquette

Many of our young friends find little or no guidance at home in developingsocialinanners. The boys especially find it difficult to feel confident enough toopen doors, pull out chairs, and display other common courtesies toward theirdates. Perhaps this reflects in part the Oriental. background where women oncewaited upon men, and walked obediently in their wake.

Eating is a problem. It's very hard to eat your spaghetti in silence, whenyou've been .taught to inhale your saimin with appreciative slurps. Somestudents who have highly polished manners in every other area still forgetand smack their lips while eating "haole" banquet fare.

Conversation is another area of concern to' many of these young people"on-their-waycl.1p." Possibly because Of the "thou canst commit no greater sin

24

than speaking pidgin" emphasis of past teachers, they carefully phrase everySeDtence and forget that the essence of speech is communication. These arethe youngsters who write complaining of conversational "droughts." We advisethem to speak naturally-an occasional "da kine" is no great crime-andencourage them to take conversational "insurance" on dates. (To do this, weurge them to prepare a "crib" sheet with five conversational topics they couldtalk on without great effort, e.g., latest hit record, favorite TV show, futureplans, top sport, club activities. Then when they run dry they may simplyexcuse themselves to blow their noses or powder their faces and glance at thesecreted topics for inspiration.)

The Conflicts of Hawaii

The favorite part of our job is chatting in person with the "coming­generation." We always preface our talks by stating that "We're no experts.\\7hat we are going to say is mainly personal opinions-and your ideas may beevery bit as good as ours." We encourage them to argue, take exception, orcontradict our views. Our goals are two-fold: to present them with a wideraDge of alternatives (we'd rather have them select their ideas from the widestraDge of possibilities) and to express themselves.

These "free-far-aIls" reveal again and again that Hawaii is not the"conflict-free" Utopia of HVB publicity. The questions and comments of theyoung people reveal that there are still several barriers in "paradise" that needto be lowered.

There is, for iDstance, a real cleavage between the students of public andprivate schools, often on a "have" and "have not" basis of separation. Manypublic school youngsters touchily expect the private school students to "lookdown" upon them. While the private scholars "know" that public school"kids are out to get us."

Nobody burns lawn-crosses in Hawaii, but it doesn't take the Klu KluxKlan to provide racial separations. The youngster doesn't have to scan "AJAonly" rental ads in the paper to realize that his parents "prefer" their own kind.

We've already mentioned the gulf between the local population and theserviceman. A similar divide separates the kamaaina from the mainlandnewcomer. The new worker in an office need say only once "but back on themainland Vie did it this way ... " to earn a "pushy mainlander" label fromhis co-workers.

To our way of thinking, the only way to lessen these clefts is to bring themout to public gaze, and so whenever possible we point out that "Mississippiisn't the only state with problems of warring factions; Hawaii has them too.Let' 5 recognize them-and do something about them!"

17ltefracial fifJirriage

Since ours is an interracial marriage we receive a great many questions on"inter-racial dating" and "mixed maniages." We always preface our commentsby pointing out that more mixed marriages break up than nonmixed marriagesAnd we add that parents certainly do have the right to disapprove of "interraciadating" if they're supporting one of the youngsters involved.

25

~\ -~~~~:;;;:;:;;;:;;;;:;;;;:;:;;;;;;;~::;;::;======~---------------.----, --=

In cases where there are no parental objections, we recommend that th:youngster begin dating within his own racial group so that he can be sur:that he "swings" with his own people before seeking companionship outsideAnd then we point out that interracial dating motivated by a desire for a partne'who's different or exotic lacks a healthy basis. Cases in point are the yountmainland surfers who see "Sayonara" and head to Hawaii with the desire fo:a "cute Japanese girl-friend, because Japanese girls are ultra-feminine, sof:spoken, and treat a man like a king !" We point out that with this stereotyp:they're very likely to be blind to the real character of girls they meet.

In our question periods at the end of personal appearances, we're frequentl)asked what pressures we've experienced in our own interracial marriage. Thianswer we give in all honesty is that we have much less trouble from ou'racial differences, than we do from our gender differences. We can see eye-to-e}"much easier as Japanese and haole than we can as woman and man. There's jma gulf in logic and values between the feminine and masculine that needs constan:bridging."

Youth and the PresentAgain and aaain we tell our young friends: "These are not, contrary t(

graduation prono~mcements, the 'best years of your life.' Life does not end wittyour twentieth birthday-it begins. The real, fun, exciting time starts whenyou're self-supporting and able to make your own decisions!"

We feel there's a very negative motivation in building the "teen years"as the pinnacle of life. If this is the top-why go on ? We respect the Orientaisystems that valued the gaining of wisdom, and smoothing of character that 1;

poss~ble with increasing age. How much more healthy it is to look ahead t(,maturity with eagerness than to look back to receding youth with longing!

Youngsters who are reared with the "teens are the highpoint" philosoph)are liable to give in to any impulse of the moment, and satisfy their desinfor momentary kicks-for what matters the future? But youngsters who havefuture long-range goals are more likely to forego immediate thrills for futureachievement. It is this attitude we constantly encourage.

We like our work. It's varied, always challenging, and immensely satisfying.At times we long for a magic wand to whisk all of our young people's problemaway, but there is none. A second reflection tells us that there is a real purposein the trials of the teens and twenties; they forge character.

So whenever we have no explicit advice to offer, and no reference tosuggest, we fall back on this story, to make the point that some things in liftmust just be borne:

A plane was flying from Hawaii to the Mainland. Just as it reached thtmid-point of no return, the pilot discovered the fuel gauge was broken-theywere out of gas! Desperately he radioed "Pilot to tower . . . pilot to towel... do you read me?" Immediately came the answer from Hawaii, "Tower topilot . . . tower to pilot . . . we read you . . . what is your trouble?" As theplane dropped lower and lower, he shouted, "Pilot to tower ... I'm half wayacross the Pacific and I'm out of gas ... what should I do? WHAT SHOULD IDo? And the answer came, "Tower to pilot, tower to pilot . . . repeat after me... 'Our Father \Vho art in Heaven ... ' "

26

Why They Came to Graduate Schoo~:

A Comparison of !Foreign aR1ldAmerican Students'

Elliott Milstein, Anthony F. Chunn, Arthur A. Dole

''I'm going to graduate school." More than ever before this sta~emen~ isheard as college students receive their baccalaureate degrees. But what IS behmdthis simple statement? To what extent do the various reported determinantsof an advanced degree differ with sex affiliation and national origin?

Davis and Bradburn (1962) administered a questionnaire to a representativesample of the 1961 nationwide college graduating class in an attempt toascertain the next step to be taken by these seniors. Although 77.2 per cent ofthe seniors reported plans for further study, the investigators felt that not morethan three-quarters of these students would actually enter graduate or professio~al

schools. Of greater importance, Davis and Bradburn found that career chOKe,as well as previous academic performance and sex, were major factors associated\'lith Dlans for advanced education. Gropper and Fitzpatrick (1959), in a studydesi a~ed to determine the factors which influence college seniors to continueon for advanced education, found that educational or vocational goals were themost important reasons reported by this group. In an explorator~ stu~y ofEast-\Vest Center grantees (foreign scholarship students at the Ulllversity ofHawaii), Chunn and Dole (1963) substantiated the findings of Gropper andFitzpatrick. In addition, these investigators concluded that the East-WestCenter population "seemed to be more mature, more dedicated but l.ess ~rivenby success and security, less materialistic and degree bound than Ulllversity ofHawaii students and probably other American graduate and underwaduatestudents." Coelho (1962), citing a study conducted by the InstItute ofInternational Education (lIE), noted that foreign students coming to theUnited Sta.tes for educational development are "oriented toward definite academicachievement and professional development."

The Davis a;d Bradburn, Gropper and Fitzpatrick, and Chunn and Dolestudies represent initial research projects in an area that has ~een h.eretoforeoverlooked-the graduate student population. Gropper and Fltzpat:lck no~e:

" ... there has been little reliable knowledge about the factors assoClated WIththe decision to enter graduate training." . __

In considering the graduate student population at the University of Hawall,we asked specifically:

'This paper was prepared by Milstein to satisfy the requirem~nts of Psychology 699,Directed Rese3rch. Chunn assisted with the collection and analySIS ?f the data. The..c~­operation or the Graduate School and Registrar's office of the U111verslty of Hawau 15

gratefully acknowledged.

27

ResultsIn Tables 1-4 the mean ratings by the foreign and American male and

female graduate populations on each reason, value, influence, a~d interest itemare presented. Table 5 summarizes those items in response to wh1ch the w~du~testudent groups differed significantly. Table 6 shows the extent of slmilar1tybetween the graduate student groups in the importance whi~h they place o~the various determinant items within classifications, and m Table 7 th1Scomparison is extended to East-West students.

nde and female American students were Caucasian; however, one-fourth were

of Japanese ancestry. '. ., ..The foreign students were predominantly of AS1atic ong111. They. came

from 16 different countries: 10 Pacific and Asian countries were represented,

-1 European, and 2 North American.The four groups were fairly similar in age, marital ~ta~us, degree status

and obiective, and father's occupation. The modal age w1thm all groups was20-29;' approximately half were married, and hal: had been ~~itted to d~gr~ecandidacy. The majority listed the Masters as theIr degree obJective; but ~lth111the foreign male group there were proportio~ately u:ore do~toral can~ldates.Most of those who reported father's occupation mdlCated titles class1fied asprofessional, managerial-official, or skilled.- The four groups were less similar to one another in typ.e of degree earned,field of educational specialization, and source of finanCl~1 support. Uponentering graduate school a greater percentage of the Amencan students ~elda Bachelor of Arts degree, whHe the majority of foreign students had re~e1ve~a Bachelor of Science degree. The graduate students were enrolled 111. 44different graduate departments. For the male gr~duate stude~ts, espeCIallythose from other countries, the physical or natural SClences (chem1stry, zool~gy,soil science, etc.) were most popular; American females preferred the ~ehavlOralsciences (including social work); and the foreign. ~emales educatlO~. TheAmerican females most frequently reported their fam1lIes as sources ?f mco~e;students in other groups depended most frequently up.on graduate ass1st~ntsh1ps.

In sum, the four groups, American male, Amencan female, fo~el~n maleand foreign female, were selected to differ in respe~t to sex affilIatiOn andnationality; could be considered grossly comparable m developmental level,socio-economic background, and educational status; but were perhaps lesscomparable in economic circumstances and educational interests.

Analysis of Reasons, Values, Influences and Interests. To ~ompare ab~o~utedifferences among the four groups of students, means of th~lr scale pos1t~onswere computed on all items. Differences between the groups m the proportlOnsresponding to scale positions were tested wit~ chi squ~re. and wheneversi!2:'1ificant differences in proportions were obtamed the slg11lficanc~ of thedifference between means was also tested with "t." To compare d1fferencesbetween groups in the relative importance of determina~ts, the means w~reranked within each determinant classification (reasons, mterests, values, m­tluences) for each group. Rank order correlations between groups were then

computed.

Qttestionnaire. Dole's modification (1960) of HIett's (1957) questionnairon Reasom for Going to College was adapted for the present study. Ifferi'questionnaire, from which the reason items were selected, was constructed fe'use in an investigation of retention and withdrawal of American college studentDole's items, which had been developed for a cross-sectional study of thdeterminants of educational choice, were separated into values, influences, aniinterests.

Before the survey, copies of Reasom for Going to College, as adapted b:

Chunn and Dole, (1963) for graduate populations, were distributed to varioueducators and officials, who had been in contact with both American and foreigrgraduate students for opinions as to the clarity of the instrument. Minorevisions and additions resulted from these comments.

The final form included 29 reason items, 16 values, 21 influences, and l'interests. Respondents rated each item on a four-point scale of importanc;(0-3) in deciding to attend graduate school.

Survey. The questionnaire was distributed with fall 1962 registratiormaterials to all degree and intended degree candidates in the Graduate Schoo'with the exception of the East-West Center graduate students (who were no:available for research). However, participation was voluntary. Checkers audite!the questionnaires as they were returned.

Subjects. A total of 262 usable questionnaires were returned. Accordinfto Graduate School statistics this represented 40 per cent of the total emollmen!of degree and intended degree candidates, not including casual unclassifiedstudents, East-West Center graduate students, and fifth-year students ineducation. The sample was divided as follows: 149 American males; 69American females; 34 foreign males; and 10 foreign females.

Other Groups. It was also possible to compare the graduate student sampleswith three other University of Hawaii groups:

a) 918 males and 874 women who completed Reasons for AttendingCollege when they entered as freshmen in 1960;

b) 369 males and 383 females who filled out the reasons part of theinventory retrospectively in spring 1960 as they were graduating (Dole &Iwakami, 1960);

c) 20 males and 12 females registered in the East-West Center programwho were surveyed in 1961 by Chunn & Dole (1963).

Characteristics. Approximately half of the American males were from themainland; more females reported Hawaii as their home. A majority of the

Procedures

. 1. W!tat were the most popular reported determinants (reasons, valU(mterests, mfluences) of the decision to seek an advanced degree?

~. How did. American male and female graduate students compare wi;foreIgn students In reported determinants of the decision to attend a graduaschool?

3. How did American male and female graduate students compare wi!East-West students and with American undergraduates in reported determinanof the decision to attend graduate school?

28 29

American Foreignmales females males females

----------2.60 -- -2--:-675- 2.38 2.70

10

2.30

2.40

2.40

2.50

0.00

1.70

1.90

1.90

1.40

1.20

1.700.70

1.60

0.90

0.00

34

2.20

2.26

0.05

1.88

1.73

2.38

1.97

1.61

0,44

1.140.85

0.08

1.76

1.17i

I

I

,

I69 I

0.31

2.26

0.07

153

0.04

2.08

2.21

1.55

1.10

157

0.680.39

1.63

2.15

1.96 I

IiI 2.00

II,

0.29

0.10

1.67

2.24

0.02

1.92

1.92

2.29

1.61

1.71

1.63

1.97

Table 1 Reasl)l)J. Table 1, which permits a comparison between the means of variousReasons Determining Graduate School Attendance of American gIO'.ipS on. the reason items, may be. read as follo~s. The item, "Dewee

.---.-----..---- ...--. and Foreign Students by Sex :l':O':.isarv for work I wanted to do," receIved a mean ratlllg of 2.66 for Amencan"Please show the degree of importance ----MEAN··SCALE RATING '.. e'a'bat; males, 2.65 for females, 2.58 for foreign graduate men, and 2.60each of the reasons had in influericing" Americ~;;-'---Foreign r;,r fc.reig:1 graduate women. Before considering differences between gr~ups,your decision to come to graduate school." males .fem~les ~ales _felm! :e. us examine the most popular items among the graduate student populatrons.I felt that a grad. degree was necessary for the kind 2.66 2.65 2.58 2.6': \Vhen the four graduate student groups are compared in t.erm.s of the three

of work I wanted to do. 1 h 11I wanted to find out more about certain fields of 2.42 2.53 2.50 2.71 cLost popuLu items, the following dwere dm?,st ]fiOPdU ar WIt III ~ tgro~;:~

knowledge. "Degree necessary for work.I wante to 0, n ?ut .~ore a au cerI enjoyed studying and wanted to continue academic 1.92 2.20 2.29 2.5i' fields." and "enjoyed studyrng and wanted to contrnue (except for the

work. .Ame;ican males who preferred "serious intellectual curiosities.")I had serious intellectual curiosities which only 2.01 2.10 1.94 2.1i'further education could satisfy. Table 2

1 hoped to prepare myself to be a success in life. 2.00 1.73 2.14 2.0i' Values Determining Graduate School Attendance ofA graduate degree meant a great deal to me for 1.19 1.78 1.97 2.0i American and Foreign Students by Sex

various reasons. --.-------. .--'--M-E-A-N-S"'C-A--L-E--=RA-T.-IN-G----.---1 felt that a graduate degree would raise my station 1.41 1.01 1.50 1.40 '-:-:10'.- much of a part did the following values

in life. ,.hi' fe'r vo:.! in deciding to continue your1 felt that 1 could live an easier life if I had an 1.11 0.79 1.23 1.40 ~=.c~~..:E~n...:'i..:.c·_,_,ec_.,_·k_:_' . _

advanced degree. ",8.ti oL:ction from field of study (I was interested inMy professors thought J was a good candidate for 1.10 1.10 1.02 1.30 th: kind of thing I planned to study, and I

graduate study. f'ljoyea it).I felt grad. school acquaintances and contacts would 0.93 0.78 1.11 0.90 Prc'02fltion for specialization (I wanted to prepare

prove advantageous in finding position after I 'G;-,eseH for specialization in some field).graduation. A0'itude (I f~lt that I would be able to succeed

I thought an advanced degree would enable me to be 0.77 0.65 1.00 1.20 2cdeElical1v in what I planned to study).more influential in community affairs. Sdf ;n'Drove~ent (I could help myself become a

I wanted to see this country and get to know her 0.45 0.50 1.17 1.50 bette'r person).

people. Ch?~1Ce to~ serve others (It would help me to be ofI hoped to acquire some qualifications for leadership 0.52 0.56 1.14 0.90

g,eater service to people).

in civic affairs. 1~tJ; Df2cticaI thing to do (It would be usefulIt has always been expected by my family that I 0.52 0.56 1.14 0.90 to ;11e later).

would go to grad. school. C;cportunity for advancement (It would help me toI hoped to make new friends in grad. school. 0.48 0.46 0.91 0.90 . 'get a good job in which I could get ahead in life).I hoped life at the grad. school level would help 0.45 0.34 I 1.00 0.90 hdcDEcndence (It would help me to stand on my own

me develop socially. f~et and do things for myself and by myself).The decision to go to grad. school was essentially 0.30 0.34 1.17 0.80 Security of employment (1 would be sure of getting

made for me. '1 job).I wanted to learn how to get along with other people. 0.40 0.42 0.61 1.10 F'ot"ntial income (It would help me later to earnI would increase the reputation of my family. 0.50 0.43 0.61 0.90 " high salary). IIn my family, young people have always continued 0.19 0.24 0.52 1.20 Prestige (I would stand high among those who ~now 1.10

for an advanced degree. me. and I would be respected for what I studIed).The persons I respect most in my country have a 0.57 0.40 0.67 0040 Pare;cthood (Help me to be better parent). 0.69

graduate degree. Essiest thing to do (What I planned to study was 0.38Most of my friends were going to grad. school. I 0.20 0.17 0.52 0.70 not hard for me).Business, church, or other community leaders en· 0.44 0.50 0.41 0.20 Pek:ion (It would give me the chance to develop

cOUl'aged me to further my education. ~1\' religious values).I thought grad. school would be a good place to meet 0.22 0.39 0.17 0040 Son-e' oth~r values not given here. (Describe on

the type of person I would like to marry. b?ck of your answer sheet).My family insisted on my going to grad. school. 0.10 0.13 0.55 0.30 NOGt of the 'above (No particular values played a partIt's the sort of thing a woman like me is expected 0.00 0.21 0.00 0.80 in mv decision to come to grad. school).

to do these days. Number of Respondents 149There was not much for me to do around the house. 0.16 0.44 0.14 0.10

It's the sort of thing a man like me is expected to 0.34 0.00 0.44 0.00 r/~71!ies. Table 2 presents the mean of each reported value for the variousdo these days. groups. All four graduate student groups rated the following .three value~ ~s

None of the above. (No part, reason had much to do 0.13 0.11 0.20 0.00 ar110ng the most important: "Satisfaction from fie.ld," "preparatIOn. for sP:~Ialr.with my coming to grad. school.) - f 1 d d" If

149 69 34 zation," and "aptitude." In addition, the foreIgn ema es conSI ere se-Number of respondents 10--------.....o..------- !........_=---__::..:...-c._::....:.__~_ imo:ovement" an imbortant value.

i L

Table 3Influences Determining American Graduate Population

Influences. In Table 3 the means of each influence are shown for each ofthe groups. The most popular influence was "college or university courses,"ranked in the top three by all four graduate student groups. "Work experience"was cited by all but the American males and "college professor" by all but theforeign females. "People in the field" was popular with American males andforeign females.

MEAN SCALE

2.09 2.08

1069 I 34149

MEAN SCALE RATING

American Foreignmales females males females

2,43 2.29 2.39 2.301.57 1.78 1.48 1.601.35 1.36 1.66 1.901.66 0.95 2.06 1,40

0.73 1.20 0.54 1.30

I 0.87 0.51 1.27 0.900.68 0.94 0.45 1.30

0.85 0.50 0.78 0.600,44 0.75 0.36 1.100.43 0.34 0.69 0.900.24 0.43 0.24 1.10oA8 0.23 0.54 0.000.08 0.Q2 0.27 0.800.04 0.05 0.00 0.000.04 0.08 0.00 0.00

Interests. An interest in "ideas" (Table 4) was most popular with all fourgraduate groups. "Work with words" ranked in the highest three interestitems except for the foreign males, "travel" except for the American males,aDd "science" except for the American females.

Differences between American and Foreign Graduate Students. Table 5presents those items in response to which the American and foreign and themale and female graduate students differed significantly. For example, whenAmerican male responses were compared with American females, on the reasonitem, "raise station in life" significantly more males checked a higher ratingas evidenced by a chi square of 8.94. Significantly more American males soughta graduate degree as an "opportunity for advancement"; and expressed moreinterest in "science" and "plants and animals." On the other hand, Americanfemales placed more value in the "chance to serve others" and were moreinfluenced in continuing graduate study by an interest in "children and youth."b part because of the smaller number of subjects there were fewer significantdiHerences between the foreign males and foreign females. The foreign femalesplaced more importance on "music" and "adults" as determining interests.

Proportionately more of the men from other countries than those from theUnited States reported the following reasons: Hoped to "make new friends ingraduat~ school," "would help me to develop better socially," "in my familyyonng people have always continued," "the decision was made for me,""acquire qualifications for leadership," and "family insistence." "Parenthood"1S a value was rated higher by the foreign males, as were "work experience,""cueer day progr2.ms," and "scholarships" among external influences.

Table 4Interests Determining Graduate School Attendance of

American and Foreign Students by Sex

"How much did the following interestscont,ibute to your decision to come tograduate school?" .... "Work with:"Ide:;, (planning, analyzing, etc.).Words (writing, reading, etc.).T,"vel (visiting new places, etc.).S<:ience (study about living things, heavenly

bodies, etc.).Clildren and youth (teaching them, taking care of

them, playing with them, etc.).Plants and animals (farming & growing things).Adulis (directing or helping adults, selling things

to them, or being a leader for them).~umbers (figuring, arithmetic, etc.).A.,t (painting, drawing, etc.).Recreation (parties, athletics, good times, etc.).Music (playing piano, dancing, singing, etc.).Machines (cars, appliances, calculators, etc.).Food (baking, cooking, etc.).Sc.me other things not listed here.None of the above (My interests had no part in my

decision to corne to Graduate School.).Number of respondents .

10

2.30

0.80

1.64

0.70

0.20

1.30

0.60

1.300.60

0.301.10

1.301.30

0.60

0.90

0.50

0.000.00

0.90

0.50

RATING

34

2.00

0,44

2.05 2.10

0.32

1.050.55

1.701.50

0.52

1.56

1.201.14

0.14

0.11

1.70

0.55

0.61

0.170.00

0.58

0.52

Foreignmales females

0.66

69

0.71

1.57

0.55

0.970.66

0.13

0.72

0,49

0,43

0.14

0.19

0.130.07

1.62

1.571.15

1.89

1.110.79

0.850,44

0,48

149

1.75

0.30

0.36

0.54

0.65

0,45

0.65

0.24

0.05

0.220.02

1.59

1.751.38

0.850.65

1.85

Americanmales females

"How much of a part did the followinginfluences play for you in deciding tocontinue your academic work?"College or university courses (What I have learned

in my classes at college or university).Work experience (I have had some experience with

the kind of things I planned to study).People in the field (I talked to people who were

doing the kind of thing I planned to study).College professor (Any college professor I have had).Reading (What 1 had learned about graduate study

from books and magazines).Parents (My mother and father).Scholarships (Fulbright, East-West Center, Rocke­

feller, etc.).Friends (Talked things over with my friends).Free time activities (Things like the "Y", church,

English Speaking Society, or just the things I didoutside of school when I had time).

High school or secondary school teacher (Any highschool instructor 1 have had).

Aptitude and interest tests (Tests I have taken tofind out what I was good at doing and what Ilike to do best).

Relatives (Talked to my aunts, uncles, cousins,brother or sister).

Hobby (Things like building model airplanes, col­lecting records, carving, etc.).

Coll~ge official (I talked with a dean or other collegeadministrators about my plans).

High school influence (High school principal, coun­selor, courses, etc.).

University counselor (I talked with a college coun­selor about my plans).

Career Day programs (The kind of program we hadin college which was about career and graduateor professional possibilities).

Random choice (First thing I thought of. I did notthink about after college plans until I receivedmy Bachelor's degree).

Movies and television (I had seen on television andin the movies, the kind of thing I planned tostudy).

Some othe1' influences not given here.None of the above. (Nothing in particular influenced

my decision to come to graduate school).Number of Respondents .

32 33

.OS

.14

.24

.23

.21

Range

.10

.26

.S8t

.94t 73'1'

.93t .691'

.90t .S6t

.91t :861'

.951' .96t

.05 .27-----------------_._---

34 .S9t149

34 .82t69

149 .92t69

Range .12

AtT,ericn malesAmerican females

Foreign n1alesAmerican females

Foreign males}l-mer!can n1ales

Table 6Correlations (Rho) Between Male and Female, American and Foreign

Graduate Students by Determinant Item Classification.-----~._-

Rd~';onship between I N Reasons Values Influences Interests! (N=29) (N=16) (N=21) (N=IS)I--~•._-._.-. ---;---'----'----:----'------:::-:--~--__c:-:--

Fo,eign females I 10 .S71' .92t .691' .70·~Fo,eign males ' 34

Foreign females III 6109 .sot .921'Ar;-,erican females

Foreign females ! 10 .Slt .77tAmericc.n males 149

tSignificant at .01 level.

Among all the items compared, only "parenthood" as a value and "careerday program" as an influence reflected significant differences between the graduateforeign and American graduate students within both sex groups. There wereDO consisten:t significant differences between males and females within bothn"tiona1 origin groups.

Relative Similarity of Groups. In the preceding section we have examined~osolute differences between groups. These differences might of course havebeen a function of response set; also the smaller number of subjects in theforeign comparison groups reduced the probability of statistical significance.Calculation of rank order correlations within the determinant item classificationsfor the means of male and female American and foreign graduate studentspermits a summary statistic of resemblance which is less affected by artifacts.-Thus, in Table 6 the relationship between the foreign female and foreign malegroups in responding to the 29 reason items on th~ questionnaire i~ shown as.87, significant at the 1 per cent level. It can be sald that both forelgn studentgroups gave highly similar reasons for attending graduate school.

Direction

AM<FMAM<FM

AM<FMAM<FMAM<FM

AM>AF

AM<AFAM>AF

AM<AFAM>AFAM>AF

4.66"6.77u

5.52·

3.S7·4.55·

4.5S*5.96·

S.SS·11.67··5.55*

Chi-Square

149 Reasons34 Make new friends in Graduate Sch.

Help me to develop socially.In my family young people have

always continued.Decision made for me.Acquire qualifications for

leadership.Family insistence. 14.75·· AM<FM i

Values l'Parenthood. 13.71·· AM<FM ~,•.•

Influences ~Work experience. 4.35· AM<FM fCareer Day programs. 11.92·· AM<FM fScholarships. 4.10· AM<FM I

... 69··R-e-as-o-n-s..-------....... -.,.-,,- ..-_.-.._ .." ..------·!i

10 Family expectations. S.4S· . AF<FF !Get along better with people. 4.17· AF<FF tTo see the country. 8.70·' AF<FF f.~~ I

Parenthood. 10.34·· AF<FF ~Influences }

Random choice. 8.05** AF<FF rCareer Day programs. 4.86* AF<FF [

Interests ~Food. 16.92·· AF<FF tMusic. 4.17* AF<FF f

- ..--.-.....---...----.----.- . -------.----.--- .....------.--.--.----- I

American maleAmerican female

Foreign maleForeign female

American maleForeign male

American femaleForeign female

Table 5Items in Response to Which American and Foreign, Male and Female Graduate StudeOE

Differed Significantly According to Chi-Square Testt

Compa"risoc;· b:-e-t-w-e-en- Determinant ItemN Classification

149 Reasons69 Raise station in life.

ValuesChance to serve others.Opportunity for advancement.

InterestsYouth and children.Science.Plants and animals.

34 Interests10 Music.

Adults.

"Significant at .05 level.""Significant at .01 level.tYates Correction was applied when a cell number was below 5.

iAs with the men, all significant differences between American and foreign f

females favored the group from a'broad (acquiescence effect?). Differences'occurred with respect to the following reasons: "Family expectation," "gettingalong better with other people," and "to see the country." "Parenthood" as avalue was rated higher by the foreign females; significant influences were "randomchoice," and "career day programs"; and significant interests "food" and"music."

All the correlations between the graduate student groups within the fourdeterminant item classifications were significant at the 1 per cent level ofconfidence. That is to say, the American and foreign male and female graduatestudents at the University of Hawaii reported highly similar reason, value,intluence, and interest determinants of their decision to seek an advanced degree.

When the four columns of determinants are inspected, it can be noted thatthe range of rhos within reasons (.80-.92) and values (.90-.95) is narrowertb"n that within influences (.69-.96) and interests (.70-.96). Reasons and"dues C2.n thus be said to show somewhat more constancy of resemblance acrosssex and national origin. Reading the same table by rows, the American males

34 35

.....

and American females were the most constant in resemblance across itcrr.determinant classification (.88-.96) and the foreign females-American male;the least constant of the pairs (.69-.93) .

Graduate populatiollS compared with East- west Students. The data presenteein Tables 1-4 provided an opportunity also to compare the graduate popula:tion;with other grollps previously sampled. To determine amount of similari~between the determinants reported by the American and foreign graduatestudents and by East-West males and females, correlations of group mean;within various determinant item classifications were calculated. This informationis summarized in Tahle 7.

Table 7Conelations (Rho) of American Graduate Students and Foreign Students with

East-West Center Students and American Undergraduates by Determinant Item Classification

All correlations were positively significant at or beyond the 5 per cent level,except for the influences upon foreign and East-West females. Of thedeterminant item classifications, values were the most closely associated acrossgroups. The East-West Center males more closely resembled American malesin interests than in other determinant classifications and foreign males in reportedinfluences; the East-West females were most like the American females andforeign graduate females in values. Referring back to Table 6, the foreign

36

;~aduate student groups resembled more closely the American gr~duate st~dents

:::9.l' the East-West students in reported determinants of educatlOnal chOlce.

In general, it may be concluded that there was a moderate to high similarity~,,~w·ctil the mean responses of the graduate populations and the East-Wests::lderrts to the inventory. When the East-West Center means (cf. Chunn and::):Jle, 1963) were compared on all items with the means of the graduate::Jj)uiations, the most popular reasons, values, influences, and interests were~:~lO,t identical. An exception was a lower rating by the East-West students:J: the item, "degree necessary for work I wanted to do."

However, a number of substantial (half a scale point or more) differences7.ere found in comparing the groups on items other than the top three in each:;assdication. The East-West men and women rated higher "to make new::-:ends," "scholarships," and "travel." Compared to the foreign gradu~te

s:udel1ts, East-West women more frequently checked "to get along better WIth;:eople," "influence of college officials," and "friends" than did foreign graduate~">Jrl1en; and East-West men more often than foreign graduate men wanted "tosee this country and get to know her people." Compared with American graduates:udtilts, East-West males and females rated higher "graduate school would~elp me to develop socially" and a determining interest in "travel." "Also:11e' decision was made for me," "easiest thing to do," and "parenthood" were:::ore important to East-West men than American graduate male students; ~nd

"college officials" appeared to have more influence on East-West than AmerIcan"raduate female students.

- Graduate populations compared with undergraduates. In Table 7 rank ordercorrelations between various American graduate and undergraduate group meanslee also presented. It should be noted that the wordings of a number of the::ems were modified to fit the educational level. Except for influences upon:he males, the American graduate groups showed a moderate significant relation­;~ip with the American undergraduates within each determinant classification.The relationships were approximately the same in size as those between theAmerican graduates and East-West groups but generally smaller than the:elationship between the American and foreign graduate students, even wheno?po;ite sexes were compared.

\vhen the most popular items among American undergraduates were:ompared with the ones ranked most important by the foreign and American~L,d-uate groups, all student groups agreed on "degree necessary for work I~'anted to~ do," values of "preparation for specialization," "satisfaction," and·'self.improvement," influence of "people in the field" and interest in "ideas."But the younger students reported more frequently that their educationaldecisions were determined by "preparation for success in life," "opportunityfor 2.dvancement," "independence," influence of "parents" and "aptitude tests."

Discussion

Before considering the implications of these results a word of caution isnecessary about the graduate samples. It cannot be assumed that those whoretumed questionnaires were representative of the total University of Hawaii

37

graduate population. Secondly, conclusions based on the small foreign graduatrfemale sample must be regarded as highly speculative.

Gropper and Fitzpatrick (1959) and Coelho (1962) have noted that theprimary reason for coming to graduate school was vocational and educationaldevelopment; the results of this study substantiate these conclusions. It mayfurther be noted that all the graduate groups, with the exception of the foreig;,females, rated occupational reasons higher, ("Necessary for work I wanted todo") than educational or academic ("Find out more about certain fields" and"enjoyed studying and wanted to continue.") The foreign females placed aneducational reason first, foHowed by an occupational reason. University OJHawaii seniors and freshmen, with the exception of the freshman women, also,like their continental counterparts (Iffert, 1957) placed primary importance 011

the occupational reason. From this, we can conclude that students who continuron for graduate degrees, do so, first, because they consider their advancededucation as preparation for future occupations. There are, of course, many.nonvocational reasons also and there are subgroups to whom this conclusiondoes not apply, such as the East-\'Vest students and other foreign female students.. The most obvious factor about the expressed values which played a partIn the graduate school decision was the high degree of correlation betweenall the graduate groups; there was little differentiation by national origin or bysex. One source of explanation for this may be found in a study conductedby Klinger (1962) on cross-cultural moral values. A foreign sample andAmerican sample had a higher degree of agreement when they were "older,married, and further advanced in education." Thi~ might explain why simila'values resulted, cross-culturally, in the decision to come to graduate school.The majority of the University of Hawaii graduates samples were between 20

and 29 years of age; 32 per cent of the subjects were 30 and older. Approxi.mately half of the present sample were married.

"Academic" influences, that is, coHege professors and college courses wereconsidered among the most important by all the graduate students. Only theforeign females rated "work experience" higher than "academic" influences.That the academic influences should be found to be important has far-reachingimplications for college educators; for it seems that the academic atmosphereof the domestic or foreign college campus has a greater reported influence onthe decision to come to graduate school than the home or community.

There was little, if any, differentiation of interests by sex or national originas they pertained to the decision to come to graduate school. All groupsindicated "ideas" as the most important interest, with "science" second for themen (American and foreign) and "words" second and third for the Americanwomen and foreign women, respectively. It should be remembered that auniversity graduate population is more homogeneous than other educationallevels, homogeneous both in the sense that many common reasons probablyaccount for the decision to enter graduate school and that much selection byability and motivation has occurred. Super (1949) discussing work done byStrong, notes that "people's interests are far more similar than differentregardless of sex, age, or occupational status . . . . The likes of college menand women are very similar (r= .74) . . . . Underneath the very realdifferences among various group of people we find an even larger common

38

:ore . "In addition, graduate school may represent a partial denial of thefemale role. Higher education has, throughout history, been designed primarilyror n,ale students. It would be expected, therefore, that the female student:Ilie-ht find it necessary to conform to virile standards.

v How can we account for the striking similarity between American andforeign students? Does it not seem strange that the results reveal few cultural

illrlerences?One of the more obvious explanations, pointed out previously, is a maturity

factor. Graduate training, regardless of culture it seems, is viewed as a "trainingperiod" for vocational development as well as for learning one's role. a~ a~Dember of his culture. The students, therefore, as they mature offer slmtlarrea SODS for seeking an advanced degree. In addition, corresponding values andinterests become crystallized by the age of 18, with fewer changes taking place2.fter 25 (Roe, 1956; Super, 1949).

Another explanation for the similarity between the American and foreignstudents is suggested by the finding that the foreign studen~s tend~d to havehigher means on the items. They rated 68 per cent of the Items lugher thandid the American males and females. Perhaps this represented an "acquiescenceeffect"; foreign students were simply more agreeable in responding ~o invent~ry:tems. Or perhaps it represented simple good manners. As guests 111 a foreIgnland, the overseas visitors may have tried to adapt their opinions to those of

their host.Alternatively, could this similarity between students of such diverse origins

have been a product of level of understanding and English comprehension::rnong the foreign group? The apparently too facile explanation should beconsidered that the visitors from abroad had difficulty comprehending the:tenE and therefore marked answers because they seemed "correct."

Kluckhohn (1961) presents a paper dealing with the comparative aspectsd human communication. In this paper he notes that "anything can be expressedin any language, but the structure of a given language will favor cert~instatements and hinder others." In addition it is pointed out that the conceptIOnof the world is related to the language of the person viewing it; no twolanguages represent the same social reality (Sapir, in Kluckhohn, 1961). What,then, happens to the bilingual individual, the person who has learned tocommunicate in two or more languages and, in addition, what happens to thati'1dividual's frame of reference when he uses his second language? Haugen(in Saporta, 1961) cites the incident of an immigrant to the United States who,poke German upon arriving, and after learning Englis~, felt: "The popul~rimpression that a man alters his personality when speak111g another tongue IS

ta~ from ill-grounded. When I speak German to Germans, I alltomatic.allyshift my orientation as a social being." Julian Green, the French-bo~n ~menc~nwiikr, describes his problems as a bilingual writer. Green tells of 1115 dIfficultiesin translating one of his own books from French to Eng!ish; an entirely n.ewbook had to be written. The implications here seem ObVIOUS: When lear111ngone language, an individual tends to adopt or express the views and the~ultLEal norms of that language; similarly if he must learn a second language,this person will learn to express himself in terms of the norms of the culturefrom which the second language stems, that is, when he speaks the second

39

language. This does not imply that the two language systems are independen!of one another; instead it means that acquisition of the second language involve:,on a conscious or unconscious level, the incidental learning of a new set ofnorms.

What about our foreign students then? How do they fit into this genera!scheme? It should be pointed out that many of these students had a speakingand reading knowledge of English before arriving at the University. However,once they unpacked they had to speak English to the point where they "thought"in our language. Therefore, it may well be that responses to our questionnairewere answered within an American-English frame of reference. Because thestatements were posed in English, using terms and phrases which were developedfrom American cultural standards, the answers would tend to reflect thi;American "way-of-life" rather than an Asian or European pattern. This,perhaps, accounts for the high agreement between American and foreign graduatestudents.

Can we be sure about this psycholinguistic explanation of the results? Theanswer to this question would necessarily involve additional research in thisarea. What would happen if Reasons for Going to College were administeredto foreign students in their native language? Would the results mirror theculture of the language in which the questions were posed? If our assumption:are correct and foreign students do, consciously or unconsciously, adopt ourmores while in the United States, then perhaps we must re-orient our thinkingand our approach in communicating with our foreign visitors.

Summary

The present study investigated reported determinants of advanced educationand compared American with foreign graduate students. An inventory, Reasonsfor Going to College, was administered to 262 subjects, 40 per cent of the totalUniversity of Hawaii degree and intended degree graduate population.

1. Among all subgroups (foreign and American, male and female)vocational and educational development were the most popular reasons forcoming to graduate school; (except for foreign males) intrinsic considerationsthe most popular values; academic and practical experiences the most frequentlyreported influences; and ideas the most popular interest determinant.

2. The American males, American females, foreign males, and foreignfemales reported highly similar reasons, values, influences and interests asdetermining their decision to seek an advanced degree.

3. The American graduate students were in general less similar 'to East-\)VestCenter students and to American undergraduates in their responses to theinventory than they were to the foreign graduate students, even when oppositesexes were compared.

4. The following were suggested as possible explanations for the closesimilarity of the overseas visitors to the American graduate students: commonmaturity factor, acquiescence effect or difficulty in reading comprehensionexperienced by the foreign student population, or psycholinguistic artifact.

40

REfERENCES

Chunn, A. F., & Dole, A. A. Why East-West Center students come to Hawaii./. SoC, Ps)'chol., 1963, 59, 41-52. . '

C~elho, G. Personal growth and educational development through work111g?.fJct studying abroad. J. Soc, Is.wes, 1962, 18, No. 1. . ,

DaYis, J., & Bradburn, N. Great aspirations: The career plans of Amenca sJune 1961 college graduates. Voc. Gtlid. Qlfart., 1962: 137-142.. .

Dole, A. A. A sflld)' of lJalttes as determinents of edttcatlOn.al-vocatlonal chOIcesin Hawaii. Honolulu: Hawaii Department of Education, 1961.

Dole, A. A., & Iwakami, Eileen. Survey of University of Hawaii 1960 sen~ors,III. Why they came to college. B.T.G. study, No.9. Honolulu: Umver.

of Hawaii 1960.Gropper, G.' L., & Fitzpatrick, R. Who goes to graduate school? Pittsburgh:

American Institute for Research, 1959.lffert, R. E. Retention and withdrawal of college students. ~Vashington: U.~.

Office of Education, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Bullet111

1958, No. i, 1957.K!i!12'er. M. R. Moral valnes across cultures. Personnel Guide. J., 1962, 139-143.K!uckhohn, C. Notes on some anthropological aspects of communication.

.-1ntbropologist, 1961, 63, No.5, Part 1, 895-909. .Roe, Anne. The psychology of occupations. New Y~rk: WIley, 1?56.S"-porta, S. Psycholinguistics. Nevi York: Holt, R111ehart & W111ston, 1961.Strong, E. K. Vocational interests of men and women. Stanford: Stanford

Univer. Press, 1943.Super, D. E. Appraising vocational fitness. New York: Harper, 1949.

41

The Use of tlhe DemoflilstratOolrll lPfio~ect

~fIil tlhe Deve~opmeflilt of OJ

CommumOty lRehab~~HatOo[(1} lProgram

Henry N. Thompson

One of the most effective ways of introducing a community service is thatof the demonstration project, sometimes elaborated into the research demon­stration project. These projects are characterized by two definite features, aneed and a subsidy to meet this need. The subsidy may be from private sources,government, or bo~h.

These projects are usually designed to introduce a community service whichseems needed at the time; to demonstrate the necessary organization to establishthis service; further, to demonstrate the effective use of this service, and inso doing, to educate or orient the community at large to the need for which theproject has been instituted. Very often, the need, as envisioned by the projectorganizers is not as dearly appreciated by the public at large, and hence, boththe need and the service have to be promoted into established existence.

The use of this promotional device has long been the means by whichcommunity health, education, and welfare services have 'been nurtured intoexistence. In Hawaii, the history of the development of the present communityhealth services in the state has been that of one demonstration project afteranother, each project establishing a service needed at the time and at the sametime generating the subsequent pressures for the institution of other projects.

It is therefore within precedent that the establishment of the communityrehabilitation program in the State of Hawaii was so developed over the pastten years, that of one project after another. Rehabilitation, as it is acceptedtoday, was a foreign concept ten years ago. The thought that the then existingmedical and health services were not adequate to meet the needs of the ill anddisabled was heresy, and the need to coordinate and centralize professionalservices seemed unnecessary at the time.

This was the atmosphere into which the community rehabilitation programof the State of Hawaii was born. Its beginnings may be arbitrarily set in Aprilof 1953 with the sponsored visit of Dr. Howard Rusk, eminent physician andchief advocate of rehabilitation. Under the sponsorship of the Oahu HealthCouncil, a voluntary community health agency, Rusk surveyed the need andfacilities in the community and recommended that immediate plans should beinstituted to bring the benefits of modern day rehabilitation to the handicappedpersons in Hawaii. One of his recommendations mandated a communityrehabilitation center.

42

'That a rehabilitation facility be established in Honolulu which wouldprovide a dynamic program of physical medicine, physical therapy, occupationaltherapy, training in the functional activities of daily living, speech and hearingtherapy, psychological services, vocational counseling and job placement, as acommunity resource to which physicians, hospitals and community agenciescould refer handicapped persons."

As a result of Rusk's visit and his recommendation, the KauikeolaniChildren's Hospital, a private nonprofit organization, offered buildings andfunds with which to establish a demonstration rehabilitation facility in Honolulu.With the further financial assistance of the National Foundation for InfantileParalysis, the facility was equipped and staffed, and in September, 1953, setabout demonstrating the use of modern rehabilitation services in the care andtreatment of the chronically ill and disabled person.

\'Vithin three years, the need for a modern facility, new equipment, and alarger staff became pressing. A new need was generated. In 1956, steps weretaken to build a new facility using Hill-Burton Funds, an available source ofFederal funds which was provided by Congress to upgrade health services inthe United States by directly allowing funds for the construction and/orrenovation of hospitals and rehabilitation facilities. With this subsidy andmatching private funds from the local community, the present RehabilitationCenter of Hawaii came into permanent establishment on the grounds ofKauikeolani Children's Hospital.

Serving as the focal point from which encouragement and technical helpcould be dispensed, the Rehabilitation Center of Hawaii actively demonstratedthe methods and procedures of rehabilitation in every carner of the State ofH~lwaii. Again, most of this was made possible through demonstration projectssponsored by the Hawaii State Department of Health. Between 1958 and 1960a- team of professional rehabilitation workers from the Rehabilitation Centerof Hawaii went from island to island teaching and training the personnel inhospitals, nursing homes, and health agencies to the uses of rehabilitationtechniques in the care management of the chronically ill and disabled in theState. As a result of these sponsored visits, other rehabilitation units havebeen established on the islands of Oahu, Hawaii, Maui, and Kauai. Likewise,auxiliary rehabilitation day centers and workshops were established on theseislands to meet the demand for more services by the outpatient.

This increase in the number of rehabilitation facilities throughout theState and the improved care management of the chronically ill and disabled,along with the fairly complete orientation of medical and paramedical personnelin the State to the uses of rehabilitation techniques, all seem to indicate thatan end can be made of the original demonstration project of bringing modernrehabilitation services to the State of Hawaii. The end, however, 'is not near.True to the workings of a project, other needs have been generated intoexistence.

Actually, one must understand the process of rehabilitation to realize thatthe original need is only partially met.

Rehabilitation is a word which in twenty years has been widely appliedand seemingly greatly abused. In its singular usage, its application is usuallycorrect and confusion arises only when the comparison of its usage to a number

43

i'I."

of .diversifie~ a~plications is made. Its introduction into popular usage canagal11 be arbltranly traced to Dr. Howard Rusk and his immediate post-World:Var I~ ~~orts to t!an~fer ~he techniques of his Air Force restorative techniques1I1to Clvlhan apphcatlOn 111 1945. He applied the term specifically to therestoration of the physically disabled and in a sense, this interpretation of theword has continued to dominate, in spite of its application in many directions.Rusk often refers to rehabilitation as the third phase of medicine, the othertwo being prevention and cure or treatment.

For the purposes of this writing, rehabilitation, here used, refers to theprocess by which methods and procedures are employed by medical andparamedical personnel in the treatment and care of orthopedic, neurological,and cardiovascular disabilities for the purpose of restoring these persons soafflicted to some degree of their former selves.

Rehabilitation is not just a word, rehabilitation is a process. It is aprocess of restoring. It is a process which begins when emergency measuresare taken at the time that an illness occurs, or an accident happens, or a chroniccase is discovered. The process continues in the hospitals where needed servicesare brought to bear upon the problems of definitive care. As the critical stagesare passed over, the process moves on into the intensive settings of therehabilitation facilities and as further improvements occur, the process movesback 111tO the home and into community living.

Throughout this process, the "total approach" concept is continually atwork so that at any given time, one or the other professional service is thedominant consideration. Medical and surgical procedure may dominate at onetime and then recede to be dominated by nursing services which later may bereplaced by therapeutic services and so on to social, psycholoo-ical, andvocational considerations, all in the belief that this total approach to th: problemsof restoration confronting a disatbled person will accrue maximum healthimprovements to this person, the alleviation of a family burden, the lesseningof a financial strain, and a reduction of a community problem.

To date, we are at the stage of this process which puts the developers ofrehabilitation in the State of Hawaii squarely in the community and in the home,out of the hospitals and rehabilitation facilities. The process of establishingthe community rehahilitationprogram in the State of Hawaii is, you might say,on the "home stretch," with the end in sight, but some distance left to travel.To have the majority of restored persons functioning at home and in communityliving at the maximum of their remaining abilities is the end goal of thisprocess of rehabilitation. To make the final arrangements for getting to thisgoal requires the help and assistance of many community services, not only inthe health field, but in the educational and recreational areas, in business andindustry, in social intercourse, in religion, in all areas of life. The process ofrehabilitation as thus far developed has generated the further need of establishinga coordinated program of community services which can provide for themaintenance of the health gains which the restored person has achieved throughthe 'benefits of established rehabilitation services.

There are three demonstration projects which are designed to increasecommunity services to the restored person. Two of these are in operation atpresent,and the third is still in the planning stages.

44

The first of these projects is known as the Independent Living Project,sponsored by the Hawaii State Division of Vocational Rehabilitation. Thedivision is part of the Hawaii State Department of Education. Funds for thisproject are matching Federal and State grants. .,

The Independent Living Project is a research and demonstratIOn projectconcerned with the study and development of methods and procedures forpreventing or reducing the need for long term physical dependency amongthe chronically and severely disabled adults. The project was begun in July,1960, for a three-year period ending July, 1963. The Division of VocationalRehabilitation Services has indicated that the project will be continued.

The project has five primary objectives:

1. To study how effectively long term physical dependency can beprevented or reduced through:a) Extending rehabilitation concepts into the private practice of

medicine by providing realistic team consultation to the practicingphysician while his patient is hospitalized.

b) Developing practical methods of early case finding in a generalhospital in cooperation with practicing physicians.

2. To study and develop a home care program through the use of ateam approach in teaching techniques of rehabilitation to familymembers.

3. To study the effectiveness of comprehensive rehabilitation in improv­ing to their highest potentials the abilities of patients who arehomebound or in nursing homes.

4. To compare the cost of comprehensive rehabilitation services of casesfound early in a general hospital with those found by screening thepopulation of nursing homes and in their own homes.

5. To develop and study techniques and methods of determiningrealistic rehabilitation goals and the factors which influence ma111­taining these goals.

With respect to this last objective the staff of the Independent LivingProject in conjunction with the staff of the Rehabilitation Center of Hawaiideveloped a scale to judge status, progress, and potential abilities of patientimprovement. The scale uses three behavioral areas of judgment: (1) patientself care behavior, (2) patient mobility (movement) behavior, and (3) patientmaintenance care requirements.

In the scope of their overall project research requirements, this scale wasrefined by the staff of the Independent Living Project to a high degree ofreliability and will emerge as a definite contribution in the field of rehabilitation.

Suffice it here to mention briefly that the project has been very successfulin demonstrating its objectives in the community of Oahu. A more detailedreport should be forthcoming.

The second demonstration project referred to earlier is the Job SurveyProject. This is a project begun in February, 1963, sponsored by theRehabilitation Center of Hawaii with funds provided for by local communityorganizations.

45

This is a project to demonstrate a greater utilization of the physicallyhandicapped in remunerative, competitive employment in the State of Haw,,!i.This demonstration is taking place in selected business and industrial concern;in Honolulu with the consent and cooperation of the employers of thestconcerns. The response of employers and other community representatives halbeen very cooperative.

It is expected in this project that by surveying for those jobs which 1m)'

be readily assumed by qualified physically handicapped workers and by demonstrating placement techniques as regards these workers, employers will Ixmoved to consider the employment of qualified physically handicapped menand women to the fullest extent. In fully considering the many inter-relatedfactors concerned with the selective employment of these workers, employeewill be influenced to alter their employment practices and their personrre!polic~es to provide for equal opportunity provisions to qualified physicallyhandICapped men and women in the State of Hawaii.

The project is designed for a three-year period. Its successful operationcould establish patterns of management practices and procedures which business,industry, labor, and government may find efficient to adopt and from whichemployment agencies may take directions in servicing their handicapped clientele.

The above approach is taken by this project to (1) make more jobsavailable to qualified physically handicapped workers and (2) to move thephysically handicapped person to make himself qualified for work.

These two needs and the needs that are being pursued by the IndependentLiving Project team are needs of community rehabilitation services that atthe moment seem pressing in providing for the effective maintenance of thechronically ill and disabled in home and community living.

The third research and demonstration project which is being finalized atthe present time is designed to fill the gaps of need that seem to exist in thecommunity.

This third project is being referred to as the Community Health MaintenanceProject. A request is being submitted to the United States Public HealthService for a grant in aid by the Rehabilitation Center of Hawaii.

The project is designed to develop and establish the ways and means bywhich the chronically ill and disabled person in the State of Hawaii maymaintain his maximum level of restored health.

The research study aspects of this project are designed to measure maximumlevels of restored health obtained through physical restorative methods ofpatient care management.

The demonstration aspects of this project are designed to develop andestablish the methods and procedures for the effective utilization of thosecommunity services and activities which are needed to maintain maximumlevels of restored health.

In the setting of his home and in community living the restored but stillphysically disabled or incapacitated person requires services to maintain himselfand to. improve his position at home or in his community. An example of thelatter IS work. A restored person who also finds remunerative employmentcan be considered to be fully rehabilitated.

Employment is but one of the many facets of home and community living.

46

Others include recreation, education, religion, social activities as well as medical

2nd health services.Just as the Independent Living Project is b.ringing needed rehabilitat.ion

services into the homes of restored persons and Just as the Job Survey Projectis attempting to make more jobs available to the qualified. restored pers~ns o~an equal opportunity basis, the Community H~alth Malllte~ance Project .IS

expected to extend itself to move those educational, recreational, and SOCIalse~l'ices to consider the striving restored person as an integral part of theircommunity program of services. . .

The successful concluding of these three demonstration projects couldvery well complete the development and establishment of the communityrehabilitation program in the State of Hawaii. Those who have had a partin the development of this program in the State should view the progress madein tcn years with satisfaction.

47

IlJrbi et QrlbuSecurHy as at leadhng Factor of

Socna~ Evo~UJHorr'D

Thoughts on Re-reading la cae: Antique

Raoul Bertrand

Centenaries. Every decade brings with it a certain number of centenarieswhose significance depends mostly on what happened in the intervening period.Seldom, however, does their meaning become clear through contemporary events.From this point of view, 1963 is an exception. Last April, Pope John XXIIIpublishe~ his Encyclical Pacem in Terris, General de Gaulle finally agreed ona wage 111crease demanded by striking workers of state-owned mines, andPresident Kennedy did not fight the "price adjustments" which he hadvigorously opposed a few months earlier. These facts are seemingly unrelatedto one another as were, one hundred years ago, the battle of Gettysburg in1863, the publication of Fustel de Coulanges' La Cite Antique in 1864, andthe re-writing by Karl Marx of his work ZU1 Kritik der politischen Oekonomieunder the new title of Das Kapital, published in 1867. And yet, the sociologistmay well see in them, without unduly stretChing his imagination, the birth ofanother Contrat Social, as former French Premier Edgar Faure put it in LeMonde in two articles also published in April 1963-exactly two centuries afterJean-Jacques Rousseau's forceful vision.

. A paradoxically inclined thinker could contend with some logic that no placem the world would better prepare him than Hawaii to understand the deepchanges undergone by mankind since the time of the "ancient city" and tofind in Hawaii Ariadne's thread leading the descendants of ill-adapted nomadstowards some Huxleyan Brave New Wodd or slightly over-developed primatestoward some "telefinality" a la Lecomte de Nouy, the process and outcomevarying according to his intellectual background and personal predilection.In this insular microcosm, social evolution within the last two centuriessummarizes through a striking trigger effect the slow process which everywhereelse was extended over millennia. The ancestral cults of the Hawaiian, Chinese,Japanese, and Korean, for instance, are nowadays being challenged and modifiedin the 50th state more or less in the same way as, under Emperor Constantine,the Greco-Roman cults of which they are so reminiscent were challenged. The~stablishment in Hawaii of property in land and its subsequent distributionmto large estates, as well as the present discussions over fee simple or leaseholdpro~e:ty, enable. us t~ understand better the evolution of the eupatrid orpatrICIan estate m anClent Greece, the villa in Italy and Gaul, the manor inEngland before the Conquest, and the Mark in Germany before Charlemagne.

48

Where else would it be easier to gather more numerous reasons in favor of oragainst land division or concentration, employer or labor predominance, racialmixture or segregation?

We find in Hawaii most of the old and new problems which have beenconfronting man since he became civilized. However, the harmonious relationshipof heterogeneous elements renders more comprehensible their basic motivation.Here it is possible to learn more quickly how to pronounce the .Shibbol~t~ of ~lltimes which today could no longer serve as a test word by whIch to dlstmgu.lshthe fleeing Ephraimites from the sedentary Gileadites (Judges 12), the suffe~mgpeoples on both sides of any iron or bamboo curtain, the hopeful on both .sIdesof any religion or science, because for them all this Shibboleth means securtty.

Ancestor worship. It is very difficult for a civilized man in the middle ofthe twentieth century to imagine the terror in which his prehistoric ancestorslived. To them, any natural phenomenon (lightning, drought, earthquake,disease, etc.) was the manifestation of angered supernatural beings in~abi~ingmountains, woodlands, springs, streams, lakes, seas and shores, enterIng mtoobjects, plants or animals, pervading the world and shaping events, bei~g ableto inflict injuries, madness and death for unknown reasons or sheer whIm. Atthe same time, they could not understand why a human body which had beenfull of life for many years would cease forever to breathe, to move, and to talk.Quite naturally, they thought that this human body was only a temporary abode-like a stone or a tree--and that the departed spirit, still alive somewhere,could help or harm those whom he had left behind. Since the dead ca~notfend for themselves, cannot hunt or look for food, they should be prOVIdedwith necessities, as old parents might be, if they are expected to send blessingsto the survivors, rather than to do them harm if they are neglected.

Although ancestor worship is not so nearly universal as either the fear ofghosts or the cult of supernatural beings, the custom is found among peoplesvery widely distributed and in all grades of culture. To care for the comfo:tof the dead ancestors is not necessarily to worship them; the Roman parentaltawere quite as much ministration as worship proper; However, examples of t~ueancestor worship are very numerous, especially in Africa, Asia, and the PaClficislands, in all three of which it still flourishes. In historical times, it was andstill is among several peoples a matter of considerable doubt whether theyhad or have any gods, i.e.,_ any beings nonhuman ftom the start, or only m~reor less worshipful ghosts of deceased ancest?rs adored. ~y the w?ole com~u01~or simply revered by only a few pro~ment famIlIes. T~IS con.fusIOn ISillustrated by the classical case of AscleplUs, who was worshIpped m severalGreek cities as a god, but was also in other parts of Greece spoken of as aheroic ancestor; Not so long ago, a Tahitian family claiming in court theownership of a piece of land gave to the bewildered French judge as anirrefutable argument that its founder was a god while the founder of theopposing family was only a demigod and therefore had lesser rig~ts. .

For our purpose, it is immaterial to establis? :vhether the an.Clents b~hevedthat the spirits were or were not of human ongm. The esse~t1al fact IS t?atmen were and still are propitiating them for the sake of theIr own secunty.The intensity of the cult does not depen~ on tl:e power of the supernat~ralbeings but on their effectiveness in helpmg theIr devotees. Zeus m anClent

49

Greece and Jupiter in ancient Rome complained, through the voices of theirpriests, that their altars were neglected for the benefit of inferior gods.Although the Roman Catholic Church forbids the worship of its saints, thereare more candles burnt every year to Saint Anthony of Padua in Italy and tothe Virgin Mary in France than to the Almighty. The innumerable ex-voto to befound in churches and temples throughout the world are material tokens ofgratitude for protection granted to the faithful.

This practice goes back to the earliest antiquity, as we can see in theEgyptian and Etruscan tombs. Originally, the thank offerings were notmade to the deity but to the protective ancestors of the family for which thetomb was a second home. There several generations repose together andremain grouped in their second existence, outside the house of the livin a

bdescendants but near at hand. In India, as in Greece and Rome, an offeringcould be made to a dead person only by one who had descended from him. Itwas the son's duty to make the libations and the sacrifices to the manes of hisfather and of all his ancestors. To fail in this duty caused the dead to fallfrom their happy state. This negligence was nothing less than the crime ofparricide, multiplied as many times as there were ancestors in the family. Onlyone more abominable crime was possible: to leave a man without sepulture,for the spirit of an unburied body could not find eternal peace. This beliefwas universal. Even today, a Chinese family gladly goes into heavy debtsin order not only to give a proper burial to its deceased, but also to bring theremains back to the ancestral soil when death occurs abroad.

Between the living and the dead part of the family there is only a distanceof a few steps which separates the house from the tomb. On certain days,which are determined for each one by his domestic religion, the living assemblenear their ancestors: they offer the funeral meal, pour out milk and wine, layout cakes and fruits, or burn the flesh of a victim. They provide the departedwith ,,:hatever they think is needed. In exchange for these offerings they askprotectlOn; they call these ancestors their gods, and ask them to render thefields fertile, to fill the lake, the pond, or the lagoon with fish, the woodswith game, to make the house prosperous and their hearts virtuous. Taoismand Confucianism in the Far East, Pharaohism, Judaism, and Islam in theMiddle East, Christianity and atheism in the West could not change thisdeep-rooted belief; they merely modified it. The need for security is toostrong to be easily set aside.

Modern cult of heroes. Hallowe'en or All Hallows Eve, Vigil of HaHowmasor All Saints' Day, is now chiefly known as the eve of the Christian festivalbut it long antedates Christianity. In the Druidic belief, this was the one nightduring which the ghosts of the ancestors were wandering out of their tombs.The Christian Church simply grafted onto the Druidic ceremonies another pagantradition, this one of Etruscan origin; the Roman festival in honor of Pomonaheld about the beginning of November, in which nuts and apples, representingthe winter store of fruit for the dead and the living members of the family,played an important part. \'V'hen the French Revolution tried to curb theinfluence of the Catholic Church, it not only invented the cult of la Deesse Raisonbut also revived the cult of les Grands Ancestres, i.e., the men of Greece andRome. Hitler could not find a better way to reassure the young Nazis whom

50

he trained to kiH and to be killed than the annual ceremony of the Blutfalme atNuremberg. The flags of the SA and SS battalions were solemnly brought intocontact with the flag which had been carried during the Putsch of 1923 andwhich was allegedly stained with the blood of unknown Nazi fighters. A realcult of the German heroes was celebrated in Munich at the Feldherren Halle andthe official hymn of the Nazis, the Horst Wessel Lied, honored a deadcompanion. In Communist and atheist Russia, the cult of Lenin and, up to1960, of Stalin is but a Slavic version of the cult of the great ancestors. Theirtombs are national shrines and their images replaced in millions of homes thetraditional Orthodox icons. The official heroes of the Soviet Union are almostidentical to the heroes of antiquity and are revered in practically the same way,dead as well as alive. Men as realistic as the Soviet leaders, and as scornful ofmoral and religious values, would not spend so much energy, time, and moneyto produce their own formula of the "people's opium" if they did not recognizethe perennial craving of human nature for reassurance.

Social secmity and individual freedom. This need is so essential that, asFustel de Coulanges demonstrated in his Ancient City, men at all times havegladly given up their personal freedom, partially or entirely, for physicalsafety, economic security, and moral protection. The ancients knew neitherliberty in private life, liberty in education, nor religious liberty. The humanperson counted for very little against that holy authority of the family, thegens, the city, and, later on, the state. The ancient community, like thecontemporary totalitarian states, could strike when one was not guilty, andsimply for its own interest. Better still, or worse, a citizen could be driven outof the territory and thus condemned to slow and inglorious death (becauseno one would dare to help him) not for his wicked but for his good deeds,not for his vices but for his virtues, through which he had acquired too muchinfluence. This legal institution, called ostracism, functioned quite usually inAthens and not too infrequently at Argos, Megara, Syracuse, and most ofthe Greek cities. Ancient Chinese history records similar examples. La raisond'Etat is not an official institution in modern democracies but it is far frombeing obsolete. The dangerous maxim that the safety of the state is thesupreme law was the work of antiquity. It was not invented by Mussolini nor,for that matter, by the late Senator McCarthy. It derived from the sacredcharacter with which society was clothed in the beginning, and the city wassacred because it was the patria terra, the land where the ancestors were buried,where the sacred fire was burning night and day as a sign of communion andmutual services between the departed and the surviving citizens, where, at last,the individuals-free men or slaves-were protected and taken care of as longas they blindly obeyed the municipal genius living in the collective body ofthe elders who were nearer to the dead.

The Communist states of today are organized according to a similar pattern.They are founded on the same ascendancy of the collectivity. Only the principleof this predominance differs. It is no longer the belief in ancestral spirits butthe belief in historical materialism or determinism, in the Sens de l'histoirewhatever it may be, although, as we have seen, the cult of great ancestors andheroes is far from being forgotten in Soviet Russia or Communist China.The main mistake of the Western powers is to think that men prefer individual

51

~reedom to coll~ctive security. Such a preference has been true only recentlym Europe and m North America, and it is true only for a rather small per­centage of the population, as the popular success of Fascism and Nazismproved in civilized nations, not to speak of more recent examples in CentralEurope and South America. Except for the paradoxical interlude of their~olonial period, when Occidental conceptions were imported by foreign master;,It never was true in Asia and Africa. Therefore it is not surprising to seethe ~ewly independent nations, which most of the time are not yet nations,shapmg themselves into totalitarian collectivities which differ only in sizeand depersonalization from the former communities. For the greatest part ofthe population, nothing has changed.

The first social contract. Even in the West, the principal preoccupation ofthe masses has been for centuries purely negative: to be protected againstcatastrophes.. Any progressive change, as we can see right now with automation,has been resIsted by the workers who are not used to pleasant surprises. Asfar as technological development is concerned, labor has always and everywhereb~en conserv.ative; employment with low wages is preferred to unemploymentWIth prospenty. Between Mahatma Gandhi. and Henry Ford, the masses alwayschoose the former. The workers are very seldom interested in the annualwowth rat~ of the national economy or even in national income. The veryIdea of sOClal progress has penetrated only with great difficulty into the mindsof those who were or rather who should have been primarily concerned with it:the multitudes in the lowest income brackets. On the other hand, not manyemployers were able to believe that a wage increase would not ruin theirenterprises.

Of course, the Contrat Social never eXisted except in Rousseau's imagination.As h~story, h.is wor.k has. very little value. logically, it is full of gaping flaws.PractICally, hIS malllpulatlOns of the volonte de tOtlS as differing from the volonte!fener~le would be a good way to foster anarchy. And still his book, throughItS .mlxture of admirable visions and apparent cogency, is one of the mostcunous and most interesting. Sometimes poetical intuition comes closer to thedeep but intangible reality of human complexity than a scientific analysis. Onlya century later, through the solid study of the Cite Antique, was it possible tounderstand more clearly what Rousseau had caught a glimpse of; the hypotheticalcontract was the acceptance by the ancients of the very conditions of life inhuman society, i.e., renunciation of a certain amount of freedom for theacquisition of a certain amount of protection. The first social contract was acovenant of security. It lasted for millennia. It is, indeed, marvelous howlong this organization lasted in spite of all its faults and all its chances of ruin.Whatever its political form was-tyranny, monarchy, oligarchy, democracy-itseffect was, during long ages, to render impossible the establishment of anyother social structure, in spite of sporadic rebellions like that of Spartacusor of the Commune of Paris. To understand the incredible patience of hundredsof generations, it is not enough to realize that every generation was rathershort-lived due to all sorts of cataclysms but also that these very cataclysms­famines, epidemics, wars-made it a primary necessity to find any kind ofprotection at any cost. Individual liberty was in fact a veri low price to payfor it. Those who tried to sell their souls could not find a buyer. Souls were

52

---------------------------------------------..,

the cheapest commodity on the market, as the prodigal son soon found out.To freedom and misery he preferred servitude and security. Mussolini, Hitler,Stalin, Mao Tse-tung have understood the parable well, if not quite with themeaning Jesus had in mind.

The new social contract, If the first social contract was a pact of safeguard,the new one is an agreement of progress. That a society is bound to expand, thatevery member of such a collectivity is entitled to some part of the progressis not a· new idea. We find several examples of it in antiquity, both in theWest and in the East. The most striking one is Solon's reform at Athens.Aristotle simply says of him: "He put an end to the slavery of the people."Actually he did much more than that. Not only did he free the living serfs,clients as they were called then, from their living masters but also he freedall the living men, masters and slaves, from their dead ancestors. Before himthe clients, when they came into possession of the soil, could not become theowners of it, for upon their fields the sacred and inviolable bOtmds of thefounder still stood_ For the enfranchisement of the soil and the cultivator, itwas necessary that these bounds should disappear. Solon abolished them. Indoing this, he had accomplished a considerable revolution. He had wrestedthe earth from religion to give it to labor.

Mutatis mutandis, a revolution just as considerable, if not more so, is takingplace under our very eyes in Western democracies, but we don't see it cle~rlybecause it is too diffuse, too complicated, and too abstract for our comprehenSIOn.It is only since the last world war that, under the influence of the Keynesiantheories and certain observations, we began to understand that a synchronizedaction both on consumption and investment is favorable to the growth of thenational income and allows economic expansion to feed itself, if not forever,at least for a long period. Public opinion, however, is not yet prepared forthese new and beneficent conceptions, so deeply rooted in human consciences,even in the most advanced nations, are the ancestral submission to mysteriousforces and the fatalism which results from it. The emotional reactions of themasses to relatively insignificant factors-items in the news-like the speechof a chief of state or an important person's illness, and their harmful conse­quences on the national economy, notably through the stock markets, areundeniable evidences of the subconscious belief that 'the head of a nation isstill its protector against these mysterious and somewhat supernatural forces,just as was the pharaoh in Egypt, the archon in Greece, the imperator in Rome,

the ali'i in Hawaii.And yet, new and favorable signs can be perceived, if not always understood.

The differences of language, style, and method in the steel crisis of 1962 andthat of 1963, noticeable both on the part of the New Frontier administrationand of industry, and the completely different reactions of the American publicwithin a few months, are as important as they were unnoticed. In contrast withacross-the-board raises of last year, this year's price hikes were highly selective.In other words, in spite of their protest against the government's past attitude ofbeing the arbiter for industry's price decisions, the steel men, who are executivesand not owners of their firms, implicitly admitted the existence of a new socialcontract according to which nobody in the nation is entirely free to make thedecisions he would .like to make, if they are likely to have some negative effect

53

on the nation's welfare, even though the law grant~ him such a freedom. Onthe other hand, in spite of its energetic reaction of the year before, in 1963the administration recognized that "selected price adjustments up or downwere not incompatible with a framework of general stability." In fact, thegovernment admitted the validity of the unwritten agreement according to whichthe general interest cannot be represented by one group of men alone, eventhough this group be the government.

During the same period, a similar thing happened in France, althoughthis time labor and not employment was involved. For our analysis, it is evenmore interesting because in France the state is at the same time public powerand industrial employer. The government had refused to its miners a wageincrease which had long ago been granted by private enterprise to its workers.The miners went on strike. The government drafted them. Backed by publicopinion, the miners ignored the order to return to work. No action was takenagainst them because the nation would not have tolerated it. Public collectionswere spontaneously organized all over the country for the miners' families, butno political demonstration was launched, not even by the Communists. Theywould have been boycotted by the miners themselves. A government-appointedcommittee of experts issued a dry facts-and-figures report which was a best-seller.It took into consideration the chronic deficit of the coal-mines (which was thereason both for their nationalization and the administration's refusal of wageincreases) and the moral obligation of the whole nation not to treat a bona fidesection of labor as pariahs. The wage increase was adopted together with someface-saving devices. The taxpayer was never happier, if not as a taxpayer, atleast as an enlightened citizen of a civilized nation. Why?

In France, as in the U.S.A., the final decision was not made by thegovernment, nor by the private interests, but by the general consent of thenation. The public had the feeling of participating in a vast round table, oflistening to technicians, of transmuting a certain power of emotion by aprocess of reasoning and bookkeeping, and above all of influencing directlythe decision-makers, in the U.S.A. by the crash of the stock market, in Francethrough the unmistakable signs of solidarity with the strikers. Without beingquite aware of it, both nations are engaged in a new way which is neitherclassical liberalism nor traditional socialism. Its principle is neither the redistri­bution of income according to the amount of capital invested nor the sharingof remunerations according to the importance of the work performed, but afair distribution of the increase of the national income. A similar trend isnoticeable in all members of the European Common Market, in the Scandinaviancountries and, to a lesser degree, in the United Kingdom. In the body ofpolitical democracy or democracy of security, based on the habeas corpusprinciple, a new form of democracy is now in the making--an economicdemocracy or a democracy of prosperity-based on the enrichissez-vous motto.A new idea is rapidly progressing, if not yet universally accepted, that socialjustice, far from being opposed to expansion, is necessary to general prosperity.The new social contract does not have to be written down in a new constitutionbut, obviously, a democracy of expansion needs, besides the representation ofthe individual as a citizen, his representation as an agent of the economy.It needs also stability and peace. Finally, since the world has become so small,

54

it needs international cooperation together with technical progress.World-wide semrity. The almost universal praise of Pope John's last

Encyclical, even in Communist areas, results from its emphasizing the basicneed for security both in highly industrialized and in economically under­developed nations, as well as the corollary desire of togetherness (which,however, seldom materializes). It underlines the ideal of unity, of ecumenicity,to use its own word, for which the Russian Sputniks are largely responsible,the idea that complete national independence is just as impossible as absoluteindividual liberty. In the modern world as in the ancient city, a man cannotthink of himself as a free but isolated entity. His personal dignity derivesmostly from his usefulness in a worthy enterprise larger than his little self.The anonymous masons who cut stones for the pyramid of Sakkara, theanonymous architects who in 1063 conceived Notre-Dame of Paris, the anony­mous economists who elaborated the first Soviet five-year plan, and theanonymous scientists who sent an American satellite around Venus were notlooking for personal recognition. Pharaoh, Deity, History, Science are abstractprotectors needed by men reluctant to feel left alone in a meaningless Sartrian

universe.Outside their small communities, the ancients were lost in a fearful world.

Their enemies were not foreign men but foreign gods. More than once warbroke out between two cities for purely religious reasons, because foreign godsbeing indestructible, it was necessary to force them to become friendly byannexing the city where they were worshipped and which they could notabandon. A similar attitude prevails nowadays on both sides of the iron curtain.Peaceful coexistence is generally accepted. Friendship and esteem are notunusual between workers, soldiers, artists, scientists, officials, and even politiciansof capitalist and Communist nations. But doctrines-these modern deities-areirreconcilable. Each side feels insecure, not because the other remains unde­stroyed, but because it clings to its doctrine. It is therefore useful to distinguishbetween "social doctrines which remain the same and social movements whichcannot avoid being subject to changes, even of a profound nature," as PopeJohn did.

Such a distinction, hailed in Moscow and Washington alike, is practicallyaccepted as a matter of fact by the war-educated generations the world over.Except in China where Communism is still a form of political mysticism, youthis surprisingly the same in the West and the East, sensible, realistic, andsomewhat passive. It is not a generation of prodigal sons or, for that matter,pioneering individualists. Generally speaking, adventure, we~lth,. or g~orf donot attract it. Young men and women want above all secunty 111 thelr Jobs,marriage, and politics. They do not resent conformity, mass culture, bureaucracy,organizations, unions, and even compulsory military service where it exists.They accept responsibilities which are unavoidable but they would not go outof their way to assume unnecessary ones. They are against war but very fewwould be positive conscientious objectors. They resemble more the. Atticansand the Etruscans than the young people between the Renaissance and WorId\'{7ar 1. They will be ideal material for the few exceptions who will be different,since history belongs to the stubborn ones. A well-placed rock suffices to changethe direction of a river.

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Mankind in progress. Solon could rightly say in his verses, "Those whoin this land suffered cruel servitude and trembled before a dead master, I havemade free," for he had freed them from a wrong conception of property.Rousseau and the French Encyclopedists did not live long enough to see howtheir writings freed Americans and Frenchmen from a wrong conception ofpolitical power. Lincoln saw clearly that the Civil War was not a fight againstslavery alone but a fight against a wrong conception of government. He wantedto maintain "in the world that form and substance of government whose leadingobject is to elevate the condition of men; to lift artificial weights from allshoulders; to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all; to afford all anunfettered start and a fair chance in the race of life." Senator Edgar Fauredemonstrated brilliantly why and how a democracy of political security, basedonly on law, must be completed by a democracy of economic prosperity, basedon social justice. Pope John, addressing himself to "all men of good will,"thus becoming the first really catholic (universal) pontiff, assessing the effectof new technology on world political relationships and calling for a worldcommunity, expressed the hope of most educated men of today.

His proclamation, Urbi et Orbi, to the city and to the world, takes on anew meaning in the light of history: the security which the ancients couldfind only in the city must now be found in the whole world. Human progressis slow, deceptive, exasperating. Technical progress means sometimes socialregression. And yet, on the whole, it cannot be denied that some steps forwardare made. The question is to know in which direction. Rarely it is towardsmore individual freedom and, even then, freedom is for the benefit of aminority. More often, it is towards more security and, even then, it is notfor the benefit of the maj ority. Very seldom does it happen that liberty andsecurity progress together, except perhaps for the happy few. It is the task of thecoming generations to transform the exception into the rule.

56

Commn.nnHy Deve~o[pmewnt alS OJ

SoC~OJ~ Scuerrnce IFrowntuerl

Andrew W. Lind

The term Community Development, although intimately related to revolu­tionary changes of far-reaching significance in the contemporary world, isas yet relatively unknown to the great majority of Europeans and Americans.Unquestiona.bly, however, Westerners will be increasingly compelled by themounting pressures of regional and national interdependence to take thoughtfulaccount of this newly named movement. The frontier regions of the world,which have recently experienced rapid social change or are now in the midstof it, afford a natural laboratory setting within which to explore the conditionsgiving rise to community development and to evolve the hypotheses regardingits essential and universal nature.

It is particularly appropriate that community development should engagethe attention of both scholars and administrators in Hawaii, which has sorecently faced many of the social and economic transformations which nowharass the peoples of the so-called "underdeveloped regions" of the worldand out of which this new movement is emerging. The selection of the Universityof Hawaii campus as the site for the Center for Cultural and TechnicalInterchange between East and West, and the establishment on the Island ofHawaii of a center for the training of Peace Corps volunteers as aides ineducation and community development in Southeast Asia testify to the significantrole which these islands can play in relationship to the extensive pre-industrializedareas of the world which are still in the process of emerging from colonialtutelage. Although the Hawaiian experience by no means parallels in all detailsthe revolutionary changes now taking place in other parts of the Pacific or inAsia, Africa, or Latin America, there are surely many impressive elements ofsimilarity of which Islanders must be aware if they are to play the part in theexpanding world community to which they are increasingly being called.

The BaclzgrotJ1zd of Community Development

The term community development is of relatively recent origin, but as

'This paper is the immediate outgrowth of a graduate course in the spring of 1963,the first regularly scheduled seminar on Community Devel.opment offered at the Unive~sity

of Hawaii. The experience of two members of the SOCIOlogy Department on FulbnghtLectureships in South and Southeast Asia had made .them acutely aware. of th~ demand. inthe pre-industrialized areas of the world for systematic knowledge regarding thIS expandingmovement and of the urgency for such courses to be offered at the University of Hawaii,with its arowin a emphasis upon the concerns of the nations around the Pacific. Twelvegraduate ~tudenfs, drawn from t~e Philippines, Th~iland, Laos, Hong ~<0.ng, Hav:aii, ~ndContinental United States, partiCipated In the seminar, of whose prelumnary onentatwnthe following paper constitutes a part.

57

numerous observers have indicated "it is an old idea in a new dress."2 Masseducation was the common term most immediately antedating communitydevelopment in the period during and immediately following World War II,when the waning influence of colonial powers over their dominions in Africaand Asia especially necessitated some tangible evidence of concern for thewelfare of the latter by the former. Mass education, with its implicationsof modern techniques of literacy campaigns, radio broadcasts, and movie films,seemed to offer some answer to the mounting unrest among native peoples,and the publication in 1944 of a report entitled "Mass Education in AfricanSociety," by the British Secretary of State's Advisory Committee on Educationprobably marks the "starting point in the evolution of community developmentas an arm Df [British} Government policy."3 Although the term mass educationdoes not appear to have had any wide currency in the United States or itsdependencies, courses under that rubric were offered in American universitiesjust a few years after the close of the war.4

Of course, even earlier antecedents to community development are to befound in the paternalistic aspects of colonialism, whether carried out undergovernmental or private auspices. The various facilities provided by colonialgovernments to the native or immigrant populations of these areas-schools,systems of law and order, police controls, public health agencies, and the meansof interchange and transportation over broader areas-all these contain onecommon element with the many forms of community development today, ·viz..some emphasis upon the improvement of the common level of living withinthe region. The fact that these benefits to native peoples were frequently mixedwith losses of other types and that they were perhaps commonly incidental tothe greater benefits sought by the colonizing powers for themselves does notdetract from their basic function as related to community development.

Perhaps the historical tie between community development and the Christianmissionary movement is more readily apparent, for here the avowed intentionof the dominant group has invariably been one of improving the physicalstate of the natives as a necessary condition for their spiritual redemption.The observation attributed to a representative of the London Missionary Societywith respect to their mission in the South Pacific in 1797-"nothing can pavethe way for the introduction of the gospel but civilization"5-reflects the typicalProtestant viewpoint which is inherent also in much of community development.The charge directed to the first company of missionaries to Hawaii in 1819was one which, in spirit if not in phraseology, might be duplicated in many ofthe modern handbooks to community development workers around the world.

Your views are not to be limited to a low or a narrow scale . . . you areto aim at nothing short of covering those islands ''lith fruitful fields andpleasant dwellings, and schools and churches; of raising up the whole peopleto an elevated state of Christian civilization ....6

'Colonial Office, Comtllfwity Del!elopmellt: A Handbook (london: Her Majesty',Stationery Office, 1958), p. 1

"Ibid.'The writer was involved in the teaching of one such course at Fisk University in 1947.'Gerrit P. Judd IV, Hawaii: Atl Informed History (New York, Colliers Books, 1%1),

p. 41."Ralph S. Kuykendall, The Hmuctiian Kingdom! 1778-1854 (Honolulu, University of

Hawaii Press, 1838), p. 101.

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The Roman Catholic Church in its far-flung empire of mIssIOnary stationsaround the world has been similarly concerned with matters of health, education,and welfare of the peoples within its domain. Schools of all types, fromkindergartens to universities, hospitals, medical and psychiatric clinics, agri­cultural experiment stations, model farms, producer and consumer cooperatives-these have been among the accessory institutions as essential to the Christianmissionary movement of the past century as they arc today to what is knowna.s community development.

In its modern dress, then, community development is to be conceived asthe outgrowth of colonialism, whether spiritual or political, and it has assumedeven greater scope and magnitude as the earlier forms of colonialism wereundergoing their final death pangs. Critics of the colonial powers may contendthat the community development movement is in reality the last frantic effortof the "imperialist nations" to stave off the inevitable. Whatever justificationthere may be to this charge, it is obviously not the only factor nor is ituniversally observed. By far the most impressive and extensive achievementsin community development have occurred in areas of the world which hadalready advanced considerably beyond the colonial era. India, Pakistan, andthe Philippines, now surely in the forefront for their accomplishments inprograms of community development, have unquestionably derived considerablestimulation and assistance, both technological and financial, from their earliercolonial mentors, but their most notable advances have occurred after someyears of political independence.

The Nature of Community Developmmt

A somewhat more precise definition of community development is suggestedin the light of these considerations. A central idea in all the efforts to describethe varied forms of the movement is the notion of regional reform, of aconscious effort either from within or from without to improve the conditionsof life for the bulk of the population resident within the area. The BritishHandbook on Community Development emphasizes throughollt a social move­ment of betterment and improvement,

a movement designed to promote better living for the whole community ....First it is an idea ... of a positive approach to the handling of affairs whichaims at developing the initiative of the individual and the community ... inschemes for promoting their own bettermeni: . . . the whole process ofchange and advancement considered in terms of progressive well-being ofsociety and the individuaUFor certain purposes, it would be legitimate to extend the conception of

community development to include alI planned social change in a directionwhich some organized group defines as desirable for the entire population.Thus, the schemes evolved by colonial governments for the building of roadsand the establishment of other media of transportation into inaccessible regionsor the imposition of statutory laws prohibiting traditional practices, such ascannibalism or slavery, obviously constitute forms of community development,even though the element of democratic participation in the planning is lacking.

'Colonial Office, op. cit., pp. 2-3.

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Simil~rly, the paternalism characteristic of plantation frontiers and involvingsuch. vaned forms ~f community planning as providing for housing, food,medIcal care, recreatIOn, and religious worship clearly falls within our definition.In Ha:vaii, for exam~le, the plantations have been for over a hundred yearsthe pnn:-ar~ <;ommumty de~elopers, assuming responsibility for locating andactua~ly b~l1dlUg the dwellIngs of most of the population. As in plantationfront~~rs lU many other parts of the world, this responsibility included therecrUlt~ng of workers from regions of surplus labor, their transportation overvast dIstances, and the subsequent control of the most minute details of theirl~ve.s, suc~ as t~e time of their going to bed and their rising, the use of theirlImIt~d leIsu.re tIm~, and their physical movements. Particularly during the earlyfrontler penod pnor to the development of effective controls from within thenew communitJ: or the extension of the legal codes of the state, the plantationmust of necessIty assume the role of law giver and judge and, at times, thatof parent.B As the populations of the new communities become stabilized onthe basis of normal family units and acquire a common moral foundation, theneed for external control and planning diminishes and the possibilities ofdemocracy in community development increase.

Widespread participation by the masses, either in planning or execution?f the programs of community development, although widely hailed as essentiallU the movement, emerges only gradually in peasant or folk communities, longaccus~o~ed to accepting the authority of traditional leadership. It is notSurP~lslUg, therefore, to discover in recent discussions of the subject somewhatambIguous references to the participation in planning by the persons involved.~s recently as 1957, Thomas R. Batten, a leading British authority, foundIt. ~ec~~sary to report tha~ there was no "precise and generally accepted defi­nItion, but that commumty development was identified with "almost any formof local betterment which is in some way achieved with the willing cooperationof the people," citing the double entente of a 1948 conference report ofcolonial administrators.

[Community d~velo~ment is}. a movc:n:ent to promote better living for thewhole commumty, WIth the actIve partiCIpation and if possible on the initiativeof th~ community, ~tlt if this initiative is not forthcoming, by the use oftechmques for arou~u~~ an~ stimul~tin~ it . . . . It includes the whole rangeof development actI~ltles lU the dIstncts, whether the.re are IIndertaken bygovernment or IIno fficiaJ bodies. 9

Associated Problems

This is,. of course, the point at which the public professions of virtuallyall commumty development schemes nm afoul of the stubborn realities of thesituation to a greater or lesser degree, and it is apparently no less true inself-governing nations than in regions still under colonial rule or the controlof private enterprise. The requirement, inherent within every structured scheme

. 'C?~ce having passed .the stage ~f. ha,:,ing established its pioneer community, the naturaldl.SpOSltlon of the pla~tatlOn authO!ltlCS IS to make only those innovations which will con­tnbute to the greater lficome of the enterprise.. "Thomas R. Batten, Communities and Their Developmem (London, Oxford Univer-

Sity Press, 1957), p. 1. (Italics mine.)

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of community development, of a body of functionaries to direct and executesome of its policies, tends to encourage these officials to assume greaterresponsibilities and powers than the ordinary participant in the scheme or thanthe basic philosophy of the movement may have intended.

Thus, Christian missionaries, with presumably sincere intentions of operatingin a democratic fashion, tend inevitably to impose not only their values of whatis desirable in the way of social change but also their judgments as to methodsand procedures in effecting these changes. Missionaries would, of course, notbe in a foreign land seeking to change the manner of living among its residentsunless they were convinced of the superiority of their own values and judgmentsover those of the natives, and quite unconsciously, therefore, the pressure ofthe funds and services they provide tends to counteract their professions ofdemocratic participation.

The obstacles to the democratic functioning of community developmentschemes are even more pronounced where extensive financial support is providedby a foreign government. The huge expenditures of money by nations on bothsides of the Iron Curtain to assist the under-developed countries of the worldare bound to be interpreted in part as efforts to buy good-will and support, andthe claims to altruism and democratic principles, even in such efforts as thePeace Corps and educational or advisory missions, are somewhat discountedby the recipients as being motivated by ulterior purposes. When, as all toofrequently happens, the administrators of foreign aid have themse.lves an uncl~ar

conception of their national mission and are rather concerned w~th the exerClseof newly acquired power and influence, such as they never enjoyed at home,the consequences may be tragic. The public professions of democratic principlesby the consulting missions of Western powers become a positive snare andliability unless the practices and administration correspond, and unfortuna~ely

the circumstances in most of the pre-industrialized areas where such foreignaid is now being offered militate against it.

Within the sixty-odd independent nations which have thrown off theirearlier colonial status during the past twenty years, the democratic principleof community development is more likely to be expressed in terms of "self-help,"which, of course, implies widespread and self-directing participation by themasses. The pronouncements by the intergovernmental agencies such as Unescoand the Technical Assistance Committee of the United Nations, which havefrequently helped to initiate community development programs in these areas,invariably emphasized the' same principles. For example, one of the early"fundamental education projects," initiated by Unesco in collaboration withthe U.S. Mutual Security Agency and the government of Thailand, declaredthat the guiding principle in all its activities should be "self-help." Paternalismwas renounced.

One should never try to work for the people but rather work with them....No program should ever be imposed on the people. The ultimate goal ofthe community development is to bring about better farms, bet~er ?omes, an.da better community by the people themselves, thro~gh the realIzation .of theuown strength, and making use of whatever services they can obtam fromthe government.10

1OQuoted in Clarence King, Working With Peo/Jle in Small Communities, (New York,Harpers, 1957), p. 105.

61

The effective application of such principles apparently involves seriousdifficulties within self-governing regions, just as it does in areas still undercolonial rule. The native conservatism and resistance to untried ideas introduced~rom outside are, of course, major obstacles to the acceptance of innovationsHl both types of situations, since a determined peasantry may as readily boycotta change mandated by their own as by colonial authorities. In the case of theformer, however, the authority is likely to have the weight of tradition behindit, and by virtue of that fact to exert somewhat greater pressure on the nativeto accept it, whether for change or to retain the status quo.

Thus, a basic resistance to planned change at the local level follows naturallyfrom the deeply implanted deference among the ordinary viIlagers toward thesocially elite, whose economic and social advantage it usually is to maintaine~isting conditions. The hesitance on the part of the commoner to expresslumself at all on any important issue, much less in opposition to constitutedauthority in its presence, has been noted the world over in community develop­ment activities. Except in unusual circumstances where the disaffecting influencesof urban life have extensively penetrated, the villagers would ordinarily ratheraccept the decisions of their traditional leaders on the difficult issues of socialchange than to involve themselvesY

On the other hand, attention must also be directed in this connection to thespreading ferment of what has come to be known as the "revolution of risingexpectations." Quite as impressive as the deep-seated resistance to the socialchange as it affects community development is the mounting insistence of thegreat masses of the world's population to participate in the material benefitswhich modern technology has already made available to the relatively privilegeJfew. By means of the unprecedented extension of the mass media, especiallythe moving pictures and television, the material benefits of civilization havecome to be conceived as potentially within the reach of the entire family ofmankind, and the accepted notion of earlier generations that the great bulkof the world's population are destined always to be deprived of such "benefits"is for the first time in human history widely rejected. Quite understandably theventures in community development involving material improvements, such asthe building of roads, increasing agricultural yields or handicraft production,or eliminating or reducing diseases, are generally much more readily acceptedand even demanded than literacy campaigns or programs of extending educationor controlling population growth.

Without presuming even to list, much less to analyze, within this accountthe many factors which facilitate community development programs in certaindirections and which obstruct in other directions, some special reference shouldbe made to the complicating role of population growth. Even a casualexamination of trends in the present world community reveals the paradoxicalfact that the most impressive material gains through an effective program ofcommunity development may be completely wiped out by uncontrolled increasesin population. Data derived from the most recent census returns indicatethat in five of the large, under-developed countries of Asia where the greatestinvestments and also the greatest achievements have occurred in community

"George M. Foster, Traditional Cultllres and tbe Impclct of T'ecbnologictd Change(New York, Harper and Brothers, 1962), pp. 64-142.

62

development, the annual rate of increase has been such as to lead .to a doublingof the population in thirty-five years or less. In these five countnes the annualrate of orowth as revealed by the censuses of 1960-61 ranged from a low of2.0 per ~ent in India and 2.2 per cent in Pakist~n to. a high .of 3.2. per centin both the Philippines and Thailand, Korea be1l1g 1l1termedlate With a rateof 2.9 per cent.12 In those less developed countries with a 3 per cent ral~ ofgrowth, population doubles in 23 years and increases almost twentyfol~ 111 acenturyY Considering the relatively low life expectancy and level of Il1co~ein these countries, further expenditures of money and effort on commumtydevelopment frequently appear to have the e~ect merely .of permit~ing afurther rise in fecundity and a slight prolongatIOn of a miserable eXistence

for more people.

Social Science Implicatio1lS

It should be obvious that any field of human concern with so many variedrelationships to man and human society must of necessity draw its insights andprinciples from all of the social sciences and the ~umanities, ~s well. For thecentral consideration in all the striving involved m commumty development,from the highest administrative head to the lowliest village parti~ip~nt, impliesthe existence of values and goals which are accepted unquestIonmgly. Therealization of these ideals, which may differ from one locality, class, or ethnicgroup to another, impinges upon virtually every facet of social life and demands,therefore, the skills of all its various specialists.

The emphasis upon reform, improvement, or a hi;gher plane. of living,implicit in every scheme of community development, bnngs the SOCIal worker,the minister or priest, and the administrator in as central fi~ures, bo.th todefine the objectives and to assist in their achievement. It IS no aCCident,therefore, that most of the early formulations of community development comefrom those with a strong reform motivation and that their writing should carry astrong emotional and hortatory tone. Much of this emphasis. necessaril~ persistseven though a more analytical and scientific approach has gamed favor 111 recent

years.Thus the June, 1962, issue of the Community Development Review, the

official publication of the Community Development Division ~f the Agencyfor International Development of our Department of Slate, conSISted of paperspresented to the Eleventh Annual International Conference of Social Work and;epresenting primarily the social workers' approach to the problem. Runningthrough these papers one encounters the persistent challen?e to h~~h endea~orin a modern crusade, stated, none too aptly, by one enthUSiast as an effective,missionary-type activity for arousing flea-bitten, problem-ridden, down-at-the-heellocalities to work out their destiny with their own resources."14 Scatteredstatements such as the following reflect in more restrained language the basic

"Robert C. Cook, "Population Growth and Economic Development," PopulationBulletin, XIX, No.1 (February, 1963),5.

"O!I. cit., p. 8."Community Development Review (7, No.1, June, 1962), p. 102.

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assumptions which Western social workers take for granted in their approachto community development:

Community Development points the way to economic and social revolutionwithin a democratic society where the dignity of the individual and hisinfinite capacity for growth are cherished and furthered. It points the wayto personal freedom, and to economic and social justice for each man andwoman. . . . It develops the willingness and readiness of localities to helpthemselves. It demonstrates that the democratic system is capable to takecare of village needs. It pumps new life into the traditional methods ofpublic administration. It narrows the gap between the various social classes. 15

There is growing recognition, however, that "community .development isbroader than social work as it has evolved and is practiced in the UnitedStates" and that "United States social work has barely touched the fringe ofcommunity development."16

Neither, of course, is community development the special and exclusiveconcern of any single one of the social sciences, although quite inevitablythere has been some tendency to conceive it soY The obviously importantrole of economic considerations in the promotion of "better living for thewhole community," for example, of securing a more favorable balance betweenpopulation and the available goods and services, naturally impresses not onlyprofessional economists, but the general public as well. Anthropologists andsociologists, on the other hand, quite properly emphasize cultural and socialconsiderations, while political scientists have a tendency to stress the centralsignificance of governmental authority and administration. Without presumingto assess the special contribution of each of the various disciplines, even thelimited analysis of this article drives home the proposition stated by one ofthe American pioneers in this field that community development is not

an extension or adaptation of Western social work, adult education, oragricultural extension. It is not a branch of public administration or of theseveral social sciences. It borrows freely, but has achieved its own identity.ls

Those familiar with the varied activities all around the world which go bythe name of community development may seriously question whether any highdegree of unity or identity has yet been achieved, but of the vigor of thesocial movements involved and of the breadth of the skills required for theirsuccessful consummation there can be no doubt.

lOOp. cit., pp. 100, 103.'"Louis M. Miniclier, "Social Group Work in Community Development Programs,"

op. cit., p. 33."The very terms economic development, international development, agricultural devel­

opment, cultural development, or social development, as emphasized more or less exclu­sively in the discussions by economists, political scientists, agriculturists, anthropologists,or sociologists respectively, reflect a type of professional ethnocentrism which is scarcelyjustified by the nature of the problems involved. Actually the term community develop­ment implies a more balanced and rational approach, in which each of the social sciencespresumably would have some light to shed upon a common problem. Cf. Alva Myrdal,Social Welje/re, (New York, Columbia University Press, 1955), pp. 3-56.

l8Miniclier, op. cit., p. 33.

64

Robert H. Horwitz

Thanks in some measure to the challenge of "behavioralism':' politi~alscience has become perhaps the most self-conscious of t~~ Ame:lcan SOCIalsciences Professional soul-searching is continuous and dlhgent; 111 the pastyear al~ne another three volumes have been addressed specifically to thesubstance, methodology and implications of the behavioral.~ovement.l Perhapsthe most far ranging of the recent attempts to survey the present state ofAmerican political science" is Charles Byneman's volume o~ T~.e Study ofPolitics, a work which concludes with a discussion of the questIOn, What shallwe do with the classics?" This question is, in my view, the most fundamentalproblem in contemporary American political science. . '

Byneman states the orthodox behavioral posi~ion o~. the questIOn Without,however, necessarily subscribing to it. From thiS po.sIbon, the value of theclassics (if any) consists in the "identificatio~ of ~uestlO~s, stated as hYP?the.sesor convertible into hypotheses, suitable for venficatlOn or disproof by exal~~l1nabonof evidence."2 As I understand the position, it amounts to a suggestl?n thatanything the classics may have to offer must be judged by the allegedly ngorousmethods of contemporary social science. . . . ..,

This position has been subjected to extende~, cnbcal examll1at~on 10 ourESJays on the Scientific Study of Politics. 3 Accordlllgly, no ~ttempt :-'111 be madehere to re-examine this ground or even to restate our major findlll~s. Sufficeit to repeat our conclusion that positivistic social scien~e ,~opel~~sly dIs.torts. th~meaning of the classics in its attempts to "propositionahze and operatlO?ahzethem. It is precluded by the character of its approach from understand1l1g theclassics, much less utilizing or testing them. . .

Rather than trying to apprehend the claSSICS through what I hold IS thedistorting medium of positivistic social science, I suggest that what we shoul.dproperly "do with the classics" is first, to make an effort t~ underst~nd theirintention and teaching and, then, to apply this compreh~n~lOn as dll'ectly aspossible to the analysis and resolution ?f ~ontemporary pohhcal conc~rn~. Suchproblems and complications as may anse III the course of such appltcahO? canbest be resolved by recourse to the classics themselves. By way of Illustration, Ishould like to consider briefly my initial attempts to apply the framework

~- es ecially Austin Ranney (ed.), Essays 011 the Behaviorci/ Swdy of P.olit~cs(Urbana: U~iversity of Illinois Press, 1962), Herber!.Storing (ed.) Essays 011 !he SClentrfi~Stltdy of Politics (New York: Holt, Rin:hart a~ld 'IX 1I1s.ton, .~962), and Jamei CAClmIesworth "The Limits of Behavioralism 111 PolItical SClence (Anne/Is oj T Je met/carl,1t'ad;my oj Political and Social Science, October, 1962)... .' )

'Charles Hyneman, The Study oj Politics (Urbana: Ul11verslty of I1I1I101S Press, 1959 ,

p. l~~~e Herbert J. Storing (ed.) et e/l., Essays 011 the Scientific Stltdy of Politics (NewYork: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962), esp. pp. 228-229, 261, 301-302, 308-311.

65

provided by Aristotle's Poliiics to the analysis of a problem it number of ushave been investigating for some time: the ownership, utilization and controlof 'Hawaii's limited land resources. 4 It is within this area that Hawaii's mostbasic and persistent political problems have arisen since the Islands werediscovered by Captain Cook in 1778.

The character and full dimensions of this political problem cannot beadequately understood, I submit, without recourse to the central concern ofclassical political philosophy, the politeia or regime. Because politeia is commonly(and misleadingly) translated as "constitution," we must consider the meaningof the term before we apply it.

\Vhen using the term "constitution" in a political context, modern menalmost inevitably mean a legal phenomenon, something like the fundamentallaw of the land, and not something like the constitution of the body or ofthe souL Yet politeia is not a legal phenomenon. The classics used poJiteia incontradistinction to "laws." The politera is more fundamental than any laws;it is the source of all laws. . . . No law, and hence no constitution can bethe fundamental political fact, because all laws depend on human beings.Laws have to be adopted, preserved, and administered by men. The humanbeings making up a political community may be "arranged" in greatlydifferent ways in regard to the control of communal affairs. It is primarilythe factual "arrangemerit" of human beings in regard to political powerthat is meant by politeia. 5

Observation of the political scene reveals that these varying "arrangements"of human beings who constitute the various regimes hold somewhat opposedunderstandings of the nature of justice. Accordingly, the political analysis ofthe classics centers its attention on this centrally important struggle as it· revealsitself in the conflict, for example, between partisans of tyranny and monarchy,democracy and oligarchy, or monarchy and aristocracy.

By way of illustrating the applicability of the classical understanding ofpolitics to a contemporary problem, let us therefore consider the bearing ofpoliteia to the issue of land and politics in Hawaii. Our attention is drawn imme­diately to the fact that during a century and a half Hawaii has been shaped by a~emarka:bly broad variety of regimes, or politeia. Historians have identified theseas the absolute monarchy of Kamehameha I, the constitutional monarchy ofKamehameha III and his successors, oligarchy, democracy, and various mixturesof these forms. It is within the context of these changing regimes and theresultant political conflicts that one may understand the land issue in Hawaii.The absolute monarchy of Kamehameha I, under which a number of independentkingdoms were consolidated during the first two decades of the 19th century,was based on a quasi-feudal system of land tenure. Under this system the kingmade revocable grants of land, typically in enormous tracts, in return forcertain required services or contributions. Thus, after Kamehameha won controlof Oahu at the battle of Nuuanu, he partitioned large tracts "all over Oahuamong his chiefs.... Parcels of land at Waikiki, where the chiefs liked to

'Horwitz and MeIJer, L,md and PoliticJ in Hawaii (East Lansing: Bureau of Socialand Political Research, 1963). .. 'Leo Strauss, Natural Right mId HiJtory (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,

1953), p. 136.

66

live because of the·. surfing, were given to chiefs and prominentpersons."6This system of land use and· division was compatible. 'Yith .the way?,f li.fe, formof government and understanding of justice preva1lt~g 111 Hawall-c---:ll1 short,with the regime which shaped Hawaii for some centunes before the Europeanssettled there in the early nineteenth century.

The 'Europeans, and especially the American mis~ionarie.s ~ho se~tled inHawaii in increasing numbers, advanced an understandll1gof Jus.tIce whlch..theycontended was superior to the ancestral usages of the native Hawalla.ns.Acceptance of their arguments by Hawaii's rulers ga:e impetus. to th.e destructIOnof the ancient tabu system and to the entire fabnc of relatIonshl?s based o~custom. The successive monarchs of the Kamehameha dynasty,glllded by thiSnew understanding of justice, transformed the ancient, absolute monarchyinto a constitutional monarchy based in part on Western European ideas ofconstitutionalism. A vital part of this transformation was the introduction ofthe concept of private ownership rather than communal use of land. As lateas 1840 Hawaii's written constitution declared that "Kamehameha I was thefounder of the Kingdom--and to him belonged all the land from one en~of the Islands to the other." But Kamehameha III, who' promulgated thiSconstitution, initiated sweeping land reform and divested himself of feudaltitle by his "Great Mahele" (literally, division). The partition of the Islands'four million acres took place over the ten-year petiod from 1845 to 1~55.

Approximately two-fifths of the entire land area was distributed to. t~e chiefs.The remainder was divided into "crown lands" of nearly a- mIllton acres(dedicated to the support of the royal family) and "public ~ands," the incom~from which was to defray the expenses of government. It IS noteworthy that,of the four million acres distributed during the Mahele, less than 30,000 weregranted to the commoners of the Kingdom. The Great Mahele was not designedto transform Hawaii into a democracy.

Monarchic rule continued in Hawaii until the revolution of 1893, althoughthe foundations of the regime were gradually undermined as other elementsgained power, tending toward oligarchy. The possibilities ~f acq~iring sub­stantial wealth from commercial export agriculture became 1l1creas1l1gly clearto the Europeans and Americans who settled in Hawaii. During the per~od ofthe California gold rush a small-scale export trade had develo~ed, b~t .It wasthe phenomenal increase in the price of sugar durin? the A11lenca~ CivIl W:ar

which opened the eyes of the new entrepreneurs to Its money-mak1l1g pote~t1alfor Hawaii. To realize the full economic potentialities of sugar productIOn,Hawaii's developing oligarchy found three course~ of action. T~ developplantations, they imported substantial amounts of capital from the Ul11ted Sta.tesand Europe even while they recruited masses of contract.l~borers f~om Ch1l1aand Japan as field hands. They systematically set about gall11l1g effectIve contr~lover much of the arable land of the Islands. Finally, to safeguard theIroperations, they sought to increase their effective power within the government.

The effects of the first course of a.ction have been adequately dealt withby Hawaii's sociologists and economists,7 but the definitive history of land

"Dorothy B. Barrere (ed.), Fragll;entJ of Hawaiia.nHis!ofY, as recorded by J~hn PapaIi translated by Mary Kawena Pukul (Honolulu: BIShop Museum Press, 1959;, p. 69.

, 'See especially the' work of Lind, Hormann, and colleagues.

67

consolidation has yet to be written. For the present purposes it is sufficientto note that the olIgarchy succeeded in leasing enormous tracts of choice Crownlands from Hawaii's monarchs, especially King Kalakaua during whose reignthe monarchy ,:as effectively undermined. Large tracts ~f government landswere. sold. outnght to the planters and others. Family holdings which hadrema.1Oed 10 the hands of the Hawaiian chiefs or their descendants wereacqu~red thr~ugh purchase, long-term lease, not infrequently through marriage,and I~. a vanety of other ways.. Finally, the scattered small holdings of nativeHawall.ans and others. were 1Ocreas1Ogly absorbed by the ever-expandingplantations. The late n10eteenth century witnessed the emergence of Hawaii's.s~gar baro~s in a fashion which paralleled on a smaller stage the rise of lumber,otI, and ratIroad barons on the American mainland. The face of Hawaii wastransforme~ by the oli~arch~. The old way of life was replaced by the new.Th~ sovereIgnty of the 1O~reptd, aristocratic warrior-chief was supplanted by theclaIm to rule of the capta1l1s of corporate, commercial agriculture. The partisansof the o!d order made a final desperate effort to restore certain of the ancientprerogatives of the monarchy in the revolution of 1893, which resulted in theutter defeat o~ Queen Liliuokalani and the establishment of an oligarchicplanter RepublIc. .Fra.med and promulgated without benefit of popular referen­dum wa~ ~ constitutIOn characterized by high property qualifications and asharply lImlte.d electo~ate. The formulation and administration of the Republic'slan~ laws did. nothlOg to ret~rd the continued development of corporateagnculture, whICh had reached Its final stage of consolidation.

. In 1898 .Hawaii was annexed as a Territory of the United States, but:,Ithout any Important changes i~ the regime, even though the U. S. CongressImposed adult ~al~ s~ffrage .wlthout. property qualifications. The oligarchywas able to. ma1Ota1O Its domlOan:e, 10 part because the masses of plantationha?ds w~o Imported from the Onent were not eligible for American citizen­ship, :,~tIe the newly enfranchised Hawaiian commoners did not prove tobe polttlcally adept. Thus, from the acquisition of Territorial status at the turnof t~~ centurf .until World War II,. the IsI~nds enjoyed remarkable politicalst~bllIty. Pol~tIcal co~ltrol rested with ..a tightly knit corporate and familyoh.gar.chy whIch domlOat~d the Hawallan plantations, financial institutions,shIP~1Og, .and n:~ch of Its wholesale and retail commerce. The oligarchyexerClsed Its pohtlcal control through the Republican party, and within thepart~ the owners or representatives of the great factors-the "Big Five"8­furmshed. much of the ~oney for the party's coffers and generally establishedparty P?ltcy. ConcentratI~n of land ownership was a predominant feature ofthe regime, and has. co~tlOued to be characteristic of Hawaii to the present.A.s of 19?1, the m~~oflty leader of Hawaii's House of Representatives couldstilI descnbe Hawall s pattern of land ownership as follows:

"Five la~ge corp.orations which served initially as factors for Hawaii's numerous sugarp~antatIOns,. z.e., sellIng their raw sU$ar. Gradually they extended their services until theywtre handlIng almost .all ~f the affaus of the plantations except for the actual cultivation° the sugar. cane. DlftctIOn of the plantations thereby became centralized in Honoluluw~yre the factors manage~ their fi.~c~l a~ai~~, purchas~ of sup~lies and equipment, laborp I c,y, et~. Over the yeals, these BIg FIve corporatIOns acqUired such substantial stockhf.ldIll!5s In the formerly illd~pendtnt plantations that the latter are now virtual subsidiarieso dthelr former facto!.~. ThIS pr.ocess of consolidation has further centralized ownershipan control of Hawau s best agncultural land.

68

A few statistics can indicate the degree of concentration in Hawaii: Inthe entire State, the Government-State, Federal and County-owns 42 percent of the total land area; the 60 largest owners-those each having 5,000or more acres-own 46 per cent; and over 60,000 owners-the rest of us­own about 12 per cent of the land.In short, of the total, 60 own about four times as much of the private land

as all the rest of the private owners put together.... 9

This ownership structure was not merely taken for granted by the oligarchybut viewed with approval, for concentration of land ownership facilitatedHawaii's remarkably efficient and profitable plantation enterprises.

It was the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor which broke the power of theoligarchy and set in motion political forces which were to shatter the frameworkof the old regime. Between 1941 and the end of World War II, enormousfederal resources poured in to transform the Islands into a staging area for thewar against Japan. The increased ranks of the construction and service tradeswere swelled not only with mainlanders, but with former plantation workers.Unionization, which had made little headway in pre-war Hawaii, madetremendous gains by the War's end, and the International Longshoremen'sand Warehousemen's Union succeeded in organizing the workers on the sugarand pineapple plantations, as well as dock workers. Within less than twodecades the number of plantation hands diminished from about 50,000 toapproximately 15,000; meanwhile the middle class, long a nota:bly small partof the total population, expanded rapidly.

With the return of the war veterans, many now armed with law degrees, theDemocratic party in Hawaii underwent a profound transformation and emergedas the challenger of the old oligarchy. The young veterans who provided theleadership for the revitalized party were powerfully motivated by the desire toaccelerate the egalitarian processes at work in the Islands.

Since the early 1950's the Democrats have had partial or full control ofHawaii's legislature, and land reform has 'been one of their most persistentconcerns. Following a generally egalitarian understanding of justice, theirlegislative leaders have introduced land reform measures into the House ofRepresentatives in session after session. The tax power has been used to"encourage" Hawaii's large landowners to develop holdings not being utilizedto their full potential. Other bills have been proposed which would make itpossible for lessees to acq~ire fee-simple or full ownership of the propertyon which their homes are built, with the ultimate objective of underminingthe leasehold system in residential lands. With the partisans of democracyascendant in the regime, there is little doubt that legislation designed to producea more egalitarian distribution of Hawaii's lands will be enacted in the

years ahead.For a proper understanding of these continuing regime changes and their

relationship to the ownership and control of Hawaii's lands, the classics will

be indispensable.

"Honolulu Slar-Bztllelin, February 13, 19(,1.

69

Germarny~ The Re~~g~oUJs FrO~1rDeU'

New Approaches to O~d Prob~ems

lFritz Seifert

The visitor who comes to Germany looking for signs of dynamic socialconcern on the. part of the Protestant churches will be disappointed. Not becausethere a~e no signs of an acute awarel1ess that the church must get involved inthe. sOClal problems of our time if it is to gain some relevance for its procla­mation, b~t .becall~e t~ese si-?ns are few and hidden from the observer's eyes.

The vlSltor will Immediately encounter the old forms of church life· thetraditional e~pressions, mostly morbid remnants of the past, when the Prot:stantcl1U~ches enjoyed the stat~s of. a state church, a distinction which proved of~UblOUS.value. Thus, the 1l1hentance of the 19th century is present everywhere,l11flllenC1l1g and perh~ps dominating the patterns of relationship between thechurches and the public.

The identification of "Throne and Altar" a trademark of the state churchalienated those classes which, underprivileged at that time, considered the clos~cooperation bctween the churches and the aristocracy of blood and money abet~ayal. As a consequence the labor movement as it developed in GermanydUrIng the 19th century was violently anti-church and anti-clerical. The badfe:lings generated. at that time still are present, although valid attempts arebeing made, espeCially between the Protestant churches and the Social Demo­cratic Party (SPD), to overcome this schism, and to earn each other's trustand esteem.

The other problem, also historical in nature, which confronts the Protestantch~rches is a consequence of the more recent social upheaval of German societywhich destroyed the old and manageable patterns of human life. People noware no longer essentially identified with a social class as class, or with theirplace of residence as their place of life. Rather, they now are identified withtheir jobs which take them out of the narrow confines of the village or thesuburb, the "clan" or the family, causing a basic re-orientation of values andvital relationships. .

How do we reach these people, laborers, office workers, lower management,when the traditional modes of life are vanishing quickly, and life begins topulse around new centers? How can we communicate with those who historicallyhave had a hostile attitude because of past missed opportunities on the part 'ofthe churches? What do we have to say to those who are outside of the churchesbecause of indifference, (their own), but mostly that of the churches? Oldparish patterns, the tranquil image of the pastor and his "sheep," no longerapply.

There are perhaps three noteworthy attempts made by the Protestant churchesto cope with the basis of all problems, the lack of communication amon" the

. b

vanous groups concerned: churches, labor, management, office workers, youth, etc.

70

The first, and up to now, extremely successful attempt to bridge the gapof communication, is connected with the work of the Evangelical academies.The Evangelical academies-named thus because Evangelical in Germany con­notes Protestant-are essentially retrcat centers located at various places all acroSjWest Germany. The major purpose of these academies is to bring peopletogether who need to speak to each other and with the churches. It must beemphasized, however, that the churches understand their role in this dialogueto be very much that of the servant, the servant of groups, like labor andmanagement, which come together at the academies for short study retreatsto talk about their mutual problems. The role of the churches in this case isthat of the instigator and, perhaps, mediator, helping to discover new avenuesof contact, reminding the partners in that conversation of their respectiveresponsibilities toward each other and the general public. Thus the churchesdistance themselves publicly from all traditional suspicions of seeking power, ofproselytizing, and of narrow-mindedness. The work of the Evangelical academiesis outstanding evidence of a genuine effort on the part of the Protestant churchesto come to grips with the problems of our modern, technological society, asociety in transition, and with all the extraordinary personal problems whicharise out of the transitory nature of all values and alignments.

Man regardless of his ideological or class affiliation finally becomes the focalpoint of the work of the churches. The most effective way to help people isto foster the constructive efforts and forces which are at work within society,to bring together in an honest, conciliatory atmosphere men and women involvedin various activities of government, labor, management, schools, the arts,politics, sports, etc.

The second attempt at bridging the gap of understanding concerns veryspecifically a form of German "Labor Priest Movement." This attempt isclosely associated with the "Seminar for Church Service in Industry" locatedin Mainz-Kastel, and its initiator, Horst Symanowski.

The problems which this approach tries to overcome are the ones stated:lack of contact between churches and industry, and the awareness that thetraditional forms of church life simply have nothing to say to people whoselife is characterized by office and factory. The world of industry and the worldof the church are two worlds, radically different and completely separate.There is not even any conflict; not even negative contact. Christianity as itconfronts the people of our time is simply too insignificant even to merithostility. As a result, the general attitude is one of indifference. Yet, the humanproblems are there and they persist, expressed in the tired and indifferent faces inthe subways and the buses which transport people to and from work.

The responsible people in industry are aware at once of the formidablehuman problems and their own impotence to cope with them. They refuse to getinvolved in questions which transcend the realm of the technical, socio-political,those not directly related to labor and management.

What could be the function of ministers among laborers? Certainly, thefirst thing needed is humility and the will to listen and to learn. The theologicalslogans and habits learned at seminary are futile and actually hinder communi­cation more than further it. A theoretical appeal across the gap between thechurches and the disenchanted and indifferent is artificial and rejected as such.

71

The ministers among the laborers must admit that they are impotent and withoutquick remedial suggestions when confronted with the issues of the labor/officesphere.

In fact, these ministers remain ministers only in a hidden or secondary sense.They are first of all laborers, earning their living not through their ministrybut through their labor. These are men who are trying to prove the willingnessof the churches to bridge the gap, to remove the distance between church andlabor, to identify with the people who now are their major concern, for examplepeople, who no longer know the significance of decisions of faith because theyhave learned merely how to function and not how to decide. Decisions aremade by others. They just execute them.

The ministers among laborers are first of all human beings, trying to remindtheir fellow laborers of their own human dignity. They are trying to encouragethis human dignity to express itself not in great words and deeds but in simpleacts permitting the restoration of individual and corporate trust and reliance.

Ministers in labor find that sometimes they have to work with, sometimesagainst, a union hierarchy, that they have to take sides in the conflict of interestbetween certain groups, between employers and employed, that in their questfor social justice they have to identify to the extent of becoming union officialsthemselves, arbitrating in wage disputes, etc.

Finally, a brief look at the third and most numerous group alienated fromthe churches, the students. Generally speaking the lack of communicationbetween these two groups is due to the same reasons which were discussedabove: traditional "phony" attitudes identified with the status quo, a lack ofopenness for the unique problems and questions of the young, the raised fingeragainst the rebellious spirit, all these are the signs of the problem of generationsand their relationship to each other, which is not confined to Germany, but,indeed, universal.

As in the case of the Evangelical academies and the "Labor Priests" thechurches slowly have accepted the challenge, and begin to identify with theferment among the young, trying to channel it. into constructive avenues. Themajor success here belongs to ecumenical work camps where a new spirit ofcorporate identity is established in an atmosphere of spiritual and intellectualfreedom and encounter. Improvements in this area concern primarily theproblem of letting this spirit filter down to the everyday level in the life ofstudents, into the study and work sphere, after the camps are over.

The reluctance of students to be impressed with cliches, and their universalskepticism toward inherited and unchallenged values may well produce a newtype of church, with a new awareness of social, political, and intellectualobligations and responsibilities. At least, this seems to be the direction in whichthe development runs.

All three approaches to old problems have this in common that they attemptto join social and theological issues, to train the eye on the task at hand, whichis always simply the concern for the human being next to you on the job, inthe office, across the street, and in the school, to join hands with all othersmigrant in this age of transition and finally, to proclaim the reconciliatory powerof the Christian Gospel not as an ethereal principle, but as a force eminentlyapplicable to the social problems of our time.

72

The Hongwanii fBlUJddhist Mi~oster

Din HawauoA Study of an Occupation

Charles Hasegawa

The object of this paper is to present. a genera~ sketch ..of a typ~calHongwanji Buddhist minister and his occupatIOnal rol~ m Hawau. By deal~ngwith this topic I hope to clarify some. ~f t~e questiOns that non-Buddhistsmay have in regards to the Japanese mlll1stenal group. . .

People in Hawaii assume that the Japanese ministers are not m. step wI.thour modern "civilized" culture and are not really pa~t of the Wider SOCIalcontext. These and other impressions received by outSiders cann~t be cal~edaltogether inaccurate, but as we shall see, we.should.be very ~aref~lm brandmgthem with these characteristics. We many times fail to dlstmgUlsh among theministers of different sects, and the tendency may be t~ lu~p to~ether allJa anese ministers into one whole vague category, pOSSibly mcludl?,g e~ensJnto priests, and to see them in the li~ht of o~r W este~n cul~ure as ~o~elgnand Oriental" priests. This indiscriminatmg and IrresponSible view of mllllsters

is somewhat unfortunate and unfair. . .In this paper, I am dealing only with the ministers who belong to the NI~hl

H .. Jodo Shl'n shu ·because this Shin sect founded seven centunesongwanJi or -, . . b h'ago by St. Shinran, is the group with which I am most familiar. In me~ ers Ipthis sect is the largest of all the Buddhist sects in the Islands, as ~n Japan.In Hawaii the registered membership roster, by house~~lds, conta~ns. abo~t12 000 names making it probably the second largest religIOUS orgallizatlOn mH~waii. It ~ust also be remembered that many. unre?istered pers~n~ rega~dthemselves as belonging to Hongwanji. I have mtervlewed five m~ll1sters 111

order to write this paper, and have also dra:,~ on ~ears ~f observ~tlOn as theson of a minister with opportunities to partICIpate In SOCIal g~t~enngs of theministers and their families and at regular meetings of the mlll1sters. I havegone through the Report of the 56th Legislativ~ As~embly, 1962, HonpaHongwanji Mission of Hawaii. This being a SOCIOlogical study, I shall n01analyse the ministers as individuals, but look at. t~~m ~ather. fr?,rr: the over-a~.view of their occupation, emphasizing their activIties III their hne of duty.

With this as the core of the paper, I shall also cover such ~roblems aseducation for the ministry, recruitment of ministers, and their eventual

retirement. . .As a way of introducing the occupation of the Shin Bud~hist mi~lst~r, It

., t c to see first of all the minister in the network of I11S orga11lzatIOnalIS Impor anL, ' -structure, as part of a wider social context.

73

The average age is thus just under 50.

Of these ministers, 12 were born in Hawaii and 9 are considered to beproficient English-speaking ministers, distributed by age as follows:

~n the State of Hawaii: there are 36 ~eparate temples of this sect, differing1I1 SIze of total membershIp as well as Influence, from the largest, the maintel1~ple,. Honpa Hongwanji Hawaii Betsuin on Pali Highway in Honolulu,whIch ltsts around 2,600 separate names of persons representing households, tothe smallest, Kealia Hongwanji Mission, which has only 27 names. Eleven arelocated on Oahu, 12 on the Big Island, 6 on Kauai, 6 on Maui, and 1 on Lanai.Bishop Chitoku Morikawa has his headquarters at the Honpa Hongwanji Betsuinin Honolulu, and is also in direct communication with the Nishi Hongwanjise<:t's head~uarters in Japan, at the central temple in Kyoto. Radiating fromthIS center In Kyoto are 35 "district" headquarters temples, located in variousparts of Japan, and in foreign countries, in Hawaii, California, Canada, andBrazil.

Of these 36 temples in Hawaii, nearly three-fourths are located in ruralareas and one-fourth in so-called urban areas, such as Honolulu, Hila, andWailuku. The great number of temples concentrated in rural, agriculturalareas may be explained quite simply if we look back a half-century into ourHawaiian history. Buddhism was introduced to Hawaii mainly for the Japaneseimmigrants who came to Hawaii as laborers. It was most natural that thesetemples were built where there were Japanese people. These temples have beengreat assets, giving spiritual comfort and inspiration to those oppressed andoverworked laborers who were of Japanese ancestry.

A~nually in August, delegates, ministers, and laymen, from each templemeet In Honolulu to consider the denomination's affairs. They not only decideupon financial matters, approving the budget for the coming year, but electthe new officers, discuss all aspects of the Buddhist missionary work on a statelevel, and form machinery with which to carry out efficiently the functions ofthe Hongwanji. The three committees on the state level are (1) Legislative,Ritual, General Affairs, (2) Propagation, Sunday School, and (3) Finance.The permanent departments at headquarters are General Affairs, JapanesePropagation, Propagation and Education, Sunday School, Women's Affairs,School Affairs.

This year's budget for the Honpa Hongwanji is $50,430, and each of thetemples contribute according to percentages based on membership. TheHonolulu Betsuin produces about half of the total, the other districts propor­tionately less.

The total number of assigned ministers at present is 45, in age rangingfrom 24 to 82, distributed as follows:

Age

21 - 3031 - 4041 - 5051 - 6061 -

No.

714

5145 (The Bishop is 82.)

Age No.31 - 40 441 - 50 251 - 60 261 - 65 1

Five other English-speaking ministers are temporarily on leave.These .. ministers have· frequent communication with their colleagues at

ministers' meetings and more often on the basis of close individual friendship.According to my observations, which were made on the Island of Hawaii andin rural Oahu, the ministers' relations with one another are very close. ButbeGlUse of this continuous give-and-take in their professional work it willnot be incorrect, I believe, to focus our attention on one temple and ministerfor the purpose of studying a typical minister and his duties. There areviiriations to be sure: some temples have certain clubs or services which othersdo not have, and some face certain kinds of problems more acutely than others,and ~;o forth. But, basically the ministers' duties are similar, and many of thevariations are caused by differences in their personalities and the way theycarry out their duties. As far as their family life is concerned, while there aresome differences in their ways, their values as reflected in their concern fortheir children's education and their views on "life" in general seem to indicatetheir basic similarity. Their Japanese values, if studied in detail, may showcompatibility with the American middle-class values, as explained in WilliamCaudill's research on the culture and personality dynamics of the JapaneseAmericans.

Here then I shall mention the duties of one representative minister. Thereare six important occasions every year, and they are as follows:

January 16 Goshoki Hoonko, St. Shinran's annual memorial service.March 21 Ohigan, spring equinox, Buddhist dedication observation.May 21 Gotan E, St. Shinran's birthday.July-August Bon, a general memorial season.September 21 ObigalJ, autumn equinox.October Eitaikyo, annual financial campaign.

The stress on each differs from temple to temple. Other special services heldannually are:

January 1 New Year service.February 15 l'lehan E, Buddha's death, the day he entered Nirvana.April 8 Hanamatsttri or Wesak Day, Buddha's birthday.December 8 10do E or Bodhi Day, the day of Buddha's enlightenment.December 31 New Year's Eve service.In addition, the minister conducts funerals and weddings, makes hospital

rounds, and does marriage counselling. Also, the minister at certain placesmay hold services for new babies, Hatsumairi, when the new baby is 3 monthsor 100 days old, and affirmation rites, formerly called initiation, comparable toChristian baptism or confirmation. The minister goes to house-dedicationceremonies, and when the statue of the Buddha is placed in the new home, heconducts a Nyttbtttstt-shiki service. According to some of my interviewees, theseservices, as well as funerals and weddings, are not always in accordance withShinran's true teaching. Some services are similar to Christian or Shinto

74 75

services. Nevertheless, they are carried out, because they conform withpeople's expectations.

Other services conducted by the minister for individual families are thevarious memorial services of the dead, hooji and nenki. After a funeral, suchservices are held once every week until the end of seven weeks, that i's, forty-ninedays. ~fter this, services are held once a month for the first year and then afterthe. thIrd, seventh, s~v~nteen~h, twenty-fifth, thirty-third, and fiftieth years.BesIdes these, the mInIster gIves sermons to the various groups within hisHongwanji temple's membership.

Be~i~es these special servi~es of the year and for families and organizations,the mIn1ster has regular duties on Sundays, Japanese services at 6:30 in themorning and at two, Sunday school, and regular or occasional English services.There are weekly and monthly club meetings, for women, youth, etc.

So far I have been mentioning the minister's duties but have not mentionedhis family's involvement in this work. From my personal experience as wellas observation of other ministers' families, it seems that the wife and childrencontribute a great amount of time to the minister's work. Unlike an officeworker, who goes out to work and comes back after eight hours, the minister's"office" is located right at home. Such responsibilities as the entertainment ofguests and participation in the services for family members are taken forgr~nted as being natural. The wife of a minister takes the roles of secretary,waItress, cook, entertainer, and in fact a "second minister." At places wherepeople do not consider time as too important, they visit the minister-andtherefore the family-even after ten o'clock in the evening. It seems to bean understood fact that a minister never goes to sleep before midnight.Therefore telephone calls before that time are not at all considered strangeand rude. Thus, I believe it is correct to say that the minister and his wifeand also his children are one "team" serving the congregation. To the layman,the minister's son is otera no bochan or "church boy," which immediately impliesthat he should be "unlike other boys," considerate, cheerful, sincere, well­mannered, and possessing "saintly" characteristics. This, I believe, is nothingmore than a projection of his idealized values. And having friends who areministers' sons and from my own experience, I can say that many of themduring their adolescence felt uncomfortable.

As a responsible family man, the minister takes his wife shopping, some­times gets involved in family conflicts, takes his family to the movies, andso forth. But a resident minister is so busy, as proven by listening to conversa­tions of ministers' wives and ministers themselves, that there seems to be notenough time for family privacy.

The work of the Buddhist minister in Hawaii presents him with problemsand responsibilities different from those he would encounter in Japan. (Seethe following article by Hidefumi Akahoshi.)

One of the curious problems of the Buddhist minister in Hawaii isillustrated in one of the rural communities on Oahu. Many of the personsw~o come to the Hongwanji are also members of the other Buddhist temples,Shmgon-shu, Soto-shu, and Jodo-shu. Therefore, many families have smallaltars in which they place not only the statue of Amida Buddha, in theHongwanji or Jodo-Shin-shu manner, but also "good-luck" papers from

76

Shingon-shu and the statue of the historical Buddh~ from Soto-Zen-sh~l, andin some homes they also have symbolical items from Sh111to and from MeshIya-kyoand Seicho-no-ie, new religions of Japan. This probably shows people's lackof dependence on and identification with anyone of the sects.

Every summer when the Bon season comes around, in the months of Julyand August, those families who belong to all four temples expect the fourministers to come to conduct their family memorial services. At other placesin Hawaii "the families come to the temple for such services, but in thiscommunity it is customary for the ministers to go to the in~ividuals' homes.The Hongwanji minister notifies the homes about a week 111 advance as to

the date of his visit.One summer, because my father was ill, I visited the members' homes for

the family Bon services. Here is what happened at ~ne of the homes. Onlychildren were at home, but since they knew I was commg, I was asked to comein. An older daughter showed me to the family altar. While li.g?ting thecandles and the incense sticks, I noticed in it items that were unfamihar to me.The golden statue of Amida Buddha-a Shin symbol-was in it, but not inthe center where I expected it to be. The children went o~t to the porch andresumed their play while I myself read the sutra. I also notICed three env~lopesnext to the incense burner, which I knew were offerings. When I was fi111shed,the girl came up and picked up one of the en~elopes t~ ~jve me.. I knew thenthat shortly two more ministers would be com111g for slmtlar serVlCes. .

Often at funerals, all four ministers are present. Usually the famtly ~asa stronger tie with one temple, so that the problem of who heads the serVIceis always understood. When the Soto-shu minister officiat~s, the other threeministers read the same sutra; they do not read a sutra of theIr own. Of course,families who belong to all four temples are rare, but people who haveconnections with two temples are not uncommon.

As far as the relationship among these ministers is concerned, they all getalong very well. They have regular meetings which include s.everal laymenfrom each temple, thereby cooperating with one another to avoId unnecessaryconflicts among their church organizations.

An important special problem in Hawaii is the relation of the Japaneseministers to children and young people who do not understand Japanese. Arethey really concerned? According to the interviews with the five ministers, Ifound that all of them were v~ry much concerned. One minister in particulartold me that this area gives him the most "headaches." Many of the middle-agedministers give sermons in which they mix Japanese and English together, usinglots of facial expressions, and making their sermons short. Since the childrenhave Sunday school teachers, these in turn explain to the children the essentials

of the minister's sermon.At the state level, the leaders of the Shin Buddhist propagation are concerned

with the lack of English-speaking ministers. The Rev. R. Kondo, Director ofthe Department of Sunday Schools, says, "Many more proficient English-speakingministers are positively desired. Although this matter has been brou?ht upyear after year, the result is still unsatisfactory." !~us, propagatlOn .ofBuddhism in Hawaii is at a crucial stage. And the n1Ul1sters seem to reahzethis. In hoping to have more English-speaking ministers, the Honpa Hongwanji

77

ii!

~i:sion. of. Hawaii is providing scholarships for students to study at RyukokuUll1V~rslty m Kyoto: where most of the ministers are produced. One of thesenow IS a former soc~ology student of the University of Hawaii; however, thereare at present relatively few prospective Hawaii-born ministers and most ofth~ .scholarship. recipients are Japan-born. They are chosen according to theirablhty and th~lr. WIsh t? come to Hawaii. Last year almost $6,000 was spentamong ten reopients. SIX of them are already in Hawaii, all except one servingon the Island of Oahu. These are all young, and they are expected to becomeEnglish-speaking ministers.

.~hy is ~t that :nore loca.l men are not sent to Japan to become ministers?ThIS IS an mterestmg questIOn, but I have not been able to find out exactbwhy it is so. One of .th~ ministers I interviewed thinks that income may b~one factor .. Because thIS IS seen as a possible reason, it is necessary briefly tolook at the mcome of the ministers. -

The. amount received by the ministers is not the same everywhere. If the~emRle IS p~or because of small membership, the income of the minister:nevltably wtll be small, whereas if the congregation is big, the minister's111come may be better: In my interviews I refrained from asking them directlyhow much they. receIved, because this is not polite. Nevertheless it will besafe to generalize that ministers as a whole are poor. The top salary in thewhole organization is less than $600 a month.

Possibly due to the low income of the ministers, their wives usually teachat Japanese s~hools. Because m~st of the ministers' wives are from Japan, witha gre~t En$ltsh language handlCap, they are inevitably restricted to a narrowfield m whIch they can .find employment. Thus, teaching at the Japanese schoolsseems to be t~e best. sutted field for them. The ministers also teach at Japaneseschools: espeoally smce many schools are sponsored by temples.

ThIS problem of finances, however important it seems to be, is seldomtalked about even among the ministers. However, ministers must face theirev~ntual retirements. ~h~n the five ministers were interviewed concerningretirement, the young mmlsters gave no definite answers neither did the oldones com:nit themselves by saying what they would do ;hen they reached theage of sIxty-five. No matter how one looks at it, the pension fund in theHonpa Hongwanji Mission of Hawaii is too small, and it is unlikely that thepe~si.on will be ~nough to support a retired minister. Among the elevenreoplents of penSIOns, the largest amount is less than $1,000 a year.

Why, if one knows these facts, do people go into the ministry? When welook at the 43 ministers, most of them are sons of ministers. Therefore,whether at the beginning every minister sincerely wanted to become a minister~s a questiona~le thing: Cert~i~ly the traditional Japanese custom may havemfluenced theIr becommg mmlsters. But at the same time, we must notunderestimate their own sincere interest and devotion.

Reference to my own family is pertinent here. (See also the followingarticle by Hidefumi Akahoshi.)

For many generations, for the past 300 years or so, my father's line hasbeen by tradition in the priesthood. My father, though he was not the oldest~on in the ~amily, became the twenty-fourth successor of the temple. This temple1S located m a small village in Hiroshima-ken, Japan, with approximately 500

78

member homes scattered all over the countryside, cutting through politicalboundaries. My father, though obliged to carryon the functions of the church,left his responsibilities to his uncle when he was called to Hawaii by the HonpaHongwanji Mission of Hawaii to become a resident minister of Hilo HongwanjiMission in 1940. He later went back to Hiroshima where the rest of us werestill staying, and in 1952 our whole family moved to Hawaii.

I was t~elve then, and I have been reminded time after time that I mustgo back to take over the temple we left behind. For some time during myteens, I had painful and secret resistance to such demands. At present, mychildish resistance is gone and I myself am planning to become a Buddhist

minister, though not in Japan.Having been exposed to this religious environment from birth, my experiences

were centered and developed mainly in the activities of the church. Withoutknowing it, I memorized a few of the shorter. chants while still in elementaryschool. The ceremonies that others consider unusual and foreign are not at

all foreign and unusual to me.The procedure for becoming a Shin minister may now be described. At

present, Japan is the only place where such training can be received. Asmentioned before, most of the prospective ministers go to Ryukoku University.The actual schooling consists of four years of study, like at any other university.After receiving the bachelor's degree, he is ready to become appointed ministerin Hawaii. An intense ten-day period of discipline, modeled after monasticlife, is part of the training. The prospective ministers shave their heads andspend ten nights at the Nishiyama Betsuin in Kyoto, giving sermons, conductingservices, reciting chants, and so forth. Those who are from outside of Japan

are permitted in with unshaven heads.As far as the recruitment of ministers is concerned, the Bishop in Hawaii,

at present Chitoku Morikawa-a former president of Ryukoku University-hasa say as to whom to call. He studies the theses written by the graduates ofRyukoku University, conducts interviews with them, and if he sees that theyare fit for duty overseas, he unofficially accepts them. The official approval ofthe appointments of these selected ones is done by the Committee on Appoint­ments of the sect in Japan. The names selected by Bishop Morikawa are seldom

disapproved by the committee.In this paper I have attempted to describe the profession of the Hongwanji

minister. The ministers lead normal lives, in that they marry, have children,drink, smoke, play golf, attend athletic events, and so forth. Because of languagedifficulties, most of these ministers are unable to "go out" and participate fullyin the wider community. People in Hawaii who see only the forms or exteriormanifestations of Buddhist activities will inevitably think of the priests as veryforeign and Oriental and unmodern. Actually, they are not. Their primaryresponsibility is naturally to lead the people to realize the Truth as taught byShiman. In order to create as many opportunities as possible to have the peoplelisten to sermons, all types of services though seemingly useless and old, areheld, and they are still functional and important. When will these traditionalservices be obsolete and forgotten? As the English-speaking ministers them­selves change, the services of today and their frequency will inevitably change.

79

Ho~gwaW'fi~U urru [RQ.UU"OJ~ JOJpa~

a~d Cosmopo~aa~ HawCluu

Hidefumi Akahoshi

The purpo~e of 1~~ paper is to point to observable differences in the practiceof the Buddhls~ rellglOn between a village temple in Japan where I grew upand a .temple 10 suburban Oahu, where I am living now. To make anycompansons or contras~s, however, there must be a common point from whichto mak~ that coml~anson. Bot? the institutions in question belong to theJodo-ShlO sect, ~pe~dically to NIshi Hongwanji. The village where I grew upas a you~.gster IS I~ K~lmam~to-ken, Japan, a very typical rural communitywhose ~alO occu~atIOn IS agnculture. The community on Oahu, on the otherhand, IS not pnmarily an agricultural community, 'but a residential area.~owever, I feel that a comparison is justified on the ground that I have livedIn bo~h of them about t~n years each. The comparison is based on my personalexper~ence and observatIOns and also on interviews with my father, a ministerof thIS sect.

Temple n:an~gement. The fu.ndamental difference in the management ofth.c te~ple hes 10 the f~ct.t~at 10 one case the temple and its surroundingplOpelt1es belong to an 10dlvldual and his family whereas in the other it isonly a place of .work and residence and possessed not by the minister but bythe abstract entIty called the Mission. My father succeeded his father to thehereditary P?sitio? of priest as the fourteenth generation in succession. Inthus succeedlOg, It was ~is resp~l~sibility and duty to support, maintain, andexpand the temple and Its actIvIties. To do so, he needed the financial andmoral supp.ort of the members, .but as a whole he was responsible to himselffor the malOtenance of the famIly name. To assist him in all business affairsof the temple, there was a person called sodai, that is "representative of themem.bers.': With him as his right-hand man, my fath~r, as the priest, carriedon hIS duties.

. ~oday, ho~ever, my father is a resident minister under the Honpa HongwanjiMISSI?n of thIS Oahu community and has been there for over ten years. In thiscapaoty, .l:e fil~ds :he management of the temple quite different from what hewas fan:lIllar WIth 10 Japan. First of all, the temple building and its surroundino­propertIes do not belong to him. They belong to the Mission. It is not for hil~to do as he pleases. Whatever transaction he may want to conduct, he mustfirs~ of all have the approval of the officers of the Mission who are elected toth~l~ o[{i~es by the members. Perhaps the greatest difference is the fact that amll1lster IS assigned to .the Miss.ion; the office is not hereditarily taken over bythe eldest son..The asslgnm.ent IS made by the Head Temple in Japan, with the~onClln~ent adVIce of the BIshop in Hawaii. Normally, the tenure of office isII1d~fil11te; h~ may remain at his post as long as the members want him to oruntd he retires at the age of sixty-five. The official title of his position is

80

Chttzao Kaikyoshi, literally "resident missionary," generally interpreted to mean

'"resident minister."Sunday school. At the village temple I took no part in anything like what

we have here in the form of the Sunday school, for no such institution existed.The only recollection I have is that of my eldest brother, who once tried tostart something like a Sunday school by assembling a group of children onSunday. We sang gathas, played, and, what we liked best, saw a kaJ~i s:Ji~a! or'"paper play." I am sure my brother purposely incorporated the kamt shtbat mtothe framework of the religious program, but I noticed that many teenagers wouldcome into the temple just before the play began and leave as soon as it wasover, not taking part in the services. I cannot, therefore, report that the Sundayschool took root in the village. As I look back now, I feel that that institutionfailed because of several reasons. First, there was no interest among thechildren, nor among their parents. Second, there was no parental insistence, nogeneral expectation that the children attend. Third, in postwar Jap~n, somehowoverlapping with the second reason, no such "l~lxury" ~as per.mlt:e~ becausepeople as a whole were primarily concerned WIth ~al(Jng theIr hVlOg. ~ndfinally, the most important reason for us in our falTIlly temple was that dunngand after the war until very close to 1950, our temple had been offered andwas serving as temporary living quarters for six bombed-out families fromOkinawa. We therefore did not have the room to carryon a more elaborate

program. .Here in Hawaii, however, I found it quite different. A Sunday school IS

a necessary component of any church organization. Here, the parents as wellas the society itself expect a child to attend Sunday school. At present, ourHongwanji Sunday school has over 300 students and over 30 teachers andassistant teachers and I think it is running very smoothly. It seems to me thatSunday school attendance is part of their lives and, as a Buddhist, I think this

is wonderful.lO!IJzg Bttddhist Association. In Japan, I have ne~er see? such a thing as

a YBA. The reasons were th,tt there was no leadershIp avadable and becauseof lack of time. Young adults are kept very busy with the agricultural needsof the family. Here again, the type of community in which those people were

living permitted no such "luxury."In Hawaii, the situation is completely different. ~Je have both Junior and

Senior YBA. The juniors are .,Composed of high school people (from ninthgrade to twelfth grade students). The seniors consist of young people abo:ehigh school age. The programs of these groups are geared so that the sO.Clalas well as religious needs are met. We have such events as a State conventlOn,socials, picnics, as well as bi-monthly religious services and religious classes.As active members of the church organization, the YBAs assist in church­sponsored events like bazaars, major services, the annual Bon celebration,

and others.Wedding ceremony. Buddhist wedding ceremonies are rarely held in Japan.

During my ten years there, the only wedding ceremony that I.saw in the t.emplewas my aunt's. This was due to the fact that in Japan, weddm~ ceremo~les areperformed outside the religious institutions. The only o£?Clal reclultementneeded to sanctify the union between a man and a woman IS that they report

81

t~eir intent to the kllyakllSho, the ward office. The ceremony itself consistedsJJnply of both parties drinking sake in three sips out of a triple-decked sake~llP. T~ree is considered "lucky," three times three, nine times lucky. Anotherll1terestl11g aspect of this ceremony is that a very small number of people actuallytake Rart. They are the nak'l1Ido or "go-between" couple and the parents ofthe bnde and groom.

In ~awaii, the situation is completely different. First of all, weddingcerem0111es are held at the temple very frequently. Even those people who donot attend church services regularly get married at the temple. Another noveltyIn the ceremony here is that it is conducted in both Japanese and English.Third, friends as well as relatives of the bride and groom attend the ceremonyitself in addition to going to the reception. This practice is very similar toWestern wedding ceremonies; in fact it is an adoption of Western practicesby an Eastern institution. And fourth, rings are exchanged, something whichIS not usually done in Japan.

CreJiUltioll. Every household in the Japanese village has a family plot inthe graveyard. Therefore, whenever a death occurs, the body is buried there.The body is cremated only if that person died of a contagious disease and thenhis ashes are buried. Thus a columbarium is not necessary, and there was nonein our temple. Today, however, due to lilck of space in the graveyard andbecause of convenience, columbariums are being built in increasing number.I was told that even in our temple in Japan one is being built now.

In Hawaii, the practice of keeping the urns in the columbarium is alestablished tradition. This is because a minister is always at the temple and catttake care of the memorial services in the years to come. Besides, it is convenienlfor the members of the deceased family. The privilege of keeping the ashelin the columbarium i's technically open only to those who belong to the Mission.In practice, however, no one is rejected on account of not being a member. Anyperson who wants to is permitted to do so.

Cone/flJion. I have attempted in this report to point out some of the practices~n Buddhism which I saw at first-hand. I do not wish to give any valuedJudgment as to whether these changes are good or bad. However, I do wishto state that whatever changes have taken place during and after the migrationof Buddhism from Japan to Hawaii are in no small part due to flexibility ofBuddhism, an ability to adapt itself to any particular community or society.I believe that if these changes, however marked they may be on the surface,have not put aside the true spirit of Buddhism, then nothing is injured. Socio­logically, I think that any institution of religion ought to be able to sustainand give moral support to people wherever they may be in their times of need.The practices that I have mentioned are fruits of the Japanese immigration toHawaii and if they are understood in this sense, then my purpose in writingthis project is achieved.

82

~rntelrvnews wHh NOlr1l~Member PareB1tsof Japanese~AmernCOlllilC\hn~drell1

Atteflildnlr1lg a Chrnstnalr1l SllIilildlay Schoo~

Morimasa Kaneshiro

The writer of this paper is a pastor of a Christian .church in Honolulu.Time and time again he has been asking himself this questIOn: why do so manyparents keep sending their children to this Sunday s~hool regu!arl~ ~ut ne~ercome themselves to church? M Church of whICh the WrIter IS 111 char~ehas many children attending its Sunday school every week. However,. theirparents have never darkened the doo: ~f the church except for one or twospecial occasions during the year. ThiS IS a probl~m, not .?nly for M ..Church, but also for many other Christian churches 111 ~Iawal1 because ev~ry oneof them is interested in bringing into its membership the whole famIly, notjust the children. It has been said that the church can reach the Rarents tl~ro~ghtheir children in Sunday school, but this has proved to be Wishful thmklllg

in many cases. .The writer decided to make a preliminary study of thiS problem. He selected

and interviewed nine couples whose children have had good attendance recordsat the Sunday school of M Church. They are all of Japanese desc~nt,born and raised in Hawaii (except for two parents who were born .and raisedin Japan). As to religion, six persons (four husbands and two. wives) havehad some Christian background. This means that they were baRl:1~ed~ attendedsome church in their youth, or have been sympathetic toward Chmtla11lty. Noneof the cases had both husband and wife as Christians. The other tw~lve non­01fistian parents claimed Buddhism as their religion although thiS mea~snothing more than that they came from Buddhist families or attend a Buddlustservice occasionally to remember the dead. The wr~ter i~tervie,:ed only thewife in the case of two couples. The first wife was mtervlewed 111 the churchoffice and the second wife over the telephone. In the case of the other sevencouples, he interviewed both husband and wife in their home.. .

This is the procedure he took. He phoned to arrange an app01n~ment wI~hboth husband and wife in their home. He explained that he was trymg. to gaman understanding as to how they felt about the Christian chur~h to whICh .theyhad been sending their children. He assured them that he was mterested neither

in arguing with them nor in converting them.. .The interview was informal. The wnter came to the homes In ca~ual

clothes, namely aloha shirt. He did not t.ake an~ .notes during the conversatIOn.He initially tried to talk about light subjects of mterest to them, and then, he

asked the parents two questions:1. ~'ifhy do you send your child to Sunday school?2. Why don't you come to church yourselves?

83

They were friendly and cooperative in answering them. The time spent in eachhome ranged from half an hour to two hours. The writer made notes of theinterviews within twenty-four hours after leaving the homes. Here are theresults.

As to the first question: Why do you send your child to Sunday school?, itseems that many parents do not have any dear, well thought-out answer. Tothem, religion, whether this be Christianity, Buddhism, or Shintoism, teachesgood things to the children. Such good things include God, what is right andwrong, mingling well with others, and the habit of attending church on Sunday.One couple said that although their children are too young to understandreligion they are gaining much just by being in the atmosphere of the church.

When the writer asked the parents: Why do they send their children toM Church and not to some other church?, he got these answers. First,the child can understand the language in which the religion is taught. The wifewho gave this answer said that for a while her daughter was attending theBuddhist church, but she didn't learn much because they taught religion inJapanese. Second, the friend of the child goes to that church. A wife said:

We had been sending all our children to another Christian Church. They started togo there when their friends invited them. Our oldest daughter changed to M..........Church because one of her best friends goes there.

Third, the church is conveniently located. M............ Church is very near thehomes of some of the parents. One parent stated:

My two younger children go to M Church because it is right next door. It issafer for them at their age. When they grow older, they may go to some other churchif they want to.

Fonrth, the child likes this particular church. Sometimes this offsets the factorof a conveniently located church as seen in the following reply of a wife:

I st~rted to send my children to M...... . Church because we used to live near thechurch. Since we moved h('re I wanted to send them to the Buddhist church which isonly three houses away. But they insisted on going to M..... .. Church.

Fifth, the church is not too demanding. One wife was baptized into a RomanCatholic church while she was of primary grade age and attended Mass for awhile. She 'said that she would not send her children at their tender age to aRoman Catholic church because it would be too strict and heavy for them.Apparently, to her :NL.......... Church is not of this nature.

Most parents gave reasons based on second-hand information. On the otherhand, two parents replied on the basis of their personal experience in church.

One wife had this to say:

We send our children to Sunday school because we have found from our own expe­rience that religious instrnction is good for children. I went to a Buddhist Sundayschool for many years. My husband went to a Christian Sunday school and was bap­tized. Later in his teens he went to another Christian church and was baptized again.

A husband made this statement:

I send my boys to church because Christianity is good for them. I have found that itwas good for me, but now I have this problem of trying to reconcile what religionteaches and what I do in my work. Perhaps, if I had a good religious training while

84

, I d this roblem by now. 1 hope that when m~ oldest1 was young 1 would have so v.e . P'I blem his religious training WIll helpson (12 years old) is faced with a SImI ar pro ,him to solve his problem.

d 1 b t hy they send their childrenMost parents spoke vaguely an sparse y a: au w . h' d

to Sunday school. The writer did not think that they were trym~e~sel~e:something. He feels that to some extent they were ~ot able ~o expres~~ t' n towell and that to a larger extent they have not given serious consl era 10

this matter.One wife, however, has expressed herself well and seems to have considered

the matter seriously. She said: . . .'

We send our children to Sunday school bechausebthl.ere t~e~rc:tl~;ri~ ~~~~l~~r~~~: :~I . I bl'c scho"} Whether t ey e Ieve d

not taug It I? tIe pu I.. . The shouldn't be ignorant in this area of knowle ge.know the hIstory of relIgIOn. . Y selves in a conversation centering around the:When they are older they may find th;m l" Th will bQ equipped to take partchurch the Bible, and other things 0 re IglOt.t. ey d 'd~ . d It life to be a

, t' Also the chl1dren may eo e m a uintelligently in the conversa lOn., be I;ard for them because they are already familiarmember of the church. It won t. b l' f nd teachino-s They won't feel out ofwith the church, its customs, practIces, e Ie s, a ' '" .phce when they go to church.

~s to the second question: Why don't you c?me to ch~lrchhyou~sel~es~,~~~answers of the parents ranged fr~m "I am not l~terested ~~ ~:e~:S~an~ said:to "I have meant to go, and you will soon see me 111 church. . t d

h h b t who knows someday 1 may get mteres e1 don' t hav~ the urge to go to/ Iurc, ua Buddhist priest. When he died, the peopleand start gomg to church. My at 1er was '. ut for that kind of work.wanted me to take over the church. But 1 clasnft tht 0h rch in their lives. TheA couple said that they fi?d no ~ee ? ~ c u

husband spoke of his past expenence With religIOn.. a Catholic Brother tried to teach me and the

Once when 1 was m. a Boy Scowt ~roo~e less about it. 1 don't remember anything heother boys the catechIsm.. 1 cou dn.t ca t 1 guess it's easier for the girls to keeptauo-ht us. 1 was more mtercste ill spar s. Q h . h'.'" t h rch The boys gc·t diverted to sports and forget th~ c urc .gomg 0 cu· -

The wife also mentioned her past experience:.. . . I d Japanese-American), 1 was interested

When 1 first came to Hawau (she IS a ~~In an 1 I d my husband and his relatives,in the church because .1 was l~ne~l~e: d c~u~~~ked1~0 the church with the intentionbut 1 mIssed my relatIves a~ Odd' .nen s. h band's However I never got started.f b I . to some group In a ItlOn to my us· , I d 't

o e ongmg f' d' then 'lfid 1 am not lonesome anymore. onAnyway, 1 have made many nen s since , 'need the church.

Many answers to the second question indicate that .the CThhristiafn clh~~~~ ~~. '. f t geness and confuSIOn. ey ee

many parents IS a picture a s ran f 1 They feel thatthey came to church they would feel awkward and out a pace. ld . th rwhat the church does would be incomprehensible to them. T.h? wou. ra e

hnot a there. They may come once or twice a ye~r on a speCia occaSIOn, suc

Ctristmas but they would not consider becommg church members. .as Two par~nts felt that the church made too big a den:and on the~. T~ey ~aldthat they would not be able to keep going to the service Sunday a ter un ay.

A husband viewed the church as a place for children and not for adults.

He said:

85

I don't go myself to church because I know what is right and wrong, Well, I don'tknow it all, but I know enough to get along in life, My children don't know enough,so they need to go to Sunday school.

The writer anticipated that Buddhism would be one of the main reasonswhy parents do not come to the Christian church. This was so in the case of6 of the 18 parents. Two parents revealed that they were brought up in familieswhere the father was a Buddhist priest. Yet, they did not say that they believedin that religion; nor did they say they were against Christianity. They simplywere not interested in the latter.

A husband spoke of Buddhism as a reason but in a way different from theabove. He said:

I already have two religions. I go to the Jodo Mission (Buddhist) with my motherto remember my dead father. I go to the Konko Mission with her to have prayers ofhe:tling said for us. I started going there when I banged up my eyes in an accident.My mother took me to the Mission to have my eyes healed. I can go to the Missionsany time I want to, But if I became a Christian J would have to go to church everySunday. I can't do that because sometimes I work on weekends. I am a busy man.

Three parents brought out the specific point of respect for one's parentswhen they said that Buddhism was one of the reasons why they do not come tothe Christian church. One wife said that if she became a Christian she wouldbe disloyal to her parents who are strong Buddhists, Another wife made amore elaborate statement:

r don't go to church because it will create a conflict. When my father died we hada Buddhist type of funeral. As you know, we offer incense to pay respect to the dead.:Everybody did that except my brother. People asked m:: why he didn't do it. I tol<lthem that he was a Christian and was not supposed to do those things, If I don'tbecome a Christian I ,1m free to do it. I don't have any conflict.

A husband, also speaking for his wife, said:

It will conflict with our paying respect to my dead parents (husband's). Their ashesare at the Buddhist church, At certain times the church notifies us that services arebeing held for my parents, So we go to take part. \V/e don't know what's going on,but we do it to pay respect to my :lead parents. If we became Christians, we wouldhdve to stop going to the Buddhist church I know several Christians who refuse totake part in Buddhist services. We want to continue showing respect to my parents,so we can't go to the Christi:m church.

We'd Jet our children become Christians if they want to because even if they don'tbecome Christians they will not continue the custom of paying respect to dead parents.The younger generation is different from us. As Chri,tians they would not have theconflict that we would be faced with if we started to go to the Chrhtian church.

There was one parent, a husband who is a career man in the Army, whogave not an uncommon but profound reason why he does not come to church:

As for me I believe in Chri,tianitv, Before I went into combat in Korea I used toattend Church regularly. But afte; going through that war experience one thing inChristianity kept coming back to me-thou shalt not kill. Buddhism te,"ches this, too,I can't see how anyone can fight to kill in a war and still be a Christian. Several chap­bins have tried to explain and reconcile this problem for me, but I am not satisfied,Before, I used to go to church and come out with a wond::rful feeling. However, nowwhen I go to church I am reminded of the commandment: thou shalt not kill. I knowthat when I go out the church door I'm going to my Army job to train myself andothers to kill. I feel rotten, That's why I don't go to church.

86

. d ·t· d tl . they were interested inF· 11 there were two Wlves who a ml te lat .atten~~~ y~L Church and that they had every inte~ti~n of .gomg.to theSunday ~ervices in the near future. They were apologetic m hav111g falled to

do this until now. . d f th parentsThe results of this preliminary study indicate th~t th~ atl1tu edo f e which

d M Church to which they send theu chtldren an rom..towar 1 • iolo ical factors than by religIOUSthey keelY away lS mfluenced more Dy soc g, d d' th' chl'ldren to

k' 1 t don't m111 sen 111g elffactors. Generally spea mg, t le paren s 1'. h ther it be ChristianityM............ Church because they feel that :e 19lOn w. e . .' .or Buddhism, is good for them, They'll keep sendmg them ~o lo~g, as It ~

ot too demanding difficult, or inconvenient for them or thelr c~lldren. It~ . 't m im or~ant to them what the church's faith and teachmgs are asd~s~~~gu~:~ed fro~n those of other churches and religion. Thhqd)~rents the~:~el;~~d

' t M Church not so much because t ey lsagree Wl ,on t go 0 , '. . t ted don tchurch's faith and teachings, but more because

dthey/r~ notf 111

1e~~~t it's for

need the church find the church strange an can US111g, ee . tchildren, or find that the custom of attending church every Sunday lS 00

de~~din~iterof this paper feels that further study of this s:l~ject wi.ll cdonfi

1.rm

e w . . d H ·1 des that mmlsters m ea mg

~l~hr~~~t:ff~~r:h~~ f~~~~m:~:~~h~~~ ~oul; ~~na~:re that pe~\le .arf ~O~t~~~P~~re1i ious beings hut also are social beings, and that SOC10 oglca ainfl~ence people in their attitude and behavior toward churches.

t57

Re~igious Affiliation of War IBrides omHawaii arnd Their MarHa~ AdiUlstmernt

Yukiko Kimura

After W arId War II th. ' e enactment of the so-called "War Br'd " AwIth the passage of Public Law 271 of December 1945 and P bI·

ILes

ct,of J I 1947 f '1' ' u IC aw 213u y, , aCI Itated the entry into the United State f tl l'd h 'Id f SOle a len spousesan c 1. ren a the members of the United States A-med, For . 1 d'tho . 11 . I"b • ces, mc u mg

se raCIa y me Igi Ie to immigration. From April 1946 t'I D b1948 wh th "WT B'd" ' , un 1 ecem er. ". en e war n es Act expired a total of 112 882 'b 'd 'mcludmO' 82937 f' ' ,war n es

b' rom many European countries and 750 f Jdm'tt d Af h rom apan were: Ie. r ~er t

de end of 1952 when racial exclusion in the immigration

aw was e Immate , a large number of Japanese war brides began to arriveA total of 163,573 European women and 12755 Jananese worn 11"fA' . . '.1 en a WIvesa men~~n CltIz~ns, were admitted by the end of June, 1955.1 ' .

Ha-;au had Its share of war brides from both Europe and Asia Whileno offiClai .record of. European war brides in Hawaii was available, th~ writeron the baSIS of her mtervlews, estimates that nearIy 200 came The n b iJapanese -;ar brides was estimated to be at least 2,000 in 1956 b theuJ~ :~ 0

~onsulate m :r:~noI~IIu. The 324 war brides and their husbands i:cluded 1n t~~~o~rt were h."mg m urban .Hono.lulu and in rural districts of the Island of

.u a~ the tllne when the mtervlews took place during two and a halfendmg m June, 1956.2 years

B:cau~ of their f~reign backgrounds, the marital adjustment of war brideswr t,gar .~~ as p~cu~IarIy precarious. Since religion is looked at as the sourceo !le glll ~ng pr111.0pIes m human relations in the Western culture and aha;u; a major role m p~es.erving its fundamental values, this article has single~o~. t e one f;ctor of rellglOn and seeks to examine its influence in the maritala Just~.ent a couples o.f like .and different religious backgrounds.. Vano~s reports on mterfalth marriage in the United States 3 deal' 'thI_ntermar!lag~ betw~en Cath.olics .and Protestants or Christians and Jews,I~~d:~tet~at .whIle ~n~erfalth marn.age IS increasing due to increased contact betweendIfferent rehglOus and ethl11c groups, social and spatial mobility th k'_ ' e wea enmg

'Mollthly Review, Immigration and Natural'z"ti S·· TPhiladelphia, VI, No. 12 (June 1949) 168: ~ on ervlce, U.S. Department of)ustice.Naturalization Service U S Dera;tm~nt f J _? A~~u~l. Report of the ImmIgratIOn and

"All the Europea~ w;r' brid;s e;ce)~ on~'~ce, . ';5 1111g;on, ~.c., 1?46-1960, Tables 6.in Honolulu and vicinity at the' time! of the l~~e:el.us<"d LO be: IntervIewed, known to beJapanese war brides included in '!'is stud,' - ~l1ews are 111cluded. The number ofestimated bv the Japa'l"'se Conslll'o'te' I'n BY nlS laPIPr?Xlm9at6ely 9,' per cent of the total number

J - •• - .. - 0.0 u U 111 1 5 WfJ il~ tl . ftwo groups are not exactly comparable their " b .' fIt·~~ 1e prcportlOns 0 thesecross section of their respective grolJDS 'for th l1um er IS su,1Clently large to represent aof time they had been. married at' tI"~' 'im f ~bPu!pose .of the present study. The lengthyears in the case of two-thirds of th~~EurZp~a ,e. mtelv1ws w~~ 8.S follows: from 6 to 9and from one to l~,s thon <5 ear .' h' ,n wIves an <:Jl1e-t Ird of the Japanese wives,two-thirds of the J~pane;e wiJes. s 111 t e case of one-thud of the European wives and

88

of in-group control and family ties, secularization, etc., religion still plays animportant role in the selection of mates, and interfaith marriage is usuallydetrimental to marital harmony and family unity, disrupting children's religioustraining and even kinship relations. Even where inter-ethnic marriages havelong been in practice, the tendency has been intra-faith rather than interfaithmarriage. 4 Most religious communions also discourage interfaith marriage.These studies and policies suggest the following assumptions, namely, (1) reli­gious homogamy facilitates marital harmony, and (2) the greater the differencebetween the spouses' religions, the more chance of marital discord. Theseassumptions lend themselves to a test through the data on the marital adjustmentof the 324 religiously homogamous and heterogamous couples of this study.

The term "homogamy" is used to denote both intra-faith marriage andmarriage of couples who have no religious affiliations. The term "heterogamy"is used to denote interfaith marriage as well as the marriage between a personwho identified his or her religion and a person without religious affiliation.For brevity, the term "no religion" is used to denote "no interest in religion"and "no religious affiliation." Theological aspects of religious faiths are excluded

from the present study.The following terms will identify the ratings of their adjustment, namely,

good, denoting those who indicated their marriage to be one of great happinessor satisfaction, most of them expressing their desire to repeat it if they had itto do over again; fair, those who indicated that they were getting along but thattheir situation could be better; and pOOf, those who were actually very unhappyand expressed regret or bitterness regarding their marriage.

5

A sample of 324 couples is included in this study. They are 184 wivesfrom Japan (81.5 per cent married to Japanese men from Hawaii, 18.5 percent to non-Japanese), 140 wives from Europe (57 per cent married to non­Japanese men, and 43 per cent to Japanese men), and 184 husbands ofJapanese ancestry (67 per cent married to Japanese war brides, and 33 per centto European ones), and 140 husbands, all native-born Americans, of other ethnicbackgrounds, such as Chinese, Korean, Filipino, Part-Hawaiian, Puerto-Rican,Portuguese and other Caucasian (57 per cent married to European war brides,43 per cent to Japanese ones). Although the European wives came from twelvedifferent countries, they are treated as one group, because of the similarity of

3John L. Thomas, "The Factor of Religion in the Selection of Marriage Mates,"American Sociological Review, XVI (_A.ugust, 1951), 487-91; Hershel Shanks, "Jewish­Gentile Intermarriage: Facts and Trends," Commentary, XVI (October, 1953), 370-75;August B. Hollingshead, "Cultural Factors in the Selection of Marriage Mates," AmericanSociological Review, XV (October, 1950), 622-27; IvIary Lewis Coakley, "I married anon-Catholic," Catholic JI7orld, CLXXI (June, 1950), 198-202; "Interfaith Marriage" in"Religion" Section, Time, LIII (January 31, 1949), 64; Jerold S. Heiss, "PremaritalCharacteristics of the Religiously Intermarried in an Urban Area," American SociologifalRet.jew, XXV (February, 1%0), 47-55.

"Ruby Jo Reeves Kennedy, "Single or Triple Melting Pot? Intermarriage Trends inNew Haven, 1870-1940," American jOU1'I2al oj Sociology, XVIX (January, 1944), 331~39.

'The following marital breakdown was evident at the time of the interviews. Divorcehad been secured by the couples representing 2 homogamous Catholic marriages, 2 Catholic­Protestant intermarriages, 3 Christian-non-Christian intermarriages involving 1 Catholic,1 Protestant, 1 Sectarian, and 2 non-Christian homogamous marriages. The other poorlyadjusted couples (34) were either seeking divorce or remaining married for financial orreligious reasons. Two wives, one of homogamous Catholic marriage and the other ofChristian interfaith marriage, were killed by their husbands later.

89

l _

per cent, fair; 20 per cent, poor). A still further comparison of the twohomogamous Christian groups shows markedly higher adjustment ratingsfor the 52 Protestant marriages (85 per cent, good; 12 per cent, fair; 4 percent, poor) than those for the 51 Catholic marriages (51 per cent, good; 27per cent, fair; 22 per cent, poor). It seems evident that the marriages involvingCatholics have a greater chance of marital discord than marriages involvingProtestants.

At least two things which are disturbing to Catholic marriages should bementioned. One is the conversion of "expedience" preliminary to marriageof non-Catholics to Catholics which afforded neither time nor experience forgenuine conversion and for the acquisition of the basic values and attitudesexpected of the followers of their faith. The gap between the spouses who hadbeen brought up in the Catholic tradition and the spouses who lacked completelyan early exposure in that tradition became more pronounced whenever theyconfronted crises or responsibility of rearing children. Once having becomecommitted to the faith, a person's non-conformity is judged by the standard ofthe Catholic tradition regardless of the recency of one's "conversion." At thesame time, the sense of awkwardness due to inexperience in the Catholictradition discourages his or her religious participation, increasing furtherembarrassment to his or her spouse in the eyes of the Church. The otherdisturbance comes from the sense of lack of full sanction of their marriage,accompanied by anxiety on the part of the Catholic spouses. The couples whohad had a non-Catholic marriage ceremony, civil or Protestant, were usuallyurged by the Catholic Church in Hawaii to be "properly married" in theCatholic ceremony. If the non-Catholic spouses insisted that their earliermarriage ceremony was "good enough," the Catholic spouses were compelledto be condemned by their Church as being "not married" and "living in sin."Anxiety and tension caused by such circumstances affect their marriage adversely,Many Catholics seemed to overcome the condemnation of their Church bybecoming alienated completely from their Church.

The marriage of non-Christians, both the 100 homogamous and the 13heterogamous ones, show markedly lower adjustment ratings than the marriagesinvolving Christians as Table 2 shows. The questions arising here are: AreChristians and non-Christians differently influenced by their religious affiliations?

140 100.0

EuropeanWives

Table 1

324 War Brides in Hawaii and Their Husbandsby Religious Affiliation and Ancestry

\ Non-Japanese I Japanese Japanese

IHusbands I Wives Husbands

I---;---------I-~~----~-----~-~--~------~~

~ % 'I~ % ~ % ~ %85 60.7 76 54.3 I 11 6.0 8 4.353 37.9 40 28.6 15 8.2 28 15.2

2 1.4 10 7.1 3 1.6 4 2.22 1.4 30 16.3 25 13.6

7 3.7 1 0.512 8.6 118 64.1 118 64.1

140 100.0 184 99.9 184 99.9

ReligiousAffiliationCatholicProtestantSectarian XnBuddhistShintoNo religion

Total

the problems the~ encounter in Hawaii. For simplification, the men of Ja aneseancestry are classtfied as Japanese and all the other men are classified a~ non­Japanese.

_ Since all these m~rriages were either interracial or international thosea~pects ha.ve been omItted from ~o~sideration in this phase of the study, andconcentrat~on has been on the re!IgIOus factor in adjustment. The adjustment?f the E.urofean. and Japanese hndes to their in-laws was, however, considered111 an artIcle whlCh was abstracted as follows:

In a sample of Japanese war brides 48 pc-r cent of thOSE with Japonese' b dhave veq congenial relationships with their in-laws. These were the o~ly w~:sbr~~e:10 t?e sample who share the cultural background of their husbands' families Thear~~n ~o?tr~st to the larger proportion of war brines who have congenial relati~nship~\~'t t ,elr lO-bws to be found among the J3.panese wives of non-Japanese '72 eretnt), ~uropean wI:es of Japan~se (60 per cent), and European wives of non-J~pan~se1~~5 yel cent). EVIde.ntly, shanng the cultural background tends to restrict personal- atlOns to the prescnbed forms and to hamper spontaneous interaction while hc~ltural backgrounds ?,ffer, beh~vior is determined by the necessity to adjust o~e~ s~~to another on the baSIS of the sltlIation at hanel. There is then mutual role-tal-' dh.cn~e spontaneous identification of one's self with the other and appreciatio dn

gf an ~

anotner. • n 0 onL

Consid~ration of f~rther phases of this general study is underway and willappear 111 future artICles.

The proportion of Christians is very high among the non-Japanese 100per cent fo~ the European brides and 90 per cent for the non-Japanese gr~oms.The Catholtcs outnumber Protestants in both groups almost two to one Thnumber of Sectarian Christians is very small,7 Only 22 per cent of the Japanes~husbands and 16 pe: cent of the Japanese wives are Christian. Noticeableamong the Japanese IS that nearly two-thirds of both the husbands and .hr' ffil" WIves

ave no re IglOus a ~atIOn while only one-tenth to one-sixth of them identifythemselves as BuddhIsts and only a small fraction of them are Shintoi t.All who .have .n? re~igion indic~ted, however, that in old age they might s:etcomf~rt 111 reltgIOn.111 preparatIOn for salvation in "Gokuraku," the BuddhistParadIse, thus reveal111g theIr Buddhist background.

Of the total of 324 couples, 43 per cent are heterogamous. Of the .turn 65 pe t Ch" se 111. r ~en are rt'stlan-non-Christian intermaniaoes and thereforewould, accord1l1g to our assumptions, be expected to sh~w a considerablgreater dewee of ma:ital discord than the other groups of marriages. Howeve:'a companson of tIllS group with the other two groups involving Christianspou~es, namely, homogamous Christian marriages and Christian interfaithmarrIages, shows very similar adjustment ratings of these three groups.

On the other. hand, a further breakdown of the Christian-non-Christiangro~p~ re:eals sItghtly higher adjustment ratings for the 35 Protestant-non­Chnstlan 111termarriages. (60 per c~nt: go?d; 37 per cent, fair; 3 per cent, poor)than for the 51 CathoItc-non-Chnsttan 1l1termarriages (59 per cent, good; 22

Socio6~;;'i~ofif~f:i,'~~~,Bf~t;s1~~7~;~~;'.and Their In-Laws," American Journal of

Ch ' '!he t~r:n "?ectarian Christians" used in this study refers to such groups as Mormons

Johns'lla~ WCI.enttsts, Seventh Day Adventists, Pentecostal, Holiness Apostolic Faith'c ova 1 s Itnesses, Holy Rollers. "

, I

90 91

Table 2

324 War Brides in lhwaii by Marital Adjustment andReligious Homogamy and Heterogamy

'The couples attending Mass represent 44% of the 51 homogamous Catholic marriages,27% of the 51 Catholic-non-Christian intermarriages, and 15% of the 32 Catholic-non­Catbolic Christian, mostly Catholic-Protestant interfaith marriages.

Neither SpouseAttends Church

No. %73 60.329 24.019 15.7

121 100.0

I Spouses '\ Spouses\ Attend Church ' Attend Church

I! Together I Separately1--·--,-_·_----------- \.----.---.-.------I

\No. % i No. %

I 41 68.3 I 14 46.7

\

16 26.7 I 8 26.73 5.0 8 26.7

I 60 100.0 \ 30 100.1

Adjustmentto Marriage

GoodFairPoor

Total

Is there, then, any difference in marital adjustment between those who ~ttendchurch services and those who do not? A comparison shows the hIghestadjustment ratings for the sixty couples who attend services together, followedby the couples who do not attend church services (Table 3). Those who ~ttendchurch services independently of their spouses reRresent the least. ad)u.stedgroup. Thus religious participation see~~ to. be an Important factor I~ a~)ust­ment only when it involves joint partlC1patlOn. It seems to be a h111drance

-'-"The' couples attending Protestant services represent. ~1%. of the .52 homoogamousProtestant marriages, 15% of the 35 Protestant-non-Chnstwn 1l1termarnages, 2./0 ~f 8:couPles with no religious affiliation and one of the ~our of the Protestant Sect~flan wter ..faith marriages. One of the two homogamous Sect?_flan couples attend the serVice of therr

own l~~~e of the three wives attends a Sectarian service while the other two attend Pro­

kstant services.

32 per cent attenn rrOlCSldllL ~<:;l v '\'\", VH~ ,v_.__ -------- .One fact to be noted is the complete absence of couples of Protestan~-CatholJcintermarriage attending Protestant services..The control b~ the Cath~lic Church)revails in intermarriage involving CatholIcs, although 111 a few 111stances a1hange from prior Catholic to Protestant or Sectarian affiliation has taken. place.Church attendance by individuals also sho:,s a much larger prop~rtlOn. ofCatholics practicing their faith as evidenced 111 the fact that. a~l but three WlV~sattend Mass.10 This trend reflects the following charactenstlCs. The ~atholIcChurch has rigid institutional requirements, n:aki~g church ~ttenda?ce obligatory.Its use of universal symbolism and ritual~sm 111 ,:orsh1p serV1ce makes theparticipation of non-English-speaking wors~lpers hab1tual and easy. In contrast,church attendance in Protestant churches 1S voluntary. Moreove:, t~e sermo.n­centered worship service in which the ability to underst.and Eng~lsh 1S ess~ntl~lhas discouraging effects on the particip~ti?nof non-EnglIsh-speak111g worshIpers,that is, the war brides of Protestant affilJatlOn.

The presence of auxiliary encouragement suc~ as by interested in-laws hel~salso Catholic in-laws are usually concerned WIth church attendance of thell'dau~hters-in-Iaw. For some of the Japanese wives of non-Japanese husband.s,church attendance became customary because of their in-laws. ~n con:rast, 111

the case of many European wives of non-Christian l~~sba?ds.m whI~hsuchauxiliary encouragement was lacking, their chur~h pa~tl~IpatlOn became mcreas­ingly overtaken by secular chores in spite of the1r Chnstlan backgrounds.

Table 3

211 War Brides of Homogamous and Heterogamous Christian Marriagesin Hawaii by Marital Adjustment and Church Attendance

Adjustmentto Marriage No. % No. % No. %

Good 52 61.1 42 42.0 22 61.1Fair 20 23.5 47 47.0 9 25.0Poor 13 15.3 11 11.0 5 13.9

Total 85 99.9 100 100.0 36 100.0

.. !!_o~~~~~r._ .. _ HeterogamyChristian -Clllisti~~=I--··---.

Non- Interfaith Non-Christian 'I' Non-Christian__ Christian ___~_h_n_'s_ti~ ._ Ma_rr_ia_g_e_ Interman~ag~~_e_te_r_o"amr._

II No. % I No. %

I

54 60.0 6 46.224 26.7 5 38.512 13.3 2 15.4

I 90 100.0 13 100.1

To what extent does their religious identification represent religious participationor active interest in church? Is there any difference in marital adjustmentbetween those actively participating in church and those who are not? Theirchurch-service attendance as an available measure of religious participationshows the following records.

The church-attending persons include all those who go to church regularlyas well as those' who go to church occasionally but regard church attendanceas an important practice. They represent 60 cases in which the couples attendchurch services together and 30 cases in which the individuals (24 wives and6 husbands) attend church services independently of their spouses. The 60couples who attend church services together include 33 homogamous Christianmarriages, 19 Christian-non-Christian intermarriages, 6 Christian interfaithmarriages, and 2 homogamous non-Christian couples who have no religiousaffiliation but attend Christian services. The individuals who attend Christianservices independently of their spouses represent 17 Christian-non-Christianintermarriages, 12 Christian interfaith marriages, and one homogamous non­Christian ma1'1'iage with no religious affiliation. There are no homogamousChristian couples in this group. In contrast, nearly one-third of the Christianinterfaith marriages are in this group. In most instances, the Catholic spousesattend Mass, while their non-Catholic spouses stay away from their respectivechurch services.

Nonchurch-attending couples represent 61 per cent of the homogamousChristian marriages, 50 per cent of the Christian interfaith marriages, and 56per cent of the Christian-non-Christian intermarriages, indicating that 57 percent of the total marriages involving Christians do not have either spouseattending church services, homogamous Christian couples showing a somewhatgreater proportion in this than heterogamous Christian couples. Excepting forfunerals or memorial services of kin or friends, no Christian spouses haveattended non-Christian religious services.

Church attendance is much more evident among the Catholics than amongthe Protestants. Of the 60 church-attending couples 67 per cent attend Mass,S

92 93

when it involves participation by one spouse and not by the other. Churchatten~ance among the non-Christians (113 couples) i~; not customary.11 There.fore, It cannot be used for comparison with Christians.

. .<:hristian in~erfaith ma:riage tends to have marital discord if both spouseslllSISL on fulfilhng t~e claIms of their respective faiths or churches.'2 Maritalharmon~, .when achIeved, results because one spouse relinquishes his or her~wn relI$IOus. o?ligation in favor of the other's or because both spouses discon­tInue theIr rehgIOus participation.

.~s reported, Christian-non-Christian intermarriage does not show thean.tlClpated degree of ~arital discord. '3 The following factors contribute tothIS fact. (1 ~ Pre-mantal preparation for unilateral religious obligation urged~y the ch~plal11S of the Armed Forces and civilian clergy for non-Christians toco~ply wIth the rules o~ the church .of their Christian spouses-to-beY (2) Thepnm~ry cancer? .at the tIme of marnage application was to expedite their inter­marr~age. RehgIOn was a secondary consideration for those contemplatingmar.nage to non-Christians. To that extent their religious affiliation wasflexIble.

I.5

• (3) The lack of personal religious identification on the part ofnon-C~flS~Ial1S,. particularly the Japanese. The most prevalent answers the!.apane~e In thIS study gav~ ~o t~e" question "What is your religion?" were

I l~ave neve~ t~ought of relIgIOn, I have no interest in religion" "I have nopa~tI~ular rel~won." This is in sharp contrast to the personal 'awareness of~ehgIO~s affihatIOn on the part of the Christians as evidenced in the fact that~n all Instan~e:, the question "What is your religion?" was readily answeredIn such exphClt terms as "I am a Catholic." "I am a Protest t" "IL h " "I . an , am au~ eran, am a ~ormon," etc., emphasizing the sect or denomination with~~h they were affihated. Due to this very lack of personal religious identifi-

. . "Of the 28 couI;lcs wh,o professed their Buddhist or Shinto aililiation onl threco.uples attend BuddhIst serVIces. regularly and only 3 wives go to Shinto shrines %ustom~anly. N??e of the other BuddhIsts ever. attend~d service at any of the Buddhist tern les~~ Hawau except for fu?~rals or. memonal serVIces of their deceased kin or friends pOf

T'. 'Io:e wShh? atte~d Buddmst serYIces, one shows good adjustment two fair adjust~ent11ee mto WIves are well adjusted. ' .. 12T~e most ~cute. interfaitl! conflict represents the Christian interfaith marria e

~Ca~1~lh(-J~hovfh.5 Wltne.sses ). m w~ich each spouse insists on the superiority of his ~rc~~f1i~~~' nter alth marnage 111volv111g equally dogmatic claims tends to result in acute

13N~netee~ Christian-Buddhist intermarriages represent 12 cases involving Catholics6 cases ~nvolv111g Protestants, and one case involving a Sectarian Christian The' d' t'~dnttt'atI~gs'~fe 74% r?d, 16:I.fa~r, 11% poor. Seventy-one intermarriag~s of ~I1r~sli~~~:' ;os WL 1 ~o re Iglous.a lat!On represent 29 cases involving Protestants, 39 cases1.nvolv111g CatholIcs,. 3 cases mvolvmg Sectarian Christians. Their adjustment t'56%14good, 30% fau, 14% poor. ra 111gS are

. !n Japa~ where th~ prospective wives were mostly non-Christians, the attended theChnstIan servl~es of !helr future husbands regardless of their own faiths y P rf I Ithe non-CatholIcs receIved the required instruction for varied lengths of tl'm'e Ta _lCU ~r y,wep C th r b f h . . wo WIves,,' c a ~ I'd e ?re t. ~y met t~el~ future husbands. The rest of the Japanese CatholicVdves acquue the!l rehglOus ,affilIatlOn Just before marriage. Three wives were pre arinto become ~athohcs at the tIme of the interviews. The non-Catholic h b d Pf hgEurop,ea~ WIves h~d similar!y rigi.d instruction before marriage. us an sot e

IThorc were 111stances 1il whIch Catholic spouses-to-be sought the counsel of Prottant c cl'gy.when Catholic clergy. or chaplains refused to sanction their intermarria e w~h~,on-iathboh~l' The.re w~re also 111stances in which Protestant wives advised their ;rospec­affi~ia:i~~.an s to IdentIfy themselves as Protestants when the latter had no religious

94

cation on the part of the non-Christians, however, the compliance with therules of the Christian churches of their spouses created no emotional experienceof self-sacrifice or guilt. (4) Closely connected with this is that the traditionalreligious affiliation in Japan is a matter of family heritage in contrast to thechurch affiliation among the Christians which is based largely on personalcommitment of the individuals concerned. In becoming a member of anotherfamily by marriage, the wife is usually expected to accept her husband's familyreligion. Where religious affiliation is based on personal commitment, onecarries his or her own religion into marriage. In such an instance, accommoda­tion in favor of his or her spouse's religion is a conscious effort, oftenaccompanied by a sense of guilt or self-sacrifice. (5) Buddhism is regardedby most of the Japanese war brides in connection with death and funeralsexclusively. The lively activities of the Buddhist churches among the Japanesein Hawaii which have adopted many aspects of Christian churches are asurprise to the war brides from Japan. Most of the non-Christians showed nointerest in Shinto deities either. (6) The Japanese regard their code of conductin a secular sense due to the fact that Japanese ethical and moral teachingswere derived chiefly from the teachings of the Chinese sages such as Confuciusand Mencius who were secular rather than religious. Hence religious affiliationor nonaffiliation is not regarded as having a direct bearing upon conduct. Inthe Western world where the ethical and moral teachings were derived fromreligion, one cannot easily divorce the code of conduct from religious teachings.To that extent Christians are religion-conscious even in reference to secularaffairs. For this reason, Christians cannot free themselves of the claim of theirreligion upon them in eliciting a personal responsibility towards religious affilia­tion. This fact was evident, especially when they spoke of their nonchurchattendance. There was usually some explanation, rationalization, or apology,while in contrast, non-Christian Japanese were nonchalant in regard to theirown lack of personal concern over their religious identification.

In conclusion, the findings of the present study may be summarized asfollows.

(1) Non-Christian marriages involving the Japanese-Japan-derived wivesand Hawaii-derived husbands-are not affected by religious affiliation, becauseof the secular code of conduct governing their human relations.

(2) Among Christians, religious homogamy has a greater chance of maritalharmony than interfaith marriage, because of the personal nature of theirreligious affiliation.

(3) Christian-nan-Christian intermarriage, characterized by the unilateralreligious claim of Christianity and the predisposition of non-Christian spousesto comply with religious claims of their Christian spouses, has a greater chanceof marital harmony than Christian interfaith marriage.

The foregoing study poses among others the following hypotheses, namely,(1) "To the extent that non-Christian faiths acquire the character of personalcommitment, Christian-nan-Christian intermarriage becomes problematic tomarital harmony," (2) "To the extent that nominal Christians become secu­larized, religion will decline as a factor in marital harmony."

95

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