Nepal Earthquake Recovery Appeal 2015

In Bhaktapur, a city devastated by the earthquake. Many homes look structurally sound from the outside but on closer assessment are completely unstable.

SUMMARY:

Following the devastating events in Nepal on Saturday 25th April, the Nepal Earthquake Recovery Appeal (NERA) 2015 fund will direct donations towards small, grassroots NGOs working on the ground to support Nepal’s recovery. Donations are being collected via the UK charitable trust, The Bulldog Trust.

Longer-term aim of NERA is to help create a network of Nepali NGOs working in the earthquake relief effort, through which direct funds can be channelled, information exchanged and cooperation sought (with the international non-profit, public and private sector).

The project has been devised and will be led by Alison Marston, Head of Grants and Philanthropy for the Bulldog Trust, who has both extensive humanitarian work experience in Nepal and broad grant-making knowledge. Drawing upon the robust grant-making processes and track record of The Bulldog Trust, careful assessment and selection of recipient organisations will ensure that all monies donated will be directed towards those in the greatest need. Resources expended will be closely monitored and accounted for without placing onerous requirements on recipient organisations. The Bulldog Trust is charging no fees for the administrative support it is providing and is supporting Alison while on secondment in Nepal. (Background section 3 for more information on Alison Marston).

Alison will call upon her fluent Nepali, intimate knowledge of the country, extensive local network and grant-making experience to assess needs, build a local network of recipient organisations and organise the rapid dispersal of funds. Alison is an expert on delivering aid to Nepal and understands the impact the current state of logistics, government engagement and hostile climates across the country will have on efforts to rebuild the country.

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To discover some of the challanges that earthquake victims in Nepal are currently facing which form the basis of this strategic over view, have a look at this short documentary.

1. CONTEXT:

On 25th April a 7.8 magnitude earthquake struck central Nepal, impacting 39 of the 75 districts across the country including the capital Kathmandu. According to the Nepali Home Ministry1 the death toll has reached 7,912, but casualty figures are expected to rise as rescue efforts continue (at least 264 Nepali nationals and 111 foreigners are still missing after the disaster). This source also estimates 17,871 people were injured and a total of 2,97,266 houses were fully damaged and 10,803 government buildings collapsed. Other sources2 have reported 8 million people have been may be affected by the earthquake. Nepal is one of the world’s poorest countries, and is still struggling to overcome the effects of the decade-long civil war from 1996 to 2006. Although a certain level of stability has been achieved in the last few years, the situation remains sensitive - the country is plagued by political instability and suffers from frequent episodes of popular unrest, as well limited infrastructure, topographical challenges and large parts of the country and population lacking access to more than the most basic public services.

1.1 AREAS:

Areas most severely impacted include Gorkha (the epicentre), Sindupalchowk, Rasuwa, Ramechhap, Nuwakot, Kavre, Dolakha, Dhading, Bhaktapur, Lalitpur and Kathmandu3. Mount Everest was also struck by deadly avalanches, with casualties of 17 climbers, with the number of Sherpa and porter fatalities still not being clear. NERA is not prioritising this area of need or the Sherpa community as it is believed they will access support from existing donor funds and climbing networks to help rebuild their communities.

In the capital the extent of the damage is uneven with some of the more affluent parts of the capital, such as Lazimpat, Maharajgunj, and Durbar Marg hardly affected, whilst other areas including Patan and Kathmandu Durbar Square, the main cultural attractions of the city suffering severe damage.

1 http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/world-news/nepal-earthquake-death-toll-climbs-to-7912/article-show/47211768.cms2 USAID3 http://img.static.reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/styles/attachment-large/public/resources-pdf-previews/340596-reach_npl_map_earthquakeaffected_27apr2015_a3.png?itok=SPvf8D8z

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In the outlying areas damage is yet to be accurately documented but reports that have come in evidence large-scale devastation across swathes of the countryside. Despite the impact on Kathmandu, Lalitpur and Bhaktapur being proportionally less devastating in terms of fatalities, casualties and houses destroyed than outlying districts, the cultural devastation in these three districts is very high, with the risk of internal displacement to Kathmandu straining already burdened social services and infrastructure. The potential for the spread of epidemics in such a situation, is particularly high and dangerous.

1.2 HUMANITARIAN CONTEXT:

The earthquake was extreme consisting of around 2 minutes of intense, fierce tremors reaching a magnitude of 7.8 Richter scale and 99+ aftershocks, some of 6 and 7 Richter scale, although these aftershocks are less frequent, they have not entirely subsided. The population is traumatized, after people have lost family members, suffered injuries themselves, lost their homes and their livelihood and the future of recovery remains uncertain.

A large earthquake relief effort mobilised immediately after the initial earthquake, involving a very diverse range of different actors (the Army, INGO’s, NGO’s, Civil Society Groups, Individuals, to name but a few) the need is still great and many places still haven’t received any aid at all.

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This is in part due to Nepal’s geographical landscape and poor infrastructure, but also a result of much miscommunication and at times a poor understanding of the local context and culture, ie. little or no consideration for the structures of Nepali society (look at Appendix for more detail). Such as, efforts which go to a village and hand relief items out without properly assessing the needs or identifying those most vulnerable of not being included, ie. Dalits1 or other marginalised castes, women and children, the elderly or in contrast targeting marginalised groups in a way that disrupts community cohesion.

On the ground the view of the relief efforts have often reflected disappointment and disillusionment. Many different groups have reported positively on the efforts of the Nepali Army and Police Force, but often consider these as separate to the government. The mobilisation of young Nepali’s, including the Non Resident Nepali (NRN) communities to living abroad to form groups delivering aid relief and helping with the clean up efforts of areas particularly of cultural significance have been impressive. These efforts largely originating from the middle-class and affluent Nepali’s based in Kathmandu, have for many sown important seeds of hope for the future rebuilding of Nepal. To keep this momentum of solidarity and direct it to longer-term sustainable impact, is going to be challenging, but also an important resource to be nurtured, in a country that is made up of a majority of youth. Nepali’s helping Nepali’s rebuild their country is key to Nepal having a positive future ahead of itself.

A wide range of sources have also commented on the duplication of relief efforts, leaving areas and people in real need have not received aid. The response has involved so many different parties with their own agenda’s, which has led to a lack of systematic coordination, often without any clear mechanisms in place to assess need and monitor distributions, ie. many efforts consist of distributing basic food supplies for 2-3days, in areas where the greater immediate need is shelter or healthcare. Also so many supplies have been coming from abroad or bought in Kathmandu, when they are in supply that this has negatively impacted the local economies of district headquarters in outlying areas when supplies are available and inflation since the earthquake on basic food items has already increased significantly, with this likely to rise further in the coming months.

The monsoon season normally arrives around mid-June when the country experiences daily, heavy rainfall. The horrors of disease, epidemics and hundreds of thousands of homeless people living in poor and unsanitary conditions during the monsoon could be catastrophic.

Therefore the real concern and priority is for the mid-term recovery phase is to focus on healthcare, sanitation, shelter and the rebuilding of communities quickly. The problems are multi-layered and complex, which in turn need multidimensional approaches that are flexible to changing needs, which small grassroots organisations are well placed to provide.

Visits to outlying areas despite the terrible reality of loss and devastation, have also been a strong reminder of the strength and resilience of the Nepali people and their ability to make the most of a tragically catastrophic situation. It is key to support local community initiatives to lead the rebuilding of their communities.

1 The term, ‘Dalit’ is most commonly used to identify those on the lowest rung in the caste hierarchy, making them some of the most vulnerable and poor groups within Nepali society; oppressed, suppressed and exploited. (ILO: ‘ Dalits and Labour in Nepal: Discrimination and Forced Labour’ p.1).

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2. AIM OF NEPAL EARTHQUAKE RECOVERY APPEAL 2015:

The aim of the Nepal Earthquake Recovery Appeal 2015 is to identify capable, competent and trusted grassroots initiatives and Non-Governmental Organisations (NGO’s) working on the ground in Nepal and support them with grants for urgent earthquake relief aid and seed funding for projects and initiatives focusing on recovery and rebuilding. By supporting small competent and capable organisations that know the local context and community of their work well, allows for a much more hands on direct approach to rebuilding and recovery, which should deliver tangible results efficiently, whilst preserving cultural and contextual sensibilities, so as to empower local communities to guide the rebuilding of their own communities.

This mid-term recovery phase, when the media coverage of the situation dies down and relief aid has exited and before the start of the imminent monsoon has been identified as the time when there will be the greatest need for support.

Therefore the majority of NERA funds will be utilised for mid-term recovery, to support sustainable efforts, delivering projects with long-term impacts in the most affected districts.

Once organisations capable of both getting relief aid out immediately and who will also be competent partners for recovery/rebuilding efforts have been identified they will be profiled as grant recipients through the Bulldog Trust website through a summary report and short films giving them a platform to be showcase their work and providing donors a secure route through which donations can be channelled, giving them peace of mind that their funds are reaching those in the most need.

It was confirmed last week in a statement by the government that all donations (from institutions or individuals) to help earthquake victims must be channelled through the Prime Minister’s Disaster Relief Fund, unless an organisation is an existing NGO (this is not applicable to NGO’s set up after the 25th of April 2015) and that those who flout the rules will be punished. Therefore this strategy is the safest way to ensure that all of your donations are spent on victims and not being syphoned off through unaccountable channels one is unable to monitor. Also this strategy ensures that donations can be used for recovery in the mid-term and long-term, which many of the current relief operations formed by unregistered groups will not be able to guarantee.

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2.1 PRIORITIES:

• The most important need is to ensure the population have access to food/water, medical attention, hygiene and sanitation and shelter. • Organisations working in the above areas and with vulnerable communities, such as marginalised castes (Tamang1 and Dalits), women and children and those with disabilities or health problems, such as burns survivors and leprosy-affected persons will be prioritised as beneficiaries for support.• On ground assessments communicating with a range of actors (government, INGO’s, NGO’s and beneficiaries) has highlighted the need to channel resources to areas at risk of falling through the cracks of larger initiatives.• Maintaining good channels of communication with grant recipients, as well as a variety of other organsitions and networks working on the ground is key to maintaining an effective and efficient approach for support.

2.2 EXECUTION:

Alison Marston (AM), who has both extensive humanitarian emergency and relief experience in Nepal from her work with the International Committee of the Red Cross during the 10 year long internal conflict has broad grant-making knowledge from her current role at The Bulldog Trust, from which she is on secondment while is in Nepal between the 1st May to 17th May 2015 to identify grant recipients. The aim of this visit is to compile a network of 10-20 grassroots organisations through which the Nepal Earthquake Recovery Appeal 2015 funds will be channelled. During this visit Alison will meet a range of small organisations run by contacts or trusted individuals. These organisations will all be working on the ground addressing the priorities stated above.

A contextual analysis of the situation and needs assessment is being compiled through communications with government representatives, army contacts, international aid and relief representatives, NGO’s and grassroots organisations, well connected individuals on the ground and by visiting affected areas outside of Kathmandu to inform the basis of this strategy. Needs on the ground will be assessed as an on going process, so as to ensure that support is adapted to shifting priorities in the medium to longer-term.

Working progresses such as grant giving/applying and monitoring tools have been formulated specifically in line with the strategy, to support organisations to keep transparent records of what the funds will be and have been spent on and the impact of these projects without creating onerous or bureaucratic systems that impend the work of often small organisations.

1 Tamangs are a Tibeto-Burmese speaking people, making up the single largest ethnic group in Nepal. Despite their large pres-ence they remain highly marginalised. They are concentrated in the high hills of east, west, north and south of Kathmandu valley, which are the areas most impacted by the 2015 earthquake and aftershocks. Tamangs are concentrated in seven districts Sindhuli, Makawanpur, Kavrepalanchowk, Sindhupalchok, Nuwakot, Dhading and Rasuwa. (http://www.tamangsamajuk.com/history_info/why-do-tamangs-stay-marginalized-in-nepal.html)

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Organisations will be assessed for suitability for collaboration on three main criteria:

1. Ability to get resources required to areas of need 2. The impact and demand for their activities based on their track record and the needs assessment3. Strength of an organisation based on the due diligence done by AM and by third party referees 4. Willingness to collaborate with others, particularly local community leaders and members5. Assessment of sustainability of the organisation, ie. financial health check of organisation and assessment of structure, ie. Board, demonstrably impartial, ie. a track record of non-caste bias and non sectarian preferences throughout working processes. All grants will be made directly to grassroots organisations and NGO’s that fit the above criteria. They will be responsible for monitoring their activities and providing an audit of finances.

Independent film and documentary maker, Camille Summers-Valli (CSV), who spent 15 years of her life growing up in Nepal and is the daughter of eminent filmmaker and photographer Eric Valli, has travelled out to Nepal with AM and will be producing short films of the NGO organisations as part of the strategy to build a platform to profile impressive organisations, who do not have the resources or capacity to do this themselves. Grant recipient organisations will be encouraged to establish a network amongst themselves to share knowledge and best practice, to minimise duplication of work and to maximise efficiency of efforts. Drawing upon the well-established grant-making structures of the Bulldog Trust, all costs of administering NERA is be borne by The Bulldog Trust and costs of the trip to Nepal to make the initial needs assessment and to identify grant recipients, including all the filming is borne by individuals involved: AM and CS-V. The only cost in the process is a 4% fee charged by Everyclick for donations made through this platform, which is significantly cheaper than Justgiving and other options.

2.3 ON-GOING MONITORING:

Once signed up for support, organisations will be required to provide basic, clear information on intended beneficiaries, progress of activities and results achieved. Organisations will be supported to do this effectively and efficiently by being provided monitoring tools, which simply outline the information required, but that can be adapted by organisations if necessary. The most effective way of monitoring the activities and impact of these grassroots organisations is to build relationships with them, by which they feel at ease to inform you of changing priorities and needs so funding is also utilised to have greatest impact on persons and areas with the greatest needs.

It is NERA’s aim to be a 100% transparent about the project outcomes and share these online through The Bulldog Trust website. At the end of August 2015 a first quarterly report will be published on the progress of NERA 2015 and in the meantime regular updates will be made using social media platforms, such as Facebook and Twitter @QuakeNepal.

Longer terms aims will be assessed once more information has been gathered, however it is intended that having built the secure route through which funding can be offered, donors will be able to post funds directly to organisations in Nepal should they so wish.

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Alison Marston was born in Nepal where, following her father’s service in the Gurkha regiment of the British Army, her family have lived for 40 years and speaks Nepali as her first language. Educated in Kathmandu and latterly at Stowe School in England, Alison graduated with a degree in Education, followed by an MA in Education and International Development from the Institute of Education in 2012. In the past 15 years Alison has worked on various charitable and humanitarian projects for Nepal. These include spending two years working in humanitarian and emergency response efforts and conflict protection in the field in 28 districts across Nepal, including the earthquake epicentre district: Gorkha , for the International Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC). Since 2013, Alison has been running a ground-breaking grants initiative for the Bulldog Trust, seeking out innovative charities for early stage funding.

The Bulldog Trust (Registered UK Charity 1123081) has given over £4million pounds to a wide range of charities since 1983. The Trust offers grants to small-to-medium sized charities to enable transformation change and provides access to pro-bono business expertise through the Engaging Experience Network. The Trust is based at the Two Temple Place in London.

BVS Nepal (Nepal, Registration No: 415, Social Welfare Council Affiliation No: 27288) is a not for profit non-governmental organization established by Wendy Marston (Alison’s mother) and Pramada Shah in 2008 to help and support survivors of burns, resulting from accidents or violence. Wendy Marston’s work with BVS Nepal was recognized by the Dalai Lama in 2014 when she was honoured as an Unsung Hero of Compassion award.

3.BACKGROUND

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4. APPENDIX: Overview country background

This appendix serves to inform the reader about the intricate cultural, ethnic, linguistic, political, economic dimensions and relationships of this contextual setting of Nepal.

4.1 Geography and population

Nepal is a landlocked country situated in the midst of two of Asia’s emerging global giants. Famed for its Himalaya range in the North bordering the Tibetan Autonomous region of the People’s Republic of China and India borders the South, East and West.

The land area is 147, 181 square kilometers, of which the topography is distinctly diverse leading to three ecological zones within the country. The northern Himalayan belt and home to Mt. Everest, dominates 42% of the land, the Hill belt below this covers 35%, and the lowlands/plains (varying between flat agricultural land and dense jungle) known as the Terai belt in the south comprise of 23% of the land (Vaidya and Gautam, 2008). The population has doubled over 30years to 29,959,364 (World Bank, 2012a), with density most noticeable in the Terai and Hill belts. Nearly 50% of the population are below the age of sixteen (WHO, 2007) and 85% live in rural areas (Sharma Paudel, 2007) of which 80% is reliant on agricultural subsistence farming (Niraula, 2007).

4.2 Language and culture

Nepal is both multi-ethnic and multilingual with an estimated 103 ethnic groups, speaking approximately 94 languages, although roughly 49% of the population speaks Nepali as their first language (Vaidya and Gautam, 2008). Sharma (2008) describes Nepal as a ‘country of minorities’, as even “[t]he single largest ethnic/caste group makes up barely 16 per cent of the total population” (p.1).

Nepal was formally the only Hindu kingdom in the world, where the king was revered as head of state and living deity (an incarnation of Lord Vishnu), until the 2007 abolition of the monarchy to become a federal republic. Hinduism still prevails as the dominant religion with approximately 80% of the population claiming to be Hindu.

There is a unique overlapping of religions and ritualistic practices associated with Buddhism, Animism and Shamanism creating a culturally diverse and yet historically peaceful co-existence. Hinduism underpins society and largely shapes not only religious and cultural rituals and traditions but also daily social, political and economic life. Most people’s daily lives are still entrenched in practices and beliefs based on or associated with the complex patriarchial caste structure, laid out by Hinduism, and codified in the ‘Muluki Ain’ (National Code) of 1854, reformed in 1963 officially abolishing the caste system. “Caste refers to a complex system of hierarchal social classification that involves elements of race, ethnicity, and occupation and has a complex and contested religious implications” (Shields and Rappleye, 2008b:p.266; Cameron, 1998; Parish, 1996). “While caste- based discriminationis frequently outlawed through legislation, underlying practices and attitudes are often difficult to change” (UNESCO, 2010:p.171). Despite critics claiming that a contemporary state democracy should have no place for this archaic system Nepalese national identity is powerfully linked to the Hindu caste system. “Low status is intrinsic to marginalization” (ibid). Linked inequality and acceptance of related injustices, is an integral part of this hierarchal system and deeply embedded into the social fabric and religious psyche of Nepalese society.

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4.3 Administration and geo-economic situation

Nepal’s geo-political structure is divided into 5 development regions, 14 zones, 75 administrative districts and approximately 4000 villages or Village Development Committees (VDCs) in rural areas and municipalities in urban areas (MoE, 2000; Niraula, 2007).

“Nepal is among the poorest countries in the world and currently ranks 157 out of 187 countries on the Human Development Index” (World Bank 2012b), with 55% of the population living below the international poverty line of US$1.25 per day UNICEF (2012). Mostly it still functions as a pre-capitalist economy, dependent on subsistence farming, despite large expanses of land constituting of non-productive mountainous terrain, leaving less than a fifth as cultivatable. Two thirds (66%) of the labour force are employed in agricultural activities, making up 36% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (Heward and Bunwaree, 1999; Vaidya and Gautam, 2008).

Cottle and Keys (2007) described rural Nepal as “a patchwork of oppressed ethnic minorities, many of whom exist in extreme poverty” (p.169). A stark contrast to Kathmandu, considered home of the affluent privileged wealthy echelons of society. The disparities are not confined to wealth but extend to public and private provisions and development of services such as health and education.

4.4 Political history and conflict in Nepal

After King Mahendra’s royal coup in 1960 until the ‘Jana Andolan’ (People’s Movement) in 1990, Nepal had been under a single party Panchayat system of governance under the autocracy of the King. “The Shah and Rana polities of Nepal were fundamentally oligarchic, based on a narrow band of castes within a single religion” (UNDP, 2009:p.69). The Jana Andolan was initiated by several political parties united for the same goal of restoring multiparty democracy. This movement was a culmination of factors, with the final straw being the trade embargo imposed on Nepal by India in March 1989. This resulted from King Birendra’s Rastriya Panchayat government not agreeing to India’s demand of a single trade agreement, stopping trade with China (Whelpton, 2005). Agitation, confined largely to the Kathmandu valley started February (1990) and by April the king had dissolved the government, lifted the ban on political parties, appointed a Prime Minister and a new constitution was promulgated in the November. Nepal’s newly formed parliament struggled to establish power and bring meaningful reform. Nepalese politics was described as a ‘farce’ (Cottle and Keys, 2007; Niraula, 2007), with infighting, power struggles and fractionalising within parliament and challenges from opposition parties leading to frequent changes of government (5 between 1994-98). The culture of corruption and nepotism associated with politics resulted in widespread disenfranchisement and disillusionment of the national development process and ‘bandhs’ (strikes) and demonstrations became common occurrences. Political and economic exclusion, known as ‘structural violence’ (Galtung, 1969) and felt by Nepal’s rural population, sowed the seeds for the ‘Jana Yuddha’ (People’s War) launched by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists) in February of 1996 (Shields and Rappleye, 2008b). The nexus of factors involved in causing the conflict were: “uneven development, rural poverty, corruption, and the issue of a constitutional referendum” (ibid:p.269).

A stagnant and lethargic economy unable to keep up with high fertility rates (ibid; Pattanik, 2002), a growing population of youth that were frustrated and disillusioned, with no employment prospects to match growing aspirations and a history of inequitable development policy, helped Maoists garner support.

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The Maoist rebellion, led by Prachandra (Pushpa Kamal Dahal) and Baburam Bhatterai gave the government in Kathmandu a list of forty demands (later known as the CPN-Maoist manifesto) on 2nd of February 1996 with a deadline to respond by the 17th (Whelpton, 2005). A bank in the central western district of Gorkha (the epicenter of the 2015 earthquake) and three police posts in the mid-western districts of Rukum and Rolpa were attacked on the 13th of February, four days before the deadline. This mid-western region became known as their ‘stronghold’ or ‘base’. Initially, little attention was paid to Maoist actions as “these areas were not of crucial economic importance and were only weakly penetrated by the Nepalese state” (ibid:p.205). The estimated loss of eight hundred lives, civilian, Maoist rebels and police as broadcast by the press in December 1998 marked the intensification of the conflict. A year later the Maoists inaugurated the first two-district level ‘people’s governments’ in Rukum and Rolpa (ibid:p.208-209).

On the 1st June 2001 tragedy struck catapulting ‘the picturesque Kingdom’ to the forefront of international media, with the story alleging Crown Prince Dipendra in a drunken frenzy had wiped out the direct lineage to the throne, by massacring nine family members. On the 4th of June his uncle Gyanendra (not present on the night of events) ascended the throne. The approach of the new King to the insurgency was markedly tougher, mobilising the army with a declaration of a state of emergency in November 2001 (ibid:p.xvii). This escalated the conflict from an insurgency to a civil conflict/war that was to last until a ceasefire was initiated on the 16th of June 2006 and formally concluded on the 21st of November 2006. The exact number of conflict casualties is contested, but according to the ICRC (2011; 2012) at the end of the conflict, 17,000 were reported dead and 3,100 missing, of which 1,378 still remain unresolved cases.

Since the end of the conflict, the law and order situation has remained tenuous, with continuing political instability, an interim government, no constitution, a rise in ethnic and regional tensions and little progress in the sector of development and the economy.

A long history of social and economic exclusion of marginalized groups, such as Dalits and Tamangs to name a few are also reflected in the poor provision of public services and infrastructure at the district level. It is essential to understand the complexity of contextual factors that contribute to the underdevelopment of the country, marginalisation of specific groups and the growing inequality within Nepali Society in order to be able to tackle the huge challenges that this earthquake has brought to the country in a meaningful and sustainable way.

Bibliography for Appendix

Cameron, M.M. (1998). On the edge of the auspicious: Gender and caste in Nepal. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.

Cottle, D. and Keys, A. (2007). “The Maoist conflict in Nepal: a Himalayan perdition?”. Australian Journal of International Affairs, 61 (2), 168-174.

Galtung, J. (1969). “Violence, peace and peace research”. Journal of Peace Research, 6 (3), 167–191.Heward, C. & Bunwaree, S. (eds.)(1999). Gender, Education & Development: Beyond Access to Empowerment. London: Zed Books.

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ICRC. (2011). “ICRC Action in Nepal for Missing Persons and their Families”, Available online at: www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/.../missing-nepal-report-MoE. (Ministry of Education). (2000). Education for All Year 2000 Assessment Nepal Country Report, Available online at: http://www.unesco.org/education/wef/countryreports/nepal/contents.html, accessed 05.03.2012

Niraula, T. (2007). “Schooling in Nepal” in Gupta, A. (ed.) Going to School in South Asia. USA: Greenwood Publishing Group.

Parish, S.M. (1996). Hierarchy and its discontents: Culture and the politics of consciousness in caste society. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Pattanaik, S. (2002). “Maoist insurgency in Nepal: Examining socio-economic grievances and political implications”. Strategic Analysis, 26 (1), 118–140.

Sharma Paudel, G. (2007).”Domestic Violence against Women in Nepal”, Gender, Technology and Development, Sage Publications, 11 (2), 199-233.Sharma, P. (2008). Unravelling the Mosaic: Spatial aspects of ethnicity in Nepal, Lalitpur-Nepal: Himal Books.

Shields, R. and Rappleye, J. (2008b). “Uneven terrain: educational policy and equity in Nepal”. Asia Pacific Journal of Education, 28 (3), 265-276.

UNDP (United Nations Development Program). (2009). “State Transformation and Human Development, Chapter 4” in the Nepal Human Development Report 2009. Available online at: www.undp.org.np/publication/html/nhdr2009/Chapter4.pdf, accessed 20.07.2012.

UNESCO. (2010). Global Monitoring Report 2010: Reaching the marginalized. Paris: UNESCOUNICEF. (2012).Country Information/Nepal. Available online at: http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/nepal_nepal_statistics.html, accessed 07.03.12.

Vaidya, S and Gautam, R.P. (eds.) (2008). Development Profile of Nepal 2008, Kathmandu: Informal Sector Research and Study Center.

Whelpton, J. (2005). A History of Nepal, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

WHO.(2007). Adolescent Health: Nepal Fact Sheet. Delhi: WHO Regional Office for South-East. Available online at: www.searo.who.int/LinkFiles/Fact_Sheets_Nepa-AHD-07.pdf, accessed on 12.7.12.World Bank, (2012a). Available online at: http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/SOUTHASIAEXT/

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