EXPLORING THE CONCEPT OF THE KNOWLEDGE NEIGHBORHOOD

towards a new Nodality for Cambridge

EXPLORING THE CONCEPT OF THE KNOWLEDGE NEIGHBORHOOD

towards a new Nodality for Cambridge

EXPLORING THE CONCEPT OF THE KNOWLEDGE NEIGHBORHOOD

towards a new Nodality for Cambridge

EXPLORING THE CONCEPT OF THE KNOWLEDGE NEIGHBORHOOD

towards a new Nodality for Cambridge

by Anke Wetzel

A dissertation submitted in partial ful�llment of the

requiements for the degree of MArch Housing & Urbanism

ARCHITECTURAL ASSOCIATION SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE

Tutor : Lawrence Barth

February 2013

CONTENT

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER 1 - CAMBRIDGE - POTENTIAL AND OBSTACLES

Rise and fall of the Cambridge Phenomenon - p.6

Towards a mobility-based development - p.9

Choosing a site - p.13

CHAPTER 2 - PLANNING METHOD

Interaction, �exibility and scale - p. 16

Case studies - Train station - p.18

Field conditions - p.27

CHAPTER 3 - INTEGRATED APPROACH

�e campus model - p.32

Planning the site - p.40

Time-based development - p.44

CONCLUSION

To

Lawrence Barth, without whoms leading input this thesis

would have not been possible,

the support and experience in the team of Deltametropool,

especially Paul Gerretsen and Merten Nefs,

my mother Ute,

my friends and family for their loving support, especially

Sebastiaan Leenknegt

�is thesis started o� from collaborated research work between Nathan

Foust, Katsushi Goto, and myself, whereby each of us had di�erent

�elds of investigation. �is led to three individual thesises. I was hereby

helped by my summer internship at Deltametropool, for which I am

gratefull.

INTRODUCTION

Barry Le Va - Distribution Piece, Particles and Strips

1

Introduction

In the recent years, there has been a worldwide shi� towards

what is called “the knowledge economy”; a cause of immense

changes in economical and urban systems in the past and

future. Very high investments are being made in the educa-

tional and research sector and cities are planning new science

clusters or even Science cities to join in on the global compe-

tition. Especially in Asia immense areas are being developed

for this. Recently, through a shi� in the value chain, this more

and more involves a merging of knowledge (universities, lab-

oratories, research centres...) and industry, giving rise to the

emergence of new high-end products. �ese new forms of

institutional organisation evidently require new forms of spa-

tial organisations. �erefore, former isolated industrial and

research parks are increasingly clustering together to channel

innovation.

�ese new developments are happening on the periphery

of cities, but within urbanised regions. University campuses

tend to be located here, as well as low-cost land for growing

companies and their required infrastructures. At the same

time, the proximity of the urban area allows for a close com-

pany-to-client connection and the availability of a special-

ised workforce. It also allows for fast adaptation to changing

needs, customised orders, and �exible work processes. Also,

because of the need to connect to industry, 2nd and 3rd tier

cities are growing in importance in comparison to what used

to be the “core” centres. As a result, city-regions tend to be

strengthened and decentralised at the same time, resulting in

dense multinodal patchworks. �e advantages of these patch-

works are described in �e Tale of Two Regions:

“First, dense agglomerations contain large numbers of suppli-

ers and buyers, and provide easy access to needed resources.

Second, a dense and specialised labour market increases la-

bour �exibility and helps �rms avoid the risk of costly delays

in �nding the skills on which they depend. �ird, cities, ag-

glomerations and clusters generate learning and innovation

because they are the locus of intense knowledge spill overs

fostered by face-to-face contact. In a globalised economy

they o�er proximity, which is a prerequisite for the transfer

of people and ideas.” 1

1 Burdett, R., 2011, �e tale of two regions p.10

�is quote points out one of the key characteristics of such

knowledge neighbourhoods: knowledge spill-over through

face-to-face interaction. �erefore, within those agglomera-

tions, companies and institutions form strong but �exible

networks that span areas larger than the host city. �ese net-

works comprise universities, research clusters, manufactur-

ing sites, but also train stations, airports, ports, and other

mobility nodes. �e knowledge economy is highly reliant on

mobility infrastructure, not only for their fast and constantly

changing logistics, but also to connect centres of excellence

and to open up opportunities for knowledge exchange.

�rough these networks, “smart specialisation” happens

(McCann). Research and industry align goals for a common

development, thereby reinforcing one another. �is speciali-

sation happens on a variety of scales; regions may special-

ise, but within certain clusters highly specialised companies

might coexist as well, sometimes sharing the same building.

Although the average enterprise within such specialised net-

works is thus relatively small, it is able to operate on a very

large scale. �e network within one city-region is o�en em-

bedded within a number of worldwide inter-regional net-

works of competition and exchange. 2 Because of this, these

smart specialisation networks, o�en made up by small to

medium-size companies, have proven to be both successful

and resilient in economical terms.

In this success, the functioning of these networks de�es the

traditional division of local, regional and global; “A global lo-

cal paradox seems to exist, in which global competitiveness

is driven by local initiative and characteristics.” 3 �is leads

to both opportunities and challenges for urban planners;

cities host a number of attraction factors for knowledge-

based developments, but need to think on a regional scale

to ful�l their potential. “..the awareness of the regional scale

di�ers from thinking in terms of the compact city, as well

as from (economic) thinking in terms of national statistics.

�is is the reason why Amsterdam looks to its wider context,

from Haarlem to Almere. �is is why the south wing of the

Randstad is o�en thought of as a continuous urban fabric...

Similarly, the City of London has daily commuters, albeit a

minority, all the way from Brighton. Making these metro-

politan areas more viable and more sustainable requires us to

2 Storper, M., Global city region3 Burdett, R., 2011, �e tale of two regions p.16

2

connect our thinking of the regional economy with its social

capital and culture.” 4

Cambridge (UK) makes for an interesting example here. A

small, second-to-third tier city located 50 miles north of Lon-

don; it has in the past few decades become a world-leading

centre for IT and Biotech. �is it thanks to its university

and an impressive number of companies spread out over the

larger Cambridgeshire region. Despite its modest scale (es-

pecially when compared to regions such as Silicon Valley), it

still upholds an impressive international network and legacy.

Cambridge is also interesting because it shows exactly the

challenges posed by such new developments. �e success of

Cambridge lies physically spread out over Cambridgeshire,

and the success of these enterprises is again depending on

what is happening in Standsted and London, as much as it

is on global economic developments a�ecting their clients

and partners. How can any government deal with this kind of

multiscalarity? As Storper claims, “the process of world-wide

economic integration and accelerated urban growth make

traditional planning and policy strategies in these regions

increasingly problematical while more �tting approaches re-

main in largely experimental stage.” 5

Beyond the political problem, there is also a spatial issue.

Although some experiments are already available, a proven

approach to plan for the knowledge economy is still lacking.

�e challenges here are not trivial: integrate research and

manufacturing, provide high-quality environments to attract

skilled workers, plan simultaneously for specialisation and

�exibility, and provide high-cost mobility infrastructure. In

these kinds of decisions, the risks are as high as the gains:

“Over the last forty years, a phenomenon of many European

cities has been the restructuring of inner-city land in order

to improve places of connection for di�erent modes of trans-

port and to enhance the value of existing assets... �ese devel-

opments o�en take decades to complete, have a considerable

impact on the character and functions of the surrounding ar-

eas, and can be disruptive to the life and energy of the city.” 6

4 Burdett, R., 2011, �e tale of two regions p.185 Storper, M., Global city region6 Places of connection, 2012, - Learning cities platform p.6

In Cambridge, this is especially poignant due to the high-val-

ued historical structure and morphology, which is now un-

fortunately blocking the rout towards further development.

In this thesis, I want to investigate through the case study

of Cambridge how a strong knowledge-based environment

can be planned that is multiscalar and multidirectional. �is

implies the rethinking of patterns of movement based on the

characteristics of the knowledge economy.

�e �rst chapter will point out the challenges faced in Cam-

bridge by referring to di�erent case studies, this within a

broader discussion of the role of the plan. �e second chapter

will look at station developments, and with what graphical

mode we can properly deal with points of intensi�cation. �e

third chapter will apply this knowledge on site, and make a

hypothetical proposal for a �exible future development.

3

4Cambridge, UK

5

Summary

In this chapter, a �rst confrontation will be made between

the reality of Cambridge and the idea of a mobility-based

knowledge neighbourhood. It will �rstly describe the

potential of Cambridge. �is potential has brought about

a rapid economic growth in the last few decades, as well as

a number of planning strategies to deal with this growth.

It will secondly show the mobility problems that occurred

because of these strategies, and how new measures are now

being taken to mitigate these. Criticism will be based on an

understanding of Transport Oriented Development and a

comparison with Science Port Holland. Learning from these,

this chapter will then move towards a proposal for a site and

a mobility-based mode of planning.

CHAPTER 1 - CAMBRIDGE - POTENTIAL AND OBSTACLES

6

Rise and fall of the Cambridge Phenomenon

In November 1980, Peta Levi coined the term “Cambridge

Phenomenon” for the rapid expansion of high-tech

economy clusters in the Cambridgeshire region since the

1970’s. Having been a market town amidst mostly rural

surroundings, the city’s path changed through the success

of some university spin-o�s. �ese then attracted �rms

specialised in instrumentation, electrical engineering and IT

up to the mid-80’s, followed by computer services and biotech

companies from the 1980’s onwards. �e most spectacular

growth was recorded even years a�er the fore-mentioned

article, with the number of high-tech �rms evolving from

a few dozens in 1970 to slightly less than 1500 in the 2004.

High-tech employment reached a peak of 40 000 employees

at that time.

�e success of Cambridge is linked mostly to its university,

its (initial) low housing and taxation costs, and, more

permanently, its good link to London, the Lower Lea Valley

and the high-tech corridor to the East Dock. �e expansion

of Stansted airport seems to o�er an even greater future.

However, this rapid growth has not come with out its

drawbacks. One of the major fears was the e�ect that these

economies could have on the historical character of the inner

city and the green qualities of its surroundings. �is led to

the implementation of a “green belt” in the Cambridgeshire

Structure Plan as early as the 1960’s; a not-to-touch green

zone around the historical city. �is had the double goal

of protecting the centre, and avoiding the merging of

Cambridge with surrounding towns through outward

growth. Combined with the land pressure induced by the

Cambridge Phenomenon, this led to a dramatic increase

in real-estate prices. Median housing price tripled between

1996-2006, evolving from 36% above UK-average in 1996

to 52% in 2001, and �nally back to 36% in 2006. As people

therefore started to move out of town, commuting tra�c

became an ever growing burden on the old road network. 1

�ese consequences have come back to the high-tech

economy as important drawbacks on its future performance.

Companies are spreading out in mono-functional clusters

to the subarea of the city, or to the larger region beyond

the green belt in an attempt to avoid high land prices. �is

new kind of sprawl is even less controllable than previous

suburban developments, and is concentrated around

motorways, railway lines, power stations and airports

within a radius of dozens of miles from central London and

Cambridge. �is further increases commuting costs and

tra�c congestion. �ese extra costs have become a major

factor of discouragement for potential labour forces, together

with the high house prices that are outweighed by only

average incomes. �ey are also discouraging young start-up

companies. Cambridge in particular has been thriving on a

network of small university spin-o�s rather than very large,

monolithic companies; any increase in start-up costs will

immediately stunt the development of the former.

1 Gossop, C. , 2008, �e Planning of Cambridge

75 km

1. M11 corridor diagram2. Cambridge University3. Cambridge Science park4. Cambridge Station5. Cambridge: dark grey - knowledge and manufacturing cluster within the city area

(4)

(5)

(3)

(2)

8

Beyond a mere increase in costs, this new spatial arrangement

has also had its e�ect on the socio-cultural functioning of

the larger area. �e new clusters lack the entrepreneurial

environment that they would have had in the city center, as

well as a good company-to-company connection. As McCann

argues, knowledge intensive activities are highly dependent

on face-to-face interaction. 2 It could therefore be argued

that the separation of knowledge and manufacturing is one

of the main obstacles for the future economic development

of Cambridge.

�e economical e�ect is clearly shown in a number of �gures;

the percentage of outmigration of �rms has doubled between

1990 and 2006, and in the same period the new establishment

rate has dropped from 0.25 to 0.05. Also, since 2002 the

number of university spin-o�s has been falling continuously.3

In the recent years, the city of Cambridge has attempted to

relink the disparate parts of its success. A new guided bus,

running from St Ives over Huntingdon to Cambridge, should

relink the monofunctional developments with the centre of

Cambridge. Inside of the town centre, a P+R system is being

implemented to deal with the congestion. Finally, a new node

of development has been proposed in the north of town, next

to the science and industrial area that would even have its

own station. However, what is evident in all these operations

is a certain lack of overarching vision for the Cambridge and

the greater area. �is vision should consider a reorganisation

as a multi-nodal system in which rail integration along the

M11 corridor has a central role to play.

2 McCann, P., 2011, Smart Specialisation3 Stam, E., 2009, Decline and renewal og high-tech clusters p.20

1. guided bus Cambridge2. proposed new station north Cambridge3. Cambridge - guided bus and p+r system

(2)

(1)

Huntingdon

9

Northstowe proposal site

St. IvesHuntingdon

p+r p+r

p+rp+r

Towards a mobility-based development

How can we rethink the economical and spatial development

of Cambridge?

Strategic business locations are nowadays relying increasingly

on good connectivity through infrastructure. What used to

be a simple alignment along motorways for good distribution

of goods, is starting to become a far more complex and

interrelated system of railway, motorway, innovation clusters

and nearby knowledge clusters. Investment in business

locations is now concentrated along railway nodes, especially

when in proximity to universities and when a quick access

to other clusters or airports is provided. Still, these clusters

are o�en not synergetic enough in nature, nor related to the

actual change makers: R&D and the industry. �e crossover

between di�erent companies that form strong economical

ecologies is highly dependent on close proximity and face-

to-face interaction. �is is not only for the good of day-to-

day operations, but also to channel innovation and let the

unpredictable happen. Well-designed collective spaces are

an important asset here; we can already see a typological shi�

in building types to create cross-over working conditions, or

to engage more with the outside public. A good example here

is the planning of the ETH campus intensi�cation between

2008 and 2011, whereby scholars, industry partners and the

general public were brought closer together.4 However, this

kind of approach has not gone beyond the campus scale yet;

a similar method on the scale of the urban region still awaits

a more accurate de�nition.

A comparison with the Science Port Holland in the Netherlands

might be of help here. Science Port Holland NV, created in

2009, is a corporation set up by the city of Rotterdam, the

city of Del�, the renowned Technische Universiteit Del� and

the Erasmus University. �e goal is to create “an international

Centre of Excellence for High Tech knowledge exchange

and innovation, located in the Rotterdam-Del� region,

one of the most vibrant and dynamic economic regions in

the Netherlands and Europe” (site of Science Port Holland)

For this, it focuses mainly on clean technology and medical

technology to ensure itself of a market niche. Geographically,

the project area spans from the inner harbour of Rotterdam,

over Rotterdam city centre and the airport, towards Del�.

As thus it sits comfortably in the centre of Netherlands and

Western Europe, within short reach of Rotterdam Harbour,

Rotterdam Airport, and Amsterdam Airport.

4 Hoeger, K., 2000, Campus and the city p .30

5 km (3)

10

Spatially, it focuses on �ve clusters: DSM, Technopolis,

Schieveen, Merwe-Vierhavens, and Hoboken-Erasmus.

Every cluster is given its distinct spatial and economical

character. A high degree of attention is given to a good

connectivity to both motorway and public transport, and

to the presence of companies/institutes already located

on site (especially universities and hospitals). Despite the

di�erentiation, there is a returning focus on creating high-

grade campuses, set within attractive, green environments

and provided with pleasant communal meeting places.

Moreover, a large range of centralised services is o�ered,

ranging from campus upkeep to support for start-up

companies (including the letting of micro-scale o�ce spaces

smaller than 30m2).

In terms of mobility, the proximity to Rotterdam Harbour

and Amsterdam Airport have already been mentioned.

Internally, the di�erent clusters are connected through a

multi-modal network of highways, railways, subways, trams

and cycle routes. Part of this network is already in place,

part of it is planned for construction along with the clusters’

growth. In overall, there is an ambition to connect any

given point within the network to another with a maximum

commute of thirty minutes.

Returning to Cambridge, it becomes obvious that this

approach will never become feasible within a monocentric

frame of mind. �e historic centre does not have the �exibility

to take in new developments, nor the tra�c capacity that

these would bring about. �is becomes especially obvious

when considering the town’s spatial organisation in relation

to the spread-out clusters of high-tech economy. Moreover,

the public transport creates a sort of bottleneck around

the existing railway station, therefore limiting commuting

possibilities.

Continuing the development at a distance from Cambridge,

as is happening now, is not an option either. A simple plan

comparison between Rotterdam-Del� and Cambridge

reveals one of the latter’s weaknesses: a shear lack of density.

�e infrastructure required for the connection of these nodes

would never be in a healthy relationship with the number of

people it is actually connecting, neither in terms of �nancial

feasibility or ecological sanity.

1. Cambridge historic center2. Cambridge area and science cluster3. Science port Rotterdam area with science cluster

(1)

11

stansted

rotterdam airport

del�

the hague

leiden

cambridge

(3)

(2)10 km

10 km

12

site 1 - next to Cambridge Science and Business park

site 2 - next to University campus

site 3 - next to Cambridge airport

site 4 - next to Adenbrooke’s hospital

5 km

13

Choosing a site

�ese observations led us to the rethinking of the strategy for

Cambridge. Rather than the intensi�cation of the existing,

we want to propose a speculative development, which will

work complimentary with the city but can evolve over time

according to market needs.

We imagined a high-tech area, where manufacturing and

research can e�ectively work together, and from which high-

skilled workers can easily travel to di�erent centres. Tis would

have to be planned not in the city centre, nor beyond the

green belt, but on the outskirts of Cambridge. An additional

station (as is proposed in other plans for Cambridge) could

start the formation of a multi-nodal urban development

instead of a monocentric one, overcoming the problems of

the latter. It would also provide the speed, �exibility and

spatial di�erentiation required for the looked-a�er economic

conversion. �is station and its surrounding district should

accommodate international, regional and local services, and

their spatial planning should be adapted to this. �e example

of Science Port Holland can serve as a working example here.

Four sites for potential development were considered. �e

main arguments for elimination were connectivity to rail-

and motorways, as well as the quality of green space. �e

northern option was promising because of the proximity of

an industrial cluster, and a good connection to the railway

(especially the proposed new station). �e distance to the

M11 however seemed problematic. �e western option was

too restricted by the structure of the existing city centre. Also,

tra�c congestion is already reaching high peaks in this area.

�e eastern option would be problematic if one wants to

imagine a new station area here; it is enclosed by residential

developments, and the orientation of the existing railway

line would require an extra branch in the rail network. �e

southern option was withheld as the most promising one,

especially because of the proximity of the Adenbrooke’s

hospital (and its proposed new research facilities), and

the possibility of connecting to the M11-corridor towards

Stansted and London. �e abundant natural resources at this

side of Cambridge were another plus.

�e chosen southern site, a band stretching from the M11

to the railway line, will be subject to a speculative new

development. Hereby the new station will play a key role in

terms of quick access and servicing for the area, as well as

connecting existing clusters and mobility infrastructures. �e

new proposal will not insert itself in the monocentric idea

of Cambridge’s development, but will relate to the historical

centre and the high-tech clusters as di�erent parts of a

patchwork do. Finally, through di�erent spatial tests and by

rethinking Cambridge’s development with a greater ambition,

we will also discuss the role of the plan.

“�e contemporary town is not one but many places. It is

a complex, many-layered, multifarious structure, made up

of complementary and interconnected ideas, concepts and

systems.”1

1 Ungers, M. , 1997, �e dialectic city

14Barry Le Va - Dissected Situations Arrangements According to Function

15

Summary

�is chapter will treat the question of what design strategies would

be appropiate for a mobility-based knowledge neigbourhood on the

outskirts of Cambridge. It will �rst state the requirements for these

strategies, then look at a number of case studies concerning railway

station area developments, and �nally turn towards theories according

what pushed forward by Stan Allen.

CHAPTER 2 - PLANNING METHOD

16

Interaction, �exibility and scale

�e economic reality of knowledge neighbourhoods is

defying the potential of traditional master plans or zoning

plans to e�ectively “plan” urban development. Cambridge

itself serves as a �ne historical example here. �e upstart

of high-tech economy was planned nor expected, it came

through a bottom-up process pushed forwards by a diversity

of actors. Over time, these activities have o�en developed

despite of planning policies, not because of them. Still, this

does not undue the purpose of urban planning; as stated

before, high-tech clusters exist in Cambridge but not in a

mutual reinforcing spatial bond. It is here that we wish to

intervene by focusing on three requirements for knowledge

neighbourhoods; interaction, �exibility and scale.

As stated in the last chapter, the knowledge intensive

activities are highly dependent on face-to-face interaction.

An integrated approach is vital to allow this interaction to

happen. We therefore use a morphological plan as a tool to

speculate on the formation of successful future communities.

�is should overcome the weaknesses of the current market-

based situation, in that synergies can be more easily created.

Our guideline here is that “where elements of the built

environment are in their proper place, the whole is greater

than the sum of its parts.” �is entails the counteracting of

the current fragmentation of manufacturing, research and

residential areas in Cambridge.

At the same time this approach should di�erentiate itself

from masterplanning by creating �elds that are �exible over

time. �is decision considers the shi�ing technological and

societal conditions in which the Cambridge Phenomenon

�rst came to being. Transparency is of key importance

here. Only by bringing together di�erent stakeholders can

current technological and societal shi�s re�ect themselves

in the plan. For this to happen, all stakeholders should be

able to understand the plan without the need of further

interpretation.

To shi� from a monocentric development to a multinodal

model for Cambridge, it is necessary to look at a larger scale

than just one cluster or neighbourhood. Indeed the method

of design should easily bridge multiple scales, and impose a

larger vision throughout without constricting local variation.

�is vision should seek to combine manufacturing and

research on the same site.

�e requirements of interaction, �exibility, and extended

scale led us to adopt a sort of infrastructural approach focused

on movement towards and within the site. In this, the new

proposed train stations need to play a central role. It is to be

expected that the accommodation of international, regional

and local services, as well as the emergence of new spatial

synergies, would not only lead to a transformation of those

train stations, but also to the rethinking of the surrounding

station districts. �e next section will therefore look at

a number of case studies concerning new developments

around train stations in the light of the posed requirements.

17Rolex learning center - Lausanne

18

Case studies

Train station developments are again a hot issue in Europe,

as is argued in “Railway Station Mega-Projects and �e

Re-Making of Inner Cities in Europe” by Deike Peters and

Johannes Novy. A�er a downfall in railway investment in the

second half of the twentieth century, when trains were eclipsed

by cars, cities and investors are now again understanding the

power of this mode of transportation and especially the e�ect

of its stations on urban areas. A number of causes have been

named here; the advent of high-speed rail, the privatisation

of railway companies, and urban restructuring towards more

competitivity and more transit-oriented developments.

Although the available research is still relatively small in

comparison to the immense number of projects (at least

according to the before-mentioned source), a few returning

key problems do arise. �ese all have to do with the very

high investments accompanying these developments, and

the fact that they are almost exclusively undertaken by mixed

public-private organisations. �is leads to the need for a

high, short-term return on investment. A lot of new stations

therefore tend to look very much like shopping malls. 1 If

the project entails a redevelopment of the surrounding urban

area, priority tends to be given to retail and commerce in

monofunctional, high-density typologies. O�en these are

situated in very close proximity to the station, with very little

happening (e�ect) beyond a certain distance.

�is tendency to overdevelopment is potentially lethal for

any emergent synergies. It begs the question whether it

would be possible to address a larger area around the station,

therefore realising the full potential of the railway stop. Can

a multi-scalar mobility network be set-up to spread the

“energetic point” of the station into a �eld condition that

connects di�erent clusters? Can di�erent movement patterns

(pedestrians, cycle, bus, tram, train, high-speed train and

cars) be merged instead of pressed into a bottleneck around

one iconic building, so that they could support a more

diversi�ed development?

1 Peters, D., 2012, Railwaystation Mega-Projects

(1)

19

One of the largest and more recent train station developments

in Europe is the Zuidas in Amsterdam. It is a linear

development, on both sides of the infrastructural axis formed

by the A10 Ring-weg-Zuid and the railway. �is railway is

composed of three lines; the regular north-south connection,

the high-speed HSL connecting to Brussels, and the (future

planned) high-speed connection to Germany. �e station

on Zuidas is appropriately called Amsterdam Zuid. Beyond

railway and motorway, a number of tram- and bus lines also

converge along this axis. Around it, the spatial development is

very much inspired by projects such as La Défense (Paris) and

�e Docklands (UK). All potential is concentrated in a high-

density strip of o�ce buildings along the mobility axis. Since

the �nancial crisis, no new projects are being initiated, and

construction of the station is postponed due to lack of private

funding. In its overall setup, this project is a counterexample

to what we wish to achieve. It violates the existing fabric, and

has been notorious for lacking any integration on a local

scale. Some also blame it for deregulating local housing costs.

�e goal of creating a new business centre for Amsterdam

was indeed successful, but at the cost of creating an isolated

island within a residential neighbourhood that fails to realise

any of the formerly(possible synergies) existing potentials.

(2)

(3)

1. Time map Europe2. Zuidas development, Amsterdam3. Stratford, London

20

EXPO

500 m

In Zaragoza, Spain, the new high-speed connection between

Madrid and Barcelona gave rise to the “Intermodal Zaragoza

Delicias Station” just west of the historic town centre. Besides

the high-speed trains, it also serves the long-distance rail

network and commuter trains. Around the station lies a thick

network of di�erent transport modalities on several levels;

interurban coaches, city buses, a connection with the A2

motorway, a few branches of the extensive cycling network

(separated from the motorised tra�c) and the �rst lines

of the Zaragoza tram. �e station itself houses some extra

functions; a meeting area on the western end, and a hotel on

the northern end overlooking the waterfront and the Expo

site beyond that, indeed the �rst attempt at implementing

programmes other than shopping within the station that

we’ve come across. In its location, there is an attempt to

relink the south-western part of town with the north-eastern.

To the west, the master plan projects a business district, and

to the east, a formal parc that would blend with the Aljaferia

fortress and its parc. A very positive point of this project is

the e�ective bundling of all modes of transport around the

station. However, the excessive concentration does seem to

hinder the urban ambitions now, rendering the station an

impassable obstacle in the overall urban context.

21500m

EXPO

Malmö, Sweden, is the town facing Copenhagen across

the Oresund sea stretch. Recently, a new city tunnel has

transformed Malmö Central from a terminus to a transit

station, allowing trains to pass by Central, through the

tunnel, and over the Oresund bridge towards Copenhagen

and its airport. �e last stop before the bridge is the new

station of Hyllie Meadow. �e station itself is quite small,

with a small coverage of tracks to reduce costs. It is part

of a multifunctional complex, with hotels, o�ce space,

an arena and some public space, set up as a new centre

for the surrounding, mostly monofunctional residential

neighbourhoods. �e new developments planned around

it are again mostly residential. Here, more possibilities arise

for large scale and highrise developments around the station

as an open plaza. However, a clear ambition of integration

into the surroundings is still lacking; indeed all large scale

developments are over concentrated around/on the station

itself.

221000m

One of the most famous European train station developments

is probably Euralille, undertaken between the mid-80’s

and mid-90’s according to a plan by OMA. �e project was

jumpstarted by the Channel Crossing for the Eurostar train

that would stop at the new Lille-Europe station (now also a

stop for �alys and TGV). Just across the site lies the Lille-

Flandres station, serving regional and national trains, while

at the other end the peripheries of Lille passes by. One can

also �nd an extensive pedestrian network, a number of bus

stops, one of the largest parking areas of France, and a tram.

�e strength of Euralille, proven by the numerous follow-

up projects around it, is twofold. Firstly, OMA managed

to create an intelligent layout for the di�erent bundles of

mobility infrastructure, with a mix between concentrating

and spreading. Although the project has a very dense

centre, it tends to spread out in all directions and create

new opportunities at its edges. Secondly, Rem Koolhaas

well recognised the multiscalarity of engagement modes;

international, regional, local, etc. �is can be seen in the

choice of programmes, and in the treatment of di�erent �ows:

“Koolhaas sees the logic of �ows as an absolutely uncontrollable

phenomenon, to which he categorically refuses to give a

shape. Yet he acknowledges their indeterminate character and

o�en imagines architectural devices that encase their chaotic

�uctuations. His relation to �ows can therefore be associated

with a “programmatic plasticity” through which he achieves

speci�c forms of urban complexity” (Attali 1996) 2

However, these “architectural devices” tend to have their

downsides as well. Especially the shopping centre, as designed

2 Delalex, G., 2006, Go with the �ow p. 142

23500m

by Jean Nouvel, presents a dead backside to parts of the site.

Similar problems can be found on a smaller scale around the

Lille-Europe station and the Tour Lilleurope. It raises the

question whether such large ensembles, concentrated around

the station, can really support the diversi�ed interaction need

in a knowledge neighbourhood.

Infrastructure sketch Koolhaas

24500m

�e last project is the proposal for the high-speed train station

Napoli-Afragola in Napels, Italy, as it was proposed by Zaha

Hadid Architects in 2003. It was meant to serve the Naples-

Salerno high-speed line, but the project the project has been

on hold due to disputes over the price. �e main concept was

to bridge the railway tracks with one continuous “urban link”.

�is would have allowed two strips of open space along the

tracks to maximise road-to-station connectivity, and to better

link the site to the surrounding landscape and business parc.

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25

It is especially this last quality that makes the project

interesting; a way of stretching the surrounding streets to

ease integration. Unfortunately, in all other respects it seems

to again focus all (�nancial) development e�ort on the station

and its immediate surrounding.

Coming back to the diverse and �exible developments we

invision, the strategies that involve stretching or spreading

the interaction between di�erent transportation modes

seem the most viable ones. A start of this would the double-

sided approach, where both sides of the station pro�t from

the station proximity instead of just one. Another would be

conceiving highrise clusters along the main road, and not just

in a concentration around the station. �is could give rise

to new typologies for the knowledge neighbourhood. Still,

it seems hard to imagine a multiscalar and multidirectional

approach, away from the centric model focused on the

station.

1. propositional drawing on morphology while stretching the road, Afragoli/Napoli2. Cambridge site diagram: diverse �eld of clusters3. Cambridge site diagram: rethinking the station district(3)

(2)

26Barry le Va - untitled 1983

Barry le Va - Interruptions

27

Station and paths together form a system. Points and lines,

beings and relations. What is interesting might be the

construction of the system, the number and disposition of

stations and paths. Or might be the �ow of messages passing

through the lines. In other words, a complex system can be

formally described.... Michel Serres 1

1 Points and lines p. 0

Field conditions

“I propose to turn the dialectical opposition between �ows

and places into a question of balancing di�erent degrees of

connectedness within a spectrum. Places and cities construct

themselves from the speci�c convergence of various networks

and relations, respectively relating to di�erent scales of

involvement”3

A recurring problem amongst the case studies is that the

station (area) is seen as a point or place of intensity, which

is distinctly di�erent from its surroundings. One could

however argue that the larger area of the station is home to

a variety of �ows, with di�erent magnitudes, directions and

intensities. �ese �ows are what actually shape and drive

these urban neighbourhoods. In the context of knowledge

neighbourhoods, where interaction and �exibility are so

important, this becomes especially poignant. Is there a way so

represent these areas as continuous �elds of �ows, as Delalex

suggests?

One architect that has been tackling this question is Stan

Allen. In Points + Lines: Diagrams and Projects for the City,

he argues that “form matters, but more for what it can do

than for what it looks like... form matters, but not so much

the form of things as the forms between things”. He thus puts

the emphasis on the e�ect architecture can produce in terms

of its performance. �is evidently leads him to de�ne a more

infrastructural approach towards urban planning, that would

simply “construct the site” in a �exible and anticipatory

way. �ese infrastructures only need to �x points of service,

access, and structure; frameworks that provide the minimal

requirements on top of which diverse and unexpected

activities can unfold.

To do this, he rejects the master plan and zoning plan as

modes of representation and action, and looks towards more

artistic approaches for inspiration. �e Logistical Activities

Zone (LAZ) Competition in Barcelona, 1996, is an interesting

example here:

3 Delalex, G., 2006, Go with the �ow p. 43

28

“Although developed initially by means of conventional

representational techniques (plans, sections, and models),

the elaboration of the project required new representational

strategies. �e diagrams, maps, scores, and scripts that

anticipate the event structure of the site over time have been

compiled into a User’s Manual.” 4

�is does not imply the complete dissolving of these old

techniques, a�er all, “in the infrastructural approach, limits

to future development are set materially, and not through

4 Allen, S., 1999, Points and Lines, p. 73

codes, zoning, or bureaucratic limits.” What it does imply

is a complex blend/collage/assemblage of these modes of

representation in a new framework (here being the User’s

Manual).

What is implicit in this project is his interest for what he

calls “�eld conditions”. “�e infrastructural elements of the

modern city, by their nature linked together in open-ended

networks, o�er another example of �eld conditions in the

urban context. A complete examination of the implications of

�eld conditions in architecture would necessarily re�ect the

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29

complex and dynamic behaviours of architecture’s users,

and speculate on new methodologies to model program

and space.” 5

�e search for adequate representational tools for �eld

conditions forms the subject of a number of other

papers. In these, Stan Allen makes extensive references

to modern art, especially art that lies on the verge of

art and mathematics. Moiré patterns therefore make a

repeated appearance, as well as Craig Reynolds 1980’s

Boids algorithm. One particular period of interest is the

Postminimalist tradition, and within that, Barry Le Va’s

work. Trained as an architect, this artist continuously

dissolves the boundaries between the object and the “�eld”

in a series of works called “distributions”. �ese come

about through local rules for only, through “a sequence of

events”.

�e work of Stan Allen o�ers a way of understanding

urbanism in terms of its �eld-to-�eld relationships, of its

metropolitan �ows. �e representations explored by him

and Barry Le Va allowed us to develop our own drawing

methods, methods that unraveled some of the intrinsic

problems of the case studies shown before. In a classical

axonometry, dense aggregations around the station seem

to make perfect sense. When drawn as a �eld condition,

the problematic concentrations become immediately

evident, as well as the organizational potential of spreading

structures into a �eld rather than a concentrated area.

Moreover, the infrastructural approach of Stan Allen

gives some hints how these �elds could then be further

designed, taking into account the multiscalar �ows, the

required �exibility, and the hoped-for interaction.

5 Allen, S., 1999, Points and Lines, p. 142

1. Stan Allen - drawing for Logistical Activities Zone, Barcelona2. Barry le Va - Palms Down - Bearings Rolled3. Barry le Va - grey felt length sheets particle

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3030Fitzrovia London 500 m

31

Summary

In this chapter, we will apply the methods derived in Chapter

2 on the site in Cambridge. �e overall ambition is to use a

campus model, which will be studied in three case studies.

Short excursions will also be made into industrial sheds and

their required logistics. A set of possible clusters will then be

extracted from these case studies.

An overall structure for the site will then be devised, and

strategies for its population over time will be given. �e

argument of potential phasing will be made by looking at

Hafencity and Malmö.

CHAPTER 3 - INTEGRATED APPROACH

32

�e campus model

For the Cambridge site, a campus-based model was

chosen. Campuses allow the organisation of multi-layered,

knowledge based environments and institutions over large

areas. Within them, research facilities and manufacturing

locations can easily be combined with mutually strengthening

relationships. O�en, campuses have a high number of shared

public amenities, spaces and infrastructures, allowing for

intense interaction between its users. �ese are o�en set

within a highly landscaped setting, making for an easy blend

with potential natural surroundings (a condition certainly

present at the outskirts of Cambridge). Campuses also

allow intensi�cation over time, even when initial density

is relatively low. �is is because they are not street-based,

leaving out the necessity of creating the minimal density for

“animated” streets (active street life). Instead campus layouts

tend to pull facilities to the inside of a cluster.

Clusters are groups of interrelated buildings; a phenomenon

that is actually relatively new to research and especially

manufacturing areas. �e latter have always tended to prefer

�e study on station neighbourhoods has shown that, para-

doxically, to design a station neighbourhood it is best not to

start from the station itself (since it gives rise to an excess of

attention towards that station). We will rather try to under-

stand the local and regional organisation of the area, and

then connect this with the station “�ow”. �ere is also the

ambition to better integrate all di�erent programs (instead

of planning isolated units). We therefore look at the campus

model.

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33

monofunctional, non-urban set-ups for practical reasons;

delivery logistics, building requirements, etc. However, two

recent spatial changes have allowed manufacturing clusters

to become more urban; the �rst is a typological shi� of

the typical “shed”, the second a change in how distribution

logistics happen.

�e knowledge about the industrial shed here presented

stems from research on the Lower Lea Valley, London. �is

particular industrial type is a legacy of land use planning.

Its primary objective was to facilitate access and to contain

the required technological function within a neutral, low-

cost envelope. As a result, the sheds are present wherever the

land use plan has allocated industrial area. However, mono-

functional industrial parks in the Lower Lea Valley and

other peripheral areas show that divorcing architecture from

interior function leads to ine�cient land use. Moreover,

it brings forth an exterior environment that is far from

conductive for complex urban life. Shortly put, the industrial

shed has zero urban ambition.

1. Novatis headquater, Basel2. Cheswick park, London3. Cheswick park, London4. Science park, Cambridge5. Park Royal, London

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34

�ree typological shi�s supportive of an urbanised area have

been established. �e �rst is an integrated parking approach

whereby parking is placed at or below ground level, whilst

the core functions are li�ed on a plinth. Chiswick Park,

London, makes for a good example here; freeing up land

previously required for parking allows for building at greater

density. �e second shi� is a stacking of functions, as is

seen in the ABB Power Station in Switzerland. Lower value

production facilities are here placed beneath higher value

o�ces spaces, allowing for a larger amount of �oor area on a

smaller footprint and thus a smaller required amount of land

for construction. A third, future typological shi� would have

to focus on the vertical surfaces of manufacturing buildings.

In order to contribute to an urbanised development, these

would have to be more than just blank façades with non-

descript openings.1

1 H&U, Tech-Knowledge Neighbourhood

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35

�e other evolution that has allowed manufacturing clusters

to become more urban is the change in distribution logics.

Industries (and research) have always been highly dependent

on infrastructure for delivery, but the type of infrastructure

has always been linked to the type of products produced.

�e change towards new technologies is now making

our products more and more specialised. �ese are more

and more made by local industries, whose renaissance

of production is now augmenting the mass-production

imported from foreign countries. O�en, these local

industries rely on a knowledge spill-over with universities,

and are made up of interconnected small-sized companies.

�ese are not only able to react quickly to market conditions,

more and more they are being able to set the an agenda for

global development on a local scale (the performance of

Austria during the recent recession is a �ne example here).

What in�uence does this economic shi� have on the urban

structure? A good network of quick distribution, o�en aided

by computerized bureaucracy, makes big warehouse spaces

obsolete. �is also changes the mode of delivery. For example,

rail freight is having a revive for its capacity to deliver on time

to urbanised regions. �ese are o�en followed up by home

delivery systems (groceries being an already well-known

application). If warehouses are still necessary, these are

becoming increasingly automated, and goods tend to spend

less time in between transportation steps within these spaces.

�e production centres themselves are of an increasingly

smaller scale, o�en combined with research laboratories with

a rail and road connection. �ese tend to pro�t more from a

vibrant, urban surrounding than an isolated, rural one, and

are also more adapted to these new contexts.

Although these two developments o�er the premise for

combined research and manufacturing urban clusters, these

are not necessarily a su�cient condition for real knowledge

neighbourhoods. To achieve knowledge spill-over, ways of

interaction need to be available. Storper and Saxenian here

refer to the importance of institutions (or similar forms of

activity) to allow people to bond, share their knowledge,

and �nd a space for collective learning. �is question of

civic spaces (or collective spaces) goes hand in hand with

that of qualitative open spaces; both need to be integrated

into knowledge-based developments in order for these to

function. Housing then becomes another question, both as

a social support for these civic spaces as a �nancial backing.

With these premises in hand, we can now identify some

prototypical clusters by looking at three existing knowledge

neighbourhoods. – which will help us to understand the

types of organisation, hierarchy of elements, distribution

system and collective or vital spaces.

1. Lower lea Valley area, London2. Typological shi� industrial buildings3. Glazed manufaktur, Dresden, Germany4. Redevelopment, Industrial area, Zurich

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36

(2) (3)

(4)

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37

Firstly, looking at Del�, we can distinguish a type with

a central spine (here a green space, with cycle paths and a

tram), that organises all facilities on either side of the spine.-

channelling the activity on the site. In Del�, a process of

intensi�cation (extra housing facilities, meeting spaces and

cycle paths) has highlighted this �gure even more. Beyond

the bands of facilities lie the secondary roads that service all

buildings from the back. Communal facilities (important for

knowledge cross-over) are dotted around the central spine,

thereby holding the network together.

Secondly, in Fitzrovia, we see a sort of patchwork of

collective spaces and institutions, semi-public pocket spaces,

alleys, and smaller and larger buildings tied in between two

main roads. �ese spaces are spread over the area from

just north of Kingsland road down to New Oxford Street,

attracting people from the main road at the sides into the

more pedestrianized network. Delivery happens through a

multi-layered network of service alleys, departing from the

main roads at the side, moving towards the centre. Points of

importance, like the libraries and the British Museum, tend

to be situated around open spaces within the patchwork.

�irdly, in the Biopolis in Singapore, we can �nd a sort of

planned organic organisation, based on a hierarchy of roads

and their resulting design. Delivery and access are highly

organised in this way, helped by the fact that all parking

facilities are located below ground. Communal spaces can be

found in the pockets between these roads. Di�erentiation of

activities also happens through the hierarchy in the network.

It needs to be said that the density required to implement this

model as such is probably not available at Cambridge, we will

therefore focus on the hierarchy of streets.

�ese three models of clusters will be used for testing how the

site could be populated. �eir diagrams show the di�erent

movement patterns and connection to neighbouring clusters.

�e goal is to �nd a proper way to house the “creative class”,

taking into account the integration of manufacturing and

research facilities, the allocation of important civic elements

and the creation of lively interconnected spaces. �is might

possibly entail a di�erent approach to �nancing. In any

case, it would provide a new, diversi�ed center for the city

of Cambridge, based on the constraints of the knowledge

neighbourhood.

“�is attitude seems to me a logical progression from

a general concern with the scene of production to this

more particular, strategic space between the built thing

and the use it then enables and supports: forms between

things constitute a site for actions, a staging of a vantage

ground from which e�ects are launched. Neither function

nor form is abandoned. Rather, form is reconceptualized

as a condition conductive to certain outcomes, certain

possibilities of activity and habitation. Form is an instigator

of performances and responses, a frame that suggests rather

than �xes, that maps or diagrams possibilities that will be

realized only partially at any one time. 1

1 Allen, S., 1999, Points and lines, p. 4

1. Del� University, Netherlands2. Del� University, central area3. Cluster diagram - movement pattern4. Possible population of diagram

38

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(3)

(4)

(1)

39

(3)

(5)

(4)

1. Campus Fitzrovia, London2. Malet street, Fitzrovia3. Cluster diagram - movement pattern4. Possible population of diagram5. Biopolis, Singapore

40

Planning happened through four steps:

1) Firstly, a grid of 500m by 500m was superimposed onto the

site. �is size is an o�en recurring dimension for knowledge-

based clusters. �is grid serves as a framework for creating

variety in the movement across the site.

2) �is grid then becomes a tool to organise di�erent patterns

of movement of the site. �is refers to Stan Allen’s studies on

moiré patterns:

“If we think of the �gure not as a demarcated object read

against a stable �eld, but as an e�ect emerging from the �eld

itself - as moment of intensity, as peak or valleys within a

continuous �eld - than it might be possible to imagine �gure

and �eld as more closely allied.” 2

3) Local elements are then addressed. Local elements hereby

play an important role for the overall organisation. �ese are,

for example, the Addenbrooke’s hospital cluster, the “green

and blue” spaces, and points of connection to the existing

street pattern. A special point of interest here is the water

stream coming down from the inner city, accompanied by

a band of green area. �e spatial qualities inherent in this

feature could make us imagine a future point of intensity,

not so much as a linear movement but rather as a diverse

�eld, capable of containing a diverse set of activities. �is is

especially so as di�erent movements are cross layered at this

speci�c place.

2 Allen, S., 1999, Points and Lines, p. 97

“To maximise development opportunities, connections

should be considered across scales, functions and time.

Urban connections support social interaction and unlock

embedded value by structuring the green, blue and brown

landscape systems of planting, water and hard surfaces to

create distinctive spaces and local identity.” 3

3 Places of connection, 2012, - Learning cities platform p.13

Planning the site

1. Cambridge - green belts in the site2. Songdo, South Korea 3. Test on site: movement pattern based on established clusters

(2)

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41

(3)

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42

1. chosen streetgrid according to movement patterns in the area, highlighting the morphology2. possible �rst phase of the development

(1)

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43

4) Road sections are then designed in accordance to the

morphologies that should accompany them. As is learned

from the station study, road design will de�ne the identity of

the clusters, and regulate cluster connectivity.

�e high-speed roads would run east-west, taking away

pressure of the monocentric system and allowing fast access

to the train station. Local connectivity would be ensured by

linking with regional roads, and a number of additional links

running north-south. Most local connectivity, however, would

be ensured through bike lanes. �is leads to an overlapping

of movement systems, highlighting the multiscalarity and

multidirectionality of the proposal. �is layered mobility

system includes pedestrians, cycles, cars, buses and trains. By

its engagement with existing green and blue structures, areas

for engagement could arise. �e overall result is a high-quality

knowledge-based environment, providing all the services

and connections that are so important for knowledge-intense

activities.

Time-based development

“What the �eld combinations seem to promise in this context

is a thickening and intensi�cation of experience at speci�c

moments within the extended �eld of the city. �e monument

of the past, including the skyscraper, a modernist monument

to e�cient production, stood out from the fabric of the city

as a privileged vertical moments. �e new institutions of the

city will perhaps occur at the moment of intensity, linked

to the wider network of the urban �eld, and marked not by

demarcating lines but by thickened surfaces.” 4

By planning the movement over the area, it is possible to

progressively let potential typologies appear. �ese would

be determined by the spaces in between, the “spaces of

events”. Planners and investors could use these as guidelines

to determine the placement of companies, living areas, and

research and industrial clusters.

4 Allen, S., 1999, Points and Lines, p. 98

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44

A good example of how this would work in practice is the

ABC-planning, introduced in 1989 in the Netherlands. �e

goal here was integrate land use and transportation planning

in an attempt to encourage the use of public transport.

A double classi�cation was made; locations were graded

according to their accessibility, and companies/institutions

according to their accessibility requirements. Governments

and investors would then try to match these classi�cations in

space as much as possible.5

Concluding; this type of morphology plan, rather than a

typical zoning plan, that concentrates on layering di�erent

modes of transportation and speed, would o�er a �exibility

to develop according to market changes and investor’s needs.

Phasing

How could the planned infrastructure be phased according

to the knowledge neighbourhood’s development? Two

examples can be of help here; Hafencity and Malmö Western

Harbour.

In HafenCity, the Development Agency takes care of all

services and infrastructure, ensures the quality of the public

realm, and prepares plots for development. Individual

developers can then design and build in collaboration with

HafenCity; usually these are mixed-activity developments.

Organisations and tenants can then �nally start using the

area. Infrastructure and public services are only provided as

the density goes up, as to ensure it is used immediately. 6

5 Burdett, R., 2011, �e tale of two regions6 Places of connection, 2012, - Learning cities platform p.23

Huntingdon

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45

In Malmö Western Harbour, a cooperation is set up between

the urban planning department, the transport department,

real estate o�ces, environmental agencies, and development

companies. Here a value-based urban design model is used.

In this a general structure and a set of priority values is

described. �e content can thus vary over time according to

needs and conditions, allowing for dialogue and feedback.

In this proposal, we chose not to start from the station district

itself, but chose to intensify it over time. Good connectivity

is established throughout the area �rst, concentrating

especially on the green-and water belt. Here a �rst cluster

could be started along the water stream, establishing the �rst

water front activities. �is would function with the close-by

hospital, and be connected to the city and university through

a cycle path.

�e guided bus system will be extended along the rail line to

the new station, connecting the existing Science park and the

old station area with the new development. Because of the

new connections to the M11, the two southern P+R’s will be

removed, and extra parking space will be provided next to

the new station (as in Napoli/Afragola). �e station therefore

becomes a new Anker point, and a potential �rst housing

cluster could be installed here. Further intensi�cation will

then happen throughout the years. An additional link can

over time be implemented, running along the western

greenbelt to the campus area. Access points should here take

the 500x500 grid into consideration.

Northstowe proposal site

St. IvesHuntingdon

1. Malmö Western Harbour2. Hafencity, Hamburg3. Possible network extension in later phase

(3)5 km

46

47

Conclusion:

�is work has been less about o�ering a �nal approach to

the site than it is about opening up the discussion about how

we can start planning it. A number of questions arose here:

what are the appropriate drawing tools? How can we capture

�ows and points of intensity? How can we understand the

nature of the site and allow a multi-layered and multiscalar

approach, bringing the local, the regional and the interna-

tional together in on gesture.

�ese questions bear witness to the complexity of networks

we are dealing with. Networks that are not just infrastruc-

tural, but also social, and that should �nd a translation

into space in the creation of new neighbourhoods. In this

dissertation, an approach was chosen that allows for �ex-

ibility and, through the cluster study, the integration of civic

spaces, new businesses and various institutions. It supports

multiscalar connectivity, a mix of functions, and is therefore

focuses on the formation of successful communities.

�is being said, a long way still lies ahead for the design of

knowledge neighbourhoods. Questions of further develop-

ment can be;

What dimensions and scales for knowledge clusters are

workable?

How dense (or sparse) can clusters be, both in terms of con-

nections and/or demographics?

How could the ground organisation be conceived of?

48

49

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BURDETT, R., Ovink, H., 2011, �e tale of two regions. LSE Cities

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DELTAMETROPOOL, 2011, Knowledge cluster, Del� University

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