new schools, overcrowding relief, and achievement gains in lausd

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  • 7/31/2019 New Schools, Overcrowding Relief, and Achievement Gains in LAUSD

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    Policy Brie 12-2

    AUGUST 2012

    New Schools,Overcrowding Relie,

    and AchievementGains in Los Angeles

    Strong Returns

    rom a $19.5 BillionInvestment

    William Welsh, Erin Coghlan,Bruce Fuller, Luke Dauter

    University o Caliornia, Berkeley

    William Welsh, lead author, is a Ph.D.

    student in the Department o Sociology,

    UC Berkeley. His work ocuses on the social

    consequences o new orms o schooling.

    Erin Coghlan is a Ph.D. student in the

    Graduate School o Education, UC Berkeley.

    She studies issues o school choice and

    decentralizing education reorms.

    Bruce Fuller, Proessor o Education and

    Public Policy at UC Berkeley, works on the

    eects o decentralizing public institutions

    and sociology o the amily.

    Luke Dauter is a Ph.D. candidate in the

    Department o Sociology, UC Berkeley.

    His work ocuses on competition and

    institutional change in public education.

    Urban educators have

    struggled with aging,

    overcrowded schools

    since the late nineteenth

    century. In contemporary Los Angeles,

    by the mid-1990s, the count o packed

    campuses operating year-round on

    multiple shis had reached unprec-

    edented numbers. Since the 1960s the

    student population o the Los Angeles

    Unied School District (LAUSD) had

    increased by roughly 250,000 stu-

    dents and shied dramatically rom

    85% white, mostly middle-class to

    our-iths Asian, Black, and Latino

    amilies, typically living in low-income

    neighborhoods (Kerchner et al., 2008).

    L.A. had not built a new school sincethe 1930s. So, by the 1990s almost

    25,000 children were bused out o high-

    density areas to araway schools with

    sucient space (Oakes, 2002).

    Te Rodriguezconsent decree brought

    by amilies living in the most densely

    populated areas, along with heated

    civic activism, pushed LAUSD to

    set goals or reducing overcrowding.

    Tis pressing problem, which likely

    exacerbated achievement gaps among

    students, caught the attention o voters.

    Te L.A. electorate eventually backed

    ve local and state ballot initiatives,

    yielding more than $19 billion in resh

    bond revenues, to nance an immense

    acilities construction program. Tis

    program involves over 130 new acili-

    Executive Summary

    Aiming to relieve overcrowded

    schools operating on multiple

    tracks, the Los Angeles Unied

    School District (LAUSD) has

    invested more than $19 billionto build 130 new acilities over

    the past decade. District leaders

    asked researchers at Berkeley to

    estimate the achievement eects

    o this massive initiative benets

    that may stem rom entering

    a bright, new school or rom

    exiting an aging, even dilapidated

    acility bursting at the seams with

    students. Previous reports rom

    the project examined how new

    schools and alternative schools

    have aected rates o student

    mobility and teacher turnover

    across LAUSD.1

    By tracking thousands o students

    who moved rom overcrowded to

    new acilities over the 2002-2008

    period, we discovered robust

    achievement gains but also

    uncovered questions related to

    uture deliberations.

    Key ndings include:

    Thesteadyopeningofnew

    schools dramatically relieved

    overcrowding in elementary and

    secondary schools and set in

    motion a complex migration o

    Continued on page 2.

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    students, both to new acilities as

    well as to a growing number o

    charter and pilot schools.

    Signicantachievementgainsare

    discernible or elementary-school

    pupils who switched rom an old

    acility to a newly constructed

    acility. On average, these

    switching pupils outpaced the

    average LAUSD student by a gain

    equal to about 35 additional days

    o instruction each year.

    Achievementgainsare

    most robust or elementary

    students who escaped severe

    overcrowding by moving to a

    new elementary school. Relative

    to the rate o learning or the

    average LAUSD student, this

    subset o students enjoyed

    achievement gains equivalent

    to about 65 days o additionalinstruction per year. Students

    migrating to certain new

    elementary schools experienced

    even stronger gains.

    Acrossnewelementaryschools,

    we nd no relationship between

    the per-pupil construction costs

    directly tied to classrooms and

    the magnitude o achievement

    Executive Summary (Cont.)

    ties, rom early learning centers to

    large, elegant high schools, as well

    as hundreds o renovation projects

    (Fuller, Recinos, & Scholl, 2008). With

    the exception o the ederal interstate

    highway system, LAUSDs construction

    program is the largest public works

    gains. That is, pupils migrating

    to less-costly new schools saw

    achievement gains that were no

    dierent, on average, rom those

    moving to more expensive new

    acilities.

    Afteranewschoolopened

    nearby, students who remained

    in previously overcrowded

    elementary schools experienced

    modest gains, compared with theaverage LAUSD student.

    Althoughnewfacilitiesfeatured

    slightly lower pupil-teacher ratios,

    higher shares o ully credentialed

    teachers, and lower teacher

    turnover, these eatures do not

    explain the steeper achievement

    growth o elementary students

    migrating to these new acilities.

    Additional research could

    uncover the deeper actors

    that explain the buoyant

    achievements results.

    Wecouldonlydiscern

    inconsistent and weaker

    achievement gains or high

    school students who moved rom

    an overcrowded to a new school

    acility.

    project ever undertaken in the United

    States (Fuller et al., 2009).

    But does entering a new school, or

    moving students out o severely over-

    crowded conditions, signiicantly

    boost student learning? his is the

    bottom-line question asked by leaders

    o LAUSDs acilities initiative and the

    topic explored in this brie.

    Do Facilities Contribute to School

    Quality in Potent Ways?

    Convincing evidence has shown that

    higher-achieving students attend

    higher quality acilities, while low-per

    orming students oen gain access only

    to aging, oen overcrowded schools

    However, this does not necessarily

    mean that shiny, innovative campuses

    directly raise test scores. Higher

    achieving students oen benet rom

    strong amily support and other aspects

    o school quality that contribute to

    their achievement growth.

    L.A.s massive experiment in moving

    thousands o students rom severely

    overcrowded to new acilities oers

    a rare chance to look at the specic

    eects o this migration, allowing usto move beyond correlational evidence

    and make stronger causal inerences

    Te estimated eects o migrating to

    a new school also hold immediate

    implications, as LAUSD shapes new

    investments in school renovation and

    increasingly shares new acilities with

    alternative school managers, including

    charter and teacher-led pilot schools.

    Earlier correlational studies sug-

    gest that certain eatures o schoo

    designsuch as clean air, good light

    and a comortable and sae learning

    environmentresult in stronger pupi

    engagement and achievement (Sch-

    neider, 2002; Lemasters, 1997; Lackney

    1999; and Cotton, 2001). Other ele

    ments o school quality related to better

    P O L I C Y B R I E F

    N E W S C HOOL S , OVE R C R OW D I N G R E L I E F , AN D AC HI E VE M E N T G AI N S I N L OS AN G E L E S2

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    acilities, such as an enriched academic

    climate, or higher teacher morale and

    lower sta turnover, are also associ-

    ated with better student outcomes,

    stemming rom more robust working

    conditions (Buckley et al., 2005; Uline

    & schannen-Moran, 2008).

    But to date little evidence exists to

    support the claim that the quality o

    school acilities directly inluences

    educational outcomes. Earlier work

    suers rom small samples o schools,

    lack o control or conounding actors,and scarcity o longitudinal data. More

    recent studies have a stronger empiri-

    cal base, but results correlating school

    acilities and achievement remain

    inconclusive (Bowers & Urick, 2011;

    Nielson & Zimmerman, 2011).

    Tis brie uses high-quality longitu-

    dinal data recently made available

    by LAUSD to derive more rigorous

    estimates o how new acilities aectstudent mobility and achievement.

    Te study examines enrollment and

    test scores or nearly 20,000 elemen-

    tary and high school students rom

    20022008, during the rst phase o the

    new acilities construction project.

    aking the case o densely populated

    Local District 6 (LD6), we begin by

    detailing the extent o student move-

    ment rom old, overcrowded buildings

    to new schools. Next we examine the

    achievement eects or elementary

    and high school students throughout

    LAUSD, ocusing on the discrete

    benets or students who le severely

    overcrowded schools or new acilities.

    We also ask whether students remain-

    ing behind in older schools beneit

    academically rom enrollment relie.

    Tat is, gains may be experienced both

    by those who migrate to new acilities

    and by pupils who are now served by

    less-crowded schools.

    How New Facilities Relieved Over-

    crowding

    Student movement as new schoolsand charters open

    Beore estimating achievement eects

    rom student movement, we consider

    the extent o student migration sparked

    by the Districts ambitious construc-

    tion program. o illustrate, we analyze

    student movement in the LAUSD

    subdistrict that became inamous or

    its high levels o overcrowding: Local

    District 6, serving the Southeast Cities

    o Maywood, South Gate, Huntington

    Park, Cudahy, Vernon, and Bell. We

    detail student movement rom over-

    crowded high schools to two new high

    schools that opened in 2005. Tis caseo student migration, including into the

    rising count o charter schools, ocuses

    on high schools.

    For many years, the three large high

    schools in Local District 6 (LD6) were

    severely overcrowded. South Gate,

    Huntington Park, and Jordan each

    served nearly 5,000 students, although

    they were designed to serve ar ewer;each operated multitrack calendars or

    over 20 years. In 2005, Maywood and

    South East high schools opened nearby

    and began to alleviate overcrowding.

    New acilities were sited near over-

    crowded acilities so that their catch-

    ment areas would include many o the

    students previously assigned to the

    overcrowded acility. When the new

    acilities opened, catchment areas were

    redrawn such that some students pre-

    viously assigned to old acilities were

    assigned to new acilities. O course

    some students likely moved into a new

    acilitys catchment area, and some par-

    ents likely ound ways or their student

    to be assigned to a new acility despite

    not living in the catchment area. Bu

    or the purpose o our analysis, no

    categorical dierence exists between

    students who could and students who

    could not attend a new acility. Even

    small systematic dierences would not

    aect the results o our achievement

    analysis, because our procedures con-

    trol or all unobserved characteristics

    o students.

    Figure 1 shows enrollment changes

    in LD6 when Maywood and South

    East high schools opened. Te arrow

    show the number o students whotranserred rom an old high school

    acility to a new school. (Movemen

    rom middle schools into new high

    schools is not shown.) Within the rst

    year o opening, South East high schoo

    enrolled over 2,000 students, drawing a

    majority o its enrollment rom severely

    overcrowded South Gate High School

    neighboring David Starr Jordan, and

    Huntington Park. Maywood enrolledewer students in its rst year o opera-

    tion, but drew students rom nearby

    Bell and Huntington high schools

    Tus, although Figure 1 only shows

    movement o students to Maywood

    and South East, many o the schools in

    LD6 saw enrollment drops, due to the

    variety o new schools opening.

    N E W S C HOOL S , OVE R C R OW D I N G R E L I E F , AN D AC HI E VE M E N T G AI N S I N L OS AN G E L E S 3

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    Change in student mobility overtime

    By 2008, two new charters, three new

    mixed schools, and two new middle

    schools opened in LD6. By this time,

    Maywood and South East contin-

    ued to pick up enrollment rom the

    overcrowded schools as well. South

    Gate had sent over 1,000 students to

    South East, David Starr Jordan had

    sent nearly 200, and Huntington Park

    had sent over 160 students. Maywoodreceived over 160 students rom Bell

    and 30 rom Huntington Park. By

    2008, the majority o middle and senior

    high schools in LD6 had experienced

    enrollment drops or stability rom the

    previous year, as relie played out.

    In summary, we see that both new

    school construction and the open-

    ing o charter schools spurred many

    amilies to switch schools. At thesame time, enrollments shrank in the

    previously overcrowded schools. So,

    the school environments changed or

    students who migrated and or those

    who remained behind in now-smaller,

    older schools.

    Did Students Enjoy Achievement

    Benefts When Moving to New

    Schools?

    Te longitudinal student data system,

    built by LAUSD, allows us to estimate

    achievement beneits or students

    who switched rom a previously over-

    crowded school to a new acility. Tis

    initial analysis ocuses solely on the

    over 20,000 students who made this

    switch during the 20022008 period.

    We report results or elementary and

    high school students separately, using

    what are called within-individua

    xed-eects models. Tis statistica

    procedure gauges change in test scores

    or individual students as they move

    rom an overcrowded to a new acil-

    ity. Te methodological appendix a

    the end o this brie provides more

    details.

    Aer controlling or students previ-

    ous test scores, the age o the school

    whether it was a students rst year o

    school, the number o instructionadays in the school calendar, and al

    unobserved characteristics o each

    student (such as parents press or

    achievement, student motivation, and

    peer eects), we estimated average

    year-to-year growth in student scores

    on the Caliornia Standards ests

    (CSs) as a result o moving to a new

    acility. able 1 gives summary statis-

    tics or our models.

    Good news or elementary schoolstudents

    Figure 2 summarizes our results. We

    ound that newelementary schoolacili-

    ties, aer their initial two years, pro-

    vided an average boost to achievemen

    o about 0.18 o a standard deviation

    (SD) in math and 0.20 SD in language

    arts or each year that the student was

    in the new acility. Box 1 explains

    why we standardized the magnitude o

    achievement eects in this way, equat-

    ing the gain to additional instructiona

    days.

    Students switching into new high

    schoolacilities was associated with a

    statistically signicant average gain in

    FIGURE 1. Local District 6: Students Move rom Overcrowded to New High Schools,

    2005

    SOUTH EAST

    HIGH SCHOOL

    Enrollment: 2,246

    117

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