SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROOT CAUSES OF THE LOSS OF BIODIVERSITY IN THE RUAHA CATCHMENT AREA

By

H. Sosovele

& J.J. Ngwale

With contributions from

C. Malima

and D. Mvella

Report submitted to WWF- Tanzania

March 2002

i

TABLE OF CONTENT

Page Abbreviations……………………………………………………………………… .iv Acknowledgement………...…………………………………………………………. v

1. BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................ 1

1.1 Introduction............................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Objective of the Root Causes Analysis............................................................... 1

2.0 BASELINE CONDITION …………………………………………….2

2.1 Socio-Economic Characteristics of the RCA............................................................ 2 2.1.1 Population Changes ........................................................................................... 2 2.1.2 Economic Activities........................................................................................... 3

2.1.2.1 Agriculture .................................................................................................. 3 2.1.2.2 Livestock keeping ....................................................................................... 3 2.1.2.3 Mining......................................................................................................... 3 2.1.2.4 Timber/Logging .......................................................................................... 4 2.1.2.5 Plantations................................................................................................... 4 2.1.2.6 Tourism....................................................................................................... 6 2.1.2.7 Fishing......................................................................................................... 6

2.2 Environmental and Physical Features....................................................................... 7 2.2.1 Physical Features ............................................................................................... 7 2.2.2 Vegetation .......................................................................................................... 9 2.2.3 Wildlife ............................................................................................................ 10 2.2.4 Forest Reserves ................................................................................................ 11

3.1. The Conceptual Model...................................................................................... 11 3.2 The Analytical Approach........................................................................................ 11 3.3. Data Collection and Sources............................................................................. 12

4.0 MAIN FINDINGS ...................................................................................................... 13 4.1 Local context........................................................................................................... 13

4.1.1 Population and Settlements.............................................................................. 13 4.1.2. Resource use and management ........................................................................... 15

4.1.2.1 Deforestation............................................................................................. 16 4.1.2.2 Protected Areas – Usangu Game Reserve ................................................ 16 4.1.2.3 Agriculture production and irrigation practices........................................ 19 4.1.2.4 Fishing....................................................................................................... 22 4.1.2.5 Fish Processing ......................................................................................... 24 4.1.2.6 Livestock Keeping in the RCA................................................................. 25

4.2 Implication of Resource Uses on the Flow of water in the GRR............................ 26 4.2.1 Declining rains and water levels ...................................................................... 27 4.2.2 Livestock in the RCA: Too Many or Too Few? .............................................. 29

ii

4.2.3 Implications of Prolonged Dryness in the RCA .............................................. 29 4.3 Driving forces at the local level .............................................................................. 31

5.0 National Context ................................................................................................... 33 5.1 Policy Issues............................................................................................................ 33

5.1.1 Economic and Social Development Policies ............................................ 34 5.2 Inadequate Capacity to enforce Rules and Regulations.......................................... 36 5.3 Institutional Co-ordination...................................................................................... 38 5.4 Poverty .................................................................................................................... 38 5.4 Current Conservation Initiatives ............................................................................. 39

6.0 International Context .................................................................................................. 40 6.1 Foreign Markets and International Trade Conditions............................................. 40 6.2 International Financial Institutions ......................................................................... 40 6.3 International NGOs and Aid Agencies ................................................................... 41

7.0 CONCLUSIONS................................................................................................... 42 8.0 Recommendations....................................................................................................... 43 9.0 LIST OF KEY ISSUE THAT NEED FURTHER ATTENTION. ....................... 45 10. INITIAL RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ADDRESSING THE ROOT CAUSES 46 11. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................................................. 47 12. APPENDIX 1: Conceptual Framework Explaining Loss of Biodiversity in the RCA/RN.............................................................................Error! Bookmark not defined. 13. APPENDIX 11: MATRIX OF ISSUES ......................Error! Bookmark not defined.

List of Tables

Table 1. Population density and distribution by regions in RCA ..................................... 13 Table 2. Volume of Fish Catch, Number of Vessels and Fishermen at Mtera Dam. ....... 23

List of Figures

Figure 1. Drainage Pattern of the Ruaha Catchment Area.................................................. 8 Figure 2. Rainfall Trends from Mbarali Rain Station: 1980- 2000 .................................. 28 Figure 3. Trends in the Production of Tea from Brook Bond Tea Company, Mufindi

District:1987 - 2001. Output in Kgs. ........................................................................ 40

List of Photos Photo I. A Sukuma Kraal in the Ihefu, Usangu Plains, see the amount of wood used ..... 15 Photo II. Kibidula farm close to the Ihefu Swamp, the source of Little Ruaha in Mufindi

District....................................................................................................................... 19 Photo 3. Brooke Bond Tea Estate overhead irrigation -Mufindi District ........................ 20 Photo IV. Tail Enders search for domestic water ............................................................. 21

iii

Photo V. Vinyungu Farming at Kalenga towards RNP .................................................... 21 Photo VI. Livestock Grazing in the Ihefu, Usangu Plain ................................................. 25 Photo VII. Hippo grazing in the dry riverbed at RNP ...................................................... 30

iv

Acknowledgements

The Great Ruaha River, the lifeline for the power, agriculture, and livestock keeping and fishing for a large population in the Rufiji Basin has dried several times within the last fifteen years. This dryness has had implications on the livelihood of the people, the economy and significant biodiversity in the Ruaha Catchment Area (RCA). Realizing the need to address this problem from comprehensive and holistic approach, the World Wide Fund for Nature, Tanzania Programme Office initiated a study to identify the Socio Economic Root Causes driving the loss of biodiversity in this area. The Root Cause Analysis is based on the assumption that the conservation of biological diversity needed to be premised on a clear understanding of the factors (driving forces and proximate causes) and dynamics that drive the loss of biodiversity. This approach has now become useful in providing further insight in what may be regarded as forces that lead to the loss of biodiversity by linking processes (policies, programmes, institutional and regulations) at the local, national and international levels. This study was about the understanding of the Socio-Economic Root Causes defining the loss of biodiversity in the Ruaha Catchment Area. In conducting this study too many individuals and institutions were involved. The authors wish to thank first and foremost WWF-TPO for funding and facilitating this study; in particular, the authors thank Dr. Herman Mwageni, the TPO – Representative for showing great interest and enthusiasm in this study. Also, the authors wish to thank WWF Staff who participated in data collection; Mr. C. Malima and D. Mvella. We also owe special thanks to all the District and Regional officers who set aside their valuable time to answer questions to an inquisitive team and to all programmes and initiatives on the ground in the RCA that provided valuable information. We would like to mention here the valuable contribution fro SMUWC, HIMA, MEMA, MBOMIPA, Usangu Game Reserve, Ruaha National Park and Mbarali and Madibira Rice Schemes. Despite all this help, the responsibilities for any errors or omissions are the authors alone.

H. Sosovele J.J.Ngwale

March 2002, Dar es Salaam

v

ABBREVIATIONS EAC East African Community EIA Environmental Impact Assessment ERP Economic Recovery Programme ESAP Economic and Social Action Programme GRR Great Ruaha River HIMA Hifadhi Mazingira LGRP Local Government Reform Programme MEMA MBOMIPA Matumizi Bora ya Malihai Idodi na Pawaga NAFCO National Agriculture and Food Company NEMC National Environment Management Council NESP National Economic Survival Program PAs Protected Areas PSRP Poverty Strategy Reduction Paper RBWO Rufiji Basin Water Office RCA Ruaha Catchment Area RNP Ruaha National Park SAP Structural Adjustment Programme SMUWC Sustainable Management of the Usangu Wetland and its

Catchment TANAPA Tanzania National Parks Authority TAZARA Tanzania Zambia Railway Authority URT United Republic of Tanzania UGR Usangu Game Reserve WCST Wildlife Conservation Society of Tanzania WMA Wildlife Management Area

WWF World Wide Fund for Nature

vi

SOCIO - ECONOMIC ROOT CAUSES OF THE LOSS OF BIODIVERSITY IN THE RUAHA CATCHMENT AREA

1. BACKGROUND

1.1 Introduction

The Ruaha Catchment Area (RCA) covers about 83,970km2 or 47% of the Rufiji Basin. The RCA is home to 9 districts i.e. Mbeya Rural, Mbarali, Iringa Rural, Chunya, Mufindi, Makete, Njombe, Manyoni and Mpwapwa Districts. The Ruaha Catchment Area is important for supplying water to the Great Ruaha River and to downstream users including water for the Ruaha National Park and the two major hydropower station i.e. Mtera and Kidatu dams. The RCA is also important for agriculture, livestock keeping forestry, fishing, mining and tourism/wildlife activities that are important for the welfare of the people in the region and in Tanzania in general. The Great Ruaha River, which for a long time has been a perennial river, had since the mid 90’s become seasonal. The amount of water has been declining increasingly during the dry season leading to low or no flows at all during the dry season. The declining and drying of the river during the dry season has had major impacts on the biodiversity and other resource users within the Ruaha River Catchment Area and to down-stream users. Within the RCA, water use conflicts arising from increased demand for the scarce resource have been reported. People’s livelihoods and wildlife sustenance have also been greatly affected. The declining levels of water during the dry season is closely linked to rainfall patterns, the use of water during the wet season, the status of the catchment and global climatic changes. A socio-economic root causes analysis was undertaken to identify the critical proximate and driving forces at local, national and international levels that explain the declining levels of water and its implication on biodiversity within the RCA.

1.2 Objective of the Root Causes Analysis

The main objective of this Socio-economic root cause analysis for the loss of biodiversity was to form a clear and complete picture of the socio-economic drivers influencing the loss biodiversity in the RCA. The Root Causes analysis intended to answer the questions:

What are the underlying policies, institutional dynamics, market forces and human actions driving biodiversity loss?

♦

♦ ♦

How are these root causes interlinked? Which factors are key at local levels and which are crucial at national or international level?

1

The results of the analysis will allow the identification and development of strategic actions for addressing the critical problem of drying up of the river and in achieving the Ruaha Catchment Area Conservation goals.

2.0 BASELINE CONDITION

2.1 Socio-Economic Characteristics of the RCA

The study on socio-economic root causes of biodiversity loss in the RCA focused on the impact of the drying up of the Great Ruaha River and its implication on biodiversity, human livelihood and resource management in general in the RCA. What follows below is a description of the socio-economic baseline condition. The analysis in this section is however, limited by the paucity of up-to-date and reliable socio-economic and environmental data.

2.1.1 Population Changes

The last relatively reliable census was done in 1988. Attempt to estimate current population figures have proved futile due to constant changes in the population trends in the area as a result of migration. Overall however, population pressure is increasing in all the 9 districts within the catchment due to birth and migration. Population pressure is reflected in the pressure exerted on the natural resources in the RCA. The productive age category in the population is the most mobile one leading to changes in the trends and composition of population in the RCA. Livestock keepers from Hanang, Shinyanga, Mwanza, Tabora and Arusha pass through or settle in the RCA for longer periods before moving to Kilombero valley. This situation constantly changes the dynamics of the population in the RCA by bringing in new migrants with new demands on natural resources. Tea, paddy, tobacco and tree plantations also attract many people either on temporary or permanent basis as wage labours or customers thus changing also the population characteristic of the RCA. The population growth affects resource base within the subcatchment leading to increase demand in natural resources use, arable land, food, water and other essential materials from the natural resources pool. Coupled with institutional and managerial problems to manage natural resources in the RCA, population growth in this area may lead to environmental degradation. The population is unevenly distributed. Most people settle in areas where water, pasture and fertile soils are available. Others have settled in urban areas taking advantage of the available social services. Also, good climate and availability of resources attracts several migration e.g. areas surrounding the Mtera Dam for fishing and in the Usangu and Pawaga plains for paddy farming.

2

2.1.2 Economic Activities

2.1.2.1 Agriculture

The main economic activities in the Ruaha Catchment Area (RCA) are agriculture, fishing, livestock keeping, bee keeping and tourism. Agriculture employs about 90% of the population in the catchment. Food crops include paddy, maize, vegetables, millet and irish potatoes. Cash crops are paddy, tomatoes, vegetables, maize, irish potatoes, groundnuts, tea, pyrethrum, coffee, tobacco, onions. There are three large-scale paddy irrigation farms: Mbarali State Farm, Kapunga State Farm and Madibira Small Holder Scheme and over 60 traditional canals in Mbarali district. Tea, coffee and tree plantations are found in the upland areas. Agriculture in the catchment is both rain fed and irrigated. Valley bottom cultivation is widely practices during dry season. Farms re relatively small mainly for subsistence purposes. Shifting cultivation is widely practiced. Agriculture markets are obtained locally for most of the crops but also, shipment is done to distant places such as Dar es Salaam, Zanzibar, and likely to the neighbouring countries of Zambia and Malawi. Tobacco is sold in the auction in Harare, Zimbabwe and tea is auctioned in Mombasa. Chemicals and fertilizers are used in paddy farms. Pesticides are used in tomato farms in the bottom valley farming.

2.1.2.2 Livestock keeping

Livestock is common in the RCA involving local and migrant livestock keepers. Cattle, goats, donkeys and sheep are common and grazing is freely done in the plains and close to the rivers and the Mtera Dam. Cattle and donkeys are also used in transport and for farming (animal traction). Livestock numbers are considered to be over a million in the in the entire RCA but heavy concentrations are found in the Usangu Plains (the numbers here are disputable as discussed below) in the Pawaga Plains north – eastern of the Ruaha National Park, and in areas close to the Mtera Dam on either side of the river. Livestock keepers from Arusha, Singida, Tabora, Shinyanga also migrate into these areas and concentrate close to the river during dry season. Although, no comprehensive assessment of limits of acceptable use have been done, concerns from local authorities in the RCA suggest that this has been surpassed by the excessive number of livestock found in the area and is much so during the dry season, when water and pasture are scarce during this time.

2.1.2.3 Mining

Large-scale mining is not taking place in the RCA despite the existence of several gemstones. The only large-scale mining is of building material that takes place at the Tanzania Zambia Railway Authority (TAZARA) quarry in Inyala, Mbeya. The Inyala quarry supplies stone aggregates to TAZARA and to other customers in Mbeya and

3

outside the region. The other relatively large-scale mining is a quarry outside Iringa that also supplies stone aggregates to construction companies. There are however small-scale mining activities or construction materials in all the 9 districts in the RCA. Common among them is the mining of stone aggregates, sand and soil (the latter for preparing burnt bricks) and murram. Mining of sand for brick making is taking place closer to the rivers and utilizes fuel wood obtained from the forest and woodlands. Prospecting for large scale mining is taking place in Malangali, Mufindi District, Iringa and it is likely that if the minerals are available and are economically viable, mining in this areas will stimulate changes in population and increase pressure on natural resources within and in nearby areas.

2.1.2.4 Timber/Logging

Timber and logging is one of the important economic activities in the area. The numerous tree plantations and several individual plots of trees constitute the main source of timber and logs, and revenue generated from this source. Most of the timber and logs are from soft wood (Cyprus wood) and eucalyptus (that are mainly used as poles) obtained from the highland areas. Timber and logs are also obtained from the few indigenous species that are found in the lowland areas. The expanding construction industry in the RCA and nearby region is stimulating and increasing the demand for timber and logs. Most of the privately owned tree plantations in Makete, Njombe and Mufindi districts were established in relation to this demand for building materials. Timber is exported to regions outside the RCA and also to the neighbouring countries and as far as the Gulf States. According to local views and perceptions in Makete District, tree plantations (especially various species of Cyprus and eucalyptus) are associated with the environmental degradation that is taking place in this areas in that such trees, prevent undergrowth of other species and that due to excessive tree felling for timber, some of the areas have been cleared and exposed to erosion agents. Tree felling for timber and logs has also contributed to wide spread deforestation in the area leading to soil erosion and siltation in the rivers.

2.1.2.5 Plantations

There are several plantations in the RCA. Some of the major ones are the Sao Hill Forestry Plantations (about 40,000ha), Forest Escarpment and HIMA in Iringa region. Other plantations are for tea and coffee in Mufindi and Njombe, paddy in the Usangu Plains and relatively large tobacco farms in Iringa rural. Most of the tree plantations are under specific projects funded by donors and the government. Apart from state owned plantations, there are also plantations under District Council and religious organizations. For example, Mufindi District has plantations for eucalyptus and pines. Other plantations are under private tobacco farmers, who planted the trees to get firewood for curing tobacco. For example, about 70% of the firewood for tobacco farmers in Iringa comes from exotic trees (eucalyptus and pines) that are obtained in various plantations in Iringa

4

rural and Mufindi Districts. Both, farmers and the District Council in Mufindi are earning revenue from the sale of the trees to tobacco farmers. Plantations have attracted labour from all places and ages. The phenomenon of child labour in tea and tobacco farms is rampant in the RCA. Child labour in Makete, Njombe and Mufindi districts has already caused major concern to authorities and in Makete district, about 47 of the 80 students selected to join secondary schools in 2001 did not report to the schools but instead went to the tea estates for wage labour. The lure to go for wage labour, particularly for children is partly caused by the poverty that is prevalent in the households such that, some parents find it easy to push their children to wage labour. Also, some get involved because they need money to pay for school costs. This lure however, puts the children at the risky of getting infected from diseases and sexual harassment. Numerous efforts are in place to encourage local communities to plant trees. Although, most of the trees planted by individuals do not constitute tree plantations due to small sizes of the plots (often it is just few tree seedlings), these efforts have stimulated and raised awareness on the importance of tree farms. The government has set aside January 1 as the national tree-planting day, a day now used to stimulate tree planting across the country by involving communities. Several million seedlings of trees for shade, fruits and timber have been planted since this campaign started in 1999 although, no information is available regarding the overall impact of this campaign. Also, information about survival rate is lacking, although anecdotal evidence suggests that between 20-30% of the trees planted do not actually survive their second rain season due to drought, lack of care, fires and animals and human tramping (the latter is common in urban areas). There are some donor-supported programmes in the RCA in relation to environmental conservation with focus on tree planting. These include the HIMA project that is implemented in Iringa, Njombe, Mufindi, Makete Districts; MEMA and CONCERN (in Iringa District). Programmes are implemented in selected villages in each of these districts. One of the biggest conservation programmes in the RCA is the Hifadhi Mazingira, Iringa (HIMA). HIMA’s main focus is on conservation and sustainable use of natural resources including agro forestry/forestry and conservation of catchment areas. Previously, HIMA’s focus was on tree planting but now the programme is expanded to include preparations of village plans for sustainable land use and empowering local communities to manage local resources. However, the shift to donor-funded programme was prompted by the failure of the central government to meet supply of tree seedlings. For example nurseries established by forest division in different districts in Iringa region could not produce enough seedlings to meet the need of the villagers. In order to meet the needs, at the beginning of 1989-92, HIMA (Iringa) distributed over 90% of the total target of seedlings required for annual planting. All are raised from the central nurseries mainly managed by HIMA staff. Centrally based nurseries normally raise different type of species like Eucalyptus saligna, Eucalyptus maidenii, Grevillea robusta, Pinus patula Laecaena leucocephala, Jacaranda mimosi, folia syzygium cuminii. However, indigenous species

5

have been introduced in Iringa rural district for the purposes of enrichment planting in water catchment areas such are Erythrina abysinica, Syzygium cordatum, Cordia Africana Croton macrostrachys and Hekea abysinica. These species have been raised according to the demands from the local communities.

2.1.2.6 Tourism

The RCA has abundant tourist potentials ranging from natural resources to archaeological, cultural and historical sites. Currently, tourist related activities are taking place in protected areas of the Ruaha National Park, Udzungwa National Park, Usangu Game Reserve, and around the Pawaga and Idodi Villages under the “Matumizi Bora ya Malihai Idodi na Pawaga” (MBOMIPA) project in Iringa. The main activities in these areas include non-consumptive tourism (photographic and visiting for the purpose of viewing wildlife resources) in the national parks and, consumptive tourism – i.e., hunting in the MBOMIPA areas, Usangu Game Reserve. Resident hunting is also allowed in the Usangu Game Reserve and in the MBOMIPA areas. Other sites that can attract tourists but are currently not developed include the proposed Kitulo National Park on the Livingstone Mountains. This area is in both Mbeya and Iringa regions and it has been proposed to be a national park in order to conserve it as a catchment for the Ruaha River as well as a tourist destination in the southern highland areas. Also the proposed Lunda/Mkwambi Game Controlled Area will be developed as a Wildlife Management Area (WMA) that can be used for tourist activities such hunting or photographic tourism (depending on the feasibility of each option) when government formally allows establishment of such areas in Tanzania. Cultural, archaeological or eco-tourism is not well promoted despite having numerous potential sites in the region. Similarly, local tourism is still underdeveloped and not promoted as it is for tourists from outside the country.

2.1.2.7 Fishing

Fish is an important element in the local diet as well as an important source of income to the local communities and the District Councils. Fishing is an important activity for many of the villages in the RCA particularly those of Pawaga Division and areas surrounding the Mtera reservoir. Fishing is most clearly seasonal in the Great Ruaha River, with peak catches occurring in the early rains and dwindling with the river level. During the peak seasons men travel considerable distances to prime locations and stay for up to 5 days out for fishing. The women tend to fish when the water is shallow or when rain water flood beyond the riverbanks or in seasonal tributaries using cloths or khanga to scoop out the fish. Most fish are used fore domestic consumptions and are usually fresh. Most the catch is smoked and a large proportion is sold. Fishing is common in the early rains when the river is raising and the fish are migrating. The most common fish during this early season is catfish (Clarias) to be followed by tiger fish (Hydrocynus) and Kitoga (Bagrus orientalis).

6

More than 38 species have been recorded in the Ruaha basin (Payne et al, 1995). With respect to biodiversity, a high proportion of the 38 species (that is about 40%) are endemic and found nowhere in the world, including some of the most commercially important species (ibid). There are also significant numbers that are the same as, or closely related to, species from West Africa and the Congo basin. This is unique amongst the east coast Rivers of Africa and indicates that, before the formation of the Rift Valley, the Ruaha drained into the Congo basin, but the geological upheaval of rift formation changed its direction. The most important species in the river is the endemic tilapia, Oreochromis urolepis. This sustains the enormous fishery that has developed in the Mtera reservoir as well as those of Great and Little Ruaha rivers. In addition, owing to its peculiar genetic properties, it has played a major role in the worldwide development of tilapia farming through its contribution to the development of monosex culture (ibid). Small scale fishermen conduct fishing using gillnets as the main fishing gear. Occasionally, hippos and crocodiles destroy gillnets and attack fishermen. Dugout canoes are also used and increasingly, large speedboats are being introduced as a means of transport in areas close to the Mtera dam. While statistics on annual total catch are scarce, available anecdotal evidence suggests increased trend in fishing and the number of the fishermen, especially in areas around the Mtera dam. Fish from this area is transported to Tabora, Iringa, Singida, Mbeya, Songea, Dar es Salaam, Dodoma, Morogoro, Tunduma, and Njombe and possibly exported to Zambia and Malawi.

2.2 Environmental and Physical Features

2.2.1 Physical Features

The main rivers that supply the Great Ruaha River include: Jamono, Njombe and Muhesi Rivers, which all flow into Kisigo River, which flows into the Mtera Dam. Others are Rivers Kimbi, Mkoji, Gwiri, Umrobo, Mswisi, Liosi, Itamba, Chimala, and Kimani. Also Great Ruaha River receives waters from Rivers Mlomboji, Mbarali, Kiloga, Hukuni, Ndembera and Little Ruaha River. Apart from Rivers Kiloga, Kimbi, Ndembera, Little Ruaha and Kisigo, most of the remaining rivers first flow into the Western wetland in the Usangu Plains and into the GRR from Nyaluhanga. Rivers Kimbi, Kiloga and Ndembera feed the Eastern wetland and all these flow into the GRR (see Map 1: Drainage Pattern of the RCA). Theses Rivers, especially those that flow from the eastern escarpment (Kipengere, Uporoto and Mbeya mountains) have now become seasonal and are completely dry for most of the time. Ndembera River has however remained the only perennial river in this area. Rainfall distribution varies in the RCA and is influenced by topography. Most rain is received in the highland areas, where the highest point is about 3,000m.asl. The average

7

rainfall in this area is between 1,000mm to 1,600mm. The lowland areas in the northern and eastern part of the RCA receive between 700mm to 1,100 mm. The central plains received about 600mm of rainfall, while the area that lies on the rain-shadow in the south-eastern highlands receives about 500mm of rainfall. Rainfall in RCA starts in November in the highlands and December on the plains. Peak rainfall occurs in December and January and then in March through to April. Rainfall is received in four to five months in the rain season. Understanding the rainfall and drainage patterns and factors influencing their changes is important in explaining the phenomena of dry – season dryness of the Great Ruaha River and its implications on biodiversity. Figure 1. Drainage Pattern of the Ruaha Catchment Area

The RCA is influenced by a hot and humid climate in the plains and cool temperatures on the highland and upland areas. Temperature reaches their highest (hot) in December) and lowest in July (when it is cool in the uplands).

8

Two main features characterize the topography of the RCA: First, the hills and mountains on the southeastern and south- western and western parts of the catchment, which rise from 1,100m asl to about 3,000m asl, and where most of the rivers start. In the south and south-eastern there are the Rungwe Mountains, Uporoto Mountains and Kipengere Ranges, Kitulo and Gofio Plateau. The Mafinga escarpment lies in the east and extends to Iringa forming part of the Southern Highlands and the edges of the Rift Valley. In the western part, there is the Chunya escarpment, including the Mbeya Mountain ranges. Most of the mountains and hills consist of granite rocks, with the exception of few volcanic rocks in Rungwe.1 There are also coarse textured acidic soils that have resulted from the weathering away of the granite rocks. Second, the Plains, which consist of the Usangu plains and other lowland areas through which the GRR flows southwards to the Mtera Dam. The plain consists of alluvial soils in some parts and clay soils (vertisols) in most parts and rises from 1,000 m asl to 1,100m asl in the Usangu plains and drops gradually as the river flows north-eastern wards to Mtera dam. The Usangu Plains are divided by two wetlands – western and eastern, which are surrounded by alluvial fans, where most farming and livestock keeping takes place. The fans were developed by the depositions from the rivers disgorging from the highlands into the plains. In the north of wetland there is the Ihefu (Utengule swamp) and another Ihefu in Mafinga District. The Usangu Plains is the largest wetland in the RCA with approximately 2,000km2. This wetland contains a mixture of seasonally flooded open grassland (mbuga), seasonally flooded woodland and small perennial flooded swamp (Ihefu).

2.2.2 Vegetation

The RCA is characterized by a variety of vegetation types and land cover. These include natural forests (Miombo woodlands that extends from Usangu Plains down to Mtera Dam) and constitute the largest forest species. Other vegetation cover plantations, woodlands bush land and grassland (both in highlands and lowlands). The RCA is interfaced with two different vegetation characteristics i.e., a mixture of some of the typical East Africa semi-arid savannah vegetation and most of northerly Brachystegia of the Zambezian Miombo woodland of Southern Africa. Species such as acacia, combretum and Commiphora woodland are common. The Miombo woodland dominate most of the RCA and throughout the highlands, with the exception of the higher altitude where pines and eucalyptus (various spp) are common, as well as isolated indigenous species of tree and bushes. Also, some remains of the montane humid forests are found, although these are replaced by afro-alpine vegetation. Open wooded grassland and open areas where extensive cultivation has taken place dominate the vegetation in the other areas of the RCA. The wetland areas consists of herbaceous vegetation, floating grasses (e.g., Echinochloa scabra) wild rice and Vossia. Acacia kirkii bushes are found in the woodland and grassland. Some vegetation

1 For details of the geomorphologic descriptions see SMUWC (2001) talking About Usangu. Annex 1 Baseline 2001, Mbeya

9

in the RCA has restricted distribution and found only in small areas. For example the area that is close to the Kitulo Mountain in Makete District (where there is also a Government owned cattle and horses ranch) is popular for migratory birds and a variety of plant species. About 350 taxa or vascular plants were recorded out of which 20 are of restricted distributed. Also, this area gets a variety of flowers between March and August.

2.2.3 Wildlife

The RCA has abundant wildlife that is concentrating more in protected areas. These are Ruaha National Park, Usangu Game Reserve, the proposed Kitulo National Park and the proposed Mpanga/Kipengere Game Reserve. Other areas are Lunda/Mkwambi Game Controlled Area and Lihongosa Game Controlled Area. Wildlife is also found in several open areas. Thus both large and small mammals and amphibians, reptiles and fish are found in the RCA but distribution is uneven due to human activities in some open areas. The avian fauna (birds) is significant in the Usangu plain and in most of the RCA. In the Usangu plains alone, the permanent and seasonal wetlands with the escarpment rising above 1,000m asl, provide a unique setting for a range of bird habitat not replicable elsewhere. It is estimated that over 400 bird species have been recorded in the Usangu Plains alone Ruaha National Park is the second largest park in Tanzania after Serengeti and has an area of about 10,300km2. Some of the most important animals in this park include Roan antelopes, lesser and greater Kudus, African hunting dog (Lycon, pictus – endangered), elephants (Loxodonta Africana - vulnerable and cheetah (acinonyx jubalus – vulnerable). The Ruaha National Park is wonderful place for birds, more than 400 species have been recorded in the park and from other parts of the world. Most of the birds that migrate into the RCA are water-loving birds. Species and animal population distribution is variable. The Usangu Plain has no large mammals, except in the Miombo areas in the northern hills of the Usangu Plains. Common species in this area include topi, zebra, impala, ostrich, reedbuck, sable, warthog, hartebeest and giraffe. Animal population in this area has declined due to increased human activities such as farming, poaching, human settlement and livestock keeping. In addition, illegal bird trapping contributes to the decline of birds and some species that fetch high prices in the market. Small mammals, amphibians and reptiles are also found in scattered areas in the RCA. Similarly, large mammals such as elephants, hippos and also large cats are found mainly in the protected areas in the RCA.

10

2.2.4 Forest Reserves

There are several forest reserves in the RCA under the management of the central government, District Councils, private sector and individuals. Some of the notable central government forest reserves include the Sao Hill Forest Reserve in Mufindi and the Mbeya Forest. In Makete district there are 6 forest reserves with an area of 23,026ha however the catchment forest reserve covers an area of 44,495ha at 6 different locations within the district.

3.0 STUDY METHODOLOGY

3.1. The Conceptual Model

The conceptual model in this study is based on the root causes analytical approach developed by WWF-US (see Stedman-Edwards, 1998). This approach begins at the local level, where biodiversity losses are occurring, and then move outward in its scope of analysis to understand the regional, national, and international forces at work. The analysis of the interplay of factors at each of these levels contributes to the creation of a conceptual model utilising qualitative and quantitative data to produce a descriptive picture of root causes relevant to specific sites or area (Appendix 1-Conceptual Model). In this study, a preliminary conceptual model was initially developed after a lengthy consultation with various stakeholders in the RCA and a preliminary review of available information, about likely socio-economic causes of declining levels of water from the GRR and its effect on biodiversity. Water is key resource in the RCA and especially for biodiversity in the area. A matrix identifying proximate, local, national and international issues was developed after the preparation of a conceptual model (Appendix II-Matrix of Issues). This provided the basis for organizing data, defining issues for discussions and suggesting priority action for way forward.

3.2 The Analytical Approach

The Main Hypothesis: This study was guided by one basic hypothesis that: Biodiversity loss is a result of declining levels and availability of water, which is a result of proximate causes as well as local, national and international root causes, which are the indirect driving forces working together in complex combinations. The declining levels and amount of water which leads to loss or changes in the quality and quantity of biodiversity occurs due to actions and activities triggered by social, political, institutional and economic factors at the national level. These factors include

11

market failures especially the inability of the market to internalise environmental and social costs of irrigation for rice production; inadequate implementation of policies (e.g., National Environmental Policy) and weak enforcement of legislation. Other factors include inadequate support to government institutions (e.g., Rufiji Water Basin Office- (RWBO) and extensions staff to monitor land and water uses in the RCA. Also factors such as inadequate coordination between institutions for the management of water in the RCA and implementation of policies that promote economic growth – albeit without paying adequate attention to environmental implications all contribute to loss of water and its effect on biodiversity. The economic reform measures have primarily focused on how to increase economic growth while other factors are regarded as secondary. The national level factors are in turn influenced by external global factors such as the influence of International Financial Institutions (World Bank and International Monetary Fund, Bilateral Donors); Macro Economic Policies such as Structural Adjustment Programmes, International Trade and Foreign Markets – as part of the economic reform measures and Climate Change all put pressure on local situation economically, socially and politically. National and International driving forces constitute the more direct root causes that leads to declining levels of water in the Great Ruaha River (GRR) and its implication on biodiversity loss/changes. Proximate (Immediate Causes) causes that lead to declining levels of water and its effect on biodiversity are those associated with the use of natural resources at the local level. These include expansion of rice irrigation farming for commercial purposes, destructive practices of farming, dry season irrigation for vegetables popularly known as “vinyungu” and irrigation for tea. Others are illegal abstraction of water, which is rampant in the RCA. Further proximate factors include livestock grazing along the rivers, dams and in the Ihefu swaps. deforestations for timber, fuel wood, building materials, cattle kraals and uncontrolled wildfire. In addition, increased competition between livestock and wildlife over water use, blocking of canals, and rivers and mining (mostly of building construction materials and for road building) activities all contribute to the declining levels of water, which then impact negatively on biodiversity in the RCA.

3.3. Data Collection and Sources

The study made use of both primary and secondary data sources. Primary data were collected based on the interviews with various government departments, officials from the projects in the site, local resource users and development programmes (e.g., Mbarali Rice Farm, Madibira Rice Scheme). Secondary data were obtained from various reports from Institutions and departments in the RCA such as Local Governments, projects (SMUWC, HIMA) and programmes (RBWO). Other sources were the University of Dar es Salaam and the National Environment Management Council (NEMC). The team visited Dodoma, Mtera, Iringa, Ruaha National Park, Pawaga plains, Njombe, Makete, Mbeya, Mbarali and Mufindi where talks with various stakeholders were held and site visits were conducted for on the spot verification of the status of water and land uses.

12

Finally a set of preliminary recommendations was developed to address the complex inter-relationship of social-economic and environmental factors. These recommendations seek to outline the possible responses to the forces and circumstances that can reduce the declining levels of water and hence its effect and pressure on biodiversity in the RCA.

4.0 MAIN FINDINGS

4.1 Local context

4.1.1 Population and Settlements

Resource use in the Ruaha Catchment Area is very much influenced by a combination of factors; however, local conditions such as economic activities, socio-cultural issues, population dynamics, poverty as well as land tenure aspects, play important roles at the local level. Demographic factors indicate considerable changes in the RCA. By 1988, the population in the RCA regions (Dodoma, Iringa and Mbeya) was 3,931,390. With a population growth rate of 2.8 per annum per year the population in the RCA regions is estimated to be 5,424,350 in 2001. However, some of the districts are not too close to the RCA but population dynamics in these areas might have implications felt in the RCA, especially migration to the RCA. Table 1. Population density and distribution by regions in RCA

S.No. Region Population figures by 1988(census)

Population figures by 2000(projection)

Population density

1. Dodoma 1,235,277 1,642,027 402. Iringa 1,208,914 1,678,302 28.53. Mbeya 1,487,199 1,956,276 31TOTAL 3,931,390 5,276,605 99.5

Source: URT; Population census; regional profiles 1988, Iringa, Mbeya and Dodoma.

It is interesting to note that Dodoma region with its relative poor resource base has a higher population density compared to Iringa and Mbeya Regions perhaps due to the small size of the region. The economically active group aged between 15-64 years comprised 49% of the total population in the RCA in1988 census whereby, the dependent group constituted 51% of the regional total population in the RCA. In such a situation and coupled with other resource management problems, depletion of resources is inevitable. In other areas in the RCA, where resources are scarce, migration to other areas of the country or in the RCA in search of employment opportunities, trade and street vendor activities (machingas) is happening.

13

Population changes are explicit in local areas, especially in district that are relatively endowed – in terms of land and water, and vegetation. For example population is likely to increase faster in Mafinga and Makete Districts, given the favourable weather condition there. Local census in 1988 showed that Makete District had 115,480 people and estimates for year 2000 showed there were 135,357 with a growth rate of 1.2 (URT, 1988). However, prevalence of HIV/AIDS in all the RCA areas also contributes to the decrease in the number of people, especially in Makete District. In Mbarali district, there has been a steady and rapid increase in population in the area following the establishment of the state rice scheme. Most of the migrants come to take advantage of the irrigation schemes and settled in the proximity of the scheme and engaged in irrigation farming. About 20% of the population lived out of the district before moving to their present location in Mbarali. Several theories have emerged that explain the impact of population on the use of natural resources2. These theories suggest that local population growth may directly affect the use of resources and influence the rate of habitat change. However, Stedman-Edwards points out “the relationship between population size and growth and biodiversity loss is complicated.” (1998:31). Using a variety of indicators, it is possible however to explain the effect of population growth on natural resources. For example, Stedman-Edwards argues that some “countries with high population densities have converted relatively more land to agriculture use” (1998:31). Expansion for agriculture is also taking place in the RCA, as will be discussed late, however, along side this expansion is the increasing human settlement in the RCA. The establishment of rice/paddy production projects stimulated expansion in human settlements in the RCA. These projects acted as pull factors, drawing people from different places. Migration and natural birth have likely spurred an increase of the population in the RCA thereby, thus contributing to increasing pressure to the natural resources. Migration to new rural lands however, is one of the most critical factors that contribute to biodiversity loss in the RCA. While agricultural production and income have risen in fertile areas, the stagnation of agricultural productivity in other areas and the push of agricultural expansion due to agricultural modernisation in agriculture rich locations have placed more pressure on poor people throughout the RCA to occupy and exploit more and more marginal lands. Migration and expansion of farmlands have thus pushed people into marginal areas Population increase in the RCA results from the demand for resources – land and water for agriculture, livestock keeping, fishing and other forms of economic activities The RCA is rich in these resources and is thus attracting people from all over Tanzania. Population movement to the RCA has resulted in urbanization, which has increased pressure on natural resources (e.g. land, forest products, water) in order to meet growing population demands. Human settlement has increased all along the GRR from Mtera to

2 For details of this discussion see Stedman-Edwards, P. (1998) Root causes of Biodiversity Loss: An Analytical Approach. Macroeconomics for Sustainable Development Program Office (MPO), World Wide Fund For Nature.

14

the Usangu Plains. The increasing number of houses that are built and the expansion in brick making business reflects this trend. Burnt bricks are made all over the RCA, suggesting an expansion in the construction industry and an increase in the demand for accommodation. Burnt brick use fuel wood from the same resources that are scarce thus contributing to deforestation. In Mtera area, mining of sand for burnt brick making is done close to the riverbank because of the need to be near a source of water. This type of mining – too close to the river bank is a common practice all along the river, thus threatening the river banks and contributing to decline of water – by diverting it to other areas. Although human settlement is increasing in the RCA, some of the settlements are temporary. For example, at Mtera dam, an estimated 40% of settlements are of temporary basis that depend on income and availability of fish. Some settlers have constructed permanent houses. Some of the people who have settled in these areas come as far as Ruvuma or Ukerewe Island. They have settled in these areas to take advantage of the expanding fishing industry. The people from Ukerewe Island have settled in the RCA and have brought along, boat making technology, which is common in Ukerewe. Few individuals who are engaged in formal employments have also settled in the area permanently Moreover, there has been an influx of pastoralists from the Northern and Central Tanzania (Arusha, Mwanza, Shinyanga, Dodoma and Mara) to Usangu and other areas within the RCA because of availability of water, pasture and absence of diseases that commonly affect livestock. Following the availability of these resources, especially during the dry season, some pastoralists have settled in the RCA for 1-3 years and some have constructed permanent settlements e.g. Ikoga - Mbarali District and at Pawaga and Idodi in Iringa Rural District. In the Usangu Plains, the Sukuma cattle keepers have settled in and have brought with them their culture of house construction, which consumes lots of trees for houses and fences. Photo I. A Sukuma Kraal in the Ihefu, Usangu Plains, see the amount of wood used

4.1.2. Resource use and management

Local resource use and management play an important part in shaping the status of natural resources in the RCA. There is no comprehensive strategy for the management and improvement of natural resources in the Ruaha Catchment. What is available are isolated strategies supported by different programmes e.g. SMUWC (Sustainable Management of Usangu Wetland Catchment) that covers Usangu plains alone, “Hifadhi Mazingira – HIMA (Environmental Conservation) (covering Njombe, Iringa and Makete districts) MBOMIPA (Matumizi Bora ya Malihai Idodi na Pawaga) covering Idodi and Pawaga Divisions, Iringa. Other are protected areas such as the Usangu Game Reserve, Mpanga/Kipengere game Reserve and Ruaha National Park and a proposal to declare Kitulo ranch as a National Park. There is however too little information on initiatives, which covers northwest part of the catchment i.e. Dodoma, Manyoni and Chunya.

15

Furthermore, there are uncoordinated individual initiatives to improve livelihood at household level.

4.1.2.1 Deforestation

There is a substantial decline of forest resources in the RCA for the past 25 years. About 200,000ha of forest disappeared due to expansion for agriculture alone (Great Ruaha River Basin Management report March, 1999). Harvesting of forests products for firewood, charcoal and building materials are other important direct causes of deforestation in the RCA. Although most of the forests that are harvested in this area are planted plantations and woodlots, indigenous tree species also have greatly been depleted, partly as a result of establishment of plantations (pines and eucalyptus) for economic reasons but also, due to expansion of farming and the search for fuel wood, charcoal and timber. Deforestation in both forest plantations and indigenous forests has occurred in Mufindi, Makete (Chimala escarpment) and Iringa Rural (Nyang’oro, Idodi, Pawaga and Kitapilimwa). Expansion of farming and settlements into indigenous forests has contributed to the biodiversity loss at the local level in the RCA. In Makete District, expansions into traditional tree species have depleted almost all of them, leaving most of the hills bare. Most of the pine plantations were planted in 1970s following the decline of local tree species. Efforts to restrict access to sensitive areas have been put in place. For example, collection of firewood in areas surrounding the Mtera dam is permitted only to dead trees inundated in the dam or outside the dam. However, commercial charcoal production and increasing fish smoking business have led to the felling of trees. It is estimated that Mtera Dam employs over 10,000 in the fishing industry and that over 30 fish types are obtained in Mtera. It is estimated that about 3m3 or 2.2 tons of fuel wood is used for fish smoking per day. In Iringa region, charcoal makers have invaded the forests and settle in the forestry temporarily to harvest these resources. Loggers stay in the forest cutting and preparing charcoal and fuel wood until it is ready to be transported to the market by bicycles, pick-ups, and lorries. Food is supplied to them from the town. Deforestation is also caused by timber harvesting from the forest plantations and private owned forest plots. Most of this harvesting is done from soft wood plantations and transported to markets in Dar es Salaam, Ruvuma, Morogoro and possibly Zambia and Zanzibar. The expansion of construction industry in urban areas and attractive prices offered to timber suppliers as well as availability of the markets for charcoal, fuel wood and also inadequate knowledge about the impact of such resource practices have contributed to loss of biodiversity at the local level.

4.1.2.2 Protected Areas – Usangu Game Reserve

One of the primary goals of conservation is to enhance the quality of natural resources for current and future uses. This noble objective has often been achieved at the expense of social and human costs. The history of conservation all over the world and indeed, in Tanzania has been shrouded with resource use conflicts where authorities have

16

established areas for conservation purposes, which has resulted into denying local communities of access to what has always been their source of livelihood. Several protected areas (PAs) have been established in the RCA but encroachment into these PAs is common and increasing. In Makete District for example, irish potatoes producers have encroached close to the Kitulo farm and the Kipengere forests. In the Usangu Plains, similar encroachments were also noted in areas close to the Utengule Swamp Game Controlled Area. This area is close to the Ruaha National Park and encompasses large part of the western and eastern wetlands in the Usangu Plains, a critical area that functions to regulate the flow of water into the GRR and into the Mtera Dam. Degradation due to increasing human settlement, farming, poaching and livestock keeping was rampant in the Utengule Swamp Game Controlled Area. According to oral histories, this area had abundant wildlife including large mammals, birds and Miombo vegetation. Changes in the population of animals began to be noticed in 1930sas human population in area slowly increased. This led to uncontrolled and unregulated harvesting has led to depletion of most of these resources while human settlement (particularly the Balluchi who settled in this areas for generations now and began to do farming and hunting), farming and hunting as well as poaching have caused the migration of animals deep into the national park. Following increasing degradation, in 1993, the government initiated a participatory process to recategorize the Utengule Swamp Game Controlled Area into a Game Reserve in order to protect resources in the areas and to provide a buffer zone for the Ruaha National Park. Local communities were involved in discussions about the need to establish a game reserve and they gave their views thus by 1998, a Government Notice gazetted the formation of the Usangu Game Reserve under the Wildlife Division and in 1999, the Minister responsible for Natural Resources and Tourism declared the management of the Usangu Game Reserve under the Ministry of Natural Resource and Tourism. Since 1999, communities inside the Usangu Plains and the RCA in general, continued to use and access resources in the area that is now under the UGR. This has continued to cause problems to the authorities and by 2001; a decision was passed by the government in the Mbeya region to close unauthorised access for all activities into areas within the UGR. Boundary marking putting beacons then started immediately. Local communities whose houses were within the UGR were told to have moved out by end of December 2001. Access for resource use (e.g., farming, fishing and livestock keeping as well as search for fuel wood) was also restricted. The Mbeya regional authorities have continued to maintain their position that all persons residing in the UGR areas must be out by December 2001 and that very stern measures will be taken for those who will be found in the areas by then. In fact, the Regional Commissioner made it clear that “never shall any of these human activities be allowed in the UGR until the end of the world” as he put it3.

3 The Acting Mbeya Regional Commissioner made such a statement during the opening of stakeholders workshop on RCA held at VETA Mbeya in December 2001.

17

The Usangu Game Reserve is about 4148 sq.km and borders with the Ruaha National Park and the communities. The establishment of the UGR has had implications on natural resource use in the RCA and beyond. For example, the law that establishes Game Reserves prohibits farming and livestock keeping in the reserve areas. It also restricts human settlements and all other forms of land use except tourist hunting, resident hunting and photographic tourism. The establishment of the UGR in the Usangu Plains has led to restricting activities such fishing, farming and livestock keeping. Fishing is an important economic activity in the RCA and most of it was conducted inside the UGR in the Great Ruaha River. With the UGR now in place, all those who depended on fishing for their livelihood could no longer continue to do so without contravening the regulations. However, there are still some fishing villages inside the UGR, who were there “illegally” and waiting to move out by December 2001. Fishing in the areas within the UGR was a also a source of revenue to the Mbarali District Council, therefore, restricting it has also meant a reduction of the revenue to the Council. A reduction of revenue to the District Council will have implications in meeting some of the costs for the provision of services to the community. Restricting fishing in areas that fall within UGR has also meant a reduction of fish proteins and an increase of fishing activities in areas that are allowed (outside the UGR). These are small areas that cannot sustain the big number of fishing communities and meeting the demand for fish, thereby causing pressure and over fishing outside the UGR. Increased pressure of fishing in small areas coupled with inadequate fishing gear (as is common in the RCA) further leads to loss of fish biodiversity in the RCA. Similarly, the establishment of the UGR has impacted negatively on livestock keeping and cause pressure on other areas within the RCA. The UGR takes most of the western and eastern wetlands and the fans that are a source of grass during dry season. These areas are now under the UGR and therefore, grazing is restricted to areas outside the UGR. The establishment of the UGR has pushed livestock keepers further into the fans and has increased pressure in areas outside the fans and UGR leading to loss of biodiversity through intensified tramping and overgrazing. The reductions of the grazing area has indeed affected livestock and may have contributed to changes in the livelihood – in terms of availability of milk and meat and the associated revenue to the local communities and the District Council. Livestock, like fishing is also an important source of revenue to the District Council. However, fishing and livestock grazing in the wetlands was driven by factors such the need to secure livelihood including revenue for subsistence purposes (meeting domestic demands for money). Livestock keeping was taking place right in the wetlands because these are areas that have grass and water during dry season. The availability of these two important resources, together with inadequate grazing land elsewhere as well as inadequate implementation of regulations at local levels acted as incentive factors that have attracted many livestock keepers from as far as Shinyanga, Arusha, Dodoma, Singida and Tabora.

18

4.1.2.3 Agriculture production and irrigation practices

The RCA is rich in agricultural resources. Both cash and food crops are cultivated in various scales and by both large and smallholder farmers. About 90% of the population consider farming as their main priority. Main crops grown in the area include paddy, maize, beans, vegetables, groundnuts, fruits, millet and Irish potatoes. About 60% of the farmers cultivate paddy within the RCA. At Usangu plains, competition for resources is extremely high by expropriation of land for large-scale agricultural practices, especially for rice production. Some of the rice production schemes are of recent but others are old, for example some rice farms began in the 1950 and 1960s. Indeed, it was the rice cultivation, livestock grazing and hunting which opened up the Usangu plains to the earlier settlers. The introduction of the schemes further gave Usangu its current status and by the early 1990s, Mbarali was elevated to the status of fully-fledged District. Most of the small holder farming in the RCA is on shifting cultivation involving crops such as, maize, millet, wheat and Irish potatoes in the upland areas. Shifting cultivation is also taking place in the Usangu plains especially in the fans, where most of the livestock keepers are also sending their cattle. Shifting cultivation is also taking place along the river line, close to the riverbanks across the RCA. Shifting cultivation leads to opening up of new areas with shorter fallow periods. It also leads to deforestation and soil erosion into the lower areas, and to the GRR. Initially yields are high in a newly opened farm but declines after 3 or 4 years and are later on abandoned due to soil infertility. Fertilities and other intensive methods that can increase yields are hardly used due to high costs. Shifting cultivation therefore, is a threat to the RCA ecosystem despite the ban on expansion or opening up of new farms along the rivers. This has caused the authorities to order pastoralists out of the Usangu Plains or closer to the Game Reserve. Most of them are now moving to downstream areas and on to Kilombero valley in search of land, pasture and water. Farming is also taking place in areas close to protected areas and near the Mtera Dam, with the implication that any level of soil erosion or siltation will end up in the dam. In addition, farming is also taking place close to the Ihefu, which is also a source of water and catchment areas. For example, in Kibidula, Mufindi District (see photo 2), farming is done very close to the source of the Little Ruaha River, one of the main tributaries of the GRR. Photo II. Kibidula farm close to the Ihefu Swamp, the source of Little Ruaha in Mufindi District

It was also claimed that, almost half of this ihefu at Kibidula Mission belongs to the church that is undertaking farming in that area. Irrigation agriculture is a major undertaking in the RCA that has also caused changes in the land use by attracting more people in the area. Three types of irrigation practices are common in the RCA, namely, large-scale paddy irrigation at Mbarali and Kapunga Farms both having 3200 ha. and mainly operated by state owned National Agriculture Company

19

Limited – NAFCO); improved small-scale paddy irrigation at Madibira and smallholder private irrigation for paddy, vegetables and maize popularly known as vinyungu. At Iringa Rural district, irrigation farming is undertaken in Pawaga, Idodi, Mazombe and Mahonge where they get water from the Little and Great Ruaha Rivers. The World Bank, under the Irrigation Scheme Project funds the irrigation schemes at Pawaga, Idodi, Luganga, Nyamahana, Tungamalenga, Mapogoro, Magubike and Malangali in Iringa Rural District. The scheme involves construction of water gates/banks as a mechanism to return water to the normal river flow. In addition, there are also two tea estates that use water from the tributaries that flow into the GRR for irrigation, especially during dry season. These are Brooke Bond Tea Estate and Mufindi Tea Estate. Irrigation farming has expanded since 1970 from 10,000ha to 45,000ha in the Usangu Plains. This increase is associated with programmes that have been initiated by government to improve irrigation farming, the need for revenue by both small and large-scale farmers as well as the District Councils (in the form of cess). This increase is also reflected in the increase of families that depend on irrigation farming in the plains. Also, farming communities have increase in areas close to the state farms and in the smallholder schemes. Currently, the Mbarali rice scheme, cultivates only 400ha and the rest (2800 ha) is leased to private farmers who pay about Tshs. 25,000/ha/season, which is contributed by many factors including poor infrastructure facilities, loss of fertility and financial constraints to utilize the farms at full capacity. The Mbarali farm has a water use right that covers all the 3200ha of land under irrigation. This water right is also extended to private farmers who use Mbarali’s land for farming. Alongside this change, irrigation farming is also undertaken during dry season. This happens in two ways, which have implications on the supply of water down stream. First, by large-scale farms. In the large paddy farms of Mbarali, cultivation was beginning during the dry season. In order to soften the soil, Mbarali farm starts to irrigate around October so as to plant seedling in November. Preparation of the farms for the seedling started around August, when it is dry; therefore, it required water for irrigating the seed farms. In addition, Mbarali farm wanted water in July in order to prevent the growth of weeds in the farms. A meeting was held in 2000 with all stakeholders and it was agreed that planting should now start in November. Early rains also start around the same time. Although this change has only been in force for one year, already there are indications that late start in cultivation allows continuous flow of water into the GRR, although this has had no major effect down stream. The tea estates at Brooke Bond in Mufindi also practice dry season irrigation (photo III). This tea company has blocked an outlet of the river that should have been flowing into the Little Ruaha, and created a man-made lake at Ngwazi. The lake is then used for irrigation purpose. Photo 3. Brooke Bond Tea Estate overhead irrigation -Mufindi District

Blocking this river tributary as well as using the water for domestic and irrigation during dry season contributes to reducing the amount of water down stream in the GRR. Brooke

20

Bond has three such lakes created, namely Lake Kihanga and Lake Nzivi but is currently using Lake Ngwazi for irrigation purposes and is planning to expand tea farming to other area where the other lakes will also be used. Tail Enders and Water Use Related to the flow of water back into the river is the issue of water users who have settled outside the Mbarali Rice Farm. When the farm was started with support from China, there was a decision to ensure that the farm “helps” communities near it, so as to have an impact in the farming practices. Indeed, in the case of Mbarali, many people moved in and around the farm in order to take advantage of the facilities offered by the farm. Thus, smallholder irrigation near Mbarali has increased significantly thereby exerting pressure on the land and water resources. The irrigation canals in the Mbarali farm are arranged in such a way that water will circulate the farms and then return to the main canal that takes it back to the river. However, as Mbarali began to cultivate earlier, they released water into the return canals that was also being used by smallholder farmers who have settled close to the farms. These are the tail enders that depended on water discharged from the farms, and that was meant to be taken back to the river. The tail enders used this water for irrigation as well as for domestic purposes (photo IV). This water is, however, not safe for human consumption as it was already contaminated with chemical from the farms. In addition, chemical were used as a control measure against quelea-quelea. A decision that was made in 2000 to reduce the farming start up period to November and to ensure that water was returned to the river has had negative implications on the tail enders use of water. Currently, water for early irrigation and domestic use is not adequate and tail enders are walking long distance in search of water. Plans are also underway to dig wells that could supply water to the communities bear the Mbarali farm. Photo IV. Tail Enders search for domestic water

The second type of irrigation, which has also expanded significantly, is the smallholder irrigation in valley bottoms. This practice commonly known as vinyungu farming is practiced almost in all the districts in the RCA (photo V). Valley bottom farming has flourished because of the desire to generate revenue (as part of poverty alleviation initiatives); availability of ready markets and better prices for green products (green maize and vegetables) in urban areas, which has also been made possible by improved transportation in major supply areas. Within the RCA, valley bottom farming takes place in the rivers and streams that flow into the main tributaries that flow into Little Ruaha and Great Ruaha Rivers. Farming in vinyungu is for vegetables and maize and takes place during the dry season and increases demand for water. Water diverted for the vinyungu farming hardly returns to the streams and back to the rivers.

Photo V. Vinyungu Farming at Kalenga towards RNP

21

As irrigation expands in the RCA, so is the demand for water even by private farmers. In Mbarali for example, one farmer has been allowed by the authorities to abstract water from the main canal to his farm. This farmer, apparently is not cultivating the entire farm, but leases some of it to individuals who pay in kind or cash. Of particular interest to this study is the fact that this farmer does not return water to the main canal and back to the river. Most of the water is lost in the farms and evaporates in the air, thereby, increasing the loss of water in the GRR. Illegal water abstraction has also expanded alongside the expansion of irrigation in the RCA. Illegal abstraction is so rampant in the RCA because of the perception common among local communities that water is the right for everyone and they can take it any time. Growing illegal abstraction has necessitated the creation of Water User Association in the villages in order to steep up awareness raising programmes in order to curb this problem. The Government has also formed the Rufiji Basin Water Office (RBWO) with mandates to oversee water uses in the Rufiji basin that also includes the RCA. However, illegal abstraction coupled with poor irrigation techniques and enforcement of water right regulations further exacerbates the reduction of water in the GRR and down stream. Another dimension of irrigation farming is evolving in Kalenga; Iringa Rural District where tobacco farmers are diversifying into coffee cultivation, which will also rely on irrigation water – apparently this will be overhead irrigation using water sprinklers. This type of irrigation, similar to the one practiced by the tea estates, also draws a lot of water. Lack of financial and human resources and infrastructure all promote short-term management strategies and unsustainable use of natural resources. Overall however, the agricultural sector in the RCA is constrained by several problems that include economic, social, ecological and institutional. Some of the most crucial socio-economic problems include unreliable markets, poor and inadequate infrastructure facilities, vermin and diseases. Agriculture is also affected by institutional problems such as unavailability of farm equipments, inability of District Councils to support extension services that has contributed to lack of awareness among farmers on the dangers of unsustainable utilization of water and its implication on biodiversity. Furthermore, farmer’s financial inability to buy farm equipments and inputs, further constrain agricultural production. Natural processes also affect agriculture production and contribute to the loss of biodiversity. For example, Great Ruaha River changed its course from 1994 resulting in changed pattern and contributed to prolonged river dryness during the dry season.

4.1.2.4 Fishing

As alluded in section 2.1.2.7 above, fishing is an important economic activity that has been expanding significantly as a result of available markets and good prices found in the urban areas. For example, income from fishing sector for Iringa Rural District has been increasing from Tsh. 4 million in 1995 to Tsh. 17 million by October 2001 (Iringa Natural Resources Office, 2001). Increasing revenue has also been taking place alongside

22

the growth of fishing communities along the RCA and increased pressure on these resources. Table 2. Volume of Fish Catch, Number of Vessels and Fishermen at Mtera Dam.

Year Number of

fishermen Number of vessels

Weight in metric tons

Value in 000’Tshs.

1990 970 713 2779.5 186,737.5 1991 822 665 3159.2 210,352.21 1992 722 681 5037.05 511,642.11 1993 789 316 2346.34 489,124.75 1994 660 602 128.21 34,611.10 1995 563 503 98.35 39,056.083 Source: URT (1997) Iringa Socio-Economic Profile. Planning Commission, Dar es Salaam and Regional Commissioner’s Office, Iringa Mtera dam acts as a reservoir of migratory species in the Great and Little Ruaha Rivers, particularly during the dry season. According to the fisheries officer at Mtera, about 90% of residents there depend on fishing activities for their livelihood. Consequently, there are a number of fishing settlements along the southern shores of Mtera Dam. As such fishing activities around the Mtera dam are likely to have an impact upon resources in the area as well as offering possibilities of social and economic interactions. For example, fishing has boasted the income of local fishermen significantly. An average Tilapia cost about Tshs.80- Tsh.100 and an average household income from fish can rise up to Tshs. 800,000/year. During wet season (i.e., January to March) an average day income is approximately Tshs. 2,000- Ths.3, 000 but incomes declines during the dry season. Most people actively engaged in fishing along the Mtera dam are from different parts of the country including Lake Nyasa, Lake Victoria, Lake Rukwa, Ukerewe, Musoma and some have moved from Nyumba ya Mungu in Kilimanjaro. Some of the newcomers into Mtera have brought with them technologies for boat making and introduced it to the communities in the area. This technology utilizes hard wood in the construction of speedboats that can be used for transport purposes. For example, a 30-ton boat costs about Tsh. 1.2 million (US$ 1240). Fishing villages are about 15km apart around the dam. On Dodoma side, there are about 30 fishing camps, some are permanent and others temporary depending on income and availability of fish. Settlements can be over six (6) years and when the fish stock situation improves, fishermen return for another round of settlement. Way back in 1986, fishermen were generating a lot of income from fishing, which attracted many people to the area. Migration slowed down since 1992 perhaps due to low income following increase of people. Over 13 species are found in the dam. Generally tilapia i.e. perege (Oreochromis urolepis) is the dominant catch, followed by hydrocynus, synodontis and brycinus during the peak period; which again coincides with the migratory period. Some species were

23

previously available in big quantity but now, these are not so much obtained except for Tilapia that is still found in big quantities. Accordingly there is loss of species population in Mtera dam. Availability also depends on the season e.g. “Vitoga” (Bagrus species that is found in mass during dry season but dies a lot during early rain seasons). Various fishing gears are being used within the dam and along the GRR. These include fishnets of various sizes, line and hook and some traditional traps. Poverty and increased demand for fish as a source of protein have led to the use of unsuitable fishing gear. Beach seine and gill nets are also used in these areas but are particularly prone to damage from the Hippos and Crocodiles that are around the dam. Several cases of hippos attacking people have been reported. The required size of fishing nets is from 3.5 inch upwards but still some fishermen use less than the required size. Most fishnets available in the country are imported. Besides being of low quality, they are extremely expensive such that local fishermen cannot afford to buy them and it appears that most fishermen are not aware of the best practices in fishing. Thus, one of the causes of the loss of fish biodiversity at a local level is poor fishing gear and practices commonly used in Mtera, in the ihefus and Lakes Kihanga and Nzivi. This problem is compounded by inadequate enforcement of fishing regulations, including lack of consistent monitoring around the dam and along the RCA. Despite the low level of fish catches, the RCA’s fish market includes Songea, Mbeya, Tabora, Iringa, Dar es Salaam and Dodoma; and most likely finds its way to Zambia and Malawi. Licensing for fishing activities is also a source of revenue to the District Councils therefore there is no limitation to the number of licences that could be issued. Fishing licence at Dodoma side is Tsh. 3,900 (i.e. fishing license, fishing vessel licence and registration) moreover one licence can last for one year. In Iringa, fishing licence is Tshs. 3,250 (that includes fishing licence, registration and fishing vessel licence).

4.1.2.5 Fish Processing

The extent to which fish can be moved to centres of consumption is limited by the poor communications, which characterise the area. Most of the fish caught in the RCA is either disposed as fresh fish for immediate consumption or processed by smoking, sun dying, and deep-frying or salt drying. However, considerable post harvest loses of fish catch do occur mainly due to poor methods of fish preservation Most fish in the area is sold smoked. This is, in part a reflection of customer preference-most people seem to actually prefer smoked fish to fresh. As a result smoking adds pressure forest resources (fuel wood) and contributes to loss of indigenous tree species. Fish smoking is also a reflection of local conditions with respect to transport from the landing sites to the markets. Transport is inadequate and ice is not easily available. Smoking thus, allows bigger loads of fish to be transported by carriers at more widely spaced intervals.

24

The methods used for fish preservation include ice, refrigeration, smoking and frying. With regard to refrigeration there are only two refrigeration centres around Mtera Dam, namely at an area called Mtera Staff and at Migori village Frying and smoking are widely used in both sides at Mtera. There are now efforts to introduce energy serving stoves within the fish camps. Apart the Mtera dam and along the rivers and tributaries, fishing is also undertaken in man-made dams in various locations in the RCA. These dams are built in response to policy initiatives to introduce fish farming in villages in order to generate revenue and increase protein intake. Overall however, the livelihood of the people who depend on fishing activities is affected by seasonal variations in the fisheries resource, in the water bodies, on which it depends, and poor fish marketing and transportation.

4.1.2.6 Livestock Keeping in the RCA

Livestock keeping is common in the RCA and has been associated with the changes in land use and, to some extent, the decline of water in the GRR. Cattle, goats, donkeys and sheep are common and grazing is freely done in the fans, plains and close to the rivers and the Mtera Dam. Cattle and donkeys are also used in transport and for farming (animal traction). Livestock numbers are considered to be over 1.5 million in the entire RCA but heavy concentrations are found in the Usangu Plains (the numbers here are disputable as discussed below) in the Pawaga Plains north – eastern of the Ruaha National Park, and in areas close to the Mtera Dam on either side of the river. Livestock keeping in the RCA involves local people and largely, migrant livestock keepers from Arusha, Singida, Tabora, Shinyanga and Dodoma who frequently migrate into these areas and concentrate close to the river during dry season. Livestock keepers flock to this area in big numbers because of the availability of pasture and water than what is available in areas they come from. In addition, changes in land use in the supply areas, as reflected by converting pastureland into farmland and for human settlement, tend to push livestock keepers to other areas. Whilst in the RCA, some pastoralists are grazing their livestock right in the Ihefu (photo VI) or very close to the riverbanks because these areas have water almost all year round, although pasture is at the lowest level during the height of the dry season. Photo VI. Livestock Grazing in the Ihefu, Usangu Plain

Some livestock keepers camp in the plains only for short durations including several years (for others) and then they, move on to other areas further south. Increasingly, livestock keepers have been migrating to the Kilombero valley after their short stay in the RCA. The Kilombero valley has almost the same characteristics as the RCA and, indeed they all belong to a larger ecosystem of the Rufiji Basin and its catchment areas.

25

Availability of pasture and water attracts large numbers of cattle keepers in the area. Most of such cattle keepers migrate to the Kilombero when resources in the RCA have been depleted of not sufficient to meet their demand. There are also unconfirmed reports that some livestock keepers have even crossed the boundaries to neighbouring countries, all in search of pasture and water. Although, no comprehensive assessment of limits of acceptable use (or carrying capacity) have been done, concerns from local authorities in the RCA suggest that this has been surpassed by the excessive number of livestock found in the area and is much so during the dry season, when water and pasture are at the lowest levels. The increasing numbers of livestock and the free grazing system that is common in the RCA further suggest that there is no comprehensive strategy to address livestock and pasture issues in the RCA, and indeed, in the country as a whole. Overall, there has been a lot of emphasis and support to the agricultural sector and only very little attention is paid to livestock keeping as an important economic activity. Lack of such a strategy and the fact, that the Constitution of Tanzania allows people to move to and live anywhere within the country; makes it difficult to institute measures to prevent livestock keepers from entering the RCA, except in protected areas only. In addition, livestock keeping is a source of revenue for the District Councils in the RCA. For example, each livestock keeper in Mbarali is paying about Tsh 500/ per cattle per year as livestock tax. It is not clear what livestock keepers are getting in return (since most of the livestock services are either provided by private sector or not available at all) however, district are getting millions of money out of this. Therefore, it is possible that districts lack the incentives to discourage livestock keepers to keep too many livestock. For example, Mbarali District Council could be getting about Tsh. 250 million per year (if it is assumed that there are only about 500,000 herds of cattle at any one time in the district; and this is a conservative estimate). This is huge amount of revenue, that if well utilized and ploughed back in the livestock sector, it could have improved livestock keeping and reduce its impact on other resources.

4.2 Implication of Resource Uses on the Flow of water in the GRR

Water and land are critical resources in the RCA and that their availability is a precondition for improved human welfare and social development in the RCA and the country. Reports indicates that these two resources have been at the centre of numerous resource use conflicts in the RCA (SMUWC, 2001; Maganga and Juma, 1998). It is the availability of water, which has generated considerable interests and concerns among stakeholders within and outside the RCA. Water is important and can influence the use of other resources, including land Thus, availability of adequate water throughout the year and especially during the dry season is a critical factor for the survival of plants and animals in the RCA and also, important for the socio-economic development.

26

4.2.1 Declining rains and water levels

There are divergent views on the amount of rainfall and the reasons for the reduction of water in the GRR. What many analysts commonly agree is the fact that the amount of water and the duration it is available in the GRR has changed. What has caused these changes has remained debatable. Some analysis show that this reduction is associated with the changes in the rainfall i.e., rain patterns and the quantity of water. In this aspect, analysts are divided as to whether the amount of rainfall has declined. One school of thought, (SMUWC, 2001) argues that overall, the amount of rainfall and water in the RCA has not dropped significantly (especially within the Usangu Plains). However, SMUWC and other analysts agree that dry season flows in the GRR have dropped significantly. SMUWC uses data obtained from the various rain stations and compares the trends for many years. On the basis of this observation, SMUWC points to the problems in the use of available water and raises questions about how inefficient irrigation has contributed to the reduction of water in the GRR. While rainfall data (see SMUWC, 2001) may suggest that the overall amount of rainfall has not changed significantly, this study argues that both the pattern and duration of rainfall has changed so much and that in areas that depend on rainfall for production, these changes have significant implications than just the available amount of water. In addition, evidence from some rain stations in the Usangu Plains suggests that the amount of rainfall is declining. For example, readings from the Mbarali Rice Farm Rain Station shows declining trends in the amount of rainfall in the last 20 years (1980 to 2000) (Figure 2). This has also been collaborated by evidence from the stakeholders in the RCA. Numerous stakeholders consulted in the RCA; including those who have lived in the RCA for more than five generations have reported that the amount of rainfall has indeed declined. For example, some elder people in Mbarali cited their experiences when they were kids playing in the plains that, most of the rivers that crosses the main road (Iringa-Mbeya road) had water and one could not cross them easily. Nowadays, there are only two rivers (Mbarali and Chimala), which still have water flowing into the GRR, but the amount of water has declined considerably. Rivers that were perennial about 15 – 20 years ago have now become seasonal or have completely dried up. Most of these rivers originate from the upper catchments areas.

27

Figure 2. Rainfall Trends from Mbarali Rain Station: 1980- 2000

0

100

200300

400

500

600

700800

900

1000

1980

1982

1984

1986

1988

1990

1992

1994

1996

1998

2000

Rainfall

Agriculture in the RCA has expanded into marginal areas e.g., the fans – ihefu, valley bottoms and the catchment thus opening up these areas to erosion and evaporation. These activities have contributed to a reduction of water that flows in the GRR. Inadequate knowledge about best practices and poor technology, inadequate extension services (due to reduced capacity at the district level) further acts as driving forces for people to practice unsustainable resource use methods. Similarly, deforestation due to timber, charcoal and building materials (especially, some traditional building styles) have also contributed to declining levels of forestry biodiversity. Both farming and deforestation are also taking place in indigenous forests whose value as gene banks is significant. Although, data on indigenous forests is not available, it is assumed that these forests have valuable species. The reduction of the flow of water and rainfall has had implications on the wetlands in the Usangu Plains. SMUWC (2001) has demonstrated the dynamics of the two wetlands in the Usangu Plains; namely the relationship between the western and eastern wetlands and the flow of water in the GRR. Historically, the western wetland was receiving water from the numerous tributaries and the rain, which was then accumulated, filling the western wetland before it overflowed to the eastern wetland. This process has enabled a continuous flow of water to the GRR for as long as water was available in the westerns wetland. Thus unsustainable land use practices, including encroachment in the fans close to the wetlands has as well as in the entire catchment areas have contributed to a reduction of water in the western wetland and hence the flows in the eastern wetland have similarly declined.

28

Anthropogenic activities associated with dry season irrigation for early cultivation in the rice farms and poor drainage canals contributes to the reduction of the flow of water in the western wetland, particularly during the dry season. Indeed, canals many canals in the Usangu plains are not tendered to remove weeds, and in fact livestock are grazing in the canals, thus contributing to blocking the flow of water

4.2.2 Livestock in the RCA: Too Many or Too Few?

Furthermore, arguments have been raised about the impact of livestock grazing in the fans (ihefu) and indeed close to the riverbanks. Some analysts have argued that livestock grazing in the fans, which takes place during dry season has no major impact on the flow of water during dry season because these areas regenerate pretty fast during the rain season. Also, it has been argued that the amount of livestock in the plains has not superseded the carrying capacity (SMUWC, 2001) however, these arguments should be qualified by saying that the carrying capacity (which is itself a complex issues and difficult to precisely establish) will differ during dry and wet seasons and that during dry season, the number of cattle increases so much. Cattle graze very close to the wetlands and tramping and grazing exposes these areas to evaporation that leads to reduced flow of water. This study has observed the growth of weeds and shrubs that are not common in the wetlands, but their presence is an indicator of the degradation that is unfolding in the fans.

4.2.3 Implications of Prolonged Dryness in the RCA

Due to changes in the rain pattern and reduced amount of rainfall, as noted above, there has been prolonged dryness in the Usangu plains and all along the GRR. This dryness has been experienced in the areas downstream of the Usangu Plains, causing considerable changes in the status of biodiversity in these areas. For example, although the Ruaha National Park (RNP) has documented the changes in the level of water since 1994 and has noted that, in 1994, water in the GRR in the RNP was flowing from July to beginning of November. In the 1995, this flow stopped in the beginning of October and by 2000, the flow stopped in June. This means there has been a prolonged dryness in the RNP. It is also interesting to note that even the El Nino rains did not change so much. There were floods in 1997 and the river bursted its banks for three months in that year, but the area was in severe drought by November 1998. Prolonged dryness in the GRR, in the RNP has impacted negatively on animals there. For example, RNP officials noted that animal diseases and mortality rates increase during dry season because most animals are at their weakest position. Animals that cannot migrate to distant places, suffer a great deal because they have to share small area for water and grass. During such times animals also die because of contaminations in water, animals such as hippos cannot splash water and therefore, they risky being exposed to too much heat. Also, hippos end up fighting too frequently because, by nature, hippos and many other animals live in schools (groups) that are so protective. The fact that there is inadequate water, hippos from different groups are forced to live together, something that

29

leads to constant fights. Other hippos are forced to graze outside the ponds in the sun for too long because the ponds have become too hot, thus also risking being killed by heat and predators (photo VII). Photo VII. Hippo grazing in the dry riverbed at RNP

The RNP officials have observed changing behaviours among animals. For example, some animals give premature birth, apparently due to excessive heat. The newly born calves are susceptible to attacks from predators. Also, crocodiles move outside the ponds and hide in the bushes near the dry riverbeds and hunt for monkeys. Leopards and lions also eat crocodiles. In addition, it has been observed that the population of fish and some fish species have declined. Also, the population of crocodiles is also declining. Observations carried out by the Wildlife Conservation Society of Tanzania (WCST) in the Usangu Plains further reveals and supports the conclusions observed by RNP that there are marked changes in the behaviour of animals. For example, WCST has noted that the Usangu bird life is changing very much. There are fewer birds now than it was some ten years ago. Also, bird life decreases significantly during dry season. Declining levels of water in the GRR has had impact in the villages outside the RNP, where some forms of Community Based Conservation activities are taking place through the Mpango wa Matumizi Bora ya Malihai Idodi na Pawaga (MBOMIPA). The declining water levels in GRR has caused changes in the seasonal migration of animals to the southern part of the RNP where tourism related activities that are important for MBOMIPA are not taking place. Also, animals congregate close to the rivers ands ponds during dry season and become easy targets for predators. Some animals, such as elephants concentrate in specific types of food plants and cause excessive demands of such food plants. Since this is happening during dry season, the knock-off effect could be great in associated activities – e.g., tourism and related income generation activities. The reduction of water levels in the GRR is not wholly a function of anthropogenic factors. Natural phenomenons such as the changing courses of the river and climate changes (drought) have also contributed to the reduction of water in the GRR. The Great Ruaha River shows extreme seasonal variation in its flow pattern: it is flooded from February to June during the rains and it has minimum flows from August to December during the dry season. It was observed that, in November the river is completely dry from the confluence in the Ruaha National Park for a stretch of 30-40km stretches, virtually to the confluence with the Little Ruaha. The Little Ruaha has much less marked seasonal fluctuations and is a distinctly perennial river. These changes also trigger new land uses, some of which then may have domino effect on the environment and biodiversity. Also the RCA falls within a seismic active area with largest frequency of earthquakes. Earthquakes have caused opening of faults for instance at Kapunga rice farm, Ijombe-Poroto Mountains, which had in certain instances, lead to development of new water loss channel to the ground. Tremors could also lead to opening of old faults, which again could result into new water losses to the ground. Both anthropogenic and natural factors

30

act in a combined ways to cause changes in the resource base and influence changes in biodiversity.

4.3 Driving forces at the local level

Combinations of proximate factors and driving forces at local level have influenced the use of resources in the RCA. Some of these uses are not sufficiently sustainable and have contributed to the changes in the natural resources in the RCA. These driving forces and factors include market forces for cash crops from the RCA. Cash crops here also include those that are traditionally cultivated as food crops (e.g., rice, maize, millet, beans, irish potatoes, wheat, vegetables and fruits) as well as traditional cash crops such as coffee, tea, pyrethrum, tobacco, sesame, sunflower, timber and groundnuts. These crops are cultivated in the RCA and sold to outside markets such as Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam, Morogoro and to outside the country, e.g., Zambia, Malawi and the Gulf states through Zanzibar. Markets incentives such as attractive prices, availability of transport and increased involvement of the private sector provide impetus for the expansion of agriculture into marginal areas. Crops such as tobacco tea, and cotton are highly degrading (Bagachwa, et al., 1995) because they are associated with extensive deforestation and use of fertilizers that have implications on the land and soil. Market liberalization and removal of price control mechanisms serves as incentives to farmers to produce more. In Iringa for example, tobacco farmers secured markets in Zimbabwe were they took their tobacco to be auctioned in the international market (Bagachwa, et.al., 1995). This has stimulate expansion of tobacco farms by establishing out-growers schemes in which smallholder farmers produce tobacco and sell it to the large scale farmers. The large-scale farmers also provide the small-scale farmers with fertilizers and other services on credit and recover the costs at the end of the farming season by deducting the costs from the sale of tobacco to the large-scale farmers. In this way, some form of bondage relationship evolves and no studies have been done to examine its impact on social relationship. Also, through this way, some large-scale farmers are transferring the cost of production and the environment to the small-scale farmers and the communities. Indeed, behind all this is the need to generate revenue in order to improve livelihood. As demand for these agricultural produce increases farmers open up new areas for agriculture and forestry products. Increasing demand for fresh water fish has contributed to increase fishing efforts in the Mtera Dam and along the GRR. This has had impact on land for settlement, agriculture as well as forestry resources (for fish processing, charcoal, timber and fuel wood for domestic use). Fishing in Mtera has attracted people from as far the northern part of Tanzania thus contributing to population pressure in and around Mtera. The Fisheries Sector Policy (URT, 1997) promotes sustainable fishing but lacks the necessary legislative framework to ensure that this is achieved. There are fewer fisheries officers at Mtera and along the villages in the GRR, and fewer villages (if any) have by-laws that govern fishing activities.

31

Similarly, enforcement of regulations for other resources at local level is limited due to inadequate capacities at the village or district levels. Whilst the Government is implementing a Local Government Reform Programme (LGRP) that aims at devolving powers and responsibilities to the district levels, there have not been parallel programmes to strengthen the capacity of the districts to offer better services to the communities. Under LGRP, the districts will be the key institutions expected to coordinate and facilitate development activities at the district. Districts therefore set targets both in production and revenues that have to be met and that, when translated into actual activities, they tend to encourage more resource uses. For example, since the districts need money to pay for salaries and other services, it becomes difficult to implement policies that would discourage livestock keepers to keep large herds of cattle. The conflicting demands for revenue generation and conservation are critical at local level as the districts assume more responsibilities. The LGRP is an important institutional transformation that is also expected to promote greater participation of the local communities in policy formulations and decision-making. Within this change, the Village Councils (Village Assemblies, i.e., the highest organ for decision making at the village level) are to play an important role in decision making at the lowest level. However communities have inadequate awareness of their rights and responsibilities, what active role they can take in decision-making processes. Most of the decisions are often made at the level of the Village Government or at the district level. Community participation in planning and decision-making is therefore inadequate. Also Districts are constrained by inadequate technical staffs due to limited financial capacity to employ more staff. Such constraints are felt more in extension services that are inadequate, lack means of transport and cannot move out of the stations to offer advice. Whilst anthropogenic and physical factors partly explain changes in biodiversity as associated with the land and water uses, it is also interesting to note that some efforts have been taken at the local level to address critical issues of resource management in the RCA. These efforts include awareness raising programme among stakeholders in the RCA on the nature and causes of degradation and measures to be taken. Several donor-funded programmes operate at a local level to address these critical issues. In addition, the government, through the Rufiji Basin Water Office, has initiated programmes to ensure that all water users are registered and that illegal abstraction is curbed. This however, has remained a formidable challenge to the RBWO because of inadequate capacity to monitor and carry out site visits to ensure that regulations are adhered to. RBWO, however, has stepped up efforts to prevent dry season irrigation, and for the first time, the GRR upstream of the Usangu Plains had water up until late November 2001. Commenting on this marked improvement, one elderly person noted that prior to taking this decision (namely to ensure there in no irrigation during dry season), the river was drying up pretty fast and that “even sandals did not get wet when one crossed the river on foot. Today, this river has a lot of water flowing” This change however, did not benefit down stream users because of too much abstraction.

32

Amid these changes, it is interesting to note that people’s livelihood are changing but not improving, because the basic elements that supports livelihood in the RCA are threatened by persistent dryness of the GRR and inadequate rain water. Poverty and inequality have intensified and social differentiation is widening, causing concern about the potential threat to social cohesion as competition for scarce resources increases (Cf. Maganga and Juma, 1998; SMUWC, 2001). Elsewhere in Tanzania, conflicts over resources have already led to loss of human life (in Kilosa, between farmers and livestock keepers). All this is happening amid inadequate awareness regarding the impact of anthropogenic factors, insufficient interventions (too often limited to small areas and covering fewer issues) as well as lack of alternative means of livelihood.

5.0 National Context

5.1 Policy Issues

Lack of mainstreaming environmental concerns into economic policies is one of the major issues that have prevented rational use of natural resources in Tanzania. Economic policies have aimed at achieving economic growth albeit without paying sufficient attention to their implication on the environment. Often, this has resulted in over-exploitation of natural resources and the loss or changes in the status of biodiversity. A study carried out when Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP) were introduced (Bagachwa et al., 1995) has demonstrated the effect of SAP on the environment and concluded that if current programs continue in the way they are now i.e. business as usual scenario, more damage will occur to the environment in the years to come. The case for conserving the biodiversity is justified through the functions of various organisms in ecological balance, which support the food chain for humans, numerous use values and even bequest values. Some of the most important values of biodiversity include ecological services of air and water purification, soil formation and protection; carbon sequestration, groundwater recharging and water shed protection, drought and flood buffering (Mgaya, 1998).

The Government has introduced several policies that touch upon the need to conserve resources (e.g., National Environmental Policy, 1997; National Fisheries Policy and Strategy Statement, 1997; The Wildlife Policy of Tanzania, 1998; National Beekeeping Policy, 1998, National Forestry Policy, 1998, Mineral Policy of Tanzania, 1997).

The policies are also promoting economic growth using the same resources. However, this situation generates resource use conflicts due to inadequate coordination and sending mixed signals to the communities. For example, whereas agricultural policy promotes increased growth from the sector, there are inadequate mechanisms to ensure that agricultural related services are provided to the farmers. Consequently, most of the small-scale farmers resort to opening up new areas for farming purposes. These areas are too

33

often in the marginal or protected areas (e.g., forests reserves, wetlands, valley bottoms) that are governed by other policies (e.g., Forestry or Land).

Land tenure is another policy issue, which can cause loss of biodiversity. It is generally assumed that lack of tenure security discourages long-term investment in land. However, security of tenure by itself is not enough sufficient such that long-term investment cannot cause loss of biodiversity. Various development policies and programmes in the country such as the 1974-76 villagization programme concentrated more on methods of production rather than forms of ownership of land4. This has resulted in acute land problems and conflicts5. The new land policy contains some statements, which may lead to the conservation of biodiversity6.

The new land policy contains policy statements if well implemented, will go a long way in enhancing sustainable use of biodiversity. Of particular interest is the concern raised in the policy regarding areas of multiple land use. In our case, the RCA is such an area. Currently, there are many land users in the RCA however; there is no strategy in place for multiple land uses. The various donor-funded programmes in the RCA are limited to specific spatial areas and issues. It is important for the government to take a leading role in ensuring that a multiple land use strategy is put in place, with all stakeholders and resource users and owners.

Beside policies, there are also several strategies and programmes implemented by government to address specific issues. For example, the National Agricultural Sector Reform Programme – aims at improving the agricultural sector, the Vision 2025 (URT, 1998) defines where Tanzania would like to be 25 years later and National Strategy for Poverty Alleviation (URT, 1998) and recently the, Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) (URT, 2001) that all promotes measures to redress poverty that has become so perverse and unacceptable.

5.1.1 Economic and Social Development Policies

Perhaps the greatest changes today in Tanzania are in economic policies. The government of Tanzania had experimented with various development strategies in an effort to improve the welfare of the people. For a long time after independence, these strategies relied on a top - down approaches of the centralized state, which governed economic and resource management. As such, an undesirable attitude emerged whereby people looked upon the government as their provider. This attitude has had detrimental effects towards sustainability of numerous projects and programmes initiated by the government.

4 URT (1994) pp. 135 5 The New Land Policy attributes such state of affairs as being the product of Colonial history, conflicting statutory measures, broad social economic patterns and demographic trends. 6 Policy statement 4.2.10, (I) among others, states that, "mechanism for protecting sensitive areas will be created. Sensitive areas include water catchment areas, small islands, border areas, beaches, mountains, forestry, national parks, rivers, river basins and banks, seasonal migration routes of wildlife, national heritage and areas of biodiversity.

34

35

Tanzanian brand of Socialism had all the good intentions of improving the welfare of the people of Tanzania through collectivising them in Ujamaa villages. This strategy was aimed at facilitating easy provision of the basic needs of life to these villagers. With the help from sympathisers, mostly socialist oriented countries, remarkable improvement in education, health, water and transport, large scale farming (e.g., Mbarali and Madibira Rice Schemes) among others was achieved over the years. However, this type of development could not be sustained for long since it was too dependent on foreign assistance. The strategy was also blamed for contributing to environmental degradation and hence biodiversity loss due to clearing for village settlements and farmland (URT, 1997b; Mascarenhas et al., 1992; Kikula and Mung’ong’o, 1992). Expenditure on social services grew rapidly while production capacity to support the growing social sector was slow. The heavy burden was especially due to non-performing parastatals, which turned out to be heavily dependent on government subsidies instead of generating the expected revenues for the government. This was particularly critical in the state owned farms

The country's economic situation worsened since the late 1970s due to oil crises in the world market, draught and regional problems and conflicts (e.g., war with Iddi Amin and break up of East African Community-EAC). Tanzania initiated several economic programmes in an attempt to redress economic and social problems following the 1970s crisis. The National Economic Survival Program (NESP) of 1981 was the first of what was to become known as Structural Adjustment Programmes or Economic Recovery Programmes (ERP). The aim of this programme was to rehabilitate the ravaged economy and restore the imbalance in the external sector. A three-year Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) replaced the NESP in 1983. The objectives of SAP were among others, to improve economic performance of the public sector through introduction of incentives for increased production of goods and services for both domestic and export markets. NESP and SAP were not fully implemented due to financial constraints arising from lack of external finance.

The Economic Recovery Programme I (ERP – I) came into effect in 1986. This was an IMF/World Bank sponsored initiative and operated for three-years. The main objective of the ERP I was to promote market economy which resulted into price decontrol, removal of government subsidies in social services, withdrawal of government involvement in productive sectors, enhancing labour efficiency and productivity by reforming employment in public sector through retrenchment. These measures, though unintended, brought about hardships to people through reduction of expenditures on education, health, agricultural and extension services among others. The ERP II7 or alternatively known as Economic and Social Action Program (ESAP), succeeded the ERP I. The ERP II, which aimed at addressing the social effect of the adjustment programmes while continuing with the objectives of economic reforms.

ERP II and I achieved some positive economic impact through increased industrial capacity utilisation and output. The value of non-traditional exports increased by 24% per annum between 1986 and 1990, and per capita income increased by 6% in real terms. However, infrastructure deterioration problems and worsening social services delivery continued to diminish the successes of the economic reforms (Bagachwa et al., 1995). The decision to

7 This programme followed immediately after ERP I and was a three years programme (1989-1992)

move towards a market economy was slowly being realised. The state marketing structures were dismantled without having alternative markets firmly established. This resulted in hardships to farmers in areas where private traders were unwilling to go. Transport and communication are still underdeveloped in most rural areas and information about markets is hardly reaching the farmers in time for them to make better decisions. Trade liberalisation and market reforms have resulted in promoting environmental degradation and biodiversity loss through promoting crops such as tobacco and tea, which result in more land being cleared for agricultural expansion and wood fuel (Kulindwa and Mjema, 1994).

Economic reforms and market liberalization have not been done alongside streamlining the markets for efficient transactions. Too often, markets for some goods are not sufficient and farmers have suffered due to producing without being able to sell at the time they want or getting better prices. In the RCA for example, markets for rice are unreliable and farmers, including Madibira Rice Scheme are struggling to look for markets in Dar es Salaam, Zanzibar and elsewhere, whilst bearing the costs of searching for these markets. Unrealisable markets and unfavourable prices as well as poor communication and storage impose constraints on how production such that it is unlikely to support sustainable use of natural resources.

Among the main effects of the economic reform programme on the environment is the failure of the markets to capture the true cost of production, including the cost of environmental degradation in the price of the products. For example, the price of rice from the RCA is so low compared to the actual cost of degradation, including in this case, the costs of loss of water that is associated with rice production. The same is true for the price of tobacco and other crops from the RCA. Market failure in this case, is a result of the lack of mainstreaming environmental concerns in the planning and decision making process. There are several economic instruments that can be used to influence rational use of natural resources, but so far, these are not used in Tanzania. The main focus and emphasis in the on-going economic reform is increased economic growth. Environmental issues are not given their due attention, and this is also reflected in the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PSRP) (URT, 2001) which focuses on economic growth as the basis of poverty alleviation but ignored environmental issues, until much later. Efforts to integrate environmental aspects in the PSRP are now underway.

5.2 Inadequate Capacity to enforce Rules and Regulations

The economic reform programmes have had effects on natural environment and thus biodiversity, by denying this sector the necessary funds for running the basic services. Environmental management is a labour intensive activity that also depends on availability of data to compare changes over time. Extension services, monitoring and enforcement of rules and regulations all depend on availability of funds and personnel. The SAP policies have removed the subsidies from government sectors, reduced workers from government departments and freezed employment for improving performance and increasing labour productivity. These measures have affected the delivery of services from government departments that deal directly with natural resources. There are severe shortages of manpower and recurrent expenditure funds for daily monitoring and enforcement of

36

regulations in the RCA. For example, inadequate monitoring and enforcement provides room for the illegal abstractions of water, illegal harvesting of forestry resources for timber, charcoal and fuel wood as well as poaching and destructive fishing practices.

Tanzania has legal provisions for the management of almost every natural resource and several authorities, which are responsible for the implementation, and enforcement of the rules. Part of the problem however is low penalties for the offences, and long and cumbersome procedure to enact and pass by-laws relevant in local areas. At present, some of the penalties are ridiculously low compared to the cost of the damage to the environment. It is apparent in this case that the law is gives room to culprits to continue with their illegal activities. This in our opinion deserves attention in terms of raising the awareness on environmental matters by sensitising the magistrates. Beside the commonly referred use values of these resources, they should be made to understand and appreciate the importance of these resources' ecological functions.

Most of the policies have over-emphasised the issue of control and prohibitions albeit without the means and capability to carry these out. The involvements of the people or their traditional knowledge in management of natural resources have not been adequately addressed. Due to this deficiency, illegal and indiscriminate harvesting takes place rampantly. In some places such as the Kipengere Mountains and the Kitulo area, huge patches of clearings can be see as a result of expansion for farming. The district officials in the RCA pointed to some factors that contributed to the shortage of funds, staff and sometimes frustrations in implementing monitoring and enforcement of conservation activity.

Some of these factors include; frequent changes in the administrative set-up. The department of natural resources has changed hands several times, hence disrupting the continuity and institutional memory in natural resources8management. However, throughout those changes, the major priority of the administration was to extract revenues from natural resources rather than manage theme sustainably, yet collected revenues were not ploughed back into the natural resource sectors as planned under the retention scheme, to facilitate efficiency and increased productivity. The other factor is that the distribution of revenues from natural resources was uneven and highly skewed in favour of the central government instead of the districts where the resources are to be found9.

Another factor is that decentralisation is unfolding very slowly. In practice, major policies have remained centrally directed. It was observed that local governments, which are supposed to finance some of their own activities, are facing financial and leadership problems. The District Councils do not have funds for recurrent expenditures such as fuel and field allowances for the officers who are sent to do monitoring. In this situation, District

8 Until 1972, the natural resources management activity was under the Department of Forestry, in the Ministry. During the decentralisation era, the period between 1972 to 1984, these activities were put under the stewardship of the Regional Development Director's office. From 1984, the activities are being conducted under the District Executive Director. 9 This is still the case to date. The retention scheme distribution of revenues is as follows: Treasury takes 30% of the collections; the remaining 70% is then distributed to the entire ministry, regional and district departments.

37

Councils become reluctant to institute measures that would diminish their revenues, even if such activities may have implications on the environment. For example, licences for timber and taxes collected from natural resources makes significant contributions to district revenues.

5.3 Institutional Co-ordination

Furthermore, no overall authorities exists, which co-ordinates and rationalize conflicting interest such as the issue of licenses for fishing, water rights and land titles. These may concern the Division of Fisheries, the Division of Lands, the RBWO or even the central government (for large scale farming and hydropower projects). Often lack of co-ordination among various actors, have resulted into undesirable outcomes on the RCA. One of the objectives of the National Investment Promotion Policy of 1992 is maximum mobilisation and utilisation of domestic capacity. The achievement of this goal poses major threats to biodiversity in a situation where co-ordination of activities between actors sharing common resources (as is true in the RCA) to achieve their specific goals is lacking.

The study area is characterised by a dynamic and extremely complex ecosystem consisting of a variety of biodiversity. Although several institutions have been established to deal with these natural resources, management has been poor. Key issues include the lack of effective co-ordination of the various institutions involved in the management of the natural resources. For example there are livestock keepers, fisheries, forestry resources, farming and wildlife management in the RCA in which several institutions are involved from the local and the central government. The interplay of activities influenced by policies and regulations from these institutions if not well co-ordinated, may and have conflicted with each other due to different immediate objectives and lack of coordination of policies in order to achieve a much wider objective of sustainability.

5.4 Poverty

The above discussion on the dynamics of biodiversity loss brings up interesting linkages between biodiversity loss and poverty. If we define poverty to be the lack of alternatives for earning a decent livelihood given a certain level of technology among others, then the issues of expansion in to marginal areas for farming, livestock grazing in the ihefu, destructive fishing practices are some of the examples that may qualify to explain the linkage between poverty and loss of biodiversity in the RCA.

The conversion of biological resources in economic processes has generated benefits in terms of wealth and health to societies over time. But this diversity harbours what we may call the life support system for humans. The destruction of this diversity for whatever reason is endangering human. In addition to the above development process tradition, many people may not understand the implication of their activities to the ecology. Without this awareness, destruction of the life support system will continue. It is important that awareness creation about the environment and biodiversity should be accompanied by suggestions of alternative livelihood strategies in order to succeed in conservation.

38

5.4 Current Conservation Initiatives

The RCA is an important resource area that has attracted numerous resource users and managers. Over the years, the area has been facing considerable resource use pressures that have attracted several initiatives to address the degradation that is taking place and that has caused changes in the biodiversity. Some of these initiatives are regional while others are taking place in specific areas. For example, DANIDA has been supporting a Hifadhi Mazingira (HIMA) (Environmental Conservation) programme in Iringa region, covering all the districts in the region. The project addresses various issues including environmental awareness, environmental conservation through the adoption of appropriate farming techniques. Other initiatives include the Sustainable Management of Usangu Wetland and its Catchment (SMUWC), which only covers the Usangu Plains, MEMA covering the Udzungwa Mountains in Iringa (touching areas that drain into the Little Ruaha), CONCERN focusing in tree planting in Mufindi, Iringa, Njombe and Ludewa Districts. Another initiative is the MBOMIPA, focusing in Idodi and Pawaga, involving communities in management of wildlife resources. All of these initiatives are donor funded and rely heavily on donor support. One of the key issues here is the sustainability and continuity of the programmes once the donors leave. For example, SMUWC, supported by DFID is coming to an end when actually most of the groundwork has been completed, ready to move to the next phase of actual environmental conservation.

There are also programmes managed by the central government – e.g., Ruaha National Park, Usangu Game Reserve, Mpanga- Kipengere Game Reserve, Katenga Forest Reserve, Sao Hill Forest Plantation, proposed Kitulo National Park and several initiatives from the District Councils. All these programmes, including those initiated by the donors face the same problem, namely, narrow focus (spatial or in terms of issues that they address). Also, lack of coordination and information sharing sometimes causes duplication and conflict among players. Although some of the programmes address to pressures from the proximate and root causes (national and international factors), issues related to poverty alleviation are still critical and would require longer time to consistent efforts to address. Thus the ability the existing conservation efforts to respond to these pressures is hampered by lack of continued support, inadequate manpower (for initiatives managed by the central and local governments), as well as inability to link programmes with what is happening at the world scene (e.g., excessive globalisation drive).

39

6.0 International Context

6.1 Foreign Markets and International Trade Conditions

Globalisation is opening up various areas of the world for international trade to flourish. Countries, including Tanzania are opening up their markets by inviting foreign capital as well as seeking to access foreign markets. While tariffs and inadequate technologies limits the possibilities of these countries to access foreign markets, where this has occurred, it has resulted into expansion of farms, as farmers attempt to take advantage of better prices outside. Figure 3. Trends in the Production of Tea from Brook Bond Tea Company, Mufindi District:1987 - 2001. Output in Kgs.

0

2000000

4000000

6000000

8000000

10000000

12000000

1987

1988

1999

1990

1991

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

2000

2001

Output

Although the RCA has the potential to produces several goods for local international markets, few goods are actually finding their way to the international markets outside. These are tobacco, tea, timber and some food crops such as rice. Demand for these crops from the foreign markets increases pressure, both nationally and locally to step up production in order to meet this demand. For example, favourable prices for tea in the world markets has influenced increase of production as reflected in the trends of tea production from Brook Bond Tea Company (Figure 3). Similar responses experienced in other crops, which have high demand outside. This increase is often occurring at the expense of the environment because the costs of production is externalised.

6.2 International Financial Institutions

The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund are among international financial institutions influencing economic changes in Tanzania. The Economic Recovery

40

Programmes implemented in Tanzania are aimed at stimulating economic growth through the use of various economic instruments, monetary and fiscal alike. The reform programmes supported by these international financial institutions seek to utilise the resources at the disposal for the purposes of generating wealth and stimulating development. However, what these policy initiatives did not consider was to work out a mechanism such that the natural resource base, which this economic growth depends upon, was also conserved to ensure sustainable economic growth. The inevitable is happening due to this omission. The effect felt in various sectors due to implementation of Structural Adjustment Policies (SAP) caused and still are causing considerable and destruction to especially the social and environmental sectors respectively.

6.3 International NGOs and Aid Agencies

The role played by international Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in the country is well appreciated for their contributions in assisting in areas they specialise in. This assistance is mostly that of gap filling in terms of expertise, financial inputs, and providing a wider audience of important humanitarian, conservation and developmental issues by linking local areas with the outside world. There are several International NGOs10 and Aid agencies11 in Tanzania that are active in the RCA supporting various development projects, capacity building and environmental conservation.

10 These include the WWF, IUCN. 11 Among the notable SNV, Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA), DFID, European Union (EU), World Bank, Japan International Co-operation Agency (JICA). Irish Foundation for Cooperative Development (IFCD), CONCERN World Wide, FAO.

41

7.0 CONCLUSIONS

The loss of biodiversity in RCA is driven by strong local dependence on natural resources particularly for cash needs. Loss of biodiversity is associated with the declining levels of water in the GRR. The declining levels of water is in turn associated with lands uses in the catchment areas and in particular the expansion of agriculture in the marginal areas, livestock keeping in the ihefu and human settlement in the wetlands. Loss of water and human activities in the upper catchment areas all contributes to loss of biodiversity. Loss of biodiversity in the case of the RCA is occurring in the form of loss in the quality of biodiversity. This study was conducted in such a short time that loss in the form of extinction of certain species could not be substantiated although, it is assumed to be occurring in localized areas. In the RCA loss in the quality of biodiversity is occurring, although, this study was unable to gauge the actual extent quantitatively due to lack of environmental data (biodiversity inventories). However, judging from the available information, the most affected component of biodiversity are plants due to excessive harvesting, and some animals due to declining levels of water and excessive harvesting (e.g., some bird species are not seen in the RCA). Behind this loss of biodiversity, there are major direct causes such as expansion of agriculture in marginal areas (valley bottom and the wetlands) for commercial purposes. Rice farming is another major threat. Paddy farms are expanding following availability of markets; new farms are opened up in the RCA. And similarly, boat making, brick making (in the valleys and near the rivers) and increased human settlement in the RCA leads to the opening up of marginal areas and the forest areas. These activities lead to synergistic effects on the status of biodiversity. The main influencing factors, which generate the direct causes that lead to loss of biodiversity in the RCA, can be traced from both the macro-level (national policies and programmes), and international levels. Expansion for agriculture (e.g., for tobacco, tea and rice) for commercial purposes is associated with some national and international policies that influence these changes. Macro-economic reform programme focuses on, among others, a reduction of the government wage bill, which means a reduction of the government employees, and closure of many public enterprises, which otherwise would have provided employment to many people. Although the government pursues reform policies, alternative sources of employment are not considered. Also, government implementation of the macro-economic reforms has had the effect of diminishing the ability of the regulatory agencies to enforce regulations. Monitoring and patrol against illegal harvesting and abstraction of water has been critically affected. Illegal abstraction of water may account for about 60% of the total loss of water. Whilst, inadequate funds and personnel affect management, issues related to legal and institutional frameworks as well as institutional functions constitute formidable challenges in the RCA due its multiple land use condition. Conflict of interest between various institutions contributes to the loss of biodiversity. Lack of clear definition of

42

functions amongst key institutions further affects the management of natural resources in the RCA. For example, whilst the forestry sector is decentralized, local authorities have very little control of the forest reserves within their areas of jurisdiction. Local authorities in RCA are complaining that the Central government is making all the decisions regarding these resources without sufficiently, involving them. There are no meetings in which both the central and local governments can discuss issues of mutual interests concerning the natural resource management. In addition, lack of alternative fishing gear force fishermen to use inappropriate fishing gear, which contribute to the loss of fish. The use of smaller fishnets, locally made traps contribute to the problem. Appropriate fishnets are expensive or not available at all. Since 1986, Tanzania began to implement macro-economic policy reforms. International financial institutions influence these reforms. One of the key features of the reform programme is government reduction of its expenditure and to increase the role of private sector. Although these are reasonable views, Tanzania needs to implement them whilst taking into account local situation and national interests. However, Tanzania began to implement these reform policies without putting in place mechanisms that would take care of the services, which were previously provided by the government. Also, since export trade has been deregulated, many businessmen are engaged in export of rice, timber and tobacco. Demand for these products in foreign countries is felt in the RCA in the form of increased harvesting. The future scenario may change for the better if sustainable approaches are taken seriously. The RCA is an important ecological and economic area that requires holistic approach in managing the resources for sustainable development. It is also important to note the role of people’s participation. Local communities have knowledge and experience that can be used to achieve conservation goals.

8.0 Recommendations

The study has identified several important factors that threaten or cause the loss of biodiversity in RCA. The following are some of the recommendations that address those essential issues. • A holistic conservation programme that involves all stakeholders for the Great Ruaha

River and its catchment area should be launched This is particularly important if a balance between conservation and development is to be achieved and if resource use conflicts are to be minimized.

• In order to reduce loss of biodiversity in the RCA, it will be important not to focus on natural resource management alone but also and more importantly, to provide economic alternatives and opportunities to the local communities that will discourage them from over-harvesting the natural resources.

43

• Further, it is recommended that, there must be an inter-ministerial committee that will look into all the policies in order to remove overlaps and conflicting goals.

• A body that will be responsible for coordination of activities in the RCA is important.

In the absence of such a body, and in order to avoid further costs, it is recommended that WWF – TPO should be requested to facilitate the coordination of resource use in the RCA. However, it should be strengthened by including all the major players in relevant sectors and include sustainability aspects after the end of the project life.

• There is need to step up awareness raising programmes to ensure that environmental

concerns are taken into account whilst undertaking local level planning processes. Institutions that are empowered to carry out awareness raising programmes should be strengthened and facilitated to carry out their activities.

• Further long term-studies be carried out in the RCA first to establish baseline environmental data upon which monitoring can be based. On the basis of this, follow up studies must be carried out to establish the extent of loss and changes in the biodiversity in order to implement measures to arrest these changes. Lack of environmental data is a critical problem that hampers effective monitoring process.

• Conduct economic and environmental assessment of the large-scale rice irrigation

farms in the Usangu Plains to determine if they are still economically justified, in the light of increasing costs of production and environmental degradation associated with this form of production. This analysis should be able to show ans suggest best options, in which the farms can be used whilst taking into account environmental and economics factors.

44

9.0 LIST OF KEY ISSUE THAT NEED FURTHER ATTENTION.

Several issues have been identified in the RCA, but some need further attention in order to ensure that conservation and sustainable use of natural resources is achieved. These include the following: • Expansion of the UGR boundary: The boundary of the UGR need to be further

adjusted to include much of the wetland in order to ensure that the whole wetland is protected. This could be a strategic approach to conservation of the wetland and the species therein and at the same time enhancing restoration of the flow of the GRR. Indeed this may be a contentious issue since there are communities nearby that depend on these resources. However, arrangements can be made to accommodate limited access and use as is the case in the Ugalla Game Reserve where some form of human activities are allowed in the game reserve. In order to achieve this goal, there is need to involve the central government, the local authorities and the communities in open dialogue process.

• Specific Studies: There is need to carry out specific studies to examine the effect of seismic activities in the RCA and in particular with regard to loss of water In the GRR. Arguments have been raised that there is possibility of having faults the geological formation of the RCA that contributes to loss of water (underground seepage) because the RCA is in the Rift Valley. Such specialized studies need time and investments, but can contribute information that can be used to enhance management of water in the GRR. Other issues that need further attention in the form of studies are compilation of environmental data in order to be able to determine the extent and magnitude of change over time and economic and environmental studies on large-scale rice production in order to find out if this form of production scale is still justified economically and environmentally.

• Issuing of water user rights: The RBWO is responsible fore issuing water user rights.

Inadequate manpower and transport problems cause inadequate enforcement of these regulations. It is thus important to strengthen the capacity of the RBWO in order to enable it discharge its duties especially to ensure that farms are surveyed before water right permits are issued.

• Rainwater harvesting: Most of the rivers in the RCA have water during the rain

season, but most if this is wasted through inefficient ways of use. There is need to explore possibilities of rain water harvesting in order to address dry season water demands for livestock as well as early farming.

45

10. INITIAL RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ADDRESSING THE ROOT CAUSES

The recommendations above have highlighted some of the issues that need to be followed up. Some of these require policy interventions while others demand administrative decisions. For example most of the driving forces operating from the national and international levels have major policy implications. Policy interventions would be required in order to minimize the effect of the policy changes – especially with regard to market distortions and mainstreaming environmental aspects in the decision-making processes. This study recommends the following measures to address the root causes, at least as an initial step. • Awareness rising to policy makers to understand the implications of policy decisions

on the environment and in particular, micro-economic policy changes. This can be done through policy debates and dialogue with policy makers (e.g., Members of Parliament and sectoral ministries.

• Development of a comprehensive Strategy to manage the natural resources in th4e

RCA taking a basin approach, which would require bringing on board all stakeholders to talks about how best resource degradation, can be minimized.

• Capacity building for the district councils to deliver services; to enforce regulations

and to carry our monitoring of change in the basin. This can involve all donors interested in the RCA, the Central Government and District Councils.

• There is need to explore possibility of using funds from the sale of tea, tobacco and

rice for conservation purposes. However, this proposal presupposes that the Central Government will be ready to discuss with the private sector and to agree on some economic instruments that cab be used to enable ploughing back of the money from the sale for these crops to conservation. An Environmental Fund can be considered to developed so that proceeds from the sale of these crops are used to finance conservation work. Care must be exercised to ensure that this arrangement actually ends up helping the environment. Already District Councils are collecting cess and other forms of taxes from natural resources, therefore, there is knowledge and experience hat can be used to develop this arrangement.

• Information about markets and how they can be reached should be, made available to

the producers well in advance of the production process. This will help farmers plan accordingly and therefore, also, exercise rational use of resources.

46

11. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

BACAS 1999; Impact Study, HIMA BACAS/COWI (2001); Issue paper, Revision of the Agriculture Sector Development Strategy, Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security Bagachwa (1995) Structural Adjustment and Sustainable Development in Tanzania, Dar es Salaam University Press, Dar es Salaam Kikula I.S and Mung’ong’o C.G (1992); “Environmental Problems of Natural Resources: A Case study of HADO Project”; A Paper prepared for an Environmental Impact Assessment seminar organized by NEMC, Dar es Salaam Kulindwa, K. H. Sosovele and Y. Mgaya (2001); Social Dimensions of the Loss of Biodiversity in Tanzania. Dar es Salaam: Dar es Salaam University Press. Mascarenhas, A and Ford, R (1987); “ Resources and Sustainable Community Development: An Agenda for Development action in Tanzania”; A paper prepared for the International Institute of Environment and Development, on behalf of the Swedish International Development Agency. Mgaya Y.D (1998); Biodiversity and Conservation of the Marine Environment, Kakakuona, 10:58-61 Mjema G.D and Kulindwa K. (1994); The Influence of Foreign Trade Conditions on the Environment during the Reform Period in Tanzania, Tanzania Economic Trends Vol.7No.1 and Vol.7 No.2 December Payne, I.; Vicki Cowan and Philip Townsley (1995); Determination of the Potential for Fisheries Utilisation in Lunda-Mkwambi Game Control Area. SMUWC 2001; Talking About Usangu Annex 1-IV Stedman-Edwards’s, P. (1998) Root Causes of Biodiversity Loss, An Analytical Approach, Micro economic for Sustainable Development Programme Office, WWF for Nature-Washington DC TANESCO (2000); Study on the Environmental Protection in the Great Ruaha River Catchment Temu A.E. (1996); Baseline Survey, Njombe district natural resources conservation and land use management project

47

48

URT (1997) The National Beekeeping Policy, Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, Dar es Salaam URT (2001); Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, Vice President’s Office, Dar es Salaam. URT (1998); National Strategy for Poverty Alleviation. Vice President’s Office, Dar es Salaam URT (1998); Vision 2025. KIUTA: Dar es Salaam URT (1997); National Fisheries Sector Policy and Strategy Statement, Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, Dar es Salaam URT (1997); Iringa region Socio-economic profile; Planning Commission and Regional Commissioners Office, Iringa region URT (1997); Mineral Policy of Tanzania; Ministry of Energy and Minerals, Dar es Salaam URT (1997); The National Environment Policy, Vice Presidents Office, KIUTA: Dar es Salaam URT (1998); Tanzania, Country Study on Biological Diversity; Vice Presidents Office URT (1998); The Wildlife Policy of Tanzania, Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, Dar es Salaam URT (1998); National Forestry Policy, Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, Dar es Salaam Walsh M.T (2000); The Development of Community Wildlife Management in Tanzania Lessons from the Ruaha Ecosystem; Paper presented to the conference on African Wildlife Management in the New Millennium, College of African Wildlife Management, Mweka, Tanzania.