Download - MArch final thesis Anke Wetzel
EXPLORING THE CONCEPT OF THE KNOWLEDGE NEIGHBORHOOD
towards a new Nodality for Cambridge
EXPLORING THE CONCEPT OF THE KNOWLEDGE NEIGHBORHOOD
towards a new Nodality for Cambridge
EXPLORING THE CONCEPT OF THE KNOWLEDGE NEIGHBORHOOD
towards a new Nodality for Cambridge
EXPLORING THE CONCEPT OF THE KNOWLEDGE NEIGHBORHOOD
towards a new Nodality for Cambridge
by Anke Wetzel
A dissertation submitted in partial ful�llment of the
requiements for the degree of MArch Housing & Urbanism
ARCHITECTURAL ASSOCIATION SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE
Tutor : Lawrence Barth
February 2013
CONTENT
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 1 - CAMBRIDGE - POTENTIAL AND OBSTACLES
Rise and fall of the Cambridge Phenomenon - p.6
Towards a mobility-based development - p.9
Choosing a site - p.13
CHAPTER 2 - PLANNING METHOD
Interaction, �exibility and scale - p. 16
Case studies - Train station - p.18
Field conditions - p.27
CHAPTER 3 - INTEGRATED APPROACH
�e campus model - p.32
Planning the site - p.40
Time-based development - p.44
CONCLUSION
To
Lawrence Barth, without whoms leading input this thesis
would have not been possible,
the support and experience in the team of Deltametropool,
especially Paul Gerretsen and Merten Nefs,
my mother Ute,
my friends and family for their loving support, especially
Sebastiaan Leenknegt
�is thesis started o� from collaborated research work between Nathan
Foust, Katsushi Goto, and myself, whereby each of us had di�erent
�elds of investigation. �is led to three individual thesises. I was hereby
helped by my summer internship at Deltametropool, for which I am
gratefull.
INTRODUCTION
Barry Le Va - Distribution Piece, Particles and Strips
1
Introduction
In the recent years, there has been a worldwide shi� towards
what is called “the knowledge economy”; a cause of immense
changes in economical and urban systems in the past and
future. Very high investments are being made in the educa-
tional and research sector and cities are planning new science
clusters or even Science cities to join in on the global compe-
tition. Especially in Asia immense areas are being developed
for this. Recently, through a shi� in the value chain, this more
and more involves a merging of knowledge (universities, lab-
oratories, research centres...) and industry, giving rise to the
emergence of new high-end products. �ese new forms of
institutional organisation evidently require new forms of spa-
tial organisations. �erefore, former isolated industrial and
research parks are increasingly clustering together to channel
innovation.
�ese new developments are happening on the periphery
of cities, but within urbanised regions. University campuses
tend to be located here, as well as low-cost land for growing
companies and their required infrastructures. At the same
time, the proximity of the urban area allows for a close com-
pany-to-client connection and the availability of a special-
ised workforce. It also allows for fast adaptation to changing
needs, customised orders, and �exible work processes. Also,
because of the need to connect to industry, 2nd and 3rd tier
cities are growing in importance in comparison to what used
to be the “core” centres. As a result, city-regions tend to be
strengthened and decentralised at the same time, resulting in
dense multinodal patchworks. �e advantages of these patch-
works are described in �e Tale of Two Regions:
“First, dense agglomerations contain large numbers of suppli-
ers and buyers, and provide easy access to needed resources.
Second, a dense and specialised labour market increases la-
bour �exibility and helps �rms avoid the risk of costly delays
in �nding the skills on which they depend. �ird, cities, ag-
glomerations and clusters generate learning and innovation
because they are the locus of intense knowledge spill overs
fostered by face-to-face contact. In a globalised economy
they o�er proximity, which is a prerequisite for the transfer
of people and ideas.” 1
1 Burdett, R., 2011, �e tale of two regions p.10
�is quote points out one of the key characteristics of such
knowledge neighbourhoods: knowledge spill-over through
face-to-face interaction. �erefore, within those agglomera-
tions, companies and institutions form strong but �exible
networks that span areas larger than the host city. �ese net-
works comprise universities, research clusters, manufactur-
ing sites, but also train stations, airports, ports, and other
mobility nodes. �e knowledge economy is highly reliant on
mobility infrastructure, not only for their fast and constantly
changing logistics, but also to connect centres of excellence
and to open up opportunities for knowledge exchange.
�rough these networks, “smart specialisation” happens
(McCann). Research and industry align goals for a common
development, thereby reinforcing one another. �is speciali-
sation happens on a variety of scales; regions may special-
ise, but within certain clusters highly specialised companies
might coexist as well, sometimes sharing the same building.
Although the average enterprise within such specialised net-
works is thus relatively small, it is able to operate on a very
large scale. �e network within one city-region is o�en em-
bedded within a number of worldwide inter-regional net-
works of competition and exchange. 2 Because of this, these
smart specialisation networks, o�en made up by small to
medium-size companies, have proven to be both successful
and resilient in economical terms.
In this success, the functioning of these networks de�es the
traditional division of local, regional and global; “A global lo-
cal paradox seems to exist, in which global competitiveness
is driven by local initiative and characteristics.” 3 �is leads
to both opportunities and challenges for urban planners;
cities host a number of attraction factors for knowledge-
based developments, but need to think on a regional scale
to ful�l their potential. “..the awareness of the regional scale
di�ers from thinking in terms of the compact city, as well
as from (economic) thinking in terms of national statistics.
�is is the reason why Amsterdam looks to its wider context,
from Haarlem to Almere. �is is why the south wing of the
Randstad is o�en thought of as a continuous urban fabric...
Similarly, the City of London has daily commuters, albeit a
minority, all the way from Brighton. Making these metro-
politan areas more viable and more sustainable requires us to
2 Storper, M., Global city region3 Burdett, R., 2011, �e tale of two regions p.16
2
connect our thinking of the regional economy with its social
capital and culture.” 4
Cambridge (UK) makes for an interesting example here. A
small, second-to-third tier city located 50 miles north of Lon-
don; it has in the past few decades become a world-leading
centre for IT and Biotech. �is it thanks to its university
and an impressive number of companies spread out over the
larger Cambridgeshire region. Despite its modest scale (es-
pecially when compared to regions such as Silicon Valley), it
still upholds an impressive international network and legacy.
Cambridge is also interesting because it shows exactly the
challenges posed by such new developments. �e success of
Cambridge lies physically spread out over Cambridgeshire,
and the success of these enterprises is again depending on
what is happening in Standsted and London, as much as it
is on global economic developments a�ecting their clients
and partners. How can any government deal with this kind of
multiscalarity? As Storper claims, “the process of world-wide
economic integration and accelerated urban growth make
traditional planning and policy strategies in these regions
increasingly problematical while more �tting approaches re-
main in largely experimental stage.” 5
Beyond the political problem, there is also a spatial issue.
Although some experiments are already available, a proven
approach to plan for the knowledge economy is still lacking.
�e challenges here are not trivial: integrate research and
manufacturing, provide high-quality environments to attract
skilled workers, plan simultaneously for specialisation and
�exibility, and provide high-cost mobility infrastructure. In
these kinds of decisions, the risks are as high as the gains:
“Over the last forty years, a phenomenon of many European
cities has been the restructuring of inner-city land in order
to improve places of connection for di�erent modes of trans-
port and to enhance the value of existing assets... �ese devel-
opments o�en take decades to complete, have a considerable
impact on the character and functions of the surrounding ar-
eas, and can be disruptive to the life and energy of the city.” 6
4 Burdett, R., 2011, �e tale of two regions p.185 Storper, M., Global city region6 Places of connection, 2012, - Learning cities platform p.6
In Cambridge, this is especially poignant due to the high-val-
ued historical structure and morphology, which is now un-
fortunately blocking the rout towards further development.
In this thesis, I want to investigate through the case study
of Cambridge how a strong knowledge-based environment
can be planned that is multiscalar and multidirectional. �is
implies the rethinking of patterns of movement based on the
characteristics of the knowledge economy.
�e �rst chapter will point out the challenges faced in Cam-
bridge by referring to di�erent case studies, this within a
broader discussion of the role of the plan. �e second chapter
will look at station developments, and with what graphical
mode we can properly deal with points of intensi�cation. �e
third chapter will apply this knowledge on site, and make a
hypothetical proposal for a �exible future development.
3
4Cambridge, UK
5
Summary
In this chapter, a �rst confrontation will be made between
the reality of Cambridge and the idea of a mobility-based
knowledge neighbourhood. It will �rstly describe the
potential of Cambridge. �is potential has brought about
a rapid economic growth in the last few decades, as well as
a number of planning strategies to deal with this growth.
It will secondly show the mobility problems that occurred
because of these strategies, and how new measures are now
being taken to mitigate these. Criticism will be based on an
understanding of Transport Oriented Development and a
comparison with Science Port Holland. Learning from these,
this chapter will then move towards a proposal for a site and
a mobility-based mode of planning.
CHAPTER 1 - CAMBRIDGE - POTENTIAL AND OBSTACLES
6
Rise and fall of the Cambridge Phenomenon
In November 1980, Peta Levi coined the term “Cambridge
Phenomenon” for the rapid expansion of high-tech
economy clusters in the Cambridgeshire region since the
1970’s. Having been a market town amidst mostly rural
surroundings, the city’s path changed through the success
of some university spin-o�s. �ese then attracted �rms
specialised in instrumentation, electrical engineering and IT
up to the mid-80’s, followed by computer services and biotech
companies from the 1980’s onwards. �e most spectacular
growth was recorded even years a�er the fore-mentioned
article, with the number of high-tech �rms evolving from
a few dozens in 1970 to slightly less than 1500 in the 2004.
High-tech employment reached a peak of 40 000 employees
at that time.
�e success of Cambridge is linked mostly to its university,
its (initial) low housing and taxation costs, and, more
permanently, its good link to London, the Lower Lea Valley
and the high-tech corridor to the East Dock. �e expansion
of Stansted airport seems to o�er an even greater future.
However, this rapid growth has not come with out its
drawbacks. One of the major fears was the e�ect that these
economies could have on the historical character of the inner
city and the green qualities of its surroundings. �is led to
the implementation of a “green belt” in the Cambridgeshire
Structure Plan as early as the 1960’s; a not-to-touch green
zone around the historical city. �is had the double goal
of protecting the centre, and avoiding the merging of
Cambridge with surrounding towns through outward
growth. Combined with the land pressure induced by the
Cambridge Phenomenon, this led to a dramatic increase
in real-estate prices. Median housing price tripled between
1996-2006, evolving from 36% above UK-average in 1996
to 52% in 2001, and �nally back to 36% in 2006. As people
therefore started to move out of town, commuting tra�c
became an ever growing burden on the old road network. 1
�ese consequences have come back to the high-tech
economy as important drawbacks on its future performance.
Companies are spreading out in mono-functional clusters
to the subarea of the city, or to the larger region beyond
the green belt in an attempt to avoid high land prices. �is
new kind of sprawl is even less controllable than previous
suburban developments, and is concentrated around
motorways, railway lines, power stations and airports
within a radius of dozens of miles from central London and
Cambridge. �is further increases commuting costs and
tra�c congestion. �ese extra costs have become a major
factor of discouragement for potential labour forces, together
with the high house prices that are outweighed by only
average incomes. �ey are also discouraging young start-up
companies. Cambridge in particular has been thriving on a
network of small university spin-o�s rather than very large,
monolithic companies; any increase in start-up costs will
immediately stunt the development of the former.
1 Gossop, C. , 2008, �e Planning of Cambridge
75 km
1. M11 corridor diagram2. Cambridge University3. Cambridge Science park4. Cambridge Station5. Cambridge: dark grey - knowledge and manufacturing cluster within the city area
(4)
(5)
(3)
(2)
8
Beyond a mere increase in costs, this new spatial arrangement
has also had its e�ect on the socio-cultural functioning of
the larger area. �e new clusters lack the entrepreneurial
environment that they would have had in the city center, as
well as a good company-to-company connection. As McCann
argues, knowledge intensive activities are highly dependent
on face-to-face interaction. 2 It could therefore be argued
that the separation of knowledge and manufacturing is one
of the main obstacles for the future economic development
of Cambridge.
�e economical e�ect is clearly shown in a number of �gures;
the percentage of outmigration of �rms has doubled between
1990 and 2006, and in the same period the new establishment
rate has dropped from 0.25 to 0.05. Also, since 2002 the
number of university spin-o�s has been falling continuously.3
In the recent years, the city of Cambridge has attempted to
relink the disparate parts of its success. A new guided bus,
running from St Ives over Huntingdon to Cambridge, should
relink the monofunctional developments with the centre of
Cambridge. Inside of the town centre, a P+R system is being
implemented to deal with the congestion. Finally, a new node
of development has been proposed in the north of town, next
to the science and industrial area that would even have its
own station. However, what is evident in all these operations
is a certain lack of overarching vision for the Cambridge and
the greater area. �is vision should consider a reorganisation
as a multi-nodal system in which rail integration along the
M11 corridor has a central role to play.
2 McCann, P., 2011, Smart Specialisation3 Stam, E., 2009, Decline and renewal og high-tech clusters p.20
1. guided bus Cambridge2. proposed new station north Cambridge3. Cambridge - guided bus and p+r system
(2)
(1)
Huntingdon
9
Northstowe proposal site
St. IvesHuntingdon
p+r p+r
p+rp+r
Towards a mobility-based development
How can we rethink the economical and spatial development
of Cambridge?
Strategic business locations are nowadays relying increasingly
on good connectivity through infrastructure. What used to
be a simple alignment along motorways for good distribution
of goods, is starting to become a far more complex and
interrelated system of railway, motorway, innovation clusters
and nearby knowledge clusters. Investment in business
locations is now concentrated along railway nodes, especially
when in proximity to universities and when a quick access
to other clusters or airports is provided. Still, these clusters
are o�en not synergetic enough in nature, nor related to the
actual change makers: R&D and the industry. �e crossover
between di�erent companies that form strong economical
ecologies is highly dependent on close proximity and face-
to-face interaction. �is is not only for the good of day-to-
day operations, but also to channel innovation and let the
unpredictable happen. Well-designed collective spaces are
an important asset here; we can already see a typological shi�
in building types to create cross-over working conditions, or
to engage more with the outside public. A good example here
is the planning of the ETH campus intensi�cation between
2008 and 2011, whereby scholars, industry partners and the
general public were brought closer together.4 However, this
kind of approach has not gone beyond the campus scale yet;
a similar method on the scale of the urban region still awaits
a more accurate de�nition.
A comparison with the Science Port Holland in the Netherlands
might be of help here. Science Port Holland NV, created in
2009, is a corporation set up by the city of Rotterdam, the
city of Del�, the renowned Technische Universiteit Del� and
the Erasmus University. �e goal is to create “an international
Centre of Excellence for High Tech knowledge exchange
and innovation, located in the Rotterdam-Del� region,
one of the most vibrant and dynamic economic regions in
the Netherlands and Europe” (site of Science Port Holland)
For this, it focuses mainly on clean technology and medical
technology to ensure itself of a market niche. Geographically,
the project area spans from the inner harbour of Rotterdam,
over Rotterdam city centre and the airport, towards Del�.
As thus it sits comfortably in the centre of Netherlands and
Western Europe, within short reach of Rotterdam Harbour,
Rotterdam Airport, and Amsterdam Airport.
4 Hoeger, K., 2000, Campus and the city p .30
5 km (3)
10
Spatially, it focuses on �ve clusters: DSM, Technopolis,
Schieveen, Merwe-Vierhavens, and Hoboken-Erasmus.
Every cluster is given its distinct spatial and economical
character. A high degree of attention is given to a good
connectivity to both motorway and public transport, and
to the presence of companies/institutes already located
on site (especially universities and hospitals). Despite the
di�erentiation, there is a returning focus on creating high-
grade campuses, set within attractive, green environments
and provided with pleasant communal meeting places.
Moreover, a large range of centralised services is o�ered,
ranging from campus upkeep to support for start-up
companies (including the letting of micro-scale o�ce spaces
smaller than 30m2).
In terms of mobility, the proximity to Rotterdam Harbour
and Amsterdam Airport have already been mentioned.
Internally, the di�erent clusters are connected through a
multi-modal network of highways, railways, subways, trams
and cycle routes. Part of this network is already in place,
part of it is planned for construction along with the clusters’
growth. In overall, there is an ambition to connect any
given point within the network to another with a maximum
commute of thirty minutes.
Returning to Cambridge, it becomes obvious that this
approach will never become feasible within a monocentric
frame of mind. �e historic centre does not have the �exibility
to take in new developments, nor the tra�c capacity that
these would bring about. �is becomes especially obvious
when considering the town’s spatial organisation in relation
to the spread-out clusters of high-tech economy. Moreover,
the public transport creates a sort of bottleneck around
the existing railway station, therefore limiting commuting
possibilities.
Continuing the development at a distance from Cambridge,
as is happening now, is not an option either. A simple plan
comparison between Rotterdam-Del� and Cambridge
reveals one of the latter’s weaknesses: a shear lack of density.
�e infrastructure required for the connection of these nodes
would never be in a healthy relationship with the number of
people it is actually connecting, neither in terms of �nancial
feasibility or ecological sanity.
1. Cambridge historic center2. Cambridge area and science cluster3. Science port Rotterdam area with science cluster
(1)
11
stansted
rotterdam airport
del�
the hague
leiden
cambridge
(3)
(2)10 km
10 km
12
site 1 - next to Cambridge Science and Business park
site 2 - next to University campus
site 3 - next to Cambridge airport
site 4 - next to Adenbrooke’s hospital
5 km
13
Choosing a site
�ese observations led us to the rethinking of the strategy for
Cambridge. Rather than the intensi�cation of the existing,
we want to propose a speculative development, which will
work complimentary with the city but can evolve over time
according to market needs.
We imagined a high-tech area, where manufacturing and
research can e�ectively work together, and from which high-
skilled workers can easily travel to di�erent centres. Tis would
have to be planned not in the city centre, nor beyond the
green belt, but on the outskirts of Cambridge. An additional
station (as is proposed in other plans for Cambridge) could
start the formation of a multi-nodal urban development
instead of a monocentric one, overcoming the problems of
the latter. It would also provide the speed, �exibility and
spatial di�erentiation required for the looked-a�er economic
conversion. �is station and its surrounding district should
accommodate international, regional and local services, and
their spatial planning should be adapted to this. �e example
of Science Port Holland can serve as a working example here.
Four sites for potential development were considered. �e
main arguments for elimination were connectivity to rail-
and motorways, as well as the quality of green space. �e
northern option was promising because of the proximity of
an industrial cluster, and a good connection to the railway
(especially the proposed new station). �e distance to the
M11 however seemed problematic. �e western option was
too restricted by the structure of the existing city centre. Also,
tra�c congestion is already reaching high peaks in this area.
�e eastern option would be problematic if one wants to
imagine a new station area here; it is enclosed by residential
developments, and the orientation of the existing railway
line would require an extra branch in the rail network. �e
southern option was withheld as the most promising one,
especially because of the proximity of the Adenbrooke’s
hospital (and its proposed new research facilities), and
the possibility of connecting to the M11-corridor towards
Stansted and London. �e abundant natural resources at this
side of Cambridge were another plus.
�e chosen southern site, a band stretching from the M11
to the railway line, will be subject to a speculative new
development. Hereby the new station will play a key role in
terms of quick access and servicing for the area, as well as
connecting existing clusters and mobility infrastructures. �e
new proposal will not insert itself in the monocentric idea
of Cambridge’s development, but will relate to the historical
centre and the high-tech clusters as di�erent parts of a
patchwork do. Finally, through di�erent spatial tests and by
rethinking Cambridge’s development with a greater ambition,
we will also discuss the role of the plan.
“�e contemporary town is not one but many places. It is
a complex, many-layered, multifarious structure, made up
of complementary and interconnected ideas, concepts and
systems.”1
1 Ungers, M. , 1997, �e dialectic city
14Barry Le Va - Dissected Situations Arrangements According to Function
15
Summary
�is chapter will treat the question of what design strategies would
be appropiate for a mobility-based knowledge neigbourhood on the
outskirts of Cambridge. It will �rst state the requirements for these
strategies, then look at a number of case studies concerning railway
station area developments, and �nally turn towards theories according
what pushed forward by Stan Allen.
CHAPTER 2 - PLANNING METHOD
16
Interaction, �exibility and scale
�e economic reality of knowledge neighbourhoods is
defying the potential of traditional master plans or zoning
plans to e�ectively “plan” urban development. Cambridge
itself serves as a �ne historical example here. �e upstart
of high-tech economy was planned nor expected, it came
through a bottom-up process pushed forwards by a diversity
of actors. Over time, these activities have o�en developed
despite of planning policies, not because of them. Still, this
does not undue the purpose of urban planning; as stated
before, high-tech clusters exist in Cambridge but not in a
mutual reinforcing spatial bond. It is here that we wish to
intervene by focusing on three requirements for knowledge
neighbourhoods; interaction, �exibility and scale.
As stated in the last chapter, the knowledge intensive
activities are highly dependent on face-to-face interaction.
An integrated approach is vital to allow this interaction to
happen. We therefore use a morphological plan as a tool to
speculate on the formation of successful future communities.
�is should overcome the weaknesses of the current market-
based situation, in that synergies can be more easily created.
Our guideline here is that “where elements of the built
environment are in their proper place, the whole is greater
than the sum of its parts.” �is entails the counteracting of
the current fragmentation of manufacturing, research and
residential areas in Cambridge.
At the same time this approach should di�erentiate itself
from masterplanning by creating �elds that are �exible over
time. �is decision considers the shi�ing technological and
societal conditions in which the Cambridge Phenomenon
�rst came to being. Transparency is of key importance
here. Only by bringing together di�erent stakeholders can
current technological and societal shi�s re�ect themselves
in the plan. For this to happen, all stakeholders should be
able to understand the plan without the need of further
interpretation.
To shi� from a monocentric development to a multinodal
model for Cambridge, it is necessary to look at a larger scale
than just one cluster or neighbourhood. Indeed the method
of design should easily bridge multiple scales, and impose a
larger vision throughout without constricting local variation.
�is vision should seek to combine manufacturing and
research on the same site.
�e requirements of interaction, �exibility, and extended
scale led us to adopt a sort of infrastructural approach focused
on movement towards and within the site. In this, the new
proposed train stations need to play a central role. It is to be
expected that the accommodation of international, regional
and local services, as well as the emergence of new spatial
synergies, would not only lead to a transformation of those
train stations, but also to the rethinking of the surrounding
station districts. �e next section will therefore look at
a number of case studies concerning new developments
around train stations in the light of the posed requirements.
17Rolex learning center - Lausanne
18
Case studies
Train station developments are again a hot issue in Europe,
as is argued in “Railway Station Mega-Projects and �e
Re-Making of Inner Cities in Europe” by Deike Peters and
Johannes Novy. A�er a downfall in railway investment in the
second half of the twentieth century, when trains were eclipsed
by cars, cities and investors are now again understanding the
power of this mode of transportation and especially the e�ect
of its stations on urban areas. A number of causes have been
named here; the advent of high-speed rail, the privatisation
of railway companies, and urban restructuring towards more
competitivity and more transit-oriented developments.
Although the available research is still relatively small in
comparison to the immense number of projects (at least
according to the before-mentioned source), a few returning
key problems do arise. �ese all have to do with the very
high investments accompanying these developments, and
the fact that they are almost exclusively undertaken by mixed
public-private organisations. �is leads to the need for a
high, short-term return on investment. A lot of new stations
therefore tend to look very much like shopping malls. 1 If
the project entails a redevelopment of the surrounding urban
area, priority tends to be given to retail and commerce in
monofunctional, high-density typologies. O�en these are
situated in very close proximity to the station, with very little
happening (e�ect) beyond a certain distance.
�is tendency to overdevelopment is potentially lethal for
any emergent synergies. It begs the question whether it
would be possible to address a larger area around the station,
therefore realising the full potential of the railway stop. Can
a multi-scalar mobility network be set-up to spread the
“energetic point” of the station into a �eld condition that
connects di�erent clusters? Can di�erent movement patterns
(pedestrians, cycle, bus, tram, train, high-speed train and
cars) be merged instead of pressed into a bottleneck around
one iconic building, so that they could support a more
diversi�ed development?
1 Peters, D., 2012, Railwaystation Mega-Projects
(1)
19
One of the largest and more recent train station developments
in Europe is the Zuidas in Amsterdam. It is a linear
development, on both sides of the infrastructural axis formed
by the A10 Ring-weg-Zuid and the railway. �is railway is
composed of three lines; the regular north-south connection,
the high-speed HSL connecting to Brussels, and the (future
planned) high-speed connection to Germany. �e station
on Zuidas is appropriately called Amsterdam Zuid. Beyond
railway and motorway, a number of tram- and bus lines also
converge along this axis. Around it, the spatial development is
very much inspired by projects such as La Défense (Paris) and
�e Docklands (UK). All potential is concentrated in a high-
density strip of o�ce buildings along the mobility axis. Since
the �nancial crisis, no new projects are being initiated, and
construction of the station is postponed due to lack of private
funding. In its overall setup, this project is a counterexample
to what we wish to achieve. It violates the existing fabric, and
has been notorious for lacking any integration on a local
scale. Some also blame it for deregulating local housing costs.
�e goal of creating a new business centre for Amsterdam
was indeed successful, but at the cost of creating an isolated
island within a residential neighbourhood that fails to realise
any of the formerly(possible synergies) existing potentials.
(2)
(3)
1. Time map Europe2. Zuidas development, Amsterdam3. Stratford, London
20
EXPO
500 m
In Zaragoza, Spain, the new high-speed connection between
Madrid and Barcelona gave rise to the “Intermodal Zaragoza
Delicias Station” just west of the historic town centre. Besides
the high-speed trains, it also serves the long-distance rail
network and commuter trains. Around the station lies a thick
network of di�erent transport modalities on several levels;
interurban coaches, city buses, a connection with the A2
motorway, a few branches of the extensive cycling network
(separated from the motorised tra�c) and the �rst lines
of the Zaragoza tram. �e station itself houses some extra
functions; a meeting area on the western end, and a hotel on
the northern end overlooking the waterfront and the Expo
site beyond that, indeed the �rst attempt at implementing
programmes other than shopping within the station that
we’ve come across. In its location, there is an attempt to
relink the south-western part of town with the north-eastern.
To the west, the master plan projects a business district, and
to the east, a formal parc that would blend with the Aljaferia
fortress and its parc. A very positive point of this project is
the e�ective bundling of all modes of transport around the
station. However, the excessive concentration does seem to
hinder the urban ambitions now, rendering the station an
impassable obstacle in the overall urban context.
21500m
EXPO
Malmö, Sweden, is the town facing Copenhagen across
the Oresund sea stretch. Recently, a new city tunnel has
transformed Malmö Central from a terminus to a transit
station, allowing trains to pass by Central, through the
tunnel, and over the Oresund bridge towards Copenhagen
and its airport. �e last stop before the bridge is the new
station of Hyllie Meadow. �e station itself is quite small,
with a small coverage of tracks to reduce costs. It is part
of a multifunctional complex, with hotels, o�ce space,
an arena and some public space, set up as a new centre
for the surrounding, mostly monofunctional residential
neighbourhoods. �e new developments planned around
it are again mostly residential. Here, more possibilities arise
for large scale and highrise developments around the station
as an open plaza. However, a clear ambition of integration
into the surroundings is still lacking; indeed all large scale
developments are over concentrated around/on the station
itself.
221000m
One of the most famous European train station developments
is probably Euralille, undertaken between the mid-80’s
and mid-90’s according to a plan by OMA. �e project was
jumpstarted by the Channel Crossing for the Eurostar train
that would stop at the new Lille-Europe station (now also a
stop for �alys and TGV). Just across the site lies the Lille-
Flandres station, serving regional and national trains, while
at the other end the peripheries of Lille passes by. One can
also �nd an extensive pedestrian network, a number of bus
stops, one of the largest parking areas of France, and a tram.
�e strength of Euralille, proven by the numerous follow-
up projects around it, is twofold. Firstly, OMA managed
to create an intelligent layout for the di�erent bundles of
mobility infrastructure, with a mix between concentrating
and spreading. Although the project has a very dense
centre, it tends to spread out in all directions and create
new opportunities at its edges. Secondly, Rem Koolhaas
well recognised the multiscalarity of engagement modes;
international, regional, local, etc. �is can be seen in the
choice of programmes, and in the treatment of di�erent �ows:
“Koolhaas sees the logic of �ows as an absolutely uncontrollable
phenomenon, to which he categorically refuses to give a
shape. Yet he acknowledges their indeterminate character and
o�en imagines architectural devices that encase their chaotic
�uctuations. His relation to �ows can therefore be associated
with a “programmatic plasticity” through which he achieves
speci�c forms of urban complexity” (Attali 1996) 2
However, these “architectural devices” tend to have their
downsides as well. Especially the shopping centre, as designed
2 Delalex, G., 2006, Go with the �ow p. 142
23500m
by Jean Nouvel, presents a dead backside to parts of the site.
Similar problems can be found on a smaller scale around the
Lille-Europe station and the Tour Lilleurope. It raises the
question whether such large ensembles, concentrated around
the station, can really support the diversi�ed interaction need
in a knowledge neighbourhood.
Infrastructure sketch Koolhaas
24500m
�e last project is the proposal for the high-speed train station
Napoli-Afragola in Napels, Italy, as it was proposed by Zaha
Hadid Architects in 2003. It was meant to serve the Naples-
Salerno high-speed line, but the project the project has been
on hold due to disputes over the price. �e main concept was
to bridge the railway tracks with one continuous “urban link”.
�is would have allowed two strips of open space along the
tracks to maximise road-to-station connectivity, and to better
link the site to the surrounding landscape and business parc.
(1)
25
It is especially this last quality that makes the project
interesting; a way of stretching the surrounding streets to
ease integration. Unfortunately, in all other respects it seems
to again focus all (�nancial) development e�ort on the station
and its immediate surrounding.
Coming back to the diverse and �exible developments we
invision, the strategies that involve stretching or spreading
the interaction between di�erent transportation modes
seem the most viable ones. A start of this would the double-
sided approach, where both sides of the station pro�t from
the station proximity instead of just one. Another would be
conceiving highrise clusters along the main road, and not just
in a concentration around the station. �is could give rise
to new typologies for the knowledge neighbourhood. Still,
it seems hard to imagine a multiscalar and multidirectional
approach, away from the centric model focused on the
station.
1. propositional drawing on morphology while stretching the road, Afragoli/Napoli2. Cambridge site diagram: diverse �eld of clusters3. Cambridge site diagram: rethinking the station district(3)
(2)
26Barry le Va - untitled 1983
Barry le Va - Interruptions
27
Station and paths together form a system. Points and lines,
beings and relations. What is interesting might be the
construction of the system, the number and disposition of
stations and paths. Or might be the �ow of messages passing
through the lines. In other words, a complex system can be
formally described.... Michel Serres 1
1 Points and lines p. 0
Field conditions
“I propose to turn the dialectical opposition between �ows
and places into a question of balancing di�erent degrees of
connectedness within a spectrum. Places and cities construct
themselves from the speci�c convergence of various networks
and relations, respectively relating to di�erent scales of
involvement”3
A recurring problem amongst the case studies is that the
station (area) is seen as a point or place of intensity, which
is distinctly di�erent from its surroundings. One could
however argue that the larger area of the station is home to
a variety of �ows, with di�erent magnitudes, directions and
intensities. �ese �ows are what actually shape and drive
these urban neighbourhoods. In the context of knowledge
neighbourhoods, where interaction and �exibility are so
important, this becomes especially poignant. Is there a way so
represent these areas as continuous �elds of �ows, as Delalex
suggests?
One architect that has been tackling this question is Stan
Allen. In Points + Lines: Diagrams and Projects for the City,
he argues that “form matters, but more for what it can do
than for what it looks like... form matters, but not so much
the form of things as the forms between things”. He thus puts
the emphasis on the e�ect architecture can produce in terms
of its performance. �is evidently leads him to de�ne a more
infrastructural approach towards urban planning, that would
simply “construct the site” in a �exible and anticipatory
way. �ese infrastructures only need to �x points of service,
access, and structure; frameworks that provide the minimal
requirements on top of which diverse and unexpected
activities can unfold.
To do this, he rejects the master plan and zoning plan as
modes of representation and action, and looks towards more
artistic approaches for inspiration. �e Logistical Activities
Zone (LAZ) Competition in Barcelona, 1996, is an interesting
example here:
3 Delalex, G., 2006, Go with the �ow p. 43
28
“Although developed initially by means of conventional
representational techniques (plans, sections, and models),
the elaboration of the project required new representational
strategies. �e diagrams, maps, scores, and scripts that
anticipate the event structure of the site over time have been
compiled into a User’s Manual.” 4
�is does not imply the complete dissolving of these old
techniques, a�er all, “in the infrastructural approach, limits
to future development are set materially, and not through
4 Allen, S., 1999, Points and Lines, p. 73
codes, zoning, or bureaucratic limits.” What it does imply
is a complex blend/collage/assemblage of these modes of
representation in a new framework (here being the User’s
Manual).
What is implicit in this project is his interest for what he
calls “�eld conditions”. “�e infrastructural elements of the
modern city, by their nature linked together in open-ended
networks, o�er another example of �eld conditions in the
urban context. A complete examination of the implications of
�eld conditions in architecture would necessarily re�ect the
(1)
29
complex and dynamic behaviours of architecture’s users,
and speculate on new methodologies to model program
and space.” 5
�e search for adequate representational tools for �eld
conditions forms the subject of a number of other
papers. In these, Stan Allen makes extensive references
to modern art, especially art that lies on the verge of
art and mathematics. Moiré patterns therefore make a
repeated appearance, as well as Craig Reynolds 1980’s
Boids algorithm. One particular period of interest is the
Postminimalist tradition, and within that, Barry Le Va’s
work. Trained as an architect, this artist continuously
dissolves the boundaries between the object and the “�eld”
in a series of works called “distributions”. �ese come
about through local rules for only, through “a sequence of
events”.
�e work of Stan Allen o�ers a way of understanding
urbanism in terms of its �eld-to-�eld relationships, of its
metropolitan �ows. �e representations explored by him
and Barry Le Va allowed us to develop our own drawing
methods, methods that unraveled some of the intrinsic
problems of the case studies shown before. In a classical
axonometry, dense aggregations around the station seem
to make perfect sense. When drawn as a �eld condition,
the problematic concentrations become immediately
evident, as well as the organizational potential of spreading
structures into a �eld rather than a concentrated area.
Moreover, the infrastructural approach of Stan Allen
gives some hints how these �elds could then be further
designed, taking into account the multiscalar �ows, the
required �exibility, and the hoped-for interaction.
5 Allen, S., 1999, Points and Lines, p. 142
1. Stan Allen - drawing for Logistical Activities Zone, Barcelona2. Barry le Va - Palms Down - Bearings Rolled3. Barry le Va - grey felt length sheets particle
(2)
(3)
3030Fitzrovia London 500 m
31
Summary
In this chapter, we will apply the methods derived in Chapter
2 on the site in Cambridge. �e overall ambition is to use a
campus model, which will be studied in three case studies.
Short excursions will also be made into industrial sheds and
their required logistics. A set of possible clusters will then be
extracted from these case studies.
An overall structure for the site will then be devised, and
strategies for its population over time will be given. �e
argument of potential phasing will be made by looking at
Hafencity and Malmö.
CHAPTER 3 - INTEGRATED APPROACH
32
�e campus model
For the Cambridge site, a campus-based model was
chosen. Campuses allow the organisation of multi-layered,
knowledge based environments and institutions over large
areas. Within them, research facilities and manufacturing
locations can easily be combined with mutually strengthening
relationships. O�en, campuses have a high number of shared
public amenities, spaces and infrastructures, allowing for
intense interaction between its users. �ese are o�en set
within a highly landscaped setting, making for an easy blend
with potential natural surroundings (a condition certainly
present at the outskirts of Cambridge). Campuses also
allow intensi�cation over time, even when initial density
is relatively low. �is is because they are not street-based,
leaving out the necessity of creating the minimal density for
“animated” streets (active street life). Instead campus layouts
tend to pull facilities to the inside of a cluster.
Clusters are groups of interrelated buildings; a phenomenon
that is actually relatively new to research and especially
manufacturing areas. �e latter have always tended to prefer
�e study on station neighbourhoods has shown that, para-
doxically, to design a station neighbourhood it is best not to
start from the station itself (since it gives rise to an excess of
attention towards that station). We will rather try to under-
stand the local and regional organisation of the area, and
then connect this with the station “�ow”. �ere is also the
ambition to better integrate all di�erent programs (instead
of planning isolated units). We therefore look at the campus
model.
(1)
(2)
33
monofunctional, non-urban set-ups for practical reasons;
delivery logistics, building requirements, etc. However, two
recent spatial changes have allowed manufacturing clusters
to become more urban; the �rst is a typological shi� of
the typical “shed”, the second a change in how distribution
logistics happen.
�e knowledge about the industrial shed here presented
stems from research on the Lower Lea Valley, London. �is
particular industrial type is a legacy of land use planning.
Its primary objective was to facilitate access and to contain
the required technological function within a neutral, low-
cost envelope. As a result, the sheds are present wherever the
land use plan has allocated industrial area. However, mono-
functional industrial parks in the Lower Lea Valley and
other peripheral areas show that divorcing architecture from
interior function leads to ine�cient land use. Moreover,
it brings forth an exterior environment that is far from
conductive for complex urban life. Shortly put, the industrial
shed has zero urban ambition.
1. Novatis headquater, Basel2. Cheswick park, London3. Cheswick park, London4. Science park, Cambridge5. Park Royal, London
(5)
(4)
(3)
34
�ree typological shi�s supportive of an urbanised area have
been established. �e �rst is an integrated parking approach
whereby parking is placed at or below ground level, whilst
the core functions are li�ed on a plinth. Chiswick Park,
London, makes for a good example here; freeing up land
previously required for parking allows for building at greater
density. �e second shi� is a stacking of functions, as is
seen in the ABB Power Station in Switzerland. Lower value
production facilities are here placed beneath higher value
o�ces spaces, allowing for a larger amount of �oor area on a
smaller footprint and thus a smaller required amount of land
for construction. A third, future typological shi� would have
to focus on the vertical surfaces of manufacturing buildings.
In order to contribute to an urbanised development, these
would have to be more than just blank façades with non-
descript openings.1
1 H&U, Tech-Knowledge Neighbourhood
(1)
(2)
35
�e other evolution that has allowed manufacturing clusters
to become more urban is the change in distribution logics.
Industries (and research) have always been highly dependent
on infrastructure for delivery, but the type of infrastructure
has always been linked to the type of products produced.
�e change towards new technologies is now making
our products more and more specialised. �ese are more
and more made by local industries, whose renaissance
of production is now augmenting the mass-production
imported from foreign countries. O�en, these local
industries rely on a knowledge spill-over with universities,
and are made up of interconnected small-sized companies.
�ese are not only able to react quickly to market conditions,
more and more they are being able to set the an agenda for
global development on a local scale (the performance of
Austria during the recent recession is a �ne example here).
What in�uence does this economic shi� have on the urban
structure? A good network of quick distribution, o�en aided
by computerized bureaucracy, makes big warehouse spaces
obsolete. �is also changes the mode of delivery. For example,
rail freight is having a revive for its capacity to deliver on time
to urbanised regions. �ese are o�en followed up by home
delivery systems (groceries being an already well-known
application). If warehouses are still necessary, these are
becoming increasingly automated, and goods tend to spend
less time in between transportation steps within these spaces.
�e production centres themselves are of an increasingly
smaller scale, o�en combined with research laboratories with
a rail and road connection. �ese tend to pro�t more from a
vibrant, urban surrounding than an isolated, rural one, and
are also more adapted to these new contexts.
Although these two developments o�er the premise for
combined research and manufacturing urban clusters, these
are not necessarily a su�cient condition for real knowledge
neighbourhoods. To achieve knowledge spill-over, ways of
interaction need to be available. Storper and Saxenian here
refer to the importance of institutions (or similar forms of
activity) to allow people to bond, share their knowledge,
and �nd a space for collective learning. �is question of
civic spaces (or collective spaces) goes hand in hand with
that of qualitative open spaces; both need to be integrated
into knowledge-based developments in order for these to
function. Housing then becomes another question, both as
a social support for these civic spaces as a �nancial backing.
With these premises in hand, we can now identify some
prototypical clusters by looking at three existing knowledge
neighbourhoods. – which will help us to understand the
types of organisation, hierarchy of elements, distribution
system and collective or vital spaces.
1. Lower lea Valley area, London2. Typological shi� industrial buildings3. Glazed manufaktur, Dresden, Germany4. Redevelopment, Industrial area, Zurich
(4)
(3)
36
(2) (3)
(4)
(1)
37
Firstly, looking at Del�, we can distinguish a type with
a central spine (here a green space, with cycle paths and a
tram), that organises all facilities on either side of the spine.-
channelling the activity on the site. In Del�, a process of
intensi�cation (extra housing facilities, meeting spaces and
cycle paths) has highlighted this �gure even more. Beyond
the bands of facilities lie the secondary roads that service all
buildings from the back. Communal facilities (important for
knowledge cross-over) are dotted around the central spine,
thereby holding the network together.
Secondly, in Fitzrovia, we see a sort of patchwork of
collective spaces and institutions, semi-public pocket spaces,
alleys, and smaller and larger buildings tied in between two
main roads. �ese spaces are spread over the area from
just north of Kingsland road down to New Oxford Street,
attracting people from the main road at the sides into the
more pedestrianized network. Delivery happens through a
multi-layered network of service alleys, departing from the
main roads at the side, moving towards the centre. Points of
importance, like the libraries and the British Museum, tend
to be situated around open spaces within the patchwork.
�irdly, in the Biopolis in Singapore, we can �nd a sort of
planned organic organisation, based on a hierarchy of roads
and their resulting design. Delivery and access are highly
organised in this way, helped by the fact that all parking
facilities are located below ground. Communal spaces can be
found in the pockets between these roads. Di�erentiation of
activities also happens through the hierarchy in the network.
It needs to be said that the density required to implement this
model as such is probably not available at Cambridge, we will
therefore focus on the hierarchy of streets.
�ese three models of clusters will be used for testing how the
site could be populated. �eir diagrams show the di�erent
movement patterns and connection to neighbouring clusters.
�e goal is to �nd a proper way to house the “creative class”,
taking into account the integration of manufacturing and
research facilities, the allocation of important civic elements
and the creation of lively interconnected spaces. �is might
possibly entail a di�erent approach to �nancing. In any
case, it would provide a new, diversi�ed center for the city
of Cambridge, based on the constraints of the knowledge
neighbourhood.
“�is attitude seems to me a logical progression from
a general concern with the scene of production to this
more particular, strategic space between the built thing
and the use it then enables and supports: forms between
things constitute a site for actions, a staging of a vantage
ground from which e�ects are launched. Neither function
nor form is abandoned. Rather, form is reconceptualized
as a condition conductive to certain outcomes, certain
possibilities of activity and habitation. Form is an instigator
of performances and responses, a frame that suggests rather
than �xes, that maps or diagrams possibilities that will be
realized only partially at any one time. 1
1 Allen, S., 1999, Points and lines, p. 4
1. Del� University, Netherlands2. Del� University, central area3. Cluster diagram - movement pattern4. Possible population of diagram
38
(2)
(3)
(4)
(1)
39
(3)
(5)
(4)
1. Campus Fitzrovia, London2. Malet street, Fitzrovia3. Cluster diagram - movement pattern4. Possible population of diagram5. Biopolis, Singapore
40
Planning happened through four steps:
1) Firstly, a grid of 500m by 500m was superimposed onto the
site. �is size is an o�en recurring dimension for knowledge-
based clusters. �is grid serves as a framework for creating
variety in the movement across the site.
2) �is grid then becomes a tool to organise di�erent patterns
of movement of the site. �is refers to Stan Allen’s studies on
moiré patterns:
“If we think of the �gure not as a demarcated object read
against a stable �eld, but as an e�ect emerging from the �eld
itself - as moment of intensity, as peak or valleys within a
continuous �eld - than it might be possible to imagine �gure
and �eld as more closely allied.” 2
3) Local elements are then addressed. Local elements hereby
play an important role for the overall organisation. �ese are,
for example, the Addenbrooke’s hospital cluster, the “green
and blue” spaces, and points of connection to the existing
street pattern. A special point of interest here is the water
stream coming down from the inner city, accompanied by
a band of green area. �e spatial qualities inherent in this
feature could make us imagine a future point of intensity,
not so much as a linear movement but rather as a diverse
�eld, capable of containing a diverse set of activities. �is is
especially so as di�erent movements are cross layered at this
speci�c place.
2 Allen, S., 1999, Points and Lines, p. 97
“To maximise development opportunities, connections
should be considered across scales, functions and time.
Urban connections support social interaction and unlock
embedded value by structuring the green, blue and brown
landscape systems of planting, water and hard surfaces to
create distinctive spaces and local identity.” 3
3 Places of connection, 2012, - Learning cities platform p.13
Planning the site
1. Cambridge - green belts in the site2. Songdo, South Korea 3. Test on site: movement pattern based on established clusters
(2)
(1)
41
(3)
(3)
42
1. chosen streetgrid according to movement patterns in the area, highlighting the morphology2. possible �rst phase of the development
(1)
(1)
43
4) Road sections are then designed in accordance to the
morphologies that should accompany them. As is learned
from the station study, road design will de�ne the identity of
the clusters, and regulate cluster connectivity.
�e high-speed roads would run east-west, taking away
pressure of the monocentric system and allowing fast access
to the train station. Local connectivity would be ensured by
linking with regional roads, and a number of additional links
running north-south. Most local connectivity, however, would
be ensured through bike lanes. �is leads to an overlapping
of movement systems, highlighting the multiscalarity and
multidirectionality of the proposal. �is layered mobility
system includes pedestrians, cycles, cars, buses and trains. By
its engagement with existing green and blue structures, areas
for engagement could arise. �e overall result is a high-quality
knowledge-based environment, providing all the services
and connections that are so important for knowledge-intense
activities.
Time-based development
“What the �eld combinations seem to promise in this context
is a thickening and intensi�cation of experience at speci�c
moments within the extended �eld of the city. �e monument
of the past, including the skyscraper, a modernist monument
to e�cient production, stood out from the fabric of the city
as a privileged vertical moments. �e new institutions of the
city will perhaps occur at the moment of intensity, linked
to the wider network of the urban �eld, and marked not by
demarcating lines but by thickened surfaces.” 4
By planning the movement over the area, it is possible to
progressively let potential typologies appear. �ese would
be determined by the spaces in between, the “spaces of
events”. Planners and investors could use these as guidelines
to determine the placement of companies, living areas, and
research and industrial clusters.
4 Allen, S., 1999, Points and Lines, p. 98
(2)
44
A good example of how this would work in practice is the
ABC-planning, introduced in 1989 in the Netherlands. �e
goal here was integrate land use and transportation planning
in an attempt to encourage the use of public transport.
A double classi�cation was made; locations were graded
according to their accessibility, and companies/institutions
according to their accessibility requirements. Governments
and investors would then try to match these classi�cations in
space as much as possible.5
Concluding; this type of morphology plan, rather than a
typical zoning plan, that concentrates on layering di�erent
modes of transportation and speed, would o�er a �exibility
to develop according to market changes and investor’s needs.
Phasing
How could the planned infrastructure be phased according
to the knowledge neighbourhood’s development? Two
examples can be of help here; Hafencity and Malmö Western
Harbour.
In HafenCity, the Development Agency takes care of all
services and infrastructure, ensures the quality of the public
realm, and prepares plots for development. Individual
developers can then design and build in collaboration with
HafenCity; usually these are mixed-activity developments.
Organisations and tenants can then �nally start using the
area. Infrastructure and public services are only provided as
the density goes up, as to ensure it is used immediately. 6
5 Burdett, R., 2011, �e tale of two regions6 Places of connection, 2012, - Learning cities platform p.23
Huntingdon
(2)
(1)
45
In Malmö Western Harbour, a cooperation is set up between
the urban planning department, the transport department,
real estate o�ces, environmental agencies, and development
companies. Here a value-based urban design model is used.
In this a general structure and a set of priority values is
described. �e content can thus vary over time according to
needs and conditions, allowing for dialogue and feedback.
In this proposal, we chose not to start from the station district
itself, but chose to intensify it over time. Good connectivity
is established throughout the area �rst, concentrating
especially on the green-and water belt. Here a �rst cluster
could be started along the water stream, establishing the �rst
water front activities. �is would function with the close-by
hospital, and be connected to the city and university through
a cycle path.
�e guided bus system will be extended along the rail line to
the new station, connecting the existing Science park and the
old station area with the new development. Because of the
new connections to the M11, the two southern P+R’s will be
removed, and extra parking space will be provided next to
the new station (as in Napoli/Afragola). �e station therefore
becomes a new Anker point, and a potential �rst housing
cluster could be installed here. Further intensi�cation will
then happen throughout the years. An additional link can
over time be implemented, running along the western
greenbelt to the campus area. Access points should here take
the 500x500 grid into consideration.
Northstowe proposal site
St. IvesHuntingdon
1. Malmö Western Harbour2. Hafencity, Hamburg3. Possible network extension in later phase
(3)5 km
46
47
Conclusion:
�is work has been less about o�ering a �nal approach to
the site than it is about opening up the discussion about how
we can start planning it. A number of questions arose here:
what are the appropriate drawing tools? How can we capture
�ows and points of intensity? How can we understand the
nature of the site and allow a multi-layered and multiscalar
approach, bringing the local, the regional and the interna-
tional together in on gesture.
�ese questions bear witness to the complexity of networks
we are dealing with. Networks that are not just infrastruc-
tural, but also social, and that should �nd a translation
into space in the creation of new neighbourhoods. In this
dissertation, an approach was chosen that allows for �ex-
ibility and, through the cluster study, the integration of civic
spaces, new businesses and various institutions. It supports
multiscalar connectivity, a mix of functions, and is therefore
focuses on the formation of successful communities.
�is being said, a long way still lies ahead for the design of
knowledge neighbourhoods. Questions of further develop-
ment can be;
What dimensions and scales for knowledge clusters are
workable?
How dense (or sparse) can clusters be, both in terms of con-
nections and/or demographics?
How could the ground organisation be conceived of?
48
49
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ALLEN, S., 1999, Points + lines : diagrams and projects for the city. New York : Princeton Architectual Press
BLOW, C., J., 2005, Transport terminals and modal interchanges : planning and design. Oxford : Architectural Press
BRAMWELL, A., HEPBURN, N., WOLFE, D., 2012, Growing Innovation Ecosystems: University-Industry Knowledge Transfer and Regional Economic Development in Canada. University Toronto
BURDETT, R., Ovink, H., 2011, �e tale of two regions. LSE Cities
Delalex, G., 2006, Go with the �ow: Architecture, Infrastructure and the Everyday Experience of Mobility. University of Art and Design Helsinki
DELTAMETROPOOL, 2011, Knowledge cluster, Del� University
ESPACE CROISE, 1996, Euralille : the making of a new city : Koolhaas, Nouvel, Portzamparc, Vasconti, Duthilleul, architects. Basel : Birkhauser
FUTAGAWA, Y., 2007, Transportation. Tokyo : ADA Edita
Gossop, C. , 2008, �e Planning of Cambridge. 44th ISOCARP Congress 2008
Hoeger, K., 2000, Campus and the city : urban design for the knowledge society. Zurich : Gta Verlag
HOUSING AND URBANISM, 2012, Tech-Knowledge Neighbourhood: towards Industrial Urbanity. Architectural Association
LEARNING CITIES PLATFORM, Utrecht, 2012, Places of connection. Academy of Urbanism
OMA / EXPERIENCE : New Whitney ; LACMA/Los Angeles County Museum of Art ; Koningin Julianaplein, �e Hague, 2003. Tokyo : A+U Publishing
OORT, F. VAN, 2011, Enterpreneurship and Regional Development: An international Journal. University Utrecht
Peters, D., Novy, J., 2012, Railway stations Mega-projects and the Re-making of inner Cities in Europe, in built Environments. Volume 38, Alexandrine Press
PHILIP MCCANN, P., ORTEGA-ARGILÉS,R., 2011, Smart Specialisation, Regional Growth and Applications to EU Cohesion Policy. University of Groningen
MERRICK, J., 2012, Transforming King’s Cross. London : Merrell
ROSSI, A., 1982, Architecture of the city. Cambridge, Mass. ; London : MIT Press
SAXENIAN, A., 2006, New argonauts : regional advantage in a global economy. Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press
STAM, E., GARNSEY, E., 2009. Decline and renewal of high-tech cluster: �e Cambridge case. CBS - Copenhagen Business School
Storper, 2010, GLOBAL CITY-REGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
THORNE, M., 2001, Modern trains and splendid stations : architecture, design, and rail travel for the twenty-�rst century. London : Merrell : Art Institute of Chicago
UFFELEN, C. VAN., 2009, Factory design. [Berlin] : Braun
UNGERS, M. , 1997, �e dialectic city. Milano : Skira
VIDLER, A., 2011, �e scenes of the street and other essays. New York : Monacelli Press