"lalochlezia" and swearing: does it reflect taboo, or "boohoooo"

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    Language and Society 500631760 Annemarie van der Woude

    Module leader: Vincent Hernot IDEE Year 4 June 20141

    Swearing: Does it express Taboo or Boohoo?

    Swearing is the use of provocative or offensive language, and this ubiquitously

    present linguistic element is mentioned to have touched every human at a certain

    point in live (Van Lancker and Cummings, 1999:83). Due to its social implications, it is

    unique within the field of sociolinguistics, which comes from to the fact that the

    denotation of a swearword may be insignificant: its connotations can invoke a

    derogatory epithet. Society empowers swearwords as social factors assert whether

    one is to take offence to ideas or feelings its connotations invoke. This basic analysis

    of the social effect of swearing portrays its relationship to emotion. I became

    personally impelled to read into swearing and emotions after I had come across a

    photo on Facebook, posted by online community Word Porn. Known for sharing

    literary content of various genres concerning writing, this picture contained a lexical

    entry that read the following: lalochezia, (n.) the emotional relief gained from using

    abusive or profane language (appendix 1).

    According to Jay (2000:82), humans readily associate swearing with all

    emotional states in early childhood. Linguists and psychologists developed language

    theories over a century, yet these excluded swearing (10). Jay moreover states that

    excluding swearing, also excluded emotions in the language theories discussions

    while emotions are as innate in language as they are in humans (11). Moreover, in

    most research concerning swearing, emotions are rarely discussed as these studies

    have been written from linguistic and historical-social points of view (16). Jay

    mentions swearing is an emotional element of language that alters the way we view

    ourselves and others (81). In a way, this implies that the powerful and provocative

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    Language and Society 500631760 Annemarie van der Woude

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    act of swearing is actually a tool to express emotions, disguised as tabooed language.

    It will be interesting to compare whether women, whom are stereotypically deemed

    to be more emotional than men (Jay, 2000:92), gain more or stronger lalochezia-

    emotional relief from swearing than male counterparts. To research this, I

    designed a small-scaled online survey, which collected data from 26 female and 22

    male participants (appendix 2). This essay aims to show, by conducting literary

    research, comparing data and reflecting on findings, the majority of participants

    experienced emotional relief. However, degrees of gained relief differed on

    individual levels, showing a surprising outcome from the gender viewpoint.

    Before commencing on the analysis and interpretation of data, it is important

    to briefly discuss swearing in general and review academic research that correlates

    with this essays focus on emotion. Thereafter, gender and language use will be

    discussed, before focusing on research regarding gender and swearing. There are

    abundant descriptors for using provocative language, but for the sake of continuity,

    this essay adopts the term and derivations of swearing. While swearing occurs in

    many forms, this essay generalizes swearing into three common major categories.

    These categories of swearing are adopted in this paper, as I believe its connotations

    transcend languages sworn in. The first category regards swearwords alluding to

    sexuality and excretion (fuck, shit, cunt, etc.), the second category includes

    blasphemous swearwords or otherwise related to religion (damn, Jesus, God)

    (Gauthier, 2012:9). The third category of refers to categorizing epithets to e.g. race,

    (dis)abilities, sexuality, et cetera (retard, fag, trailer trash) .

    In an article by O'Callaghan (2013), several theories and inducements for

    human swearing are discussed. She mentions swearwords to be processed

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    differently from more polite words inside our brains. The ability to swear lies in a

    different area of the brain, which apparently has been long known. Interestingly she

    mentions aphasic persons, impaired by losing aspects of higher cognition because of

    injury or neurodegenerative disease, havent lost their ability to swear (2013:72).

    Apparently humans, as well as other species evolutionally developed areas housing

    automatic reactions to stress in their brain. OCallaghan exemplifies a study in which

    triggering the stress-circuit of a cat electronically caused the creature to let out an

    ear-splitting howl. In people, whom were stimulated similarly, the trigger elicited an

    outburst of rage accompanied by swearing. It seems humans primitive cries of

    emotion have assimilated to swearing as basic reflex. According to JaysNPS Theory

    (Neuro-Psycho-Social) emotional responses occur at different levels of awareness

    and controllability (2000:20). There are two central brain systems that regulate

    emotional swearing. In the area controlling emotions: the limbic (subcortical) area

    (2000:48), swearing can become an automatic (short) reflex and difficult to control,

    while in the cortical area swearing becomes a more complex and strategically aware

    response (e.g. jokes or sarcastic responses) (2000:53).

    Experiencing (or rather, hearing) his wifescoping with the pain of childbirth,

    inspired psychologist Richard Stephens to conduct an experiment to investigate

    whether participants experienced relief responding to pain by swearing consistently,

    like his wife during labour, and measured the effect of swearing on pain levels. Two

    years after successful conductance, Stephens collaborated with Umland and

    reconstructed the experiment (2011:1274). Again, the research was able to

    demonstrate pain amelioration had been experienced by participating

    undergraduates whom swore while trying to hold their hands in ice-cold water as

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    long as possible. Apart from pain relief, participants allowed to swear were

    measured to be able to hold their hands an average of thirty-one seconds longer in

    the ice water, than non-swearing participants (1278). This effect on pain endurance

    has been ascribed: the hypoalgesic effect of swearing (2011:1280). Stephens and

    Umland suggest in their paper, that swearing may induce an emotional response in

    the speaker, by which pain is relieved. Their academic proposition makes the

    actualization of gaining emotional relief from swearing, as suggested by this essays

    focus lalochlezia, a more plausible possibility.

    Before briefly discussing gender and language and research done into

    swearing and gender, it has to be mentioned that in reconstructing Stephens study

    a variable was added to the experiment of 2011 related to gender. Participants daily

    swearing frequencies were assessed to determine the affect ones swearing

    frequency has on the degree of pain relief when swearing. Results showed

    participants with higher swearing frequencies, experience a lesser emotional

    response () because of habituation to the stimulus of swearing (,) [and]

    experience a lesser pain tolerance effect from swearing(2011:1278). Findings from

    several psychologists regarding multilingualism and swearing, mentioned by

    Abrahams (2013), showed swearing in onesnative languages dredges up deeper,

    more hellacious emotion than swearing in a "foreign" language. As children

    associate swearwords to emotional states at an early age, and value its pragmatics

    when they can recast them to acquire attention from parents and they discover

    swearwords convey emotional states more accurately than primitive cries and

    shrieks(Jay, 2000:53&82). From this perspective, swearing in the language one has

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    first associated and expressed emotions with, rather than languages acquired

    thereafter, is likely to induce stronger emotions.

    Genetic differences between men and women are hardly matters of dispute

    (Wardhaugh, 2010:335). Yet even at physiological level, society affects gender

    identity as it set norms to conform physiological representation of language to.

    Wardhaugh mentions vocal sounds may be emphasized to match societys

    assumptions of how we should sound like when they talk (335), exemplifying this

    with Margaret Thatcher being advised to lower her pitch and adjust her speaking

    style in correspondence with her position as British Prime Minister (i.e. she had to

    sound more masculine) (337). According to Jay (2000:166), cultures aims to mould

    children into masculine and feminine adults. He portrays gender identity as set of

    cultural prescriptions and expectations (ibid) to which males and females are to

    conform. Current Western societies seem to allow women and men freedom to

    transcend (and mix) their masculine and feminine characteristics. Yet, despite social

    progress, displaying traits different from social norms may still cause stigmatization

    and name-calling as gay, tomboy, queer, butch. Wardhaugh (2010:343) states

    females are reported to be more polite than men in speech, and makes the

    important observation that in studies into language and gender, male speech overall

    provided the norm for comparison (335).

    Differences regarding use of swearwords between genders appear as soon as

    children go to school (Jay, 2000:92). Apparently, boys swear more often and use

    more offensive kinds of words than girls. Yet, this could be ascribed to childrens

    parents, whom swear more with their male children, whereas they monitor their

    speech with their female ones according current research into gender and swearing

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    by Gauthier (2012:128). He reports findings from three main objectives relevant to

    this essay (126-8). Analyzing the way women and men perceive swearing, was his

    studys first and foremost aim. While he states the outcome may have been

    influenced by the traditional stereotypical views representing women as prudish

    persona to avoid swearing behaviour around and men being big swearers, it

    demonstrates a perceivable difference. Male participants used substantially more

    swear words when they were with other men while avoiding avoiding such

    behaviour around women (2012:127). This showed men related gender much more

    to swearing than females, whom portrayed consistency in swearing disregarding

    audience, but rather tended to consider what swear words conveyed and referred

    to (ibid). Gauthier his second aim linked to these findings, was investigate how

    swearing is used by both genders as well as its differences. As his first aim showed

    men swore significantly more in male-only settings, the probability of an unaffected

    gender division was excluded. He mentions that among men, swearing has a specific

    function, stating this led him to believe that swearing was a bonding factor for men

    (2012:127).

    Gauthier uses these observations to question his last aim regarding the

    stereotypes of language and gender, as these show the relativity of females

    assumed prudishness, and that in turn as males being a lot more likely to refrain

    from swearing than females, this questions the accuracy of applying prudishness in

    discussing gender and differences in swearing. Gauthier proposes an explanation

    might lay in the general use of womens swearing compared to mens, as the latter

    tend to see swearing as a tool more likely to prove useful in everyday situations

    (ibid), i.e., men see swearing having a socializing and bonding function transcending

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    its conveyed connotations. However, Gauthier does states that stereotypical views

    may begin to change, as traditional gender expectations may be starting to lose of

    their impact, at least among certain speakers (128). He concludes that, despite the

    current presence of stereotypes, younger generations are proposed to become more

    egalitarian despite current parenting differentiation gender-wise, as young females

    (18-25) are mentioned to report swearing sufficiently more than men. As analysis

    didnt show potential for women to bond socially over swearing, Gauthier mentions

    finalizes his report by the implication that women do notswear more than men to

    be accepted by them, but simply to equal, or even surpass them and create a

    balance through an equivalent use of strong language(ibid.).

    With regards to my own research, I collected data from 48 responders via an

    anonymous online survey with ten questions (appendix 2). Although it is common to

    devote a section to discussing results, having appended my data summary, the word-

    limit of this paper and my non-existing skill to analyse statistics: I will commence

    justifying my design and provide interpretation/analysis of findings. I dispersed the

    link for the survey among Facebook friends. In making its topic and purpose

    apparent in its description, I made clear the language used was English to gather

    responses from individuals proficient in English and interested in my study. The first

    two questions establish participantsgender and age groups, the latter I preferred

    over specific age as it caters to anonymity more (Gauthier, 2012:55) which

    particularly when dealing with a tabooed subject might hold respondents back, and

    also categorizes generations. Gender dyad was quite balanced: 26 females and 22

    males, the majority aged between 20-30. The third question assessed frequency of

    swearing in everyday discourse, to provide insight in gender difference in use of

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    swearing. Also due to Stephen & Umland (2011) having asserted frequency of

    swearing an important variable, due the affect of habituation on gaining relief. All

    participants (minus one female) reported to swear yet gender difference found

    correlates with discussed research. Women represent 75% of the occasional

    swearers and merely 25% of those whom swear everyday.

    Questions 4-6 examine how context influenced the frequency of swearing

    behaviour. The context in which swearing occurs is an important variable to assess,

    as swearwords can merely be perceived provocative or foul when the speakers

    social setting and listener, along with other variables, are considered. Given the size

    of this study, settings only variable questioned was swearing frequency. The first

    context proposed swearing around friends. The first categories of frequency were in

    balance among genders. Occasionallyreported 42.31% by females versus 9.09% by

    males. Swearing everyday showed 31.82% by males and 11.54% by females. In

    general this corresponds with Gauthiers (2012:127) findings on male swearing and

    can be ascribed to its role in male-socialization. Question 5 regarding swearing

    around family members is asserted to show little difference among genders. For the

    sake on continuing one can interpret genders overall feel the same about sharing

    emotions with family. Question six, enquiring the frequency of swearing around

    superiors shows a dyad. 73.08% females reported never to swear in such contexts

    while 59.09% males reported occasionally; and 9.09% to often do so. Although these

    questions are limited and free to interpret by its few variables, findings portray high-

    frequency swearing in men making women appear stereotypically polite in

    comparison.

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    Question 7 established frequency of use in the three major categories of

    swearing. Although 10 women reported to never epithets, the first category seems

    most balanced in use among gender. The four frequencies of religious swearwords

    reported to increase consistently in males: 0%; 18.18%; 36.36% and 45.45%. Again,

    women reported lower frequenting is use: 11.54%; 38.46%; 38.46% and 11.54%.

    Women admittedly report using words alluding to sexuality and excretion, most

    even doing so often: 0%; 38.46%; 42.31%; 19.23%. Still, they cant beat the male

    figures: 0%; 9.09%; 31.82%; 59.09%. Males reported swearing much more frequent

    than women: it even seemed to increase as the survey evolved. Participants could

    provide options and examples to these generalized categories, which 7 males and 2

    females did. Apart from one -seemingly British- response, generally suggestion

    referred to (explicit!) examples of illnesses, particularly cancer (appendix 3). From an

    international viewpoint the custom of Dutch language relating swearwords to

    diseases appears to be rather unique (Van Sterkenburg, 2001; in Rassin and Muris,

    2005:1673).

    The last three questions cover the focus of this study: Lalochlezia. Question 8

    asserts whether emotional relief has even been gained from swearing by the

    participants, and if so, its frequency. Merely 6 respondents reported never to have

    gained emotional relief: 2 male and 4 female. Of the other 42, 25 stated to

    sometimesexperience emotional relief from swearing (11 male and 14 female); 15

    reported gaining lalochlezia from swearing most of the times (7 male and 8 female).

    Two participants reported to Alwaysgain relief, both male. To question 9, asserting

    whether lalochlezia ever induced one to swear, and if so- its frequency, most

    reported not being aware of it, which corresponds to the discussion on the

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    (sub)cortical areas controlling swearing. 3 men stated to never been induced, 8

    hadnt experiences emotional relief from swearing to their knowing;5 men replied

    lalochlezia induced swearing a few times and merely 1 reported it was why he swore

    so much. That even 9 polite occasionally swearing, females admittedly reported

    being induced to swear a few times by its emotional merits shows men are

    becoming numbed due to swearing habituation. Entering the 10th

    and last question

    of this studys survey: ahypothesis proposed to induce outrage from women, and

    misconceptions or no opinions from men. Shockingly, only 13 participants

    disregarded the stereotypically composed hypothesis: 7 males and a mere 6 females.

    16 (8/8) responded to have no opinion on this personal matter; 7 females and 2

    males agreed a little, 2 women and 1 man did so predominantly and an equal

    number full-heartily agreed. Luckily, of the four participants whom dared to provide

    to the other option (appendix 4) the only (egalitarian) female stated what I was

    looking for: I am not a man, so I dont know how they feel.

    To conclude, the effect of lalochlezia appeared to correspondence to

    assumptions proposed by studies examining pain relief from swearing which

    demonstrated the hypoalgesic effect of swearing. Researching the relationship of

    swearing and emotions has shown swearing and language theories have long been

    kept apart, and connecting these might give more insight into the processing of

    emotions. Having investigated swearing and gender in relation to lalochlezia, based

    on stereotypical traditions assuming females are the emotional gender, provided the

    following interpretations. Firstly it seems that traditional gender-identities in

    language and swearing are omnipresent and are seemingly accepted as normal by

    society, which hinders society and language evolve into a more egalitarian society.

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    Therefore, women may in fact gain more emotional relief from swearing than men;

    as they are too polite to allow habituation numbing lalochlezia, and it may very well

    be that keeping these emotions in by refraining from swearing, -unlike men- is what

    makes women more emotional. Yet, to end on a pending note: if women are the

    more emotional gender, why do men swear so much?

    Annemarie van der Woude.

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    REFERENCES

    Abrahams, M. (2013, March 18). Does swearing make you feel better? The

    Guardian.Retrieved from:

    http://www.theguardian.com/education/2013/mar/18/improbable-research-

    art-pain-education [last accessed 19-06-2014]

    Gauthier, M. (2012). Profanity and gender: a diachronic analysis of mens and

    womens use and perception of swear words.(PDF) Retrieved from:

    https://www.academia.edu/2962962/Profanity_and_Gender_a_diachronic_a

    nalysis_of_mens_and_womens_use_and_perception_of_swear_words[Last

    accessed 12-05-2014]

    Jay, T. (2000). Why We Curse: A Neuro-Psycho-Socio Theory of Speech.

    Amsterdam: John Benjamins B.V. (print).

    OCallaghan, T. (2013). Rude Awakenings: How swearing made us human.

    New Scientis, Vol. 2948. No.220: 72-4.

    Rassin, E. and Muris, P. : Personality and Individual Differences Vol. 38. 2005:

    166974. Retrieved from:

    http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0191886904003174[lastaccessed 09-06-2014]

    Stephens, R. and Umland, C. : Swearing as a Response to PainEffect of Daily

    Swearing Frequency. TheJournal of Pain, Vol. 12, No. 12 (December), 2011:

    1274-81. Retrieved from:

    http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1526590011007620[last

    accessed 17-06-2014]

    Van Lancker, D. and Cummings, J.L.: Expletives: Neurolinguis- tics and

    neurobehavioral perspectives on swearing. Brain Res. Rev. 31:83-104, 1999.

    Retrieved from:

    http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0165017399000600[last

    accessed 18-06-2014]

    Wardhaugh, R. (2010).An Introduction to Sociolingistics, 6th

    edition, Sussex:

    Willey-Blackwell Ltd.

    http://www.theguardian.com/education/2013/mar/18/improbable-research-art-pain-educationhttp://www.theguardian.com/education/2013/mar/18/improbable-research-art-pain-educationhttp://www.theguardian.com/education/2013/mar/18/improbable-research-art-pain-educationhttps://www.academia.edu/2962962/Profanity_and_Gender_a_diachronic_analysis_of_mens_and_womens_use_and_perception_of_swear_wordshttps://www.academia.edu/2962962/Profanity_and_Gender_a_diachronic_analysis_of_mens_and_womens_use_and_perception_of_swear_wordshttps://www.academia.edu/2962962/Profanity_and_Gender_a_diachronic_analysis_of_mens_and_womens_use_and_perception_of_swear_wordshttp://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0191886904003174http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0191886904003174http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1526590011007620http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1526590011007620http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0165017399000600http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0165017399000600http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0165017399000600http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1526590011007620http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0191886904003174https://www.academia.edu/2962962/Profanity_and_Gender_a_diachronic_analysis_of_mens_and_womens_use_and_perception_of_swear_wordshttps://www.academia.edu/2962962/Profanity_and_Gender_a_diachronic_analysis_of_mens_and_womens_use_and_perception_of_swear_wordshttp://www.theguardian.com/education/2013/mar/18/improbable-research-art-pain-educationhttp://www.theguardian.com/education/2013/mar/18/improbable-research-art-pain-education
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    Appendix 1: Picture from Word Pornas posted on Facebook wall

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    Appendix 2: Data online survey comparing male and female responses

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    Appendix 3: Examples provided to swearing categories (Question 7)

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    Appendix 4: Other optional responses to hypothesis (Question 10)