notes on two arab-byzantine coin types from 7th century syria / nikolaus schindel and wolfgang hahn

8/17/2019 Notes on two Arab-Byzantine coin types from 7th century Syria / Nikolaus Schindel and Wolfgang Hahn

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The Numismatic

Chronicle

VOLUME

17

LONDON

THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

2 1


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Notes on Two Arab-Byzantine Coin Types

from Seventh Century Syria1

NIKOLAUS SCHINDEL and WOLFGANG HAHN

1 . The Severed Head

In 1970 Nicolas Lowick published what was then a new coin type from what is now

regarded as part of the 'pseudo-Damascus' series (cf. Figs 9 and 10 below).

Lowick described the obverse design as follows:

'Standing imperial figure wearing a skirted garment ending at the calves; he

carries a cruciform staff in his r. hand, a bird on his 1. wrist and a spherical

vessel suspended by three cords from his 1. forearm', adding that the 'bulbous

vessel is probably an incense-burner, such as might have been carried (though

not by the Emperor himself) in a procession.'2

Six years later, another very similar specimen was described by Ariel Berman:

'Imperial figure standing, facing, in his left hand a severed human head; above,

a bird'.3

In a subsequent auction catalogue, which referred to Lowick 's article, the description

was:

'Stehender Herrscher mit Diadem und Szepter (ohne Kreuz), auf der Linken

Vogel, am ausgestreckten linken Arm hängt mit zwei Bändern befestigt

Rauchfass ,

and a note added:

'Beim vorliegenden Stück könnten vier kleine senkrechte Striche das Feuer im

Weihrauchgefass andeuten'.4

The next mention derives from another catalogue:

Fais, struck at Damascus, after AD 650. Standing Emperor with bird and

incense-burner. Cf. Berman, p. 17, 1 (the vessel or incense-burner described

there as 'severed human head')'.5

1 We have to thank Tony Goodwin and Marcus Phillips for valuable discussion and suggestions.

2 N.M. Lowick, 'Early Arab figure types', NCirc 78/3 (1970), p. 90.

3 A. Berman, Islamic Coins (Jerusalem, 1976), p. 17, no. 1 (obverse only).

4 Sternberg (Zürich) auction 8, 16 November 1978, lots 1011 (Milstein 133) and 1012 (Milstein 132).

The coins are all from the Irbid hoard.

5 Sternberg (Zürich) auction 13, 17 November 1983, lot 1181.

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322 NIKOLAUS SCHINDEL and WOLFGANG HAHN

Four specimens from the Irbid hoard were published by Rachel Milstein. Her

description, listed under the heading 'Standing figure in Cuirass' reads:

'Headgear of type 4:1 without cross. In field: branch above O in upper 1.; bust

in lower r.; spear instead of sceptre'.6

As for the object to the right, she says:

'A strange object suspends from his (sc. the standing figure's) left arm, and in

at least one die it is nothing other than a severed head'.7

In the same volume of INJ, Shraga Qedar mentioned these coins as showing:

'a hunter with a falcon in his hand and a human head, hanging from his hand.'8

The next treatment was by Andrew Oddy in his study of images of falconry in early

Islamic coins:

'There is also another object hanging below the outstretched left arm, the exact

nature of which is uncertain. It looks rather like the head of a sheep (or another

animal), but it may only be a bag for holding the game caught by the falcon'.9

Oddy does not refer to any of the earlier publications though INJ 1 0 may not have then

been available. The identification of the bird as a falcon derives from his suggestion

that the design depicts a hunting scene:

'This is presumably a representation of the clothing normally worn for hunting

by whoever is represented on these coins'10 since the dress worn by the figure

on the coin is different from that of the normal 'standing emperor' on Arab-

Byzantine coins.

Finally Nayef Goussous' description of the coin is:

'a hunter with a falcon on his hand, holding a human head'.11

In a recent overview on early Islamic figurai coins, Stefan Nebehay has accepted

the interpretation as severed head, but suggests that it might have been derived from

classical depictions of Perseus holding the head of the Gorgon Medusa (Fig. l).12

Fig. 1

6 R. Milstein, 'A hoard of early Arab figurative coins / Hoard of Umayyad Damascus coins', INJ 10

(1988-89), p. 24, no. 130.

7 Milstein, 'Hoard', p. 10.

8 S. Qedar, 'Copper coinage in Syria in the seventh and eighth centuries AD', INJ 10 (1988-89), p. 32.

9 A. Oddy, 'Arab imagery on early Umayyad coins in Syria and Palestine: Evidence for falconry',

NC (1991), p. 61.

10 Oddy, 'Falconry', p. 61.

11 N. Goussous, Umayyad Coinage of Bilad Al-Sham (Amman, 1996), p. 88.

12 S. Nebehay, 'Frühislamische Bildermünzen', NZ 1 13/1 14 (2005), pp. 259-72 at p. 263.




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NOTES ON TWO ARAB-BYZANTINE COIN TYPES FROM SEVENTH CENTURY SYRIA 323

Islamic coins featuring severed heads (Fig. 2) exist, but from a totally different

chronological and geographic background than that of the coins discussed here.13

Fig. 2

The most detailed, and controversial, treatment originates from Volker Popp. In 2004

he focussed on the severed head with the following interpretation:

'Auf allen vier hier erwähnten Exemplaren dieser Münzen kann man deutlich

das stehende (sie ) Haupt ausmachen; das Augenpaar und die Nase sind zu

erkennen'.14

He specifies, however, that it is the head of St John the Baptist in a reliquary box.

One year later Popp described the image in the following way:

'Vorderseite einer anonymen Prägung von Damaskus mit der Darstellung des

arabischen Herrschers. 1. Kreuzglobus, darüber Palmzweig; r. Kopfreliquiar in

Behälter'.15

Two years later the same coin is described as follows:

'Darstellung Johannes des Täufers auf der Vorderseite. Unten r. sein

Kopfreliquiar. Der Heilige von Damaskus schmückt das Münzbild. Auf der

Rückseite Palme als Hinweis auf Jesu Geburt unter der Palme'.16

Another coin featuring the same type, but struck from a different obverse die is

described as:

'Johannes der Täufer und Jesus im Jordan. Oben rechts Taube als Symbol des

Heiligen Geistes'.17

13 W. Spengler and W. Sayles, Turkoman Figurai Bronze Coins and their Iconography. I The Artiquids

(Wisconsin, 1992), pp. 111-16.

14 V. Popp, 'Bildliche Darstellungen aus der Frühzeit des Islam. Das Kopfreliquar Johannes des

Täufers auf den omaijadischen Münzen von Damaskus', Imprimatur 2/2004 (2004), at http://www.

phil.uni-sb.de/projekte/imprimatur/2004/imp040203.html (acccessed 3. 8. 2009).

15 V. Popp, 'Die frühe Islamgeschichte nach inschriftlichen und numismatischen Zeugnissen, in: K.-

H. Ohlig and G. Puin (eds.), Die dunklen Anfänge. Neue Forschungen zur Entstehung und frühen

Geschichte der Islam (Berlin, 2005), p. 48, fig. 7 (obverse only), (p. 43 of English edition).

16 V. Popp, 'Von Ugarit nach Sâmarrâ. Eine archäologische Reise auf den Spuren Ernst Herzfelds', in:

K.-H. Ohlig (ed.), Der frühe Islam. Eine historisch-kritische Rekonstruktion anhand zeitgenössischer

Quellen (Berlin, 2007), p. 117, fig. 24 (obverse only); for a critical overview on Popp's way of working

see N. Schindel, 'Nihil boni praeter causam' (review of Popp, 'Von Ugarit nach Sâmarrâ', MÖNG 49/2

(200), pp. 104-26.

17 Popp, 'Ugarit', p. 118, fig. 26.




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It is curious that on this coin Popp interprets what he has labelled a 'Kopfreliquiar'

as a bust of Jesus, even if he is much smaller than John the Baptist.

The most recent general surveys of Arab-Byzantine coin typology do not

mention what has been called a 'severed head', but accept Oddy's interpretation

of the hunting figure. Thus Tony Goodwin lists this as a type of its own: '(sc.

type) IX. 'Hunting Figure'-Single standing figure, wearing tunic tied at waist,

holding long cross, with bird (falcon?) on arm...'.18 Most recently, Clive Foss

described the type in question as 'Standing figure with long hair in hunting

garb, holding a falcon on his 1. wrist'.19

Clearly, no communis opinion has yet been formed of the overall interpretation of

this type, but there has been a clear tendency to accept the Qedar-Oddy interpretation

of the standing figure as a hunter. In our opinion, the problem of how to make sense

of the pictorial details and peculiarities of this specific coin type has to be seen

in the broader context of the typology especially of Byzantine coinage which has

hitherto been neglected. To begin with Popp's association with John the Baptist: it

is derived from an account in the Arab sources that during the construction works of

the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus under the caliph, al-Walid I (86-96/705-15), the

reliquary of John's head was found. This hardly explains the appearance of the head

on the pre-reform Umayyad coinage. Lowick's idea of an incense-burner, ingenious

as it was for its time, also fails to convince.

Oddy identified the bird as a falcon because that is the way a falcon would perch

on its handler's wrist. That is the origin of his hunting scene and he cites evidence

for the practice of falconry at the time. Since according to him the dress worn by the

figure is atypical he concluded that it was hunting dress, and since the caliph Yazid I

(680-3) was known as a great hunter, these coins might have been struck during his

short reign. Oddy even goes as far as to claim that they were struck 'at a temporary

mint in the desert',20 which would now be regarded as improbable. Although the dress

might look somewhat unusual this does not prove it is a hunting garment; we will try

to explain its history below. The cross sceptre which the figure is holding makes no

sense for a hunter. The identification of the bird as a falcon is based entirely on its

position on the figure's wrist. To our eyes, the bird here, as well as on the 'Umayyad

Imperial Image' issues from Damascus, often shown with long legs and neck, does

not resemble a falcon, or any bird of prey, at all. We think that the closest candidate

is a phoenix which is also represented on fourth century Roman coins. The idea that

these coins depict an Umayyad caliph hunting with falcons, even if this pastime was

known at the time and Oddy cites substantial secondary literature to show that it was,

is unproven.

We would suggest that the type can be better understood by comparing the typology

of Byzantine coins struck under Heraclius (regnal years 20-29) and Constans II

(regnal years 15-17). For both rulers copper coins exist which depict two standing

emperors on the obverse.

18 SICA 1, p. 83.

19 C. Foss, Arab-Byzantine Coins: An Introduction, with a Catalogue of the Dumbarton Oaks

Collection (Dumbarton Oaks, 2009), p. 47.

20 Oddy, 'Falconry', p. 65.




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Fig. 3

Fig. 4

On the obverse of both Figs 3 and 4 the figure on the left, in the place of honour

and thus the senior Augustus, Heraclius and Constans II respectively, wears a military

garment, namely boots, a short tunic and a cloak, while the figure on the right, the

junior Augustus, Heraclius Constantine and the future Constantine IV respectively,

wears the usual chlamys. The senior Augustus holds a long cross in his right hand,

his left hand rests on his hip. His junior colleague initially also holds a cross sceptre,

but later a globus cruciger. There are no legends, but the Heraclian issues from

Constantinople feature Heraclius' monogram in the left field and the letter K (for

KWNCTANTINOC, the second part of the name of Heraclius Constantine) in the

right field. Fig. 5, which is one of the coins attributed to Neapolis, shows the letter

K between the two standing imperial figures. A comparison of the senior Augustus'

dress on these issues with the so-called 'hunting dress' shows that it is essentially the

same. Minor differences such as the length of the skirt on the Syrian issues, are only

to be expected with an imitative series such as this.

Fig. 5

Returning now to the Syrian 'severed head' folles. Eastern imitations of the basic

type exist, showing the emperor in military dress / emperor in chlamys. This type

was listed by Hahn in 1981 for both Heraclius and Constans II.21 The same type

- Heraclius in military dress, Heraclius Constantine in chlamys - was employed

in what might be the only at least semi-official Byzantine mint striking coins just

before the advent of the Arabs, namely Neapolis / Nablus in Samaria, marked either

by the letter N instead of an officina number (Fig. 5) or the abbreviation NEA in the

exergue.

Imitations of the coin type discussed here from uncertain mint(s) of undoubtedly

Syrian location were also considered by Tony Goodwin in 1993. 22 Two pieces he

illustrates clearly imitate the Heraclian type from Constantinople because they show

the monogram,23 while another betrays the influence of Constans II by the use of

21 MB III, pl. 13, nos X22-X24 modelled after Heraclius, pl. 29, no. X34 modelled after Constans II.

22 T. Goodwin, 'Imitative 7th century Byzantine folles with a single figure in military dress', NCirc

101/4 (1993), pp. 112-13.

23 Goodwin, 'Imitative', figs 1, 2.




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the uncial ITI and the legend aiming at this emperor's motto ANANEOCIC.24 Fig. 6

illustrates another such coin. Of special interest though is Fig. 7: here, the figure to

the right consists of head and torso only; it has no legs, and also the globus cruciger

has disappeared. The capital M reverse also occurs on coins of the two standing

figure type (Fig. 8).

Fig. 6

Fig. 7

Fig. 8

The occurrence of both M variants (capital M / uncial ITI) on the reverse can also

be observed on the 'severed head' folles (Fig. 9: uncial ID, Fig. 10: capital M). This

use of both types of M with the same obverse type is not uncommon in the Syrian

imitative series. By looking at the prototypes of Heraclius and Constans II, as well

as what appear to be earlier imitations thereof, such as Fig. 6 and especially Fig.

7, one can easily understand the origin of the 'severed head'. It is in fact nothing

other than the remains of the second imperial bust in the right field, that of the co-

regent. This seems especially plausible in the case of Fig. 9; to our eye, there is no

really substantial difference between the bust here and on Fig. 7. Even the details

of the crown are still recognisable. In the case of Fig. 10 the image looks different.

By this time the meaning of the figure on the left was finally lost to the die cutters.

Taking into account the evolutionary line which runs from the originals via Figs 6

and especially 7 to 9 and 10, it seems impossible to us that things work the other way

round, i.e. that the bust is a misunderstanding of a severed head.

Fig. 9

Fig. 10

There are still some minor differences between the originals and the 'severed

head' folles that need to be addressed. Both Heraclius and Constans II are normally

shown with beards, whereas on these issues they appear to be beardless. Although

the Byzantine originals were important inspirations, they were not slavishly copied.

As we shall see shortly, there is the possibility that silver coins showing Heraclius

with a short beard also had some influence on the design of these coins. The lack of

the beard is also an argument against Oddy's idea that the Umayyad caliph, Yazid

I, is depicted on these coins. The caliph on the Standing Caliph coins as well as on

the famous stucco statue from Khirbet al-Mafjar, is always shown with a beard. It

is quite telling that the only coins known to us which show a beardless caliph are

24 Goodwin, 'Imitative', fig. 5.




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modern forgeries.25 There are also some minor differences between the rendering

of the military garment on the originals and the 'severed head' coins. These can be

explained by the various stages of degeneration of the images. But apart from the

beard, the basic elements - vertical strokes running from the left and right shoulder

towards the hip which is quite narrow, and a triangular lower part adorned with

several parallel strokes - are particularly evident on the NEAPOLIS issues as well

as on the severed head folles. There also exist some Pseudo-Damascus coins of

the 'Hunter' type, but without the 'head', which still clearly show the peculiarities of

the military dress as shown on the originals.26

The second, perhaps even more interesting point concerns the question of where

the bird comes from. A possible explanation is that it is derived from ceremonial

silver coins the obverses of which are typologically very similar to these folles, but

on which Heraclius holds a Victoriola crowning him.

Fig. 11

It should be added that here Heraclius is depicted without the long beard. Such

coins were probably used for paying donatives especially to soldiers, and it seems

perfectly plausible that such coins were brought to Syria by Byzantine soldiers.

Whether it was a misunderstanding or a new meaning which brought about the

change from Victoriola to bird is uncertain. There is another argument in favour of

our explanation for the birds on Arab-Byzantine coins. The reverse of Byzantine

ceremonial silver coins from the time of Maurice Tiberius onwards27 depicts a cross

with a very prominent palm branch to the left and to the right. Such branches are

a common feature on Arab-Byzantine copper coins from Damascus and 'Pseudo-

Damascus'; they do not have a model in Byzantine coinage apart from the silver

coins just mentioned. Sicilian folles of the first reign of Justinian II dated 688/9 which

also show branches in a prominent position on the obverse almost certainly postdate

the coins discussed here.28 At the same time, the influence of these ceremonial silver

coins would also explain why the left figure holds something in his left hand, rather

than resting it on the hip.

To sum up: the so-called 'hunter figure' in fact depicts two imperial figures, and

thus does not represent a type of its own, but rather belongs in the category of 'Two

standing figures, one wearing military dress' (Type C according to Goodwin).29

25 N. Schindel, 'Die neuesten 'standing caliph'-Münzen', MÖNG 48/3 (2008), p. 129.

26 SICA I, pl. 39, no. 582.

27 MIB II, types 55 and 56.

28 MIB III, type 68.

29 SICA I, p. 78.




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On these Iranian issues, however, the standing figure raises both arms, but does

not hold any object. On the specimen published by Milstein, the figure seems to hold

a cross in each hand, on the Qedar coin, it becomes clear that it holds a cross in the

right and a cross sceptre in the left hand. As for the dress, the latter specimen is quite

badly preserved; the former clearly shows the Byzantine-style crown topped with a

cross and the regular imperial dress. This so-called 'orans type' is nothing else but

a rather garbled version of the usual standing figure used for 'Pseudo-Byzantine'

coinage (Goodwin's type E).37 The only minor difference is the emphasis put on the

depiction of the fingers. As on the common 'Pseudo-Byzantine' type, the standing

figure holds a cross sceptre and a globus cruciger. In the case of Fig. 12, the sides

are switched, thus the globus cruciger is held in the right hand and the globe sceptre

in the left. The presence of these coins in the Irbid hoard suggests an association

with the 'Pseudo-Damascus' group, problematic as this may be, especially since

it falls into the 'Umayyad Imperial Image' period. We would argue therefore that

these coins do not represent a coin type of their own, but simply are a minor stylistic

variety of the main 'standing emperor' type.

CATALOGUE

Roman Empire, Gallienus (253-68), Iconium

1. JE 5.00 g, 1 h.

Triton (New York) auction 11,8 January 2008, lot 500.

Artuqids of Mardin, Husam al-Din Yuluq Arslan (1184-1201)

2. JE Dirham, 15.54 g.

Kiinker (Osnabrück) auction 137, 11 March 2008, lot 4147.

Heraclius, follis, Constantinople, 629-39, MIB 164b

3. JE 10.79 g.

Gorny and Mosch (Munich) auction 142, 10 October 2005, lot 3180.

Constans II, follis, Constantinople, 655-8

4 iE Follis

MIB III, pl. 28, no. 174b.

Heraclius, follis, Neapolis, 634-6

5 JE ? ?

MIB III, pl. 12, no. X23.

Imitations of these basic types

6. JE 2.80 g, 22 X 18 mm, 7 h.

Private collection.

37 SICA I, p. 79.




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7. JE 2.10 g, 18 X 16 mm, 5 h.

Private collection.

8 JE ? ?

MB III, pl. 29, no. X34.

Severed head issues

9. JE 3.92 g, 7 h.

Oddy, 'Falconry', pl. 20, no. 26.

10. JE 3.45 g.

Nebehay, 'Bildermünzen', no. 9.

Byzantine silver with Victoriola, MB III, 129 (struck c.6 15-25)

11. jR Protonotarios collection.

'Orans' type copper coins from Syria

12 JE ? ?

Qedar, 'Syria', pl. 5, no. 8.

13. JE 4.34 g.

Milstein, 'Hoard', p. 26, no. 156.

'Orans' type Arab-Sasanian drachm, Bishr b. Marwan, BCLA (= Basra), 75 AH

14. ¿51 4.17 g.

Ponterio auction (San Diego) 149, 24 April 2009, lot 2109.

'Orans' type Arab-Sasanian copper coin, Shush

15. JE 3.00 g, 3 h.

Gyselen, Arab-Sasanian, pl. 7, type 41/1.

'Orans' type Arab-Sasanian copper coin, in the name of al-Hajjaj b. Yussuf

16. JE 0.67 g, 7 h.

Gyselen, Arab-Sasanian, pl. 12, type 78/1.

notes on two arab-byzantine coin types from 7th century syria / nikolaus schindel and wolfgang hahn

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