#occupy twitter: a content analysis of toronto activists' use of twitter during the occupy movement

7/29/2019 #Occupy Twitter: A content analysis of Toronto activists' use of Twitter during the Occupy movement

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#OccupyTwitter:AContentAnalysisofTorontoActivistsUseofTwitterDuringtheOccupyMovement

byRobertBruceWoodrich

BachelorofArtsHonoursCommunicationStudies,UniversityofWindsor,2011MajorResearchPaper

SubmittedtotheDepartmentofCommunicationStudiesinpartialfulfillmentoftherequirementsfor

MasterofArtsWilfridLaurierUniversity

2013


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Abstract

Thispaperexplorestherelationshipbetweensocialmediaandsocialchange.

Itdoessospecificallybyexaminingtweetscontainingthehashtags#occTO,

#occupyto,and#occupytoronto,allofwhichwereusedtocarryonaconversation

aboutthe2011OccupyTorontomovement.Groundedinalternativemediaand

socialmovementtheory,acontentanalysisisconductedonasampleof7,858

tweets.Aseriesofresearchquestionsareposedwithinthisstudy,primarilythe

questionofwhethertheTwitterconversationregardingOccupyTorontoplaced

greateremphasisonthemovementsissues,oronpoliceandviolence.Otherworks

haveidentifiedthatmainstreammediaplaceanemphasisonthelatter,andarecent

studyregardingthe2010TorontoG20protestsfoundthatactivistsappeartobe

mirroringthispractice.ThefindingsofthisstudysuggestthatOccupyToronto

activistsuseofTwitterdidnotemphasizepoliceandviolence,althoughtherewas

atleastonedayonwhichtweetsheavilyemphasizedpoliceandviolenceoverissues

byaratioofseventoone.Assuch,thereappearstobeacorrelationbetweenan

increasedpolicepresenceataprotestsite,andwhetheractivistsarereportingon

policeandviolenceonline.

Keywords:Activism,alternativemedia,contentanalysis,OccupyToronto,social

media,socialmovements,Twitter


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Acknowledgements

Iwouldliketothankmyfather,BruceWoodrich,forprovidingthe

encouragement,love,andsupportIneededtomakeitthisfar.Dad,Icouldnothave

doneitwithoutyou.Thankyouforleadingtheway,andforshowingmewhatIcan

achievethroughhardworkandperseverance.Myheartfeltthanksarealsoextended

toKimberleyOrrforherunconditionalsupport,andforthemanymonthsspent

listeningtometalkaboutmyresearch.AmandaOrr,yoursageadviceandediting

serviceswereappreciatedasalways.ThomasSasso,youarethebestbrothat

anyonecouldaskfor,andIamespeciallythankfulforyourmethodologicalexpertise.

Iamgratefultomysupervisor,Dr.MartinMorris,myreader,Dr.JeremyHunsinger,

andDr.AbbyGoodrumforhelpingmetoobtainthedataanalyzedinthisstudy.

Finally,thankstoMesli.Youmayhavebeenbornhalfwaythroughthisstudy,but

thatdidnotkeepyoufromtryingtoeditit.


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TableofContents

Introduction...........................................................................................................................................1

Chapter1:LiteratureonSocialMovementsandReporting...................................................5FromSocialMovementstoSocialNetworks..........................................................................................5

WhatHappenedBeforeNewMedia?........................................................................................................8

WhySocialMovementsNeedNewMedia.............................................................................................11

ToTweetorNottoTweet?........................................................................................................................21

Chapter2:TheoreticalFramework..............................................................................................30TheBuildingBlocksforaModernSocialMovement........................................................................30

AlternativeMedia.........................................................................................................................................30

SocialMovements.........................................................................................................................................38

Chapter3:MethodologicalFramework......................................................................................50ContentmentwithContentAnalysis.......................................................................................................50

WhatIsContentAnalysis?.........................................................................................................................50

WhyContentAnalysis?...............................................................................................................................52

WhatContentWasAnalyzed?...................................................................................................................54

CodingManual...............................................................................................................................................56

WhyWerentRetweetsIncluded?...........................................................................................................57

Chapter4:AnalysisandArgument...............................................................................................59VoxTwitter,VoxPopuli:TheVoiceofTwitterIstheVoiceofthePeople.................................59

AnsweringKrippendorffsSixQuestions..............................................................................................59

InterpretingtheData..................................................................................................................................63Table1...............................................................................................................................................................................64Table2...............................................................................................................................................................................65Table3...............................................................................................................................................................................66

Argument.........................................................................................................................................................68

Conclusion............................................................................................................................................72

References............................................................................................................................................75


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Introduction

Intheearly21stcentury,socialmediaplatformssuchasFacebookand

Twitterrepresentthepreferredmediaofchoiceforsocialmovementactivists.

Socialmediahavebeenabletocompletelytransformhowprotesterscommunicate,

fromCairosTahrirSquaretoNewYorkCitysWallStreet.Untilrecently,activists

hadbeenutilizingalternativemediasuchaszinesandlater,thewebsite

Indymedia,butsinceatleast2009(Gaffney2010),theyappeartohavemadethe

leaptosocialmediaalongwiththerestofthewiredworld.

However,alongsideactivistsdecisiontousesocialmediahasarisena

dilemma.Whileitwasfirstnotedin1970thatmainstreamprotestreportingwas

portrayingprotestsasbeingaboutspectacleandviolenceratherthanaboutacause

(Halloran,Elliott,&Murdock1970),socialmovementactivistsnowseemtohave

reflectedthistrendthemselves.AsidentifiedbyThomasPoellandErikBorra

(2011),areversalappearstohavetakenplace.Ifthisisindeedsomethingthat

activistsarenowdoing,itwillcallintoseriousquestiontheirownabilitytocriticize

themainstreammediaforreportingontheirprotestsasoften-violentspectacle

ratherthanasbeingconnectedtoalargercause.

ThoughthisstudydrawsinspirationfromthatofPoell&Borra(2011),no

twosocialmovementsareexactlyalikeandmorethanonestudyofthisnaturewill

benecessarybeforeitcanbeconclusivelydemonstratedthatsocialmovement

activistsareactuallyreflectingtheseaspectsofmainstreamprotestreporting.Given

thatPoell&Borras(2011)casestudyfocusedonaToronto,Canada-based


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movement,itseemedappropriatethatthefocusofthiscasestudyalsobeona

Toronto-basedmovement.Atthetimeofwriting,OccupyTorontowasthelatest

socialmovementtohaveemergedfromTorontosincethe2010TorontoG20

protests.Additionally,OccupyTorontosmainoccupationsitewashometo

relativelylittlepolicepresenceorviolencewhencontrastedwiththe2010G20

TorontosummitproteststhatwerethefocusofPoell&Borras(2011)casestudy.

Theresultsofthisstudywillthusbegintoshedlightonwhetheractivistsalways

focusonpoliceactivityandviolenceratherthantheirownissues,oriftheysimply

dosowhenthereisarelativelylargepolicepresencetoreporton.Itisforthese

reasonsthatOccupyTorontowasselectedforanalysis.

Thisstudyhasbeenorganizedintofourchapters,includingaliterature

review,overviewofthetheoreticalandmethodologicalframework,andfinally,an

analysisofthedata.TheanalysissectioncontainsthecasestudyofOccupyToronto

tweets.Fivespecificresearchquestionsareanswered,withtwocominginthe

theoreticalfoundationchapterandafurtherthreebeingansweredintheanalysis.

Theconclusionprovidesadiscussionofthisstudyslimitations,aswellassuggested

avenuesforfurtherresearch.

Theliteraturereviewwilloutlinewhathappenedintheperiodbeforesocial

movementactivistsadoptednewmedia,movetoworksdiscussingwhysocial

movementsneednewmedia,andfinally,provideanoverviewofliteraturethat

examinehowsocialmovementactivistscametouseTwitterasanalternative

medium.Thetheoryandmethodssectioncoversalternativemediaandsocial


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movementtheory,aswellasanoverviewofthecontentanalysismethodthatis

usedinthestudysanalysis.Theanalysissectionoutlinestheresultsofacontent

analysisof7,858OccupyTorontotweets.

First,itisimportanttodeterminewhetherOccupyTorontomovement

activistsusedTwitterasalternativemedia.UsingChrisAttons(2002)typologyof

alternativemedia,itwillbeshownhowthisuseofTwitterdoesqualifyasan

exampleofalternativemedia.Second,itisequallyimportanttodemonstratethat

OccupyTorontoqualifiesasasocialmovement.Afterall,ifitwerenotasocial

movement,OccupyTorontowouldhavemadeapoorchoiceforacasestudy

examiningsocialmovementactivistsuseofalternativemedia.Relyinguponthe

theoryofCharlesTilly(2004)andSidneyG.Tarrow(2011),itwillbeshownhow

OccupyTorontodoesfitthedefinitionofasocialmovement.Third,astudywas

conductedontheentiretweetdatasetcontainingthethreemostpopularOccupy

Torontohashtags.Thedifferencesinthedataandtheaimofthisstudycomparedto

thePoell&Borra(2011)studyaccountforthedifferenceinoutcomes.Fourth,an

answertothequestionofwhethertherewereanydaysonwhichOccupyToronto

activistsdidtalkmoreaboutpoliceandviolencewasfound.Fifth,thequestionofthe

significanceoftheseresultsisanswered.

Thisstudyissignificantinthatfurtheracademicunderstandingofsocial

movementactivistsuseofalternativemediawasandisneeded.Thevalidityof

activistsuseofsocialmediaasalternativemediaiscalledintoquestionifall

activistsdoisfocusonevent-basedpoliceviolenceinthewaythatmainstream


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mediahavebeendocumentedasdoing.BecausePoell&Borra(2011)foundthat

2010G20protestersaccountmirroredoften-criticizedmainstreamprotest

reportingpractices(Poell&Borra2011:1),itisimportanttodeterminewhether

theirresultswereunique,orwhethersocialmovementactivistsareconsistently

mirroringmainstreammediacoverageofspectacleandviolenceintheirown

alternativemediaaccount.BecausethisstudyfindsthatOccupyTorontoactivists

didnotconsistentlyframecoverageoftheirownmovementthroughalensof

violence,itprovidesvaluableresearchthatsupplementsPoell&Borras(2011)

study,andsuggeststhatthereisnosimpleanswertothequestionofwhethersocial

movementactivistsareindeedmirroringthepracticesofmainstreamprotest

reportingintheirownalternativeaccount.

Althoughadditionalresearchonothersocialmovementsisneeded,this

studyraisesanimportantquestion.Ifsocialmovementactivistsarenotdiscussing

theirissueswhenthespotlightisonthem,butratherframetheirmovement

throughalensofpoliceandviolence,howcanmainstreamprotestreportsbe

expectedtoframetheirmovementanydifferently?Ifactivistsonlyfocusonpolice

andviolenceoncertaindays,doesthismakeadifferenceandparticularlyifactivists

dosoondayswhentheyareexposedtoheightenedmainstreammediaattention?


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Chapter1:LiteratureonSocialMovementsandReporting

FromSocialMovementstoSocialNetworks

Inthisliteraturereview,11seminalworksarereviewedcategorizedinto3

identifiedthemes.ThesethemescanbecolloquiallyclassifiedasWhathappened

beforenewmedia,Whysocialmovementsneednewmedia,andTotweetornot

totweet.Theliteraryworksspanscholarlyexaminationofactivismandprotests

frompopularoppositiontotheVietnamWartothe2010G20summitprotestin

Toronto,Canada.Theseworksrepresenttheliteraturemostpertinenttothisstudy,

andplacethisstudywithinabroaderhistoricalcontext.Thesebeginwiththefirst

casestudyofdemonstrationreportinguptowhyTwitteriscurrentlythebest

platformforsocialmovementactiviststoreportindependentlyofmainstream

media.Tounderstandhowsocialmovementsfirstcametorecognizethatan

alternativetomainstreamprotestreportingwasnecessary,andhowthisledtotheir

currentuseofTwitter,areviewoftheseworksisnecessary.

Twoworksemergetimeandtimeagainwithregardtoprovidingahistorical

contexttosocialmovementandmediaresearch.TheseareJamesHalloran,Philip

ElliottandGrahamMurdocksDemonstrationandCommunication:ACaseStudy

(1970),andToddGitlinsTheWholeWorldIsWatching:MassMediaintheMaking

andUnmakingoftheNewLeft(1980).Severalmoreappearwithregardtoproviding

abasisfortheclaimthatsocialmovementsneednewmedia,mainlyManuelCastells

CommunicationPower(2009)andThePowerofIdentity(2010),SimonCottle's

ReportingDemonstrations:TheChangingMediaPoliticsofDissent(2008),Sara


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PlatonandMarkDeuze'sIndymediaJournalism:ARadicalWayofMaking,Selecting

andSharingtheNews?(2003),andWimvandeDonk,BrianD.Loader,PaulG.Nixon,

andDieterRucht'sCyberprotest:NewMedia,CitizensandSocialMovements(2004).

Lastly,IhaveidentifiedagroupofworksthatsupporttheclaimthatTwitteris

superiortootherformsofsocialmediawhenusedbyactivistsasanalternativeto

mainstreamreporting.Thesearedanahboyd,ScottGolder,andGiladLotan'sTweet,

Tweet,Retweet:ConversationalAspectsofRetweetingonTwitter(2010),Meeyoung

Cha,HamedHaddadi,FabrcioBenevenuto,andKrishnaP.Gummadi'sMeasuring

UserInfluenceinTwitter:TheMillionFollowerFallacy(2010),DavidGaffney's

#iranElection:QuantifyingOnlineActivism(2010),andThomasPoellandErik

Borra'sTwitter,YouTube,andFlickrasPlatformsofAlternativeJournalism:The

SocialMediaAccountofthe2010TorontoG20Protests(2011).AlthoughIhave

attemptedtoneatlyclassifytheseworksintodistinctcategories,itshouldbenoted

thatthereisacertaindegreeofoverlapbetweenthecategories.

Theearliestworksdealwithmainstreammediacoverageoftheanti-Vietnam

Warsocialmovement.DemonstrationsandCommunication:ACaseStudy(1970)is

mentionedinthreeoftheworkscontainedinthisliteraturereview:thoseofCottle

(2008);Poell&Borra(2011);andvandeDonk,Loader,Nixon,&Rucht(2004).Itis

alsonotableasthefirstsuchcasestudyofprotestreporting.Thisservesasa

precursortotheideathatsocialmovementactivistsneedtorelyontheirownmedia,

asopposedtomainstreammediacoverage.TheWholeWorldIsWatching:Mass

MediaintheMakingandUnmakingoftheNewLeftismentionedinfiveoftheworks

examinedherein:thoseofCastells(2009;2010),Cottle(2008),Poell&Borra(2011),


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andvandeDonketal.(2004).Theseworksrepresentnotonlyimportantcase

studiesofhistoricalsocialmovementactivity,buthavebeenimmenselyinfluential

throughoutthehumanitiesandsocialsciences.

Morerecently,scholarshavenotedthatsocialmovementsneedtoproduce

theirownmediacoverageiftheyaretobeportrayedfavourably.Whetherbywayof

alternativemultimediaplatformssuchasIndymedia(Castells1997,2009;Cottle

2008;Platon&Deuze2003),orbyutilizingnewmediamorebroadly(vandeDonk

etal.2004),ithasbeenrecognizedthattheconditionsnotedbyGitlin(1980)and

Halloranetal.(1970)willnotchangeifactivistsaretorelyonmainstreammediato

providecoverageofdemonstrations.Specifically,mainstreammediaportray

protestsaseventsunconnectedtoabroadercausebyfocusingprimarilyonviolence.

Inthepresentdecade,abodyofworkhasbeguntoemergeindicatingthat

Twitteristheidealsiteforactiviststoreportontheirowndemonstrations.This

literaturedescribeshowinfluentialTwitteruserscanbe(Cha,Haddadi,Benevenuto,

&Gummadi2010),howTwittercanfacilitateabroaderconversationabouta

subject(boyd,Golder,&Lotan2010),andhowTwitterallowsactiviststotaketheir

protestsonline(Gaffney2010;Poell&Borra2011).TheypointtoTwitterbeing

preferabletoplatformssuchasFacebook,Flickr,andYouTubewhenitcomesto

facilitatingactivistreporting.AnalysisofTwitteruseduringeventsrangingfromthe

2009Iraniannationalelectiontothe2010TorontoG20proteststotheArabSpring

featuremostprominentlyinworkspertainingtothissubject(Gaffney2010;


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Khondker2011;Lotan,Graeff,Ananny,Gaffney,Pearce,&boyd2011;Poell&Borra

2011).

Asidefromtheworksselectedforreview,thereareothersthatappear

frequentlyandareworthmentioning.ChiefamongtheseareJohnD.H.Downings

RadicalMedia:RebelliousCommunicationandSocialMovements(2001),andRobert

A.HackettsNewsandDissent:ThePressandthePoliticsofPeaceinCanada(1991).

Downingiscitedinseveraloftheworkscoveredhere(Castells2009;Poell&Borra

2011;vandeDonketal.2004),butRadicalMedia(2001)isnotasdirectlyrelatable

tothisstudyasaretheworksselected.Hisbookprovidesaverybroadoverviewof

anabundanceofalternativemedia(i.e.,dance,graffiti,streettheatre,etc.)thatis

moreusefulasatheoreticalunderpinningratherthanadirectlyapplicableguidefor

thiscasestudy.HackettsNewsandDissent(1991),whilenotcitedinanyofthe

selectedworks,isalsoregularlycitedinrelationtomassmediacoverageof

demonstrations.

WhatHappenedBeforeNewMedia?

Toprovidehistoricalcontextforthisstudy,itisimportanttoacknowledge

andexaminetheemergenceofsocialmovementmediacoverageasanobjectof

research.JamesHalloran,PhilipElliottandGrahamMurdocksDemonstrationand

Communication:ACaseStudy(1970)standsasthefirstclassiccasestudyof

mainstreammediacoverageofasocialmovement.Thisworkdirectsitsfocus

towardananti-VietnamWardemonstrationthattookplaceinLondon,Englandon

27October1968.Theworkisstructuredwithadetaileddescriptionofthemarch


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placedfirst,followedbyananalysisofthenewsgatheringprocess,andfinallya

surveyofreadersandviewersreactions.Anambitiousstudy,itservesasthe

longestworkcentredonasingledemonstrationobservedinthisliteraturereview.

Halloranetal.(1970)foundthatmediacoverageoftheprotest

decontextualizedtheeventfrombeingastatementaboutAmericanforeignpolicy

towardVietnam,andinsteadportrayedtheprotestasaneventunconnectedtoa

broadercause.Accordingtothestudy,theonlynewspapertocharacterizethe

demonstrationasbeingabouttheUnitedStatespolicyinVietnamwasasocialist

newspapercalledtheMorningStar(Halloranet.al.1970:141).Asidefrom

demonstratingthatthemarchwasframedasasingleeventandnotpartofalarger

issue,Halloranetal.alsoestablishthatmediaoutletscoveredthepeacefulprotest

throughanangleofviolence(Halloranetal.1970;Cottle2008).Theynotethat

coverageofabreakawayincidentwhereasmallgroupofprotestersmarchedto

GrosvenorSquareandattemptedtobreakthroughpolicecordonswascrystalized

intoastoryofunqualified,intentionalviolence,whilethestoryofthemainmarch,

whichhadruncountertoexpectations,wasreportedasapeacefuloccasionbutwith

anundercurrentofexpectationswhichexpectedhiddenviolence(Halloranetal.

1970:215).GivenwhatisfoundlaterinworksbyGitlin(1980),Poell&Borra

(2011),andVeneti,Poulakidakos,&Kostas(2012),itisnotablethatHalloranetal.

(1970)arethefirsttoidentifythemainstreammediapracticeofframing

demonstrationcoveragethroughalensofviolence.


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ToddGitlinsTheWholeWorldIsWatching:MassMediaintheMakingand

UnmakingoftheNewLeft(1980)isarelativelymorerecentstudythatexaminesthe

relationshipbetweenmassmediaandtheStudentsforaDemocraticSociety(SDS),

anAmericanstudentmovement.Theworkisdividedintothreeparts,withthefirst

tacklingGitlinsdayswiththeSDS,thesecondhighlightingtheimportanceofmedia

inmakingorbreakingamovement,andthethirddealingmorebroadlywith

theoriesofthenews,hegemonyasaprocessandselectedsocialmovementsofthe

Seventies.Gitlin(1980)notesthatmediacoveringSDSdemonstrationsusedseveral

framingdevices.Theseframingdevicesarefirstlistedas:trivialization,polarization,

emphasisoninternaldissention,marginalization,disparagementbynumbers,and

disparagementofthemovementseffectiveness.Hesaysthatasthemovement

turnedtoincreasinglymilitanttactics,newframingdeviceswereaddedby

mainstreamreportstothegrouplistedabove:relianceonstatementsby

governmentofficialsandotherauthorities,emphasisonthepresenceof

Communists,emphasisonthecarryingofVietCongflags,emphasisonviolencein

demonstrations,delegitimizinguseofquotationmarksaroundtermslikepeace

march,andconsiderableattentiontoright-wingoppositiontothemovement

(Gitlin1980:27).

Theseframingdevicesareimportanttonoteinthispaper,giventhatmore

thanthirtyyearsafterTheWholeWorldIsWatchingwaspublishedthereisstill,

amongotherthings,anemphasisonviolenceindemonstrations.Gitlin(1980)also

arguesthat,baseduponhiscasestudies,ademonstrationistreatedasapotential

oractualdisruptionoflegitimateorder,notasastatementabouttheworld.


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Consequently,thistreatmentdivertsmediaattentionawayfromcriticaltreatment

oftheinstitutional,systemic,andeverydayworkingsofpropertyandtheState

(Gitlin1980:271).AlongsideDemonstrationandCommunication(1970),TheWhole

WorldIsWatching(1980)iscertainlyoneofthemosthistoricallysignificant

publicationswithregardtothesubjectmatterofthispaper.Indeed,twoofthe

workstobereviewedciteDemonstrationandCommunication(1970)andTheWhole

WorldIsWatching(1980)asclassicstudieswithregardtomassmediacoverageof

protests(Cottle2008:855;Poell&Borra2011:3).

WhySocialMovementsNeedNewMedia

Originallypublishedin1997,ManuelCastellsThePowerofIdentityisafar-

reachingstudythatrangesfromCastellsconceptualizationofthenetworksociety

tosocialmovementsandsocialchange.Citedfrequentlyinacademicliterature,

Castells(2010)providesananalyticalframeworkwithinwhichtounderstandthe

constructionofidentity(Castells2010).Updatedin2010,thisworkcoversmany

differenttypesofsocialmovement,stretchingfromtheanti-globalizationmovement

toMexicosZapatistas.

Castellsprovideshisowndefinitionofsocialmovementsanddiscusseshow

politicalcommunicationonlyexistswithinthespaceofthemedia(Castells2010).

ForCastells(2010),therearethreecriticalpointsessentialtounderstandingsocial

movements.First,socialmovementsshouldbeunderstoodasbeingwhattheysay

theyare(Castells2010:73).Second,socialmovementsmaybesocially

conservative,sociallyrevolutionary,orboth,ornone(Castells2010:73).Third,he


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characterizessocialmovementsintermsfirstcoinedbyAlainTouraine.Touraine

definessocialmovementsbythreeprinciples:themovementsidentity,the

movementsadversary,andthemovementsvisionorsocialmodel,whichIcall

societalgoal(citedinCastells2010:74).

However,itisCastells(2010)dialogueaboutnewmediathatismost

pertinenttothisstudy.Hemakesitclearthatduetothedramaticallyincreased

pervasivenessofthenewmedia,politicalcommunicationandinformationare

essentiallycapturedinthespaceofthemedia.Hegoesontosay,outsideofthe

mediaspherethereisonlypoliticalmarginality(Castells2010:370).Assuch,his

workprovidesbackingtotheideathatsocialmovementsneedtousenewmedia.

IndymediaJournalism:ARadicalWayofMaking,SelectingandSharingViews?

bySaraPlatonandMarkDeuze(2003)informsthisstudybyprovidingananalysis

ofadominantpre-socialmediaplatformforalternativejournalism,Indymedia.

Duringitseraofdominance,Indymedia,adecentralized,democraticnetworkof

alternativemediaoutletsallowedactiviststocrowdsourcereportsandsharethem

primarilyonline(Platon&Deuze2003).Indymediaaroseintheaftermathofthe

1999SeattleprotestsagainsttheWorldTradeOrganization,buildinguponthe

developmentofanIndependentMediaCentre(IMC)developedinNovember1999

tocovertheSeattleprotests.Itconsistedof150centresindozensofcountriesatits

height,andmoreorlessceasedNorthAmericanoperationsin2006(Uzelman2011:

283).Theirarticleseekstoanswerthequestionofwhethermainstreammediacan


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incorporatetheprinciplesandideasofIndymediasalternativemediamodel,and

theystatethattheanswertothisquestionis:no(Platon&Deuze2003).

Platon&Deuze(2003)wrotethisarticleatatimewhensocialmediahadyet

torisetoprominence,andsodonottouchonthissubject.However,theymakeit

clearthatalternativemediaareimportanttoactivistswithregardtoallowingthem

tonotfearthemedia,[butto]bethemedia(Platon&Deuze2003:350).In

retrospect,theiranalysisofIndymediapresentsthealternativeoutletasastepping-

stonetowardtheever-greaterdecentralizationanddemocratizationbroughtabout

bysocialmediaplatformssuchasTwitter.Theirworkisimportanttothisstudyasit

providesfurtherconfirmationofthefactthatalternativestomainstreammediaare

necessaryasfarasprotestreportingisconcerned.Furthermore,theirstudy

highlightsthefactthatacentralaimofIndymediawastoemphasizeissuesand

includevoicesnotfeaturedinmainstreamreporting(Poell&Borra2011:5).Social

mediaprovideamoreefficientmethodofachievingthisaim,duetoalternative

mediafeaturinganinherentlackofeditorialgatekeeping.However,Platon&Deuze

(2003)helptoexplainactivistsuseofnewmediaintheyearsimmediately

precedingtheemergenceofTwitter.

Publishedin2004,Cyberprotest:NewMedia,CitizensandSocialMovements

editedbyWimvandeDonk,BrianD.Loader,PaulG.Nixon,andDieterRuchtisa

compilationofessaysaboutthewaysinwhichsocialmovementsarechangingtheir

mediapracticestoadaptalongwithanalteringmedialandscape.Thechaptersmost


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relevanttothisstudyaretheonesauthoredby(inorderofappearance)Dieter

Rucht,SteveWright,W.LanceBennett,andPetervanAelstandStefaanWalgrave.

DieterRucht(2004)examinessocialmovementsfromtheSixtiesupto2004,

andmakesplainthatamovementthatdoesnotmakeitintothemediaisnon-

existent(Rucht2004:25).Thoughhegoesontoexplainthatamovementwillbe

knowntoparticipantsandby-standers,amovementthatdoesnotgainmedia

coverageisnotknowntowidersociety.Ruchtstatesthat,inturn,themediadeal

withsocialmovementsinvariousways.Theycanignorethem,dealwiththem

proactivelyandeagerly,ortheycandownplaythebigsocial,economic,orpolitical

pictureinfavourofthehumantrialsandtriumphsthatsitatthesurfaceofevents

(Rucht2004:25).ThisfinalpointechoeswhatauthorssuchasHalloranetal.(1970)

andGitlin(1980)sayabouthowmainstreammediacoverageofsocialmovements

decontextualizeprotestsfrombeingapartofalargercausetobeingunique,often-

violentspectacles.

Hisobservationssupporttheideathatsocialmovementsneednewmedia.

Whenitisnotpossibleforsocialmovementstogainfavourablecoveragein

mainstreammedia,itmakessenseforthemtoreportontheirownactivitiesoruse

analternativeplatformsuchasIndymedia.AshighlightedinPoell&Borra(2011),

RuchtindicatesthatalthoughmovementssuchasGreenpeaceareoftensuccessfulat

gainingmediacoverage,theystrugglewithsecuringlegitimacy(citedinPoell&

Borra2011:4).Thishasalottodowithhowprotestgroupsgainmediaattention,

whichis,interalia,throughconflict,spectacle,andnewness(citedinPoell&Borra


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2011:4).Rucht(2004)informsthispaperbyreinforcingthenotionthat

mainstreammediahavevariousframesthroughwhichtheycoversocialmovements,

suchasthroughaframeofconflictorviolence.AlthoughRuchtsaysthatsocial

movementsshouldnotignoreestablishedmassmediaasasoundingboardor

potentialally,heconcludesbystatingthatsocialmovementscannotrelyonthese

outlets(Rucht2004).

SteveWright(2004)investigateshowthen-currentsocialmovementswere

utilizinginformationandcommunicationtechnologies(ICTs).Hisworkisof

particularrelevancetoastudyinvolvingananti-capitalistmovement,andhe

uncoversaseriesofquestionsthatmayleadtofurtherinquiry(Wright2004:80).

Wright(2004)suppliessomeinsightintotheusefulnessofIndymediatoactivists,

especiallyinitsearlyyears.AsdealtwithinPlaton&Deuze(2003),heprovides

backgroundinformationontheoriginsofIndymediaaspartoftheSeattleWTO

protests,andabouthowthisalternativemediaplatformfacilitatedacrowdsourcing

ofmaterialratherthanatop-downeditorialapproach(Wright2004:73).Notonly

doesWright(2004)demonstratethataworkcanbeaboutuncoveringfurther

questionsratherthandiscoveringanswers,buthelendsfurthersupporttothe

notionthatsocialmovementsneednewmedia.Itshouldbenoted,however,thathe

makesthedistinctionthatmovementshavebeenmostsuccessfulbycombininguse

ofICTsoldandnewtheInternet,mobilephonesandmovementalignedradio

stations(Wright2004:81).ItisusefulforthispapertoacknowledgeWrights

(2004)points,andnottobeoverlydeterministicabouttheroleofTwitterinthe

OccupyTorontomovement.


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PeterVanAelstandStefaanWalgrave(2004)investigate,asthetitleoftheir

chapterexplains,theroleoftheinternetinshapingtheanti-globalization

movement.Specifically,theylooktomapthecontributionofanti-globalization

websitestotheformationofcollectiveidentity,actualmobilization,andanetwork

oforganizations(VanAelst&Walgrave2004:87).Keytotheargumentthatthis

paperistryingtomake,VanAelstandWalgravestatethatnewmediaoffernew

opportunitiesforinternationalcollectiveaction(VanAelst&Walgrave2004:87).

Theyalsoofferaspecificdefinitionofwhattheymeanbysocialmovement,which

differssomewhatfromothersofferedinpublicationsofasimilarnature.

ForVanAelstandWalgrave,asocialmovementmustfeaturefourelements:

(1)anetworkoforganizations,(2)onthebasisofasharedcollectiveidentity,(3)

mobilizingpeopletojoin,mostlyunconventionalactions,(4)toobtainsocialor

politicalgoals(VanAelst&Walgrave2004:88).Theyanalyze17anti-globalization

websitesfromMarch-May2001,anddeterminethatinthisinstance,thewebsites

appearedtoconstitutetheirownsocialmovement,accordingtothegivendefinition.

However,theyconcludebymakingthecleardistinctionthatalthoughnewmedia

arefacilitatingtheglobalprotestsandsocialmovementsthatcounterglobalization,

thesemovementsmayhaveoccurredwithouttheexistenceoftheweboremail

(VanAelst&Walgrave2004:105).Whatisclearisthatnewmediaareatthevery

leastsupplementingtraditionalformsofprotest.

W.LanceBennett(2004)discussestheroleoftheinternetandotherformsof

digitalmediainwhathereferstoasanewglobalactivism.Similartoother


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authorsreviewedhere,hereferstotheSeattleWTOprotestsasatouchstoneforthe

then-newanti-globalizationmovement,butheismoreoptimisticthanWright

(2004)whenmakinghisestimationthatthecurrentorganizationalweaknessesof

Internetmobilizationmaybecomeacoreresourceforthegrowthofnewglobal

publics(Bennett2004:128).Hismainargumentisthatsocialjusticeactivism,in

theerafollowingtheSeattleprotests,isdifferentinitsglobalscale,networked

complexity,opennesstodiversepoliticalidentities,andcapacitytosacrifice

ideologicalintegrationforpragmaticpoliticalgain(Bennett2004:109).Although

BennettfocusesontheimportanceofIndymedia,hemakesexplicitreferencetothe

factthatpersonaldigitalmediaareimportanttotheseactivists(Bennett2004:

109).Hegoesontoexplorewhetherdigitalcommunicationnetworksare

advantagingwhathetermsresource-poorplayers,suchassocialmovements,and

alsodrawsuponthetheoryofManuelCastellstoexplorethesocialcontextsof

internet-basedactivism(Bennett2004).

Bennettsworkisimportanttothisresearchinanumberofways,buttostart,

itshouldbenotedthatheidentifiedthefactthatmodern-dayactivistcampaignsare

moreprotractedandlesscentrallycontrolled,duetothethen-emergingpatternsof

globalactivistcommunication(Bennett2004:115).AlthoughBennett(2004)made

thispointsevenyearsbeforetheemergenceoftheOccupymovement,hecleverly

drawsattentiontothetrendofnewmediaenablinglonger-termsocialmovements.

Additionally,henoteshowcontemporary,looselylinkednetworksareideologically

thin(Bennett2004:118).Hegivestheexampleofthepermanentanti-Microsoft

campaign,whereconservativeUnitedStatesSenatorOrrinHatchandconsumer


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activistRalphNaderfindthemselvespartofthesamemovement.Essentially,the

looseconnectionsfacilitatedbynewmediaenableabroadbaseofsupportfora

varietyofissuesinsuchawaythatwasnotpreviouslypossible.

Bennettconcludesbyexplainingthatalthoughthesenewcommunication-

basedpoliticsaredurable,theyarepronetoproblemsofcontrol,decision-making

andcollectiveidentity(Bennett2004:127).Healsogoesontosaythatresearchers

shouldnotanalyzethenewcommunication-basedpoliticsfromtheperspectiveof

particularorganizationsorissues,butrathershouldlookattheentirenetwork

(Bennett2004:128).However,thismayhavebeeneasiertodobeforethe

emergenceofFacebookandTwitter,wheretheamountofelectronicdataproduced

byentiremovementsisnotonlyvast,butalsocostlytoanalyze.Althoughthispaper

doesnotheedBennettslastpieceofadvice,itisneverthelesshelpfultonotethatat

leastonescholarhasrecommendedagainstexaminingaparticularorganizationas

opposedtowhathecallsanelectronicpublicsphere(Bennett2004:128).

ReferringtoCyberprotest:NewMedia,CitizensandSocialMovements(2004),

SimonCottles(2008)workreachesrelativelysimilarconclusionsasauthorssuchas

Bennett(2004),Rucht(2004),andVanAelst&Walgrave(2004).Hismainargument

isthatprotestsanddemonstrationstodayhavebecomereflexivelyconditionedby

theirpursuitofmediaattention,andneedtobeiftheyaretogettheirmessage

acrossandmobilizewidersupport(Cottle2008:853).Hegoesontosaythatwider

audiencesarenowprimarilyexposedtothepoliticsofprotestthroughnewsmedia,

andthroughexposuretothesewideraudiences,legitimacycanbepotentiallywon


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orlost(Cottle2008:854).Thatsocialmovementsrelyonmediacoveragefor

broaderexposureandthegarneringofpopularsupportisnotnew.Whatisnewis

thatpoliticshasbecomeincreasinglymediated,andthewayinwhichnewsmedia

frameprotestshascometobeintegraltothepoliticsofprotest(Cottle2008:854).

AccordingtoCottle,mediapoliticsregardingdemonstrationsandprotestshas

becomelessclearorpredictablethanintherecentpast(Cottle2008:854).Thisis

presumablyduetothefactthatdemonstrationshavebecomemainstream,andare

nolongerconfinedtoleft-wingconcernsandagendas(Cottle2008:854).

Cottle(2008)makesanimportantcontributiontothispaperinthathe

outlineshowmainstreammediacoverageofprotestanddemonstrationsis

changing.Althoughthisresearchdoesntnecessaryaimtoexaminemediacoverage

ofprotesters,itisneverthelessusefultoacknowledgethatthestruggleforpublic

recognitionandrepresentationthroughthestagingofdemonstrationsandprotests

isinextricablyboundupwiththestruggletocirculatemessagesandmeanings,and

thereforetoshapeandconditionnewsmediareporting(Cottle2008:867).Because

socialmediaareincreasinglyrisinginprominencenotonlyamongactivistsbut

reportersaswell,itonlymakessensethatTwitterandYouTubeareactivists

preferredplatformsofcommunication(Poell&Borra2011).

ThesecondworkofManuelCastellstobeexaminedhere,his2009work

CommunicationPowerprovidesathoroughlookattheroleofpowerinthenetwork

society.CommunicationPower(2009)canbeconsideredasuccessortoCastells

earlierThePowerofIdentity(2010),andthesecondinatrilogydealingverybroadly


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withtheinformationage.Averydensetheoreticalwork,itisimportantfirstto

explainwhatthisbookmeansbybothpowerandnetworksociety,asCastells

(2009)offersspecificdefinitionsofboth.

Bypower,Castellsisreferringtotherelationalcapacitythatenablesasocial

actortoinfluenceasymmetricallythedecisionsofothersocialactor(s)inwaysthat

favortheempoweredactorswill,interestsandvalues(Castells2009:10).Hegoes

ontoexplainthatpowerisexercisedbyeitherrealorthepossibilityofcoercion,

and/orbytheconstructionofmeaningonthebasisofthediscoursesthrough

whichsocialactorsguidetheiraction(Castells2009:10).Basically,Castells(2009)

issayingthatpowercanbeexercisedbothbyonesocialactoroveranother,aswell

asatadiscursivelevel.Anexampleofthisistheconstructionofaneoliberal

hegemonicdiscoursewithinwhichitisnotpossibletocommunicatepolitically

withoutadoptingthelanguageofneoliberalism(Phillips1998).Bynetworksociety,

Castellsisreferringtoasocietywhosesocialstructureismadearoundnetworks

activatedbymicroelectronics-based,digitallyprocessedinformationand

communicationtechnologies(Castells2009:24).Hegoesontosaythatthe

networksocietyisaglobalsociety,andthateverybodyisaffectedbytheprocesses

thattakeplaceintheglobalnetworksthatconstitutethesocialstructure,(Castells

2009:25)regardlessofthefactthatthemajorityofpeopleonthisplanetarestill

notincludedinthesenetworks.

Castells(2009)workwasnotselectedtoinformthisstudytheoretically,as

willbeoutlinedlateron,butitdoessupportthegeneralthemeofthissection,which


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istosaythatsocialmovementsneedtobeusingnewmedia.AccordingtoCastells,

thekeystrategicquestionofourageishowtoreachtheglobalfromthelocal,

throughnetworkingwithotherlocalitieshowtograssrootthespaceofflows

(Castells2009:52).Inthissense,newmediaverymuchfulfillthisstrategicaimof

socialmovements,inthattheyenableactiviststonetworkgloballywhilefocusing

onlocalissues.Totakethisonestepfurther,theOccupymovementcanbe

consideredtheembodimentofthistheory,duetoitbeingaglobalsocialmovement

enabledbysocialmediathatiscomprisedofhundredsoflocallybasednodes.

ToTweetorNottoTweet?

Thethirdcomponenttothisliteraturereviewwillexaminethetopicof

Twitter.Whileearliersectionshavelookedathowsocialmovementscommunicated

beforetheadventofsocialmediaandthetransitiontotheiruseofsocialmedia

respectively,thissectionfocusesontheiruseofTwitterasopposedtootherpopular

platformssuchasFacebookorYouTube.

danahboyd,ScottGolder,andGiladLotan(2010)discussvariousaspectsof

Twitter,butfocusprimarilyontheretweetcapability.Ratherthanseektoprove

ordisproveanyhypothesis,theyexplorehowtheretweetfunctionenablesusersto

beinaconversation(boydetal.2010:1).Theauthorsuserelativelylargerandom

samplesoftweets(between203,000and720,000percasestudy)to,intheirown

words,assessretweetingasapractice(boydetal.,2010:3).Theydeterminethat,by

rebroadcastingmessages,thosewhoretweetbecomepartofabroader

conversation(boydetal.2010:10).


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However,mostpertinenttothisstudy,boydetal.mapouthowTwitterin

generalenablesparticipantstoconversewithindividuals,groups,andthepublic

atlarge,sowhenconversationsemerge,theyareoftenexperiencedbybroader

audiencesthanjusttheinterlocutors(boydetal.2010:1).Thisistosaythatthe

authorsdiscussTwitterbeyonditsretweetcapability.Theyprovidesomekey

informationregardingthehistoryofTwitter,suchasthefactitwasfoundedin

early2006toenablepeopletoshareshorttextualmessagestweetswithothers

inthesystem(boydetal.2010:2).Thesystemlimitstweetstoalengthof140

charactersduetothesimplefactthatTwitterwasdesignedfortweetstobeshared

viaSMS(boydetal.2010:2).Accordingtotheauthors,Twittercombineselements

ofsocialnetworksitesandblogs,butwithafewnotabledifferencesConnections

aredirectedratherthanundirected,[and]participantscanlinktoothersandsee

theirtweets,buttheotheruserneednotreciprocate(boydetal.2010:2).They

alsolistotherimportantaspectsuniquetoTwitterasasocialmediaplatform,such

asthefactthatthereisnoabilitytocommentonindividualposts,andthefirstthing

usersseeuponlogginginisastreamoftweetspostedbythosethattheyfollow,

listedinreversechronologicalorder(boydetal.2010:2).Overall,theboydetal.

(2010)articleisusefulinthesensethatitprovidesathoroughdescriptionofthe

Twitterservice,andthatitdescribeshowconversationstakeplacewithinthat

service.

MeeyoungCha,HamedHaddadi,FabrcioBenevenuto,andKrishnaP.

Gummadi(2010)analyzeuserinfluenceinTwitter,asthetitleoftheirarticle

suggests.Specifically,Chaetal.analyzeinfluencepatternsbyusingalargeamount


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ofdatagatheredfromTwitter,[and]comparethreedifferentmeasuresofinfluence:

indegree,retweets,andmentions(Chaetal.2010:1).Indegreeisthenumberof

followersaparticularuserhas,retweetsmeanthenumberoftimesauserforwards

anotheruserstweet,andmentionsmeansthenumberoftimesausermentions

anotherusersname(Chaetal.2010:1).Chaetal.arguethatstudyinginfluence

patternscanhelpusbetterunderstandwhycertaintrendsorinnovationsare

adoptedfasterthanothers(Chaetal.2010:1).Theyoutlinetraditional

communicationtheorywithregardtothestudyofinfluence(namely,thata

minorityofusers,calledinfluentials,excelinpersuadingothers)(Rogers1962),and

analyzeuserinfluenceusingalargeamountofdatagatheredfromTwitter(Chaet

al.2010:1).Thedatasetconsistsof6,189,636usersand1,755,925,520tweets,and

Spearmansrankcorrelationcoefficientisusedtocomparethethreemeasuresof

userinfluence(Chaetal.2010:3).Finally,theydeterminethreekeythingsabout

theinfluenceofTwitterusers:1)indegreerepresentsauserspopularity,butisnot

relatedtootherimportantnotionsofinfluencesuchasretweetsandmentions;

2)retweetsaredrivenbythecontentvalueofatweet;and3)mentionsare

drivenbythenamevalueofauser(Chaetal.2010:8).Chaetal.(2010)have

brokengroundwithregardtounderstandingwhatisrequiredtosystematically

obtaininfluenceonTwitter.

Chaetal.s(2010)workcontributestothisstudyprimarilyinthatit

demonstrateswhatcanbedonequantitativelywithtweetdata,andthatitdiscusses

thequestionofmethodologyinrelationtosuchastudy.Aspreviouslydiscussed,

Chaetal.sstudyseekstomeasureuserinfluence,andsotheymakeavalue


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judgmentthatnormalizingtheirdatasetisnotappropriatefortheirneeds(Chaetal.

2010:4).Becausetheywanttodemonstratethatuserswiththehighestnumberof

retweetsweremoreinfluential,theydecidednottonormalizetheirdata,which

wouldhaveseenthemcondensetheirdatabyremovingredundancies(inthiscase,

retweetsbeingtheredundancies).

AsaresultofChaetal.s(2010)discussionofmethodology,Iwasableto

makeaninformeddecisionnottofactorinretweetswithregardtothecontent

analysis.Retweetswerentfactoredin,becausethecontentanalysissoughtto

determinepopularityofparticularthemesratherthantheinfluenceofindividual

users.Adiscussionregardingthesubjectofwhyretweetswerentcountedinthe

contentanalysisisoutlinedinthemethodologysectionofthispaper.

Anotherarticleimportanttothequantitativeaspectofthisstudy,Devin

Gaffneys#iranElection:QuantifyingOnlineActivism(2010)alsotakesanexplorative

approachtoitsprimaryquestion.Gaffneyhasasked,Canafinergranularitybe

achievedindirectlymeasuringtheimpactonpoliticsandsociety?(Gaffney2009:

1)andthenfocusedontheuseofTwitterbyactivistsfollowingthe2009Iran

election.Theauthorusedamethodologysimilartothatusedinthisstudy,inthathe

collectedtweetscontainingaparticularhashtag(inhiscase,#iranElection),and

storedthetweetanditsassociatedmetadata(time,user,numberoffriendsand

followers,statedlocation,etc.)(Gaffney2009:2).Datawascollectedusingacustom-

writtenpieceofsoftware,andintotal,766,263tweetsacross73,693userswere

collectedandstored(Gaffney2009:2).


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LikeChaetal.(2010),Gaffneyoptedtoanalyzeforinfluence,amongother

factorssuchashistogram-basedanalysisandlanguage-basedanalysis(i.e.,tag

clouds)(Gaffney2009:2).Ofparticularimportancetothisstudy,Gaffneyconcluded,

previousapproaches(tothestudyofonlineactivism)tendtoleantowards

predominantlyqualitativeanalysis,whichis,whileuseful,nottheonlyapproach

thatshouldbeused(Gaffney2009:7).Hesuggeststhatnewmethodologiesshould

beembracedbythosestudyingWeb2.0technology,andtellsusthatitispossibleto

confirminfluentialactors(Gaffney2009:7).WhilethemethodsusedbyGaffneyare

notdirectlyapplicablewithregardtothisownstudy,thefactthathehasanalyzeda

largetweetdatasetfocusingononlineactivismservestoinformthisstudyintwo

primaryways:1)Gaffneyencouragesresearcherstoconsideranalyzingsocial

mediadataquantitatively,and2)headdressestheissueofethicswithregardtothe

harvestingoftweets(Gaffney2009:7).Heinformsresearchersthatthereseemsto

besomecontroversyoverwhetherornotitisethicaltocollecttweetsand

associateduserinformation,and,chillingly,[o]nceregimesusedtorturetogetthis

kinddata;nowitsfreelyavailableonFacebook(Gaffney2009:7).Whilethislatter

aspectofthedebatesurroundingtheethicsofsocialmediadataharvestingisnot

applicabletothisstudy,itisneverthelessimportanttoconsidertherisksthatsucha

studyasGaffneys(2009)mayposewhendealingwithuserswholiveincountries

suchasIranthatmaypunishactivistsforchallengingthestatusquo.

Thesinglemostinfluentialarticleregardingthisstudy,ThomasPoelland

ErikBorrasTwitter,YouTube,andFlickrasPlatformsofAlternativeJournalism:The

SocialMediaAccountofthe2010TorontoG20Protests(2011)isalsothemost


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recentlypublishedarticletobereviewed.Theauthorsexaminetheappropriation

ofsocialmediaasplatformsofalternativejournalismbytheprotestersofthe2010

G20summitinToronto,Canada,anddosointhelightofthehistoryandtheoryof

alternativejournalism(Poell&Borra2011:1).Poell&Borra(2011)have

conductedthisexaminationintwooverarchingparts.Thefirstconsistsofan

analysisofwhethertheuseofTwitterandYouTubepermitalargenumberof

peopletosharetheirobservationsandpointsofview,andthesecondconsistsof

whetherthesocialmediaaccountsfocustheattentionontheprotestersissues,

insteadofonviolenceandspectacle(Poell&Borra2011:5).

AddressingthesetwoexaminationsintheordercoveredinPoell&Borras

(2011)study,Ishallstartbyunpackingwhattheauthorshavesaidabout

crowdsourcing.Poell&BorraidentifythatTwitteristhemostdemocraticformof

socialmedia,whencomparedwithFlickrandYouTube(Poell&Borra2011).Itis

alsomorecrowdsourcedthanolderformsofalternativeprotestreporting,notably

Indymedia(Poell&Borra2011).ThismeansthatTwitterappearstohaveopened

protestreportingtoarelativelylargenumberofuserswhencomparedto

Indymedia.Theauthorsnotethat,[d]uringthetwodaysoftheG20summiton26

and27June2010,whenthelargestproteststookplace,morethan800users

postedover3,000tweetsadaytagged#g20report(Poell&Borra2011:8).Users

onYouTubeandTwitterwieldedrelativelygreaterinfluencewithregardtothe

percentageofpostsmadebyindividualusers.Thisbeingsaid,theystillmakenoteof

thefactthat,includingTwitter,the20percentmostactiveusersonallthree

platformspostedover50percentofallreports(Poell&Borra2011:9).Tothe


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presentday,noalternativejournalisticmediumhasbeenabletosignificantly

crowdsourcereports,andPoell&Borra(2011)showthattodayscropofsocial

mediafarelittlebetterthanIndymedia.

Secondly,theauthorsseektoaddresstheissueofwhetherprotestersfocus

ontheirissuesratherthanviolenceandspectacle.Analyzing11,556tweets,222

videos,and3,338photoscontainingthehashtag#g20report,Poell&Borracoded

theirdatasetandfoundthatthethe#g20reportaccountwasprimarilyaboutpolice

activity(Poell&Borra2011:11).Theydifferentiatebetweentopoutlinks(URLs

containedintweets)andretweets,andfindsimilar,albeitnotidentical,results

(Poell&Borra2011:11).Acrosseachoftheplatformsstudied,protestersfocused

overwhelminglyonpoliceactivities,andasaresultofthesefindings,itisreasonable

toexpectsimilarfindingsinthisstudy.

Theauthorshaveidentifiedthatthereportingofprotestersonsocialmedia

mirror[ed]often-criticizedmainstreamprotestreportingpractices,(Poell&Borra

2011:1)suggestingthatprotestersmayhavecomefullcirclefromthedaysofthe

protestsexaminedbyHalloranetal.(1970),andinthiscase,havefocusedonan

eventratherthantheissuesbeingbroughttolightbytheprotestersthemselves.

Indeed,asPoell&Borraconclude,theattentionisdrawnawayfromtheoriginal

issuesatstakeintheprotestsasaresultofpoliceviolencebeingemphasizedby

protestersinthesocialmediaaccount(Poell&Borra2011:15).Thisstudyis

heavilyindebtedtothatofPoell&Borraduetothefactthat,followingthis

conclusion,theyquestionwhethersocialmedia,suchasTwitterandYouTube,


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shouldbethemainplatformstofacilitate[alternative]reportingasactivistsare

increasinglyturningtothesemediaastheirpreferredplatformsofcommunication

(Poell&Borra2011:15).

Thenextlogicalstepistoverifywhetherprotestersareindeeddistracting

fromtheirownmessagebypayingtoomuchattentiontopoliceandviolence,and

usefultothepurposesofthisstudy,anotherlargescaleprotesthappenedtotake

placeoneyearlaterinthesamelocation.ThankstoPoell&Borra(2011),weknow

thatTwitterisbestabletofacilitatethecrowdsourcingofreportingamongthe

currentgenerationofsocialmedia,andsoitmakessensetodrawfromtheirstudy

theideatoisolateTwitterasthesoleresearchsubjectinafuturestudy.Thisis

becausetheprotestersthemselvesareinterestedincrowdsourcingtheirreports,in

anefforttoreversetheperceivedbiasofmainstreammediatowardfocusingon

protestsasapotentialoractualdisruptionoflegitimateorder,notasastatement

abouttheworld(Gitlin1980:271).AsPoell&Borraoutline,mediacoverageis

divertedawayfromcriticaltreatmentoftheinstitutional,systemic,andeveryday

workingsofpropertyandthestate(Poell&Borra2011:3),andthisisdueto

mainstreamjournalismsphilosophyofobjectivityandimpartiality,whichleadsto

astrongfocusontheeventitself(Gitlin1980:271;Halloranetal.1970:302).To

takethisonestepfurther,violencetendstobecomeacentralthemein

demonstrationreportingandprotestissuesdownplayedoroverlooked,duetoits

highvisibilityinrelationtoanevent(Poell&Borra2011:4).


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Thisliteraturereviewhasexaminedworksrelevanttothisstudyinthree

parts.Bynavigatingthroughworksthatwereintegraltounderstandingwhysocial

movementsneedalternativemedia,toliteraturedealingwithwhysocial

movementsneedtoadoptnewmedia,throughtoworksexaminingspecificallythe

useofTwitterbysocialmovementactivists,theupcomingcasestudyofOccupy

Torontohasbeenplacedwithinarecenthistoricalcontextdatingbacktotheanti-

VietnamWarmovementof1968.InChapter2,thetheorynecessarytoprovidean

understandingofOccupyTorontoasasocialmovement,aswellasactivistsuseof

Twitterasalternativemedia,willbeexamined.


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Chapter2:TheoreticalFramework

TheBuildingBlocksforaModernSocialMovement

InChapter1,itwasdemonstratedthatsocialmovementactivistsinitially

wentfromfirstrecognizingabiasinmainstreamnewsreportingcirca1968(namely,

followingtheanti-VietnamWarprotests),toadoptingnewmediacirca1999

(namely,duringandfollowingtheSeattleWTOprotests),tohowtheycurrentlyuse

Twitterasalternativemedia(namely,duringthe2011Occupyprotests).

Itisimportanttoprovideanoverviewofbothalternativemediaandsocial

movementtheory,especiallyduetoalternativemediahavingarisenalongsidesocial

movements.Socialmovementshaveexistedforfarlongerthanhaveclaimsofbiasin

mainstreammedia,butsinceatleast1968(Halloranetal.1970;Gitlin1980),social

movementactivistshaverecognizedthatthewayinwhichtheyhavebeenframedin

mainstreamnewscoveragehasnotbeenbalanced(Poell&Borra2011).Asaresult,

activistsstartedtoturntowardalternativemethodsofmediaproductionsuchas

zines(Atton2002)andthewebsiteIndymedia(Platon&Deuze2003;Carroll&

Hackett2006;Downing2008;Castells2009;Castells2010;Poell&Borra2011).

AlternativeMedia

AccordingtoalternativemediascholarsRichardAbelandChrisAtton,there

isnosingledefinitionofthetermalternativemedia(Abel1996;Atton2002).

However,Atton(2002)doesgotogreatlengthstoprovideatheoreticaland

methodologicalframeworkforalternativemedia,aswellasprovidecasestudiesof


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mediathatfithisbroaddefinition(theseareprimarilyzines,whichthemselvesgrew

outoflate-1970sfanzines).AlthoughAttonsAlternativeMediawaspublishedin

2002,beforetheadventofsocialmedia,itisstillausefultoolinthatitprovidesa

thoroughanalysisofthehistoryandtheoryunderpinningalternativemedia.

AnoverviewofAttonsbooktellsusthatalternativemediahaveacomplex

andrichhistory,datingbackatleasttothesecondhalfofthe1800s(Atton2002).

Becauseofthebroadnessofthetermalternativemedia,onecanconsider1800s

amateurjournalism,late1920ssciencefictionmagazines,andAdbustersmagazine

allexamplesofalternativemedia.ThisisbecauseallfitAttonsoverarching

typology,whichisasfollows:

1. Content(politicallyradical,socially/culturallyradical);newsvalues;2. Formgraphics,visuallanguage;varietiesofpresentationandbinding;

aesthetics;3. Reprographicinnovations/adaptationsuseofmimeographs,IBM

typesetting,offsetlitho,photocopiers;4. Distributiveuse(Atton1999)alternativesitesfordistribution,

clandestine/invisibledistributionnetworks,anti-copyright;5. Transformedsocialrelations,rolesandresponsibilitiesreader-writers,

collectiveorganization,de-professionalizationofe.g.,journalism,printing,publishing;

6. Transformedcommunicationprocesseshorizontallinkages,networks.(Atton2002:27)

Atton(2002)waswritingatatimewhensocialmediahadyettoemerge,and

thealternativemedialandscapewasdominatedbythelikesofIndymediaandzines

(zinesbeingprintedonpaper,ratherthanprimarilydisseminatedelectronically).

However,histypologystillprovidesausefulmodelforunderstandingactivistsuse

ofTwitterasalternativemediainthatthecontent,visuallanguage(whenimages

appear),clandestine/invisibledistributionnetworks(asmanyuserschosetouse


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pseudonyms),transformedsocialrelations(nearlyallcontributorstothe

conversationappeartohavebeenamateursratherthanprofessionaljournalists,

andtheywerecertainlyreader-writersastheyfrequentlyrespondedtoother

tweets),andhorizontallinkages(theOccupymovementwasinfamousforitslackof

leadership,andOccupyTorontowasnodifferent)allpointtoitbeinganexampleof

alternativemediawhenusedbyactivists.Inspiteofbeingtenyearsoldatthetime

ofthispaperswriting,Attons(2002)typologyofalternativemediaisstillthemost

popular,anditremainsrelevantwithregardtoprovidingatheoretical

underpinningforbeginningtounderstandtheOccupyTorontoactivistsuseof

Twitter.

Attonstypologyofalternativemediaisitselfgroundedtheoreticallyinthe

workofJohnDowning,whodrewuponanarchistphilosophytohelpexplainwhatis

meantbyalternative(Downing1984;Atton2002).Downing(1984)developedhis

theoriesduringtheColdWar,atimewhencommunistcountrieswerehometo

mediaeverybitashierarchical,limitingandboundbyauthorityasarethemass

mediaofcapitalism(Atton2002:20).Hearguedinfavourofarevolutionary

socialistmedia,separatefromeithercapitalistorcommunistmassmedia(Downing

1984).Downings(1984)owntypologyofalternativemedia(althoughhecallsit

radicalmedia)doesnotemphasizetheroleofcontent,andheprivileges

organizationandprocessoverproduct(Atton2002).Histypologyofalternative

mediaisasfollows:


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1. Theimportanceofencouragingcontributionsfromasmanyinterestedpartiesaspossible,inordertoemphasizethemultiplerealitiesofsociallife(oppression,politicalcultures,economicsituations);

2. Thatradicalmedia,whiletheymaybepartisan,shouldneverbecomeatoolofpartyorintelligentsia;

3. Thatradicalmediaattheirmostcreativeandsociallysignificantprivilegemovementsoverinstitutions;4. Thatwithintheorganizationofradicalmediathereappearsanemphasison

prefigurativepolitics.(Downing1984:17)

Atfirstglance,Downings(1984)typologyappearstosharelittlewiththatof

Atton(2002).However,onecannotexamineDownings(1984)theorywithout

placingitwithinabroaderhistoricalcontext.AsAttonhimselfnotes,Downingwas

writingbeforetheradicaltransformationoftheCommunistcountriesafter1989

andhisargumentsagainstthePartyandtheStatearelessurgenttoday(Atton

2002:20).PriortotheendoftheColdWar,itmadefargreatersensetofocuson

alternativestoparty-controlledstatemediacompaniesthanitdoestoday,although

Downings(1984)typologymaylikelyfindcontemporaryutilityinmodern-day

Chinaandothersingle-partystates.

Indeed,thefirstandthirdpointsareasrelevanttodayastheywerein1984.

WhenusedbyOccupyTorontoactivists,Twitterencouragedcontributionsfromas

manyinterestedpartiesaspossible(whethertheywerefororagainstthe

movement),andprivilegedthemovementoverinstitutions(newsorganizationsand

otherofficialsourceswerefaroutnumberedbyactivistsandotherinterested

parties).AttonalsonotesthatDowning(1984)failedtoexaminealternativemedia

predatingthe1960sandthatheignoredzineculture,butAttonhimselfignores

Indymediaandmentionsthetermnewmediaonlyonce(althoughhedoes

dedicatehisfinalchaptertoinformationandcommunicationtechnologiesand


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alternativemedia)(Atton2002:133).Itstandstoreasonthatitisanearimpossible

taskforanyworktoaddressallaspectsofalternativemedia,giventhatwhatmakes

amediumalternativewhollydependsonthemainstreammediaandpoliticsofthe

day.JustastheRussiansamizdatwaspopularatthetimeofDownings(1984)

work,andthezinewaspopularatthetimeofAttons(2002)work,Twitteriswhat

ispopularatthetimeofthiswork.

Inthisparticularcase,Twittercanbeconsideredanalternativemedium

whenusedbyOccupyTorontoactivists.Justasmagazinesarenotinherently

alternative,zinesareduetotheircontent,form,etc.ActivistuseofTwitter

qualifiesasalternativemediaforsimilarreasons.Aslistedabove,activistuseof

Twitterqualifiesduetoitscontent,visuallanguage,clandestine/invisible

distributionnetworks,transformedsocialrelations,andhorizontallinkages.

ItwillbeusefultoknowexactlyhowOccupyTorontoactivistsuseofTwitter

qualifiedthemediumasanexampleofalternativemediausingAttons(2002)

typologyofalternativeandradicalmedia,andsoeachpointwillbeexaminedin

greaterdetail.First,thecontentisradicalinanumberofways.Agreaternumberof

specificexampleswillbegivenintheproceedinganalysis,butcommentssuchas

OccupyBayStreet-NotAfghanistan!-Jointheanti-warcontingent-

http://t.co/EUGcWlXl#occupytoronto(CanadianPeace2011)andSorryforthe

Inconvenience,We'reTryingtoChangetheWorld#occTO#occupy(#occTO

2011a)providetwoexamplesoftweetsthatpresentcontentseekingtochallenge


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mainstreampoliticalthought(whetherbroadlyasinthelattercase,orchallenging

somethingasspecificasCanadasforeignpolicyasintheformer).

ThenextwayinwhichactivistuseofTwittercanbeconsideredanexample

ofalternativemediaisinhowOccupyTorontoactivistsusedittodisseminate

imagescriticalofMayorRobFord,thepolice,publicpolicy,etc.Anexampleofthis,

@OccupyTorontoPicturesfromOccupyTorontohttp://t.co/FXIHeTrOonFlickr

plzshare!#ows#occupytoronto#oto#occupycanada#occupy,(MacPherson

2011)containsalinktoMs.MacPhersonsFlickrphotoset,itselfcontainingcritical

images(onefeaturesaphotooftwowomen,onebeingformerparliamentarypage

BrigetteDePape,holdingastopsignthatreadsStopHarper).

Third,itcanbesaidthatclandestine/invisibledistributionnetworksexisted

onTwitteramongsomeOccupyTorontoactivists.Chiefamongthese,ofcourse,

wouldbetheofficialOccupyTorontoaccountitself(#occTO),whichnever

attributeditspoststoaparticularperson.Thesamecanbesaidofthenumerous

oppositiontrolls,orthosewhopostedinflammatorymessagesinanattemptto

provokeactivists.ForemostamongthesewastheaccountSattva01(thename

associatedwiththisaccount,SattvaNamaste,cannotbeconfirmed).

ItfollowsthatuseofTwitterasamediumfacilitatedatransformationin

socialrelationsamongstOccupyTorontoactivists.Thisisbecauseinsteadofusing

mediathatrelyongatekeeperstodisseminateinformation(evenzineshaveeditors),

Twitterenabledallactiviststovoicetheiropinionsformassconsumption.Although

notallOccupyTorontoactivistswillhavebeenabletouseTwitter(namely,those


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withoutaccesstotheinternetorsmartphones),itenabledagreaternumberof

activiststohavetheirsaythandidtraditionalmassmedia,suchasnewspapers.

Furthermore,Twitterfacilitatedade-professionalizationofjournalismand

publishing(allactivistswereabletoposttweetsandreportonevents),asit

facilitatedreader-writersasopposedtoadistinctionbetweenproducerand

consumer.Itispossibletoprovetheexistenceofreader-writersduetothefactthat

manyusersrepliedtothetweetsofothers.Tonamebutoneexample,whenMeagan

ClaytontweetedthatMaybecopsarebeingpolitecuz[sic]THEYRE[sic]SUPPOSED

TOBE?Maybeppl[sic]arerunningawayfromyourcamerasb/cyou'recallingthem

violent?#OccTO,(Clayton2011)anaccountappearingtorepresentOccupy

Torontoreplied,@NotThatMegYouclearlyhaven'tseenthevideoofourpolice

attackingppl[sic]attheendofOhCanadaduring#g20haveyou?#Toronto#occTO

(#occTO2011b).

Fifthandlast,TwitterenabledOccupyTorontoactiviststoformhorizontal

linkagesandnetworksratherthantraditionalhierarchicalrelationships(i.e.,

betweeneditorandreporter).TheOccupymovementwasinfamouslynon-

hierarchical(Carlson2011),andTwitterallowsanyusertoposta140-character

tweettoanyone,fromanykindofdevice(Farhi2009).BecauseTwitterenabled

activiststocommunicateamongsteachotherandwiththewiderpublicwithoutthe

filterofaneditororothergatekeeper,itservedtoflattenhierarchiesandprovided

activistswithaplatformwithwhichtospeakoutsideoftherealmofmainstream

media.Noexampleofthisisnecessary,giventhatpresumably,alltweetswere

posteddirectlybythepersonincontrolofagivenaccount.


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AsidefromAttons(2002)importantwork,thereexistseveralothersthat

dealwithalternativemediatheoryorcriticismofmainstreammediamorebroadly.

NickCouldryandJamesCurranscompilationContestingMediaPower:Alternative

MediainaNetworkedWorld(2003a)isaprimeexampleoftheformer,andEdward

S.HermanandNoamChomskysManufacturingConsent:ThePoliticalEconomyof

MassMedia(2002)anexampleofthelatter.Indeed,Herman&Chomsky(2002)cite

Curranintheirwork,andCouldry&Currans(2003a)workmakesmentionof

Herman&Chomsky.Althoughtheseworksarenotaspertinenttothestudyathand

asisAttons(2002),theyhaveneverthelesswieldedgreatinfluenceoverthefieldof

alternativemediaandassuch,shouldnotbeoverlookedentirely.

Firstpublishedin1988,Herman&Chomskys(2002)workwasthefirstto

theorizeapropagandamodelthatexplainseditorialbiasinherentinmainstream

newsreporting.Attonhimselfaddressesthismodelinhisownwork,whenhe

examinestheroleplayedbyadvertisinginthemainstreampress(Atton2002:37).

Bennett(Couldry&Curran:2003a),too,addressesHerman&Chomsky(2002)in

Couldry&Currans(2003a)work.Hedoessowithregardtonotinghowthereisa

trendwithinmainstreammediaforcorporationstoshunsocialresponsibility

beyondprofitsforshareholders(Bennett2003:17),asarguedbyHerman&

Chomsky(2002)intheirfirstoffivepropagandafilters.

Possiblythemostoftencitedworkwithregardtoprovidingacritiqueof

mainstreammedia,ManufacturingConsent:ThePoliticalEconomyofMassMedia

(2002)appearstimeandagainastheoreticaljustificationforactivistsworking


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outsidetherealmofmainstreammedia.However,becausetheirworkdoesnot

addresssocialmedia,waswrittenbeforethatofAtton(2002),andgenerally

examinesaspectsofmediathatfalloutsideofthescopeofthisstudy,itisnot

necessarytoprovidefurtheranalysisoftheirwork.

Theotherworkrequiringmentionduetoitsimportanceinthefieldisthatof

Couldry&Curran(2003a).PublishedsoonafterAttonsAlternativeMedia,(2002)

theirworkisacompilationofessayswrittenbyavarietyofscholars,including

themselves.TheymakenoteoftheimportanceofManuelCastellsnetworksociety

theorytothefieldofalternativemedia,whichholdsthatmedianolongerhave

powerassuch,andthatinaspaceofacceleratedinformation,people,andfinance

flows,themediaportalisincreasinglyimportantforallsocialaction(something

thatOccupyTorontocanbecategorizedas)(Couldry&Curran2003b:7).

However,Couldry&Currans(2002a)workfocusesprimarilyonthe

questionofwhethermediastillholdspowerintheglobalnetworksociety,andless

onthespecificsofalternativemedia.ThisisnotunlikehowHerman&Chomskys

(2002)workanalyzesthepoliticaleconomyofmainstreammediaduringtheCold

War.Additionally,theythemselvesbasetheirowndefinitionofalternativemediaon

thatofAtton(2002)(Couldry&Curran2003b:7),andassuch,theirworkaddslittle

tothestudyathand.

SocialMovements

AccordingtoalternativemediascholarJohnDowning,socialmovementsare

variouslydefined,oftenhardtocategorize,andasaresultoftheir


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unconstitutionalqualitiesresistanttorigidtheorizing(Downing2008:43).

However,socialmovementscholarsCharlesTilly(2004)andSidneyG.Tarrow

(2011)havedonethebestjoboftheorizingsocialmovementssofar,andsotheir

workshavecontributedmostsignificantlytothisstudystheoreticalunderpinnings.

JohnD.H.Downing(2008)alsoprovidesausefulfoundationforprovidingalinkage

betweensocialmediaandsocialmovements,andassuch,isalsoexamined.Finally,

twoimportantworksbyDavidA.SnowandSarahA.Soule(2010),andManuel

Castells(1983)respectivelythatdidnotsignificantlyinformthisstudywillbe

addressed.Thisisbecauseofeithertheirinfluenceortheirrelevancetothisstudy,

andthustheirexclusionshallbejustified.

Havingwrittenonthesubjectsinceatleast1974(Tilly1974),CharlesTillys

SocialMovements,1768-2004(2004)ishelpfulinthatitprovidesacleartheoretical

groundforunderstandingOccupyTorontoasasocialmovement.Firstofall,Tilly

(2004)explainsthatGermansociologistLorenzvonSteinfirstintroducedtheterm

socialmovementintoscholarlydiscussionsin1850(citedinTilly2004),in

referencetoFrenchcommunistandsocialistmovements.Sincethattime,academic

notionsofthesocialmovementhaveevolvedfromtheideaofacontinuous,unitary

processbywhichthewholeworkingclassgainedself-consciousnessandpower"

(Tilly2004:5)tosomethingmorepoliticallyinclusive(vonSteinwasa

contemporaryofKarlMarx).Tillyexplainsthatthesocialmovementemergesfrom

aninnovative,consequentialsynthesisofthefollowingthreeelements(Tilly2004:

3):


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1. Asustained,organizedpubliceffortmakingcollectiveclaimsontargetaudiences(letuscallitacampaign);

2. Employmentofcombinationsfromamongthefollowingformsofpoliticalaction:creationofspecial-purposeassociationsandcoalitions,publicmeetings,solemnprocessions,vigils,rallies,demonstrations,petitiondrives,

statementstoandinpublicmedia,andpamphleteering(callthevariableensembleofperformancesthesocialmovementrepertoire);and

3. ParticipantsconcertedpublicrepresentationsofWUNC:worthiness,unity,numbers,andcommitmentonthepartofthemselvesand/ortheirconstituencies(callthemWUNCdisplays).(Tilly2004:3-4)

UsingTillys(2004)conceptualizationofthesocialmovement,itiseasyto

seehowOccupyTorontoandtheOccupymovementcanfitthisdescription.

Althoughthemovementsaimswerenotfocusedatalltimes,OccupyTorontodid

makeconsistentandsustainedcallsforgreatereconomicequality.Theyfamously

contrastedthewealthiest1%ofsocietywiththe99%theyclaimedtorepresent

(CBCNews2011a),aswellasgeneraloppositiontoausterityandcapitalism,andin

thecaseofOccupyToronto,CanadianPrimeMinisterStephenHarperandTorontos

MayorRobFord.Activistsargumentswerepresentedonline,inthepress,and

duringsit-ins(CBCNews2011a).Anexaminationoftweetsalonedemonstratesthat

claimswereindeedmadecollectivelyandpublicly,giventhattensofthousands

werepostedpublicly.

ComparingOccupyTorontowiththesecondcriterion,itisagainpossibleto

seehowitcanbeclassifiedasasocialmovement.Althoughthereappearstohave

beennoformalcoalitionbuildingduetoOccupyTorontoslackofleadership,the

movementhadthesupportofvariouslabourorganizationsincludingtheCanadian

AutoWorkers(Mackrael2011)andtheCanadianUnionofPublicEmployees

(Mackrael2011).Importantly,OccupyTorontowasonepartofabroader,


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American-centricOccupymovementthathadasignificantpresenceinatleastten

Canadiancities(OToole2011a)andothersworldwide.Activistsheldregularpublic

meetingsintheformofgeneralassembliesthattookplaceinSt.JamesParkand

elsewhere(Boesveld2011;CBCNews2011a;Fiorito2011).Theyalsoheldrallies

anddemonstrationsthroughoutthecity,includingatTorontocityhall(Living,

undeadtaketostreets,2011)andQueensPark(CBCNews2011c).Petitiondrives

wereheldbyoronbehalftheactivists(Elash2011),andhundredsofarticles

containingthephraseOccupyTorontoappeared.

ItisonthisthirdpointalonethatOccupyTorontodivergesfromthe

archetypalsocialmovement,asatfirstglance,itdidnotdemonstrateworthinessby

Tillys(2004)definition.First,however,letusexaminewhatTillymeansby

worthiness,unity,numbers,andcommitment:

1. Worthiness:soberdemeanor;neatclothing;presenceofclergy,dignitaries,andmotherswithchildren;

2. Unity:matchingbadges,headbands,banners,orcostumes;marchinginranks;singingandchanting;

3. Numbers:headcounts,signaturesonpetitions,messagesfromconstituents,fillingstreets;

4. Commitment:bravingbadweather;visibleparticipationbytheoldandhandicapped;resistancetorepression;ostentatioussacrifice,subscription,and/orbenefaction.(Tilly2004:4)

ActivistsdidmakeapointofmaintainingliteralsobrietyatSt.JamesPark,

andwell-knownCanadianpublicfigures(fulfillingthedignitariesrequirement)

suchasOliviaChow(Mackraeletal.2011),NaomiKlein(Khler&Ward2011),

GordonLightfoot(CBCNews2011e),andBobRae(Mackraeletal.2011)madean

appearance.TheycertainlyshowedunitybycampingtogetherinSt.JamesPark,


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dancingtogether,demonstratingtogether,andsingingtogether.ThepopularGuy

Fawkes(circa2005filmVforVendetta)maskalsoadornedmanyactivists,

althoughnotall.NumberswereattimesanissueforOccupyToronto,butactivists

didcirculatepetitions,andattempttofillstreets(withvaryingdegreesofsuccess).

Theirstrongestshowingcamewithregardingtotheircommitment,asthehardcore

ofactivistscampedoutinaparkregardlessofweather,andtheywereinclusiveof

allparticipants,includingtheoldandhandicapped(inadditiontothehomeless,

etc.).Tillys(2004)workmakesitpossibletosystematicallydefinehowOccupy

Torontoqualifiesasasocialmovement.Assuch,itisthemostusefultoolinhelping

tolayatheoreticalgroundworkforunderstandingwhatmakesOccupyTorontoa

socialmovement.

SidneyG.TarrowsPowerinMovement:SocialMovementsandContentious

Politics(2011)isreferencedintheworkofTilly(2004),whereitisstatedthatthis

bookthereforepicksupwhereTarrowssplendidsurveyofsocialmovements

leavesoff(Tilly2004:x).Inthissense,thetwoworkscanbeunderstoodas

companionpieces,andassuch,bothshouldbecoveredtoprovidethemost

completepicture.Additionally,Tarrowsworkhasbeenveryinfluentialinthefield

ofsocialmovementstudies,andprovidesfurtherhistoricalcontext,helpingtolocate

OccupyTorontoandtheOccupymovementmorebroadlywithinawiderhistorical

planestretchingbacktothe1780s(whensocialactionsbegantodemonstrate

characteristicsofthemodernsocialmovement)(Tarrow2011).


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Tarrowdefinesthesocialmovementashavingfourempiricalproperties:

collectivechallenge,commonpurpose,socialsolidarity,andsustainedinteraction

(Tarrow2011:9).Hemakesclearthathisdefinitiondoesnotdiffersignificantly

fromthatofTilly(2004),andsoTarrowsworkprovidesreinforcementforTillys

theoreticalconceptualizationofsocialmovements,ratherthananewframework

withwhichtounderstandthem(Tarrow2011).Nevertheless,contrastingOccupy

TorontowithTarrowsdefinitionofsocialmovementwillfurthersupportthe

claimthatOccupyTorontofitthedefinitionofsocialmovement,soletusunpack

whatTarrowmeantbyeachofhisfourempiricalproperties.

First,Tarrowexplainsthatcollectivechallengereferstothewayinwhich

movementscharacteristicallymountcontentiouschallengesthroughdisruptive

directactionagainstelites,authorities,othergroups,orculturalcodes(Tarrow

2011:9).OccupyTorontomountedchallengesagainstvariouselites(the1%,

Torontopublicofficials)andauthorities(by-lawofficers,police),anddisrupted

trafficthroughdemonstrationsandpublicuseofaparkwithitsencampment.As

such,OccupyTorontofulfillsthecriteriaforthisfirstproperty.

Second,commonpurposeisdescribedasreferringtohowsocialmovement

activistsjointogethertomakecommonclaimsagainstthosetheyoppose(Tarrow

2011).Onceagain,itiseasytoseehowOccupyTorontofitthisdefinition,inthat

activistssettledtogetherinonelocation(St.JamesPark)andsharedthemutual

aimsofcallingforgreatereconomicequality,etc.


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Third,socialmovementactivistscanbeconsideredtodemonstratesocial

solidaritywhentheyshowrecognitionoftheircommoninterests(Tarrow2011:

11).OccupyTorontofitthisdefinitionaswell,inthesensethatactivistsbanded

togethertocollectivelydemonstrate,andworkedtogetherintheformofgeneral

assemblies.Indeed,theverynotionofrepresentingthe99%showsthatactivists

recognizedacommoninterestinbelongingtoalowersocioeconomicclassthan

thosebelongingtothe1%.

Finally,sustainedinteractionreferstothewayinwhichitisonlyby

sustainingcollectiveactionagainstantagoniststhatacontentiousepisodebecomes

asocialmovement(Tarrow2011:12).Unfortunately,Tarrow(2011)doesnot

provideaspecificexampleofwhatconstitutesasustainedperiodoftime.

However,havingexistedforatleast41days,OccupyTorontoattemptedtofulfill

thisfinalcriterion(theywereforciblyremovedfromtheirencampmenton23

November2011,andhadearlierpledgedtoremainindefinitely)(OToole2011a).

InadditiontotheseminalworksofTarrow(2011)andTilly(2004),one

additionalscholarprovidedsignificanttheoreticalsupporttothisstudy,ifonlyin

onesense.JohnD.H.DowningsSocialMovementTheoriesandAlternativeMedia:An

EvaluationandCritique(2008)doesasitstitlesuggestsinthatitprovidesabrief

overviewoftheworksrelevanttoastudydealingwithalternativemediaandsocial

movements.Hisworkcoversallofthemajorworksuptothedateofpublication,

andthusprovidesfurtherconfirmationthattheworkscitedinthisstudyarethe

mostrelevantandsignificant.


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CitingscholarsrangingfromHalloranetal.(1970)andGitlin(1980)toAtton

(2002),Tarrow(2002)andTilly(2004),Downing(2008)providesathorough

analysisoftheacademiclandscaperegardingalternativemediaandsocial

movements.Accordingtohim,thetwomajorjournalsdealingprimarilywithsocial

movements(MobilizationandSocialMovementStudies)rarelyfocusonmedia

dimensionsofsocialmovements(Downing2008:41).AlthoughDowningsuggests

thatthereisthegreatestneedforconductingstudieswithafocusonthedeveloping

world(Downing2008),heneverthelessindicatesaneedforastudysuchasthisone,

giventhattoofewstudiesfocusontheuseofalternativemediabysocialmovements.

AsDowningstates,mediaresearchmakesitselflooksillyifitdoesnotforeground

[thecurrentsignificanceofsocialmovementsontheworldstage](Downing2008:

43).

AsidefromtheworksofDowning(2008),Tarrow(2002),andTilly(2004),

twoadditionalworksshallbebrieflydiscussedduetoeithertheirinfluence(Castells

1983)orrelevance(Snow&Soule2010).Althoughtheseworkswerenotreliedon

theoretically,theywillbeaddressedsoastoexplainwhytheotherswerechosen.

Firstpublishedin1983,ManuelCastellsTheCityandtheGrassroots:ACross-

CulturalTheoryofUrbanSocialMovements(1983)isbothinfluentialandoftencited

withinthefieldofsocialmovementstudies.Castellsoutlinesahistoryofurban

socialmovements,drawingalinefromtheComunidadesdeCastillaof1520-1522

throughthe1871ParisCommunetothe1960srevoltswithinAmericaninnercities

(Castells1983).Hecallssocialmovementstheultimatesourcesofdemocraticlife


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(Castells1983:4)andoffersadefinitionofwhathemeansbyurbansocial

movementbaseduponananalysisofMadridsCitizenMovement(Castells1983).

AninspectionofCastellstheoryofsocialmovementsuncoversatheorythat

appearstoprivilegerelativelysmallgroupssuchascounter-culturalsquattersto

middleclassneighbourhoodassociationsandshantytown[sic]defensegroups

(Castells1983:328).Thisisprimarilyduetothefactthat,firstandforemost,

Castellsstatesthatthefirstbasiccharacteristicofthesocialmovementisthatthey

arerelatedtothecity(orcommunity)(Castells1983:328).Hereliesheavilyupon

thetheoryofAlainTourainetoprovidehisdefinition,andstatesthatasocial

movementistheorganizedcollectiveactionbywhichaclass-actorstrugglesfor

thesocialdefinitionofhistoricityinagivenhistoricalensemble(citedinCastells

1983:301).HisdefinitionbareslittlesimilaritytothatofscholarssuchasTarrow

(2011)orTilly(2004)(althoughhecitesTillynofewerthanfivetimes),andisnot

particularlyhelpfulwhenitcomestohelpingtounderstandwhetherornotOccupy

Toronto(andtheOccupymovementmorebroadly)constitutesasocialmovement.

APrimeronSocialMovementsbyDavidA.SnowandSarahA.Soule(2010)

attemptstoprovideacomprehensivetheoreticaltoolkitwithwhichtoanalyze

socialmovements.Havingbeenpublishedrelativelyrecently,Snow&Soules(2010)

workhasnotyetbeengiventhetimenecessarytogainthelevelofinfluenceenjoyed

byTarrow(2011)andTilly(2004).Theirworkisparticularlyhelpfulinthatit

drawsfromawiderangeofdisciplines,andhighlightsthatsocialmovementsneed

notonlyemergefromtheleftofthepoliticalspectrum(indeed,theydemonstrate


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thatracisthatemovementsalsofitthedefinition)(Snow&Soule2010:49).

However,theirconceptualizationofsocialmovementsisextremelysimilartothatof

Tarrow(2011)andTilly(2004).

AccordingtoSnow&Soule(2010),socialmovementscanbeconceptualized

intermsoffivekeyelements:

1. Theyarechallengerstoordefendersofexistingstructuresorsystemsofauthority;

2. Theyarecollectiveratherthanindividualenterprises;3. Theyact,invaryingdegrees,outsideexistinginstitutionalororganizational

arrangements;4. Theyoperatewithsomedegreeoforganization;and5. Theytypicallydosowithsomedegreeofcontinuity.(Snow&Soule2010:6)

TheythemselvesacknowledgeasimilaritytothetheoriesofTarrow(2011)and

Tilly(McAdam,Tarrow,&Tilly2001),andciteaccordingly.Assuch,thetheoryof

Snow&Soule(2010)canbeseenasprovidingsupportforthetheoriesofTarrow

(2011)andTilly(2004)ratherthansignificantlybuildingupontheirtheories.

Providedthatthisisthecase,andthatTarrow(2011)andTilly(2004)havethusfar

provenmoreinfluential,Tarrow(2011)andTilly(2004)wererelieduponforthe

provisionofatheoreticalfoundationratherthanSnow&Soule(2010).

Inthissection,tworesearchquestionshavebeenanswered:a)DoesactivistuseofTwitteradheretotheprinciplesofalternativemedia;andb)

CanOccupyTorontobeconsideredasocialmovement?

Toanswerthefirstquestion,yes,activistuseofTwitterdoesadheretothe

principlesofalternativemedia.AsoutlinedbyChrisAtton(2002),activistuseof

Twitterfitsthetypologyofalternativemedia.Specifically,useofTwitterbyOccupy


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Torontoactivistsadherestotheprinciplesofalternativemediainthatthecontent,

visuallanguage(whenimagesappear),clandestine/invisibledistributionnetworks

(asmanyuserschosetousepseudonyms),transformedsocialrelations(nearlyall

contributorstotheconversationappeartohavebeenamateursratherthan

professionaljournalists,andtheywerecertainlyreader-writersastheyfrequently

respondedtoothertweets),andhorizontallinkages(theOccupymovementwas

infamousforitslackofleadership,andOccupyTorontowasnodifferent)allpointto

itbeinganexampleofalternativemediawhenusedbyOccupyTorontoactivists.

Thisisimportant,becauseastudyexaminingsocialmovementactivistsuseof

alternativemediaintheageofsocialmedia(Poell&Borra2011)mustensurethat

themediumbeingstudiedactuallyfitsthedefinitionofalternativemedia.

Toanswerthesecondquestion,yes,OccupyTorontocanbeconsidereda

socialmovement.ThisisbecauseitfitswithinCharlesTilly's(2004)

conceptualizationofasocialmovement.Specifically,OccupyTorontoadheredtothe

definitionofasocialmovementinthefollowingways:itmadeconsistentand

sustainedcallsforgreatereconomicequality,aswellasgeneraloppositionto

austerity,capitalism,andinthecaseofOccupyToronto,CanadianPrimeMinister

StephenHarperandTorontoMayorRobFord;OccupyTorontoactivistsemployed

severalofformsofpoliticalactionasoutlinedbyTilly(2004)inhis

conceptualizationofthesocialmovement;Althoughthereappearstohavebeenno

formalcoalitionbuildingduetoOccupyTorontoslackofleadership,themovement

hadthesupportofvariouslabourorganizationsincludingtheCanadianAuto

Workers(Mackrael2011)andCanadianUnionofPublicEmployees(Mackrael


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2011);Importantly,OccupyTorontowasonepar

#occupy twitter: a content analysis of toronto activists' use of twitter during the occupy movement

Documents