on the de + infinitive construction (deÍsmo) in …

Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),29-51.ISSN:2013-2247

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Received28May2015.

Accepted15September2015.

ONTHEDE+INFINITIVECONSTRUCTION(DEÍSMO)INSPANISH

CarlotadeBENITO1&EnriquePATO2

UniversitätZürich1/UniversitédeMontréal2

[email protected]/[email protected]

Abstract

Thispaperaimsatprovidingthefirstcompletedescriptionofthede+ infinitiveconstruction in

Peninsular Spanish. Previousworks have eithermentioned briefly its existence by locating it in some

Southerndialects(AndalusiaorExtremadura)oranalysedthesyntacticbehaviouroftheconstructionin

small areas, and have seldom used data from exhaustive corpora. Using the currently available data

fromtheCorpusOralySonorodelEspañolRural(COSER),weprovideaprecisegeographicaldistribution

ofthephenomenonandadetaileddescriptionoftheconstruction.

Keywords

Spanish,grammar,de+infinitiveconstruction,deísmo

SOBRELACONSTRUCCIÓNDE+INFINITIVO(DEÍSMO)ENESPAÑOL

Resumen

Enesteartículopretendemosproporcionar laprimeradescripción completade la construcción

dede+ infinitivoenespañolpeninsular.Lostrabajosanterioresobienhanmencionadosomeramente

su existencia, localizándola en algunas variedades del sur (Andalucía o Extremadura), o bien han

analizadoelcomportamientosintácticodelaconstrucciónenregionesconcretas,basándoseraravezen

datosobtenidosexhaustivamenteapartirdecorpus.Graciasa losdatosdelCorpusOralySonorodel

EspañolRural (COSER)disponiblesactualmente,podemosofrecerladistribucióngeográficaprecisadel

fenómenoyunadescripcióndetalladadelaconstrucción.

Palabrasclave

español,sintaxis,construcciónde+infinitivo,deísmo

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1.Introduction

Some modern Spanish varieties show a wide number of infinitive clauses

preceded by the preposition de where the Standard language requires a different

preposition or no preposition at all, for example oí de cantar ('I heard [PREP.de]

singing'),videllover ('Isaw[de]raining'), lohevistodecaer ('Ihaveseenhim/it[de]

fall')orcomencéde/alimpiar('Istarted[de/a]toclean').Thisworkwillstudythefirst

three cases, which are examples of the so-called deísmo. The last example, on the

other hand, illustrates a change of the preposition (where de replaces a), a

phenomenonthatwillnotbestudiedhere.1

GómezTorrego(1999:2128)hasdescribeddeísmoasthe“superfluoususeofthe

preposition de in infinitive subordinate clauses” (our translation). This ‘superfluous’

use is very frequent in Andalusia and Extremadura (cf. Zamora Vicente 1970: 330;

Llorente1980:36;GómezTorrego1999:2128)andithasbeentraditionallyconsidered

incorrectfromaprescriptivepointofview(cf.,forexample,DiTullio2011:185).The

casesofdeísmodifferfromotherexamplesofde+infinitiveinthattheprepositionis

not requiredbytheverb, that is tosay, itonlyappearsbefore infinitiveclauses,and

notbeforefinitesubordinateclausesornominalphrases(cf.1).2

(1) a.Lavi(de)llorar ('Isawher[de]crying').

b.Lavi(*de)quelloraba ('Isaw[*de]thatshewascrying').

c.Lavi(*de)vestidadeblanco ('Isawher[*de]dressedinwhite').

d.Vi(*de)laslágrimas ('Isaw[*de]thetears').

Insomeothercases,however,thepresenceorabsenceoftheprepositiondehas

1DiTullio(2011,2012)includesinherstudiesthecaseswecallheredeísmotogetherwiththecasesofalternationbetweendeandanotherprepositionandsomecasesinwhichdeisnotoptional,suchasdijodequedar.Wedonotincludethislasttype,sincetheprepositionisrequiredandthereisnoequivalentsentencewithoutde(*dijoquedar).Infact,inthiscasedecirseemstotakeaslightlydifferentmeaningof the original ‘to say’,meaning ‘to propose’ instead. Considering these cases separately also avoidssomeproblemsfoundinDiTullio’sanalysis,suchasproposingthattheappearanceofdepreventsthe‘posteriority’reading(implyingthatexamplessuchasnomepesadehabermequedadoareimpossible,butseeexample[4a])orthattheinfinitiveprecededbydeallowsforanon-controlledreference,whichdoesnotseemtobethecaseinourcorpus.2Thepresenceof theprepositiondebefore finiteclauses, theso-calleddequeísmo,doesnotseemtooccurinthesamecontextsasdeísmo,cf.§3.2,butmoreresearchisneededonthistopic.


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beenconsideredtoproducesyntacticeffects.Forinstance,insentenceswiththelight

verbdar(‘togive’),thebareinfinitiveisconsideredthesubjectofthemainclause(as

in2a),while theprepositional infinitivewouldworkasanounmodifierof thedirect

object (as in 2b) (NGLE 2009: 2543). That is to say, the presence of the preposition

would trigger a change in the syntactic function of the infinitive. In other cases, it

seemsthattheprepositionissometimespresentwithnominalphrasestoo(cf.2cand

2d). According toNGLE, the presence ofde impersonalizes themain clause, since it

preventstheinfinitiveclausefromappearinginthesubjectposition.

(2) a.Dapenaverlo ('Ifeelsorry(to)seeit/him').

b.Dapenadeverlo ('Ifeelsorrytoseeit/him').

c.MedapenaMaría ('IpityMary').

d.MedapenadeMaría ('Ipity[de]Mary').

This work has several goals. First, it aims to document the phenomenon in

PeninsularSpanishandtopresentitsgeographicalextensionforthefirsttime,thanks

totheCorpusOralySonorodelEspañolRural(COSER)data(§2).Second,itwilltryto

offer a description of the phenomenon, by considering it as an example of

microvariationinPeninsularSpanishsyntax(§3).Inordertodoso,wewillfocusonthe

typeofverb(§3.1)andthedifferentsemanticvaluesoftheprepositionde(§3.2).We

willalsobrieflypresentitsmedievalantecedents(§3.3),assuggestedbyNGLE(2009:

3257), and Pato & De Benito (2012). In section §4, we will shortly examine some

parallelRomanceconstructions.Inthenextsection(§5),wewillreviewthehypothesis

proposed so far aboutdeísmo constructionsandoutline some further research lines

thatwewouldliketopursueinthefuture.Last,wewillsummarizeourfindingsinthe

conclusion(§6).

2.GeolinguisticDistribution

Very fewstudieshaveofferedexamplesof the 'de+ infinitive'construction (cf.

Llorente 1980: 36;Gómez Torrego 1999: 2129). As regards the data in the different

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availableatlases,theAtlasLingüísticodelaPenínsulaIbérica(ALPI)unfortunatelydoes

not shed light onto the phenomena, and provides no data for Andalusia or

Extremadura. Out of four questions that have an infinitive in a context where the

prepositionmayappear(#259.Nosabenfreírunhuevo'Theydon'tknowhowtofryan

egg',#280.Aninguna leagradaponerse laropadeotra 'Noneofthemlikestowear

clothes fromsomeoneelse',#309.Sevaapudrir la fruta 'The fruit isgoing to rot' y

#343.¿Os queréis callar? 'Would you shut up?'), only the second (#280) shows an

example of the infinitive proceeded by the preposition de (a ninguna le agrada de

ponerse la ropadeotra) inone single locality (Córdoba502. Fuenteovejuna, current

Fuente Obejuna), in a 52 year-old labourer who corrects himself right afterwards.

Although the verbs selecting the infinitive in these four questions (saber, agradar,

querer,and ir)arenot theones thatmost favour theprepositionde, theabsenceof

examples shows that the questions of the ALPI where sometimes too structured,

especially in regards to syntax. Examples of prepositional infinitives are frequent in

colloquialspeech,andcanbefoundinliteraryworksprevioustotheALPI:

(3) a. estaba yo tan tranquila sentá enmi escalón cuandovi de venir a Joseíto... (Arturo

Reyes, La bravía, 1888). ('Iwas peacefully sitting onmy stepwhen I saw Joselito [de]

come').

b.LejosmuylejosdeEspaña/Yooídecantaraunruiseñor…(AntonioMacías,Jabegote,

Popularsong).('FarfarawayfromSpain/Iheardanightingale[de]sing').

TheAtlas Lingüístico y Etnográfico deAndalucía (ALEA) includes only onemap

with the conditions to provide some information on the phenomenon under study

(#1869.Nomepudemover'Icouldnotmove').However,thedatafromtheALEA,like

those from the ALPI, do not offer any examples of the preposition de before the

infinitive,whichprovesthatlinguisticatlasespresentsomelimitationstothestudyof

syntacticphenomena(cf.Fernández-Ordóñez2007).

Lastly, the Atlas lingüístico (y etnográfico) de Castilla-La Mancha (ALECMAN)

includes the same question (SIN-59. No me pude ni mover), also with no relevant

information,butaddsanotherone(SIN-77.Suelehaber)wherethevernacularformis

found (suele de haber) in a single locality in the South of Ciudad Real (CR510.


33

Mestanza). The Atlas has four more maps that are crucial for the study of the

phenomena in this area (SIN-88: Dejar (de) salir, SIN-89: Hacer (de) reír, SIN-90:

Hacerse(de)rogarySIN-91:Deber(de)hacer).Theyshowthatbothforms,withand

without thepreposition, appear in all theprovincesof Castilla-LaManchawithout a

cleargeographicalpattern.

Map1.DistributionofdeísmoinPeninsularSpanish(COSERdata)

ThedatafromtheCorpusOralySonorodelEspañolRural(COSER)offerprecious

informationforthestudyofdialectalsyntax,sincethecorpusconsistsofsemidirected

interviews to rural elderly speakers. We found examples of deísmo in Andalusia

(Almería, Granada, Huelva, Cádiz, Málaga, Sevilla, Córdoba and Jaén), Murcia,

Extremadura (Cáceres and Badajoz), Castilla-La Mancha (Albacete, Ciudad Real,

Guadalajara, Toledo and Cuenca), the Valencian Community (Alicante, Valencia and

Castellón)andMadrid.3Althoughthe frequencyofdeísmo in theSouth (andEast)of

3 The alphabetical list of localities is the following: Abarán (Murcia), Ahín (Castellón), Alcalá de losGazules (Cádiz), Alcolea (Almería), Alcolea del Pinar (Guadalajara), Aldea de laMesa (Jaén), Algar dePalencia(Cádiz),AlmadéndelaPlata(Sevilla),Almajalejo(Almería),Álora(Málaga),Alozaina(Málaga),Altarejos (Cuenca), Antequera (Málaga), Argelita (Castellón), Arjona (Jaén), Arroyo de San Serván(Badajoz),Bacares(Almería),Barrax(Albacete),Bélmez(Jaén),Belmonte(Cuenca),Benijófar(Alicante),Benimodo (Valencia), Bonares (Huelva), Brozas (Cáceres), Cabra del Santo Cristo (Jaén), Cádiar(Granada),Calasparra(Murcia),Caleruela(Toledo),Campocámara(Granada),Camporrobles(Valencia),Cañada del Gamo (Córdoba), Cañaveral de León (Huelva), Cardenete (Cuenca), Cardeña (Córdoba),

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Spain(Andalusia,Murcia,ExtremaduraandCastilla-LaMancha)isindisputablyhigher,

we have also found some examples of deísmo in the Northern half (Asturias, Ávila,

Burgos, Guipúzcoa, Huesca, León, Palencia, Salamanca, Segovia, Teruel, Valladolid,

Vizcaya and Zaragoza).4 Thanks to COSER data, we can present a first geographical

distributionof thedeísmo and specify the areaswhere is registered (cf.NGLE2009:

3257),seeMap1.Interestinglyenough,themapalreadyseemstosuggestthatdeísmo

isnotasfrequentinExtremaduraorCastilla-LaManchaasitisinAndalusia,Murciaor

the Valencian Community, according to the number of localities that presented

examplesofdeísmo.

3.Verbalinfinitives

Using the examples from the COSER,wewill describe the use of the infinitive

Casarabonela(Málaga),Casares(Málaga),Casariche(Sevilla),CasasdeJuanGil(Albacete),CasasdeSoto(Valencia), Casas del Río (Ciudad Real), Castillblanco de los Arroyos (Sevilla), Constantina (Sevilla),Deifontes (Granada), El Álamo (Madrid), El Álamo (Madrid), El Mojón (Alicante), El Rocío (Huelva),Enguera (Valencia),Escúllar (Almería),EstacióndeSalinas (Málaga),Facinas (Cádiz),Fátima (Granada),Fonelas (Granada), Fontanars dels Alforins (Valencia), Fuente del Pino (Murcia), Fuenterrobles(Valencia), Fuente Vaqueros (Granada), Galera (Granada), GilMárquez (Huelva), Horcajo de Santiago(Cuenca),Huéscar(Granada),Higueruela(Albacete),Humanes(Madrid), Jimenade laFrontera(Cádiz),Jubrique(Cádiz),LaGarrovilla(Badajoz),LaHigueradeArjona(Jaén),LaNavadeRicomalillo(Toledo),LaRomaneta (Alicante), Liétor (Albacete), Llerena (Badajoz), Lo Ferro (Murcia), Los Palacios Blancos(Murcia),LosPascuales(Jaén),LucenadelCid(Castellón),Macastre(Valencia),Malagón(CiudadReal),Manilva (Málaga), María (Almería), Mas de los Mudos (Valencia), Millares (Valencia), Mogón (Jaén),Moraleja (Cáceres), Morata (Murcia), Navahermosa (Toledo), Ojén (Málaga), Orellana de la Sierra(Badajoz),Osuna(Sevilla),PaternadeRivera(Cádiz),PaulencadeGuadix(Granada),Pedralba(Valencia),Peñolite (Jaén), Pilas (Sevilla), Pizarra (Málaga), Pliego (Murcia), Porzuna (Ciudad Real), Povedilla(Albacete), Puebla de Arenoso (Castellón), Puebla de don Fadrique (Granada), Puerto Real (Cádiz),Pulgar (Toledo), Quesa (Valencia), Rincón de Seca (Murcia), Riogordo (Málaga), Rosal de la Frontera(Huelva),Ruiduera(CiudadReal),Salinas(Alicante),SanJosédeMalcocinado(Cádiz),SanlúcarlaMayor(Cádiz), Santa Ana (Jaén), Santaella (Córdoba), Santa Olalla de Cala (Huelva), Santiuste de San JuanBautista (Segovia),SierradeYeguas (Sevilla),Sieteiglesias (Madrid),Singla (Murcia),Talaván (Cáceres),Tomelloso(CiudadReal),TorreAlháquime(Cádiz),Torrecampo(Córdoba),TorrejónelRubio(Cáceres),Torrox(Málaga),Torvizcón(Granada),Totalán(Málaga),Uclés(Cuenca),ValenciadelVentoso(Badajoz),Valeria (Cuenca), Vélez-Blanco (Almería), Villablanca (Huelva), Villaconejos de Trebeque (Cuenca),Villanueva de las Torres (Granada), Villanueva del Duque (Córdoba), Yebra (Guadalajara), Zafarraya(Granada),Zalamea(Badajoz),ZalamealaReal(Huelva),Zufre(Huelva),Zulema(Albacete).4 In Alaraz (Salamanca), Anaya (Segovia), Banastón (Huesca), Bandaliés (Huesca), El Barco de Ávila(Ávila),FuentesClaras(Teruel),Gabiria(Guipúzcoa),Grullo(Asturias),HorcajoMedianero(Salamanca),Humada (Burgos), La Horra (Burgos), Lequeitio (Vizcaya), Lucillo (León), Oliván (Huesca), Pedruzo(Burgos),RubielosdeMora(Teruel),SanMateodeGállego(Zaragoza),SantervásdelaVega(Palencia),Urriés(Zaragoza)andVelascálvaro(Valladolid).OursearchintheNorthernprovincesdidnotincludethefieldnotes,butonlytheCOSERinterviewscurrentlyavailableintheCOSERweb.


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withpreposition,focusingonthetypeofverbandthemeaningofthepreposition.

3.1.TheTypeofVerb

AccordingtoDiTullio(2011:181),verbsthatfavorthepresenceofdeinSpanish

aremainly verbs of volition and intention (espero de verte pronto; pienso de hacer

algunas cosas), verbs of attempt (probé de sacar el tornillo), verbs of acceptance

(aceptó de venir a cenar), verbs of influence (me pidió de ir a jugar) and verbs of

occurrence (me ocurrió de estar en la cama). The presence of de has been also

attestedwithverbsofbelief(creedeserlamáslista)andverbsofcommunication(dijo

dehabervenido).Herdatasuggest,however,thatthegeographicalfactor isofsome

relevance,sinceshedoesnotfindexamplesofverbsofperceptioninAmerica(cf.also

Camus 2013), who finds differences between the verbs that accept deísmo in

AndalusiaandExtremaduracomparedwithCastilla-LaMancha).

TheCOSERdata largely confirm (althoughnot for verbsof communication)5Di

Tullio's previous description and expand it, by attesting verbs of perception. The

attested verbs include: dejar/permitir de, ver de, hacer de, hacer falta de, era

costumbre/probable de, gustar de, dar miedo/pena/reparo de, costar de, poder de,

quererde,desearde,pensarde, interesarde, tocarde,sentirde,conocerde,ofrecer

de,procurarde,intentarde,solerde.Inordertoshedsomelightintotherawdata,we

propose a classification into six semantic groups, namely, verbs of affection,

semantically impersonal constructions, verbs of perception, verbs of volition and

intention,andverbsofmanipulation,whichwebrieflydescribeinwhatfollows:

5Thelackofdocumentationofverbsofcommunicationhastwoexplanations.First,theCOSERdoesnotfavortheoccurrenceofsuchcontextsandsecond,themajorityofverbsofcommunicationcollectedbyDiTullioareexamplesinwhichtheprepositionisrequiredbytheverb(hablódevenir)orseemstobelexicalised(decirdevenir),whichhavenotbeenconsideredinthisstudy.TheonlycasesofinfinitiveprecededbyprepositioninPortuguese(besidesthoserequiredbytheverb)arewithmain verbs of speech (such asdizer, insistir, pedir, rogar, solicitar) andwith the prepositionpara.Interestinglyenough,theusageofdizerparainPortugueseseemstobeverysimilartotheuseofdecirdeinSpanish:Ospaisdisseramaosmiúdos[paravir(em)paracasacedo]∼Lospadreslesdijeronalosniñosdevenirprontoacasa(‘lospadres’aresubjectsofdizer).

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1)Verbsofaffection:Theinfinitiveclauseoccupiesthesubjectpositionandthe

externalargument (anexperiencer) isencodedbyadativepronounornounphrase.

These verbsnotonly showeddeísmo inOld Spanish, but also regularly encoded the

themebyadephrase,regardlessof itssyntacticstatus(beitaninfinitiveclauseora

noun phrase), hence appearing in syntactically impersonal constructions (cf. Elvira,

2011). The subjectof the infinitive is controlledby thedativeargumentof themain

clause.

(4) a.vamos,mepodíahaberidoalafábrica,ocomoseibaalgunagenteaAlemania,pero

me gustaba el campo. Y nomepesadehaberme quedao en el campo (COSER-2103,

Bonares,Huelva).('Comeon,Icouldhavegonetothefactory,orassomepeopledidgo

to Germany, but I liked the country. And I do not regret [de] having stayed in the

countryside').

b.Nohabíasalíodemicasanunca.Mecostódeadaptarmeyoallí(COSER-214,Liétor,

Albacete).('Ihadneverleftmyhouse.Istruggledtoadaptmyselfthere').

2)Semanticallyimpersonalconstructions:Theinfinitiveclausealsooccupiesthe

subject position and the subject of the indefinite is interpreted as generic or

indefinite.6Wefindbothsingleverbs(convenir,tocar,pertenecer)andcomplexverbal

phrasescontainingalightverbandabarenoun(sercostumbre,darpena,darmiedo,

hacer falta, tener costumbre). The impersonal readingmaybecancelledbyaddinga

dativeexperiencer (thatwillcontrol thesubjectof the infinitive),henceobtainingan

affectionreading(convenir,pertenecer).

(5) a.Aquílavísperadelasvendimiasseteníaporcostumbredehacerbailes(COSER-1636,

Valeria,Cuenca).('Heretheharvestevewehadthehabitofmakingballs').

b.Eso tienequedarmuchapena,de irte a la residenciaydejar to loque tienesaquí

(COSER-1607,Cardenete,Cuenca).('Thathastoproducealotofgrief,[de]goingtothe

retirementhomeandleavingallyouhavehere').

6 Example (b) has a reflexive infinitive, which necessarily shows person and number agreement. Thechoiceof the2ndperson singular is actuallydeterminedby the fact that the subjecthas an indefinitereading,sincethisisoneoftheverbalpersonsthatallowforsuchareadinginSpanish.


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3)Verbsofperception:The infinitiveclauseappears intheobjectposition.The

subjectoftheinfinitive iscontrolledbytheaccusativeargumentofthemainclause.7

Thereseemstobearestrictionthatrequiresthatthesubjectoftheperceptionverbbe

an experiencer, since we have not found examples with agentive perception verbs

suchasmirar ('to look') orescuchar ('to listen'), asopposed tover ('to see') andoír

('hear').

(6) a.Jamáshaido,alacercaaunquemehavistodeirp'abajo,nunca,nunca,nunca...no

haidonunca(COSER-723,OrellanadelaSierra,Badajoz).('Heneverwenttothefence,

buthehasseenme[de]goingdown,never,never,never…Hedidnotevergo').

b.Hubounaépocaqueyoami tío leoíadedecir que se llamabadonX (COSER-723,

Orellanade la Sierra, Badajoz). ('Therewas a timewhen I used tohearmyuncle [de]

sayingthathewascalledMrX').

4)Verbsofmanipulation:Theinfinitivealsoappearsintheobjectpositionandits

subjectisalsocontrolledbytheaccusativeargumentofthemainclause.Thesubjectof

themainverb,asopposedtothepreviousgroup,isalwaysanagent.

(7) a.Sabíamoscoger…moverelvinoyolerlo,esofueloquemedejó,debebérmelonome

dejó(COSER-2103,Bonares,Huelva).('Weknewhowtograb…,movethewineandsmell

it,that’swhats/heallowedmetodo,s/hedidnotallowedmetodrinkit').

b.Me ha[n] hecho mis padres de correr (COSER-4235, Navahermosa, Toledo). ('My

parentsmademerun').

5) Verbs of volition and intention: The infinitive also appears in the object

position. The subjectof themain verb is anagent and it controls the subjectof the

infinitive.

(8) a.Ymishijascomosehancriaoconella,posestándeseanditodevenir (COSER-2114,

GilMárquez,Huelva).('Andmydaughters,sincetheyhavegrownupwithher,well,they

7 The syntactic complexityof these clauses, that apparently take twoobjects, isdiscussed inHernanz(1999).

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38

arewillingtocome').

b.medijo: Luisa, hija,procurade ir aunque seanpoquitosdías, peroprocurade ir al

viajedenovios(COSER-728,ValenciadelVentoso,Badajoz).('Shesaidtome:Luisa,my

daughter,trytogoevenifitisjustafewdays,buttrytogoonthehoneymoontrip').

6)Otherverbalgroups:Althoughthissituationis lesscommon,dealsoappears

beforesomeinfinitives inverbalgroupswithmodalverbssuchaspoder,querer,and

soler,whichbehaveasverbalperiphrasis.

(9) a.Mientras teníaparapoderlededar, se lodaba (COSER-2114,GilMárquez,Huelva).

('WhileIhadenoughtobeabletogivetohim,Igaveittohim').

b.Sueledepasar(COSER-3102,Abarán,Murcia).('Ittendstohappen').

3.2.Theprepositionde

There are several aspects that need to be discussed with respect to the

preposition de. In the first place, its syntactic status is not clear, and several

hypotheseshavebeenofferedintheliterature(Huot1981).Second,thefactthatonly

theprepositiondeisusedinthisstructurealsodeservessomeattention.Last,itshould

beasked if thepresenceorabsenceof thisprepositionhasanyconsequences in the

meaning of the clause. We will also consider the fact that de is precisely the

prepositionthatappearsindequeísmo.

3.2.1.Syntacticstatusofde

The question whether de should be considered an actual preposition or

something else in these constructions has been largely debated in the literature. As

shownabove, thepreposition isnotselectedbythemainverb,since itonlyappears

with infinitive clauses,8 but never (or very seldom, cf. below)with nominal or finite

8 The listof infinitives thatappear in thede + infinitive construction is abundant. The recordedcasesshow that the verbs with a greater number of occurrences are verbs of movement and verbs of


39

clausal objects. This suggests that de has stopped working as a real preposition in

these cases, turning instead into a complementizer specialized in introducing non-

finiteclauses.ThisisexactlywhatHuot(1981)proposesforthesimilarconstructionsin

French and what Skytte, Salvi &Manzini (2001) suggest for Italian. For Spanish, Di

Tullio(2011,2012)andCamus(2013)defendasimilarinterpretation.

Ontheotherhand,theNGLE(2009)andDíazMontesinos(2012)considerthatde

keepsitsprepositionalstatus.Thisapproachhassyntacticimplications:sinceSpanishis

saidnot toacceptprepositional subjects, the infinitive clauseprecededbyde is also

assumed not to be the subject, implying that the sentences in types 1) and 2) are

syntactically impersonal.According to this interpretation,when theprepositiondoes

not change the syntactic structure of the clause, it will be merely considered an

expletive.

In section §5, we will explore another possibility that includes these two

approaches. We believe that structures with deísmo are part of a larger tendency

found in Spanish, actually in most Romance languages, to develop preinfinitival

particles,suchasEnglishto(tosay,tosing)orRomaniana(aspune,acânta).

3.2.2.Whyde?

As previously stated, prepositional infinitives are a Late Latin/Romance

innovation(Beardsley1921;Schulte2007).AccordingtoSchulte(2007),inmostcases

theprepositionaddsitsownmeaningtotheconstruction,producingdifferenttypesof

subordinate clauses (final, temporal, etc.). However, there is not a straightforward

explanationastowhytheprepositiondeistheonethatappearsindeísmo.

Asitisknown,themeaningsoftheprepositiondearevariedanddiverse.Among

them are: 1) origin/source (es de Madrid), 2) attribute (hombre de carácter), 3)

indeterminateamount(ledierondepuñaladas),4)partitive(variosde lospresentes),

5)cause(estámuertodemiedo),6)manner(entródeespaldas),7)emphasis(eltonto

deJuan),8)condition(deiralcine,seríaeljueves).

perception,suchassalir,pasar,ir,vivir,llegar,ver,terminar,correr,tirar,trillar,bailar,trabajar,sacar,andar,gastar,moler,callar.Andsomeotherslikehacer,coger,tener,cantar,hablar.

C.DEBENITO&E.PATO

40

It is possible thatmore than one of thesemeanings is related to the cases of

deísmo.However,itseemslikelythatasElvira(2009b,2011)notes,thesemanticvalue

of ‘origin’ canbe traced at least in affection verbs, since it appeared inOld Spanish

withtheseverbs,andnotonlywith infinitivalclauses,butalsowithnominalphrases

(reflectingaLatinDative/Genitivepattern).InModernStandardSpanish,however,de

no longer appears (at least not regularly) before nominal phraseswith these verbs,

althoughexampleswithtypes1and2arenotrare(10).

(10) a.Medamiedo de volverme loca (Juan Valera,Pepita Jiménez, 1864). ('I'm afraid of

goingcrazy')

a'.Medamiedo(d)elperro('Iamafraidofthedog').

b.¡Haceañosquebajastelapersianaynoteimportadenadie!(AlbertoDaneri,Matar

las preguntas, 1981; cf.DíazMontesinos, 2012). ('It's been years since you closed the

shuttersandyoudon'tcareaboutanybody!').

On the other hand, the use of de is also explained because, due to its many

differentmeanings, itmay alsowork as a default preposition (it actually appears in

manyverbalperiphrases:debedeser,hadeir,esdenotar).Thisisfurthersupported

bythefactthatde,asopposedtotheothermostfrequentprepositiona,9 isalsothe

preposition that precedes finite clauses in the dequeísmo construction. As Schulte

(2007)notes,adjunctinfinitiveclausesinSpanish,alwaysheadedbyapreposition,are

usuallyincompetitionwithfiniteclauseswhosecomplementizersarecognatesofthe

prepositionsintheinfinitiveclauses.Althoughtheredoesnotseemtobeaonetoone

correspondencebetweendequeísmoanddeísmosentences,itseemsonlylogicalthat

thesameprepositionisusedtointroduceargumentalclauses,betheyfiniteornot.

3.2.3.Doesdeaddadifferenceofmeaning?

Thediscussionofthestatusandthemeaningoftheprepositionisrelatedtothe

questionwhetherthepresenceofdetriggersachangeofmeaning.Authorsdefending

9Schulte(2007)showsthatinfinitiveconstructionswithaarethemostfrequent.


41

that de is a complementizer agree that there are no differences of meaning in the

alternationsfoundin(11)(DiTullio2011,2012;Camus2013).Ontheotherhand,Díaz

Montesinos (2012), who only addresses the cases where deísmo appears in subject

clauses,considersdetobeaprepositionthattriggersthesyntactic impersonalization

of themain clause andproposes that a differenceofmeaning is to be found in the

alternation (cf. 11). According to this author, these examples belong to different

constructions: (11c) is an example of the stative construction while (11c’) is an

exampleoftheimpersonalconstruction.

(11) a.Nosmandosalir/Nosmandodesalir. ('Hesentusout').

b.Nopudimosir/Nopudimosdeir. ('Wecouldnotgo').

c.Lesgustatrabajar. ('Theyliketowork').

c’.Lesgustadetrabajar. ('Theyliketowork').

Onceagain,wewould like toproposean intermediatepossibility, according to

whichdewouldhaveoriginallyconveyedsomekindofsourcemeaning—mostlikely

relatedtoDíazMontesinos’(2012)proposal—,butthat,lateron,therapidincreasein

theuseofdewaspossiblebecauseitsverybroadmeaningfavoreditsweakeningand

it eventuallybecameabarely significant introductoryparticle to the infinitive rather

thanarealcontributortothemeaningofthesentence.Themeaningofdethatwould

have permitted such a weakening was most likely relative de (i.e., 'relative to,

concerning, about, in the matter of'), which could be used naturally with a large

numberofverbs(pensarde,asmarde,auenturarsede,dubdarde,etc.).

However, since there seems to be intra-speaker variation on the presence or

absence of de, we believe that de + infinitive clauses may be sensitive to certain

semantic parameters. In future research, we would like to examine this possibility

taking into consideration two different facts: 1) the preposition only appears with

someV1,soitwouldbepossibletotalkaboutaconstructionalmeaningexplainedby

certainfeaturescommontoalltheseV1;and2)theprepositiononlyappearsinsome

(butnotall) casesof the sameV1, therefore,we should look for the reason for this

difference in the discourse. These two possibilities are not exclusive, but they likely

C.DEBENITO&E.PATO

42

showdifferentaspectsoftheevolutionofthephenomenon.

3.2.4.Deísmoanddequeísmo

Whether or not deísmo and dequeísmo (the use of de before finite clauses

headedbythecomplementizerde,as inpiensodequeessimpática 'I think(de)that

sheisnice')arerelatedphenomenaisarecurrentmatterintheliteratureondeísmo.

DíazMontesinos(2012),forexample,considersthemnotonlytoberelated,butasthe

samevariationprocess—althoughhedoesnotdevelopthequestionfurther.Onthe

other hand, Camus (2013) categorically rejects the connection between both

phenomena.HestatesthattheCiudadRealspeakersthatacceptdeísmodonotaccept

dequeísmo examples (even more, they seem to show a tendency to the opposite

phenomena, queísmo). This, he says, will support Demonte’s (2003) theory on two

typesofRomancelanguages.

However, the situation is not that simple. Many of the speakers that show

deísmointheCOSERinterviewsalsoshowdequeísmo,anditseemsprematuretostate

thatoneexcludestheother.10

Camusalsobaseshishypothesisofdifferentiatingdeísmofromdequeísmoonthe

factthat,inthelatter,dehasbeensaidtohavesomeevidentialmeaning(Demonte&

Fernández Soriano, 2001, 2005),while in the formerde seems tobemeaningless. It

mustbesaid,however,thatnotallauthorsagreeontheevidentialmeaningofde in

dequeísmo examples, as there isnot a consensusonde’s lackofmeaning indeísmo

examples.

According to Demonte (2003), de would index the relationship between the

speaker and what is stated in the subordinate clause, but not to indicate that

somethingisbeenaffirmed,buttoreferthatthespeakerbelievesthatwhat isbeing

declaredistrue.Ontheotherhand,authorslikeAlmeida(2009)haveshownthatthere

10 Actually, this coexistence of constructions is found even in Ciudad Real (Malagón, COSER-1414),wherewefoundexamplesofdeísmo(i)anddequeísmo(ii)inthesamespeaker:(i)Sinomedejabandejugardigo:"juego",o"jugo",ocomosedecíaeso.('Iftheywouldn'tletme(de)play,Isay:"IplayorIplays"orwhateveritwassaid'.)(ii)Porqueentonces seestipulabadeque habíaquepagaral ayuntamiento […] ('Because itwas thenstipulated(de)thatoneshouldpaytotheCityHall'.)


43

seemstobeanimportantinfluenceofprimingeffectsinbothdequeísmoandqueísmo

structures,suggestingthattheabsencesorpresenceoftheprepositionisnotsomuch

determinedbydifferencesofmeaningbutonthesurroundingcontext.

3.3.Historicalpredecessors

In Latin, infinitive subordinate clauses are composedof verbsdicendi, verbsof

understanding/cognitionandmeaning,verbsofvolition,verbsofemotionand‘servile’

verbs (such as possum, debeo and soleo). However, infinitive verbs were never

preceded by prepositions in Latin (cf. Schulte 2007; Meyer-Lubke [Gram. III §386];

Beardsley1921:106-107).

From a historical point of view, we can find some alternating verbs (cf. NGLE

2009:3256-3257).Thatisthecaseofconvienede(hazer):

(12) a.lascosasenqueconuienefazerAtacir(AlfonsoX,Judiziosdelasestrellas).('Thethings

thatmustbedoneAtacir').

b.lascosasquelconuienedefazer(AlfonsoX,Judiziosdelasestrellas).('Thethingsthat

mustbedone').

Dejarde,creerdealsoadmitted(althoughdidnotrequire)thepreposition:

(13) a. Al tiempo que estuvieron en clausura no dejaban de salir algunas á lo que era

menester, pero siempre acompañadas (Jerónimo de Mendieta, Historia eclesiástica

indiana, 1564). ('When theywere enclosed they did not stop going out for whatever

theyneeded,butalwaysaccompanied').

b. creyendo de engañar al dicho Francisco de las Casas (Hernan Cortés, Cartas de

relación,1516).('believeing[de]deceivethesaidFranciscodelasCasas').

Otherverbs likeaconsejar,proponer,acordar,prometer,acostumbrar,procurar

odeterminar:

C.DEBENITO&E.PATO

44

(14) a.preguntolesisehauiaaconsejadodefazer labatalla (GranConquistadeUltramar).

('Heaskedhimifithadbeenadvisedtoengangeinbattle').

b. E estos dos reyspropusieron de venir en sus reynos& entrar enellos con poderio

(GuidodeColumna,Historia troyana). ('And these two kingsproposed [de] coming to

theirkingdomsandenterthempowerfully').

c. acordaron de fazer vna carta pora aquel que era cabdiello dela hueste delos

almorauides(AlfonsoX,EstoriadeEspañaII).('Theyagreedtodoaletterforthatwho

wascommanderoftheAlmoravidhost').

d. en aquella priuança grand que tenie prometio de dar le el principado de los

sacerdotes (AlfonsoX,Generalestoria IV). ('In thatgreat favout theprincipalityof the

priestshadpromisedtogivehim').

e.Aquestoacostumbrandefazeralgunoshombresnonmuchosabiosquefablanconlos

labradores(Paladio,TratadodeAgricultura).('Thisiswhatsomenotverywisementhat

speakwiththefarmerstendtodo').

f. procuró de saber por sus espías en la tierra de los moros qué çibdades o villas

estuviesen con menos recaudo (Sebastián de Horozco, El Libro de los proverbios

glosados,1544).('HetriedtoknowthroughhisspiesinthelandoftheMoorswhatcities

ortownswerelessprotected').

g.PizarrodeterminódesalirdeLimaparavisitar lasciudadesdeTrujilloySanMiguel

(PedroCiezadeLeón,CrónicadelPerú,1551).('PizarrodeterminedtoleaveLimatovisit

thecitiesofTrujilloandSanMiguel').

Andevenauxiliaryverbs,suchaspoder(15a)andsoler(15b):11

(15) a.bienterniacausasipudiessedemaldezirtunoblejuuentud(OliverosdeCastilla).('It

wouldberight,ifyournobleyouthcould[de]curse').

b.pordondemaselreydonalfonsosoliadeandar(GaubertoFabriciodeVagad,Crónica

deAragón).('WheremoreoftentheKingAlfonsousedtowalk').

11Fordeber+inf.anddeberde+inf.fromahistoricalpointofviewcf.MartínezDíaz&VilaPujol(2012).


45

4.Romanceparallelconstructions

Some similar constructions are found in other Romance languages; especially

French(16a),Italian(16b)andCatalan(16c)(cf.DiTullio2011:185):

(16) a.C’estceque(moi)j’essaiehumblementdefaire.('ThatiswhatIhumblytrytodo').

b.Questoécióchecercodifare.('ThatiswhatItrytodo').

c.Aixòéselquejohumilmentintentodefer.('ThatiswhatIhumblytrytodo').

Evidence from these languages suggests thatde (ordi) is better analysed as a

complementizer. For instance, both in Italian and French, when the preposition is

selected by the verb (meaning that it also precedes nominal arguments) it can be

pronominalized by ne/en, while in cases like (16) it is pronominalized as a

prepositionlessobject(cf.Skytte,Salvi&Manzini2001;Huot1981).

Although these constructions in other Romance languages are certainly similar

(absolutelyidenticalinsomecases),theycannotbeseenasexactparallels:generally,

de introducesdeclarativeclausesinItalian(Tipregodiascoltare 'Teruegoescuchar;I

begyoulisten')andFrench(Paulineaessayédejouerautennis 'Paulinahaintentado

jugaraltenis;Paulinahastriedtoplaytennis').

Moreover, some of the most frequent verbs that show deísmo in Spanish

(perceptionverbsandmanipulationverbs,forinstance)donottaketheprepositionin

Italianor in French, for example (Skytte, Salvi&Manzini, 2001;Huot 1981;Vittorini

1942).Inaddition,thefactthatthisconstructionisfoundinthestandardvarietiesof

theselanguagesprobablyaccountsforthefactthatthereseemstobelessvariationin

thepresenceorabsenceofthepreposition.Thefactthattheseconstructionsarenot

identical in all Romance languages does notmean that they are unrelated, but that

theyhavedevelopeddifferently(althoughlikelyfromacommonsource).

C.DEBENITO&E.PATO

46

5.Theoreticalinterpretations

Severalexplanationshavebeenofferedintheliteratureforthepresenceofdein

theseandotherrelated(suchasdequeísmo)constructions. It is important tobear in

mind that this construction already existed in Old Spanish, that is to say, that the

deísmo isnotamoderndialectal innovation,butaninheritedconstruction.However,

this raises more questions, since both the disappearance of the preposition in

StandardSpanishanditssurvivalinothervarietieshavetobeaddressed.

Someauthors,suchasGómezTorrego(1999),proposethatbothdequeísmoand

deísmo have an analogical explanation. According to this hypothesis, structures that

requirethepresenceoftheprepositionsuchashaberde,deberde,dejarde,tratarde,

acabarde,parardeycesarde,amongothers,wouldhavedeterminedtheappearance

oftheprepositioninsimilarcontexts.

Ontheotherhand,DiTullio (2011,2012)andCamus(2013)bothproposethat

the prepositionde is a complementizer that introduces non-finite clauses. Although

their proposals are not identical (Di Tullio confers a semantic value to the

complementizer thatCamus thinks isabsent in theCiudadReal situation), theyboth

makegoodpointsaboutwhytheprepositionisnotintroducingaprepositionalclause.

Nevertheless, as Camus has also shown, the complementizer hypothesis is

problematic, as it does not account for the data of Andalusia and Extremadura.

According to him, in Castilla-La Mancha every deísmo construction has a finite

correlate,whichwouldmeanthat it isanexampleofcomplementation.However,as

wehaveshownandashealsoacknowledges,theperiphrasistype(number(6)inour

classification)doesnotfitthisdescription.

Asitwasnotedabove,prepositionalinfinitiveshavebeenincreasinginRomance

languagessinceearlytimes(Schulte2007).ItseemsthatStandardSpanisheliminated

some medieval solutions, assimilating infinitival clauses to noun phrases. In this

system,adjunctinfinitivalclausesandinfinitiveclausesinobliquepositionsareheaded

byprepositions,whileinfinitiveclausesinsubjectordirectobjectpositionrejectthem

—justasnounphrasesdo.Southernvarieties,ontheotherhand,preservedtheother


47

tendency that was already present in Medieval Spanish: introducing infinitives by

prepositions,regardlessitssyntacticrole.12

The hypothesis we would like to pursue here is related to this increase of

prepositional infinitives.Wepropose thatwhatwe find in theSpanishvarietieswith

deísmorepresentsthedifferentstagesofthespreadoftheprepositiondeasaparticle

thatintroducesinfinitives,suchasEnglish13toorRomaniana.

Accordingtoourproposal,theverbtypes1and2,wheretheprepositionhavean

original 'source' meaning and a verbal complex in which the bare noun may be

interpreted as a syntactic antecedent of the infinitive (and the infinitive also as the

source of the feeling described by the noun)would have been the original contexts

(see Elvira 2011). At this stage the preposition would have had both semantic and

syntactic value — at least originally — (which explains that we can find examples

wheretheprepositionprecedesalsonounphrases,suchasMedamiedodelperro,Me

dapenademamá,Nomeimportadenadie(DíazMontesinos2012)—andOldSpanish

Meplugodelvino,etc.).Syntactically, therearesomeconstructions related to these

thatrequiretheuseofthepreposition:MedamiedodeisrelatedtoTengomiedode,

EscostumbredetoTengolacostumbrede,etc.Thisalsoexplainswhythegeneralized

prepositionisasourcepreposition(de)andnotagoalone(Eng.to,Rom.a).

At a second stage, the preposition would have been gramaticalised as a

complementizerthatintroducesinfinitiveclauses,whichhappenedinmanyRomance

languages, as we have seen above. The fact that this development in Spanish

happened innonStandardvarietiesmayaccount for the fact that inSpanishdeísmo

seems to appearwithmore verb types than inotherRomance languages. It is likely

12However,weshouldnotforgetthefactthattheconstructionisalsopresent,althoughmorerare,inNorthernvarieties.Aretheseresidualcasesofthemedievalconstruction?Ifso,adeeperstudywouldprovideveryinterestinginsightonhowsuchalow-frequencyconstructionpreservedsomeproductivity.Or,aretheyjustnewlycreatedexamplesonthebasisofaproductivepatternofthelanguage?AsElvira(2009a) says, regarding impersonal constructions with de prepositional phrases: “[…] no hay quedescartar que la reaparición tardía de estas construcciones pueda deberse sencillamente a lapermanente disponibilidad de este tipo de nociones de sensación y experiencia para distanciarse delpatróndeexpresióntransitiva”['Weshouldnotdiscardthatthelatereapparitionoftheseconstructionsmaybesimplyduetothepermanentavailabilityofthenotionsofemotionandexperiencetogetawayfromthetransitivepattern'](Elvira2009a:143;cf.DíazMontesinos2012,ourtranslation).13 It seems that the most common source for infinitive particles are purposive constructions(Haspelmath1989),asoccurredinEnglishandRomanian.

C.DEBENITO&E.PATO

48

thattheStandardvarietypreventedthegeneralizationoftheprepositiontootherverb

types in those languages (Italian, French, and Catalan). Moreover, the influence of

similarconstructionscanalsobedetectedinsomemanipulationverbs:dejarde'stop'/

dejarde'allow',hacerde'prepare'/hacerde'cause,make'.Examplessuchashacerde

comerseemtohaveinfluencedthoselikehacerdecorrer,andwecanactuallyseehow

it isgraduallyentering theStandard language:hacerdecomer 'hacercomida/*hacer

que coma' > hacer de reír 'hacer risa/hacer que ría' > hacer de correr 'hacer que

corra'.14

The last stage corresponds to the periphrasis type (cf. 6), as its reduced

frequency and geographical area also suggest. Here de does not introduce

independentclauses(sincetheydonothaveacorrelativequefiniteclause,cf.Camus

2013)but rather the finiteverb inaverbalphrase.15 It seems likely thatanalogyhas

playedaroleinthedevelopmentofthisnewtype,asGómezTorrego(1999)suggests.

That is to say, other verbal periphrasis that requirede before the infinitive, such as

haberde,deberde,dejarde, tratarde,acabarde,pararde andcesarde,mayhave

influenced the development of this last step. Other cases that allow for the

appearanceofdebeforeaninfinitivecouldhavealsoplayedarole.

6.Finalconclusions

In this paper,wehavepresented anoverviewofdeísmo in Peninsular Spanish

and the many questions it raises. Thanks to the data from the COSER we have

14 Camus’ (2013) data in Ciudad Real are somewhat problematic for our account, since he onlydocuments examples of this second stage in Ciudad Real, while he states that types 1 and 2 (in ouraccount) aremissing. However, it is possible that his method of collecting data (not specified in hispaper)hasplayedarole inthisabsence,sincethesearethemostwell-knownexamplesandprobablythemoststigmatisedaswell,whichmeansthatspeakersmaydenytheyareusingthemwhenaddresseddirectly.IntheCOSERdatawehavefoundseveralexamplesofthesetypes(withV1ssuchasgustar,darmiedo,dargusto,darlástima,hacerfaltaandtenerporcostumbre)bothinAlbaceteandinCuenca,andalsoinCiudadReal(forexampleCOSER-1420,Tomelloso).15CamusdoesnotfindthistypeinCiudadRealanddoesnotconsiderthemcasesofdeísmo,sincetheydonotfitinhisconceptionofdeasacomplementizer,andproposesthattheyarejustcasesofanalogywithotherverbalperiphrasis.Ifthisistrue,however,wewouldnotexpectthatdeísmowithmodalV1sweredocumentedonlyinasubsetoftheareathatpresentsalltheothercasesofdeísmoandpreciselyintheonethatseemstousedeísmomorefrequently,asitactuallyhappens.


49

managedtodescribebothitsgeographicaldistributionandsomeofitscharacteristics,

aswellasthetypesofverbsthatparticipateinthisconstruction.Previousapproaches

tothephenomenonhadnotusedsystematicdatacomingfromrealcorpora,probably

causingtheirdescriptionstobesomehowinexact.

After a review of the state of the art, where a discussion onwhether de is a

prepositionoracomplementizer istakingplace,wehaveproposeda(diachronicand

diatopic)hypothesisaccordingtowhichbothanswerswouldbepartiallycorrect.That

istosay,originallydepreserveditsprepositionfeaturesandmeaninganditwaslater

gramaticalised as a complementizer. In a later stage, it would have become an

infinitiveparticle,suchasEnglishto.Itislikelythatthesethreestagesarestillalivein

differentsubareasofthedeísmoarea.Thishypothesispredictsthatdifferenttypesof

deísmoaretobefoundbothindifferentareasandindifferenttimes.Wewouldliketo

furtherpursuesuchahypothesisinfuturework.Inordertodoso,athoroughdiatopic

anddiachronicdescriptionof thephenomenon,on thebasisof corporadata,would

havetobeprovided,soastoshowwhattypesofdeísmoaremostcommonandwhere

(both nowadays and in previous times, since we should not forget that the

phenomenonexistedalreadyinOldSpanish).Onlysuchathoroughdescriptionwould

allowustodeterminewhetherdeísmo isrelatedtodequeísmo,whichoccursinfinite

clauses, andwhether the presence or the absence of the preposition triggers some

differenceofmeaning.

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