a publication of the Esperanza Peace & Justice Center

San Antonio, TejasFebruary 2015, Vol. 28 Issue 1

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ATTENTION VOZ READERS: If you have a mailing address correction please send it to lavoz@esperanzacenter.org. If you want to be removed from the La Voz mailing list, for whatever reason, please let us know. La Voz is provided as a courtesy to people on the mailing list of the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center. The subscription rate is $35 per year ($100 for institutions). The cost of producing and mailing La Voz has substantially increased and we need your help to keep it afloat. To help, send in your subscriptions, sign up as a monthly donor, or send in a donation to the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center. Thank you. -GAR

VOZ VISION STATEMENT: La Voz de Esperanza speaks for many individual, progressive voices who are gente-based, multi-visioned and milagro-bound. We are diverse survivors of materialism, racism, misogyny, homophobia, classism, violence, earth-damage, speciesism and cultural and political oppression. We are recapturing the powers of alliance, activism and healthy conflict in order to achieve interdependent economic/spiritual healing and fuerza. La Voz is a resource for peace, justice, and human rights, providing a forum for criticism, information, education, humor and other creative works. La Voz provokes bold actions in response to local and global problems, with the knowledge that the many risks we take for the earth, our body, and the dignity of all people will result in profound change for the seven generations to come.

La Voz deEsperanza

February 2015vol. 28 issue 1

Editor Gloria A. Ramírez

Design Monica V. Velásquez

Contributors Itza Carbajal, Amanda Haas,

Roberto Lovato, Marina Saenz Luna, Jovanni Reyes, Blanca Rivera

La Voz MailoutMarisela Candelaria, Juan Díaz, Sonia Diáz, Margarita Elizarde,

Amanda Haas, Lydia Hernández, Mildred Hilbrich, Ray McDonald, D.L. McWhite, Angie Merla, Jenny Poskey,

Maria Reed, Blanca Rivera, Patricia Rodríguez, Mike Sánchez, Jina Sambrano,

Roger Singler, Hilda Solis, D.L. Stokes

Esperanza Director Graciela I. Sánchez

Esperanza Staff Imelda Arismendez, Itza Carbajal, Marina

Saenz Luna, René Saenz, Saakred, Susana Segura, Monica Velásquez

Conjunto de Nepantleras

-Esperanza Board of Directors-Brenda Davis, Rachel Jennings, Amy

Kastely, Jan Olsen, Ana Lucía Ramírez, Gloria A. Ramírez, Rudy Rosales, Tiffany

Ross, Lilliana Saldaña, Nadine Saliba, Graciela I. Sánchez, Lillian Stevens

• We advocate for a wide variety of social, economic & environmental justice issues.• Opinions expressed in La Voz are not

necessarily those of the Esperanza Center.

La Voz de Esperanza is a publication of

Esperanza Peace & Justice Center 922 San Pedro, San Antonio, TX 78212

210.228.0201 • fax 1.877.327.5902www.esperanzacenter.org

Inquiries/Articles can be sent to:lavoz@esperanzacenter.orgArticles due by the 8th of each month

Policy Statements

* We ask that articles be visionary, progressive, instructive & thoughtful. Submissions must be literate & critical; not sexist, racist, homophobic, violent, or oppressive & may be edited for length.

* All letters in response to Esperanza activities or articles in La Voz will be considered for publication. Letters with intent to slander individuals or groups

will not be published.

Esperanza Peace & Justice Center is funded in part by the NEA, TCA, theFund, CoYoTe PhoeNix Fund, AKR Fdn, Peggy Meyerhoff Pearlstone Fdn, Horizons Fdn,

New World Foundation, y nuestra buena gente.

There is much amiss in the letter, Violence—It’s In Our Genes by Bill Stitchnot (La Voz, Dec14/Jan15). To start with, violence is a social construction not a scientific term carrying genetic predisposition. Often, the term has been used in conjunction with genetics in pseudo science in ways that increase racism and other bigotries.

Furthermore, suggesting that something like “violence” can be explained away by genetic inheritance erases the societal conditions that build violence—in other words, it effaces the very point of Tarciso Beal’s article, Violence, the Goddess of America, (La Voz, Nov 2014)—as I read it—that as a country we must repent our society-endorsed gun violence.

Rather than going into detail about the dangerous misconceptions behind the claim that violence is in our genes, though, I’d like to offer just one observation: the letter’s author claims that over time, “the weaker, including the pacifists’ genes were lost” and he repeat-edly suggests that nonviolence is somehow the path of the “weaker” person. As someone whose family legacy (though I’d not suggest a genetic linage) lies in passive resistance and peace activism, I’m familiar with many narratives of nonviolence; they suggest that most of the time, nonviolence and pacifism are the terrain of strength, not weakness. In times when people are speaking out against sanctioned violence in the streets: “Black Lives --indeed All Lives-- Matter” we’d do well to consider how we might be examples of peace, not false victims of fate/genetics. The lives of buena gente, such as Nick and Justis whose lives were commemorated in the same Voz issue give us exquisite examples of the strength of lives lived por la paz… La Paz es Presente! —Kamala Platt

Je Suis Charlie! is the slogan that spurred two million people, including more than 40 world leaders, out to protest the Janu-ary 7th killings in Paris. The terroristic

act targeting Charlie Hebdo left twelve dead in-cluding ten journalists of the satirical magazine. Little mention is made of the Muslim police-man, Ahmed Merabet, among the dead. Little mention is made that prominent Muslim leaders condemned the killings immediately. Little men-tion is made of the four Jewish victims killed in a related attack on the same day.

Instead, the latest publication of Charlie Hebdo, the survivors’ issue, has resulted in a wild buying spree with more than 3 million cop-ies sold out with the expectation that no less than 7 million copies will be printed — far beyond the 60,000 copies normally put out. The front page features a cartoon of the prophet Muhammed tearfully holding up a “Je Suis Charlie” sign un-der the words, “All is forgiven.” The interpreta-tion is left open.

The Charlie Hebdo massacre was immedi-

ately interpreted as an assault on free speech and on the values held dear by French and Western society. The massive protest underscored this with a call for a show of national unity. Since then, tensions have increased everywhere. The religion and culture of Islam is being demonized and threats to Muslims have increased. Protests and violence against the French and Charlie Hebdo have also been ignited.

Why the fascination with violence? Why must we demonize “otherness” convinced that only our culture, our religion, our way of life is valid? What is the ba-sic nature of humanness that compels us to look to violence as an an-swer for everything? We need to investigate the roots of violence and figure out our role in it —in a global community that exists beyond nation-states. — G. Ramírez, editor

Letters to the Editor:

Email: lavoz@esperanzacenter.orgMail: 922 San Pedro, San Antonio, TX 78212Deadline: The 8th of each month.

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Reading about Mexico reminds me of El Salvador. Older Salvadoran sensations

—the smell of rotting flesh mixed with the sweet fragrance of almond trees, the sight of young faces burned into half skeletons that look like the masks our kids wear for Halloween, the unforgettably sad sound of a dead student’s mother screaming without ceasing— insinuate themselves as I read other stories about the mass graves of Mexican students killed by their government. This news affects me differently from the nonstop reports about the more “sanitized” warfare of drone strikes against “terrorists.” One major difference: my stomach knots as I read the articles about this latest mass killing in Mexico, a country that barely had a military in the 1980’s, when those Salvadoran almond trees became the trees of the knowledge of good and evil.

The difference in reading experience mirrors the difference between our news and perceptions about Mexico and our news and perceptions about other Latin American countries. Even though no country is closer to us in terms of sharing both a border and

a massive population of its nationals living here, mass murders by Mexico’s government are reported, read and treated far differently than real and alleged human rights violations in other countries in the hemisphere—all of which spells more terrible news for Mexico, and for many of us here.

In Mexico, our failure to recognize the real dimensions of the Mexican crisis means we’re blind to an equally disturbing fact:

our government’s continued use of our tax dollars in the Drug War to pay for the training, guns and bullets that slaughtered those students.

This despite the fact that some of the same former Mexican presidents who received billions to fight that same Drug War now say that that war is a trillion dollar failure of titanic proportions. Less heard are the cries of the families of the students buried in the mass graves of Guerrero, who join Mexico’s more than 80,000 Drug War dead, thousands of whom were journalists, priests, human

Mass Murder in

Mexico Demands

Greater Awakening

in USby Roberto Lovato

First published online in Latino Rebels on Oct. 8, 2014

4

rights advocates and others whom like the students, were killed by government security forces we help fund. Viewed through a regional hemispheric lens, the children and young people migrating here from Mexico and Central America are walking, talking reminders of our utterly failed and extremely biased policies in the region.

Earlier this year, I traveled to Venezuela several times to cover the widely-reported conflicts there. I did so because I sensed something was not quite kosher about U.S. media reporting on students in Venezuela, who, instead of following the tradition of fighting U.S.-funded projects like those in Mexico, are actually the recipients of U.S. funding. After reading this week’s violence in Mexico, the journalist in me couldn’t help but ask, “What would happen if police or other security forces of the Venezuelan government killed 43 students and buried them in a mass grave?”

The journalist’s answer I came up with is informed by what we saw during last summer’s upheavals: high profile denunciations by global human rights organizations, interviews with Venezuelans in Miami and front page headlines with the word “Killings” as the operative verbs next to sentence subjects and objects like “Students” and “Maduro Government.”

On one September day just two weeks ago, an estimated 43 students are alleged to have been disappeared and killed by Mexican police linked to drug cartels. That is equal to the total number of people killed in Venezuela during the 2014 protests—at least half were allegedly killed by paramilitaries and students opposed to the Venezuelan government. All 43 in Venezuela were killed over the course of not one day, but 160 days or four months. Looking at the media coverage and the official responses from government and non-governmental institutions, one would

think that Venezuela was Mexico or wartime El Salvador. Such a distorted understanding of regional realities among the citizenry of such a powerful country enables those perpetrating slaughter in Mexico to continue doing so.

Despite all this terrible news, I do think that the radical disproportion in both reporting and policymaking circles will soon face a major challenge: students themselves. In line with the Salvadoran and U.S. youth who altered U.S. policy in El Salvador and following the dynamic activism of students leading social movements around the world, the young people of Mexico are showing great courage before their country’s critical situation. With millions of DREAMers and other U.S. students and others engaged with Mexico through familial relationships, it’s only a matter of time before the same kind of activism that fought and exposed the two million deportations and other devastating immigration policies of the Obama Administration starts to inform Obama and the next U.S. president’s foreign policy in Mexico.

Such a combination —Mexican and U.S. youth joining forces to stop the madness— has the potential to change not just Mexico, but the United States, as we are witnessing with the decline and fall of traditional Republican and Democratic party immigration politics. Increasingly, Latinos are and will continue engaging far and beyond the ballot box, beyond the sterile, suffocating smell of the militarized border as the winds of the south awaken us with a deeper knowledge of the good and evil hidden in the smell of almond trees. u

Bio: Roberto Lovato is a writer and visiting scholar at UC Berkeley’s  Center for Latino Policy Research. This article was first published online by Latino Rebels on October 8, 2014— www.latinorebels.com. Follow Roberto on Twitter @robvato.

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Three months have passed since Roberto Lovato wrote his article calling for a public awakening in the wake of the Ayotzinapa student disappearances. September 26, 2014 marks the date of the forced disappearance of 43 student teachers from the Raúl Isidro Burgos Normal School in Ayotzinapa, a school dedicated to the training of teachers-to-be. The Ayotzinapa Normal

School focused its enrollment on students coming from rural and indigenous communities. On that fateful day, the Ayotzinapa students went to the city of Iguala to protest the lack of funds for their school. After a student was murdered while protesting, the remaining students rushed into two vans in hopes that they would be able to return in one piece. They did not.

Investigations now prove that the federal and state authorities knew of the altercation between the students and the municipal police. For many, the term “FUE EL ESTADO” resounds the idea that despite all the systems set in place to protect the people, nothing worked and all that could go wrong, did. Now, the world looks on in awe as countless protests demanding the return of the students rages in cities such as Acapulco, Veracruz, Iguala, Mexico, and many more. The surviving parents and fellow classmates of the 43 have joined forces with other oppressed groups such as the Zapatistas in Chiapas and the surviving activists from the Acteal massacre. In addition, countries from around the world such as Bolivia, Cuba, Germany, France, England, China, Spain, and the U.S also have held protests reminding the Mexico government that the people demand answers.

A month ago, on December 6th, forensic teams found the charred remains of Alexander Mora, one of the 43 disappeared students. After weeks of run-around with the federal investigation team and the discovery of other mass graves, Mora’s confirmed death accelerated the movement’s search for the truth. Family members and friends gathered together to mourn his death, a reminder of the uncertainty that the lives of the other students face. Directly, the Mexican government under the leadership of President Enrique Peña Nieto refuses to provide concrete answers. In fact, the Mexican government along with national media sources have begun a relentless campaign to criminalize the disappeared students, their parents, and the countless other protesters who demand answers and accountability from government officials. Exhausting local and national measures, the movement of Ayotzinapa looks to the community for help. This past week (early January) the supporting U.S. based groups gathered outside the White House as President Nieto met with President Obama. Some hoped that President Obama

would hold Nieto accountable to the growing dissent in his country and require a response to the students’ disappearance, but as many non-mainstream media and activists groups reported, the meeting lacked substance and any decisive agreement. As a result of Nieto and his governing body’s reluctance to act, anger continues to intensify and the Mexican people look for alternatives. As Lovato notes, the energy and drive behind the movement

comes from students, their parents, and the numerous faculty members involved with the normal school. Throughout Mexico, other student groups have latched on to the struggle of Ayotzinapa as a way to contextualize their own frustrations. Through the case of Ayotzinapa, groups strive to force their government to address the growing violence from organized crime and the countless officials conspiring with them. Then there’s the profit-driven agenda to open up Mexico’s precious natural resources to foreign firms such as China and the U.S. All of which affect the working and peasant classes the most. Students such as those studying at Ayotzinapa reflect the most disenfranchised groups in Mexico – an underprivileged, rural, indigenous student population forced to fight for better conditions not just for themselves but also for those whom they live and work with. Today, the uncertainty of the students’ whereabouts and the inaction by government officials forces the world to continue to ask questions. At the same moment, the Ayotzinapa movement, like the #BlackLivesMatter movement, races against the clock as the media continues to trivialize the need for ongoing coverage,

as is common with large corporate media who always looks to the next big story (now Je suis Charlie). The danger of forgetting is the real struggle for the movement at this moment. Ayotzinapa understands this and will stop at nothing to break the wall of silence. As part of that effort, a group of 11 individuals composed of parents, students, and faculty from the Ayotzinapa Normal House plan to tour the United States in the early part of 2015. The tour will stop at numerous cities including Austin, Houston, San Antonio, Seattle, Washington Dc, New York City and other stops totaling about 25 cities. The group will meet with communities around the country in an effort to make connections between struggles against police brutality, police impunity, and state violence against those seen as disposable and troublesome. No matter the time, the days, the months, and even the years it takes, the people will continue to fight for an answer — for it is our right to know.

As famed Italian born Argentinian musician Piero writes:

Para el pueblo Lo que es del pueblo Porque el pueblo se lo ganó Para el pueblo lo que es del pueblo Para el pueblo liberación.

Estudiar era un pecado Clandestino era saber Porque cuando el pueblo sabe No lo engaña un brigadier

Ayotzinapa: Update by Itza Carbajal, staff

For the people what is of the people

Because the people have won it

For the people what is of the people

For the people liberation

To study was a great sin

It was clandestine to be knowledgable

Because when the people know

A bridgadier will not fool them u

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Rising out of the raw urgency to do something in the face of great injustice, as bombs relentlessly rained upon the defenseless, yet brave and resilient people of Gaza, besieged and surrounded by the most powerful military in the Middle East –and among the top most powerful in the world (Business Insider, Apr. 23, 2014), inside of what is considered to be the most densely populated piece of land on earth, several hundred San Antonians gathered at Alamo Plaza on July 19, in a show of solidarity and to protest a despicable and brutal assault. It was during this event that some of the people demonstrating in front of the Alamo decided to form the peace organization, San Antonio Justice in Palestine (SAJP).

The CrisisIn what was dubbed Operation Protective Edge (8 July 2014 – 26

August 2014), Israeli forces unleashed their military arsenal and employed their latest war technology against a people with no army who live under an Israeli occupation dating back to 1967, and a strangling blockade since 2006, dictating almost every aspect of their lives. Control over Gazans is so overwhelming and sadistic that the state of Israel even controls how many calories they are allowed to consume, which is just enough to prevent them from starving (Haaretz, October 17, 2012).

The conflict has a six-decades-old history in which Palestinians have been crowded into less and less land, essentially making them refugees in their own land. In 1947, Palestinians controlled 94 percent of historic Palestine but after one year, they were left with only 22 percent of that land. Many of the people today calling themselves Israelis were themselves, or are descendants from European refugees who settled there after WWII.

This latest assault on Gaza resulted in Palestinians losing even more land to Israeli military leaders wanting to create a “buffer zone” inside Gaza, eventually depopulating an area of 1.8 miles further reducing the strip by 40 percent (The Daily Beast, July 28, 2014) — not to mention land that’s being lost to the ever increasing flood of Jewish settlers into the West Bank and East Jerusalem, the other two areas of historic Palestine under occupation. At the current rate, Palestinians will soon be completely pushed out of their lands making it impossible for a viable Palestinian state in the future. Given the severity of the blockade, and the routine military attacks on neighborhoods and infrastructure, the United Nations estimates that by 2020 Gaza will be an unlivable place for Palestinians (United Nations, August 2012).

This Israeli assault on Gaza is considered to have surpassed in brutality and destruction the previous assault dubbed Op-eration Cast Lead (December 27, 2008 – January 18, 2009), just two years earlier. Back then, white phosphorous was used on the population, a chemical agent that is banned under international law (Foreign Policy Journal, May 3, 2013). White phosphorous burns

through the flesh of its victims for days after coming into contact with the agent. Water can’t extinguish it. Cluster bombs were also used in the operation. These are explosive munitions containing a cluster of submunitions that burst in the air and spread onto the ground, designed to rip through vehicles and kill or maim anything in its path (Global Research, Novem-ber 22, 2012).

Operation Protective Edge leveled buildings and flattened whole neigh-borhoods leaving tens of thousands of people homeless. Designated shelters, such as a United Nation school, were not spared by the merciless Israeli missiles. Under a blockade, with a barrier made up of concrete, wire fencing with posts, sensors and buffer zones on lands bor-dering Israel, and with concrete and steel walls on lands bordering Egypt since the 1990’s, essentially cutting off the

overpopulated enclave of 1.8 million from the rest of the world, Gazans were left with nowhere to run while the bombs dropped from Israeli jets and artillery cannons. Moreover, the intensity of the assault was so severe that military ammunition and ordi-nances used on Gaza were expended to near depletion, prompting the U.S. to rush to Israel’s aid delivering a requested order of am-munition to replenish its forces.

After the fierce bombardment by the Israeli Defense Force (IDF), and a Palestinian response, the death toll would tally up to 2,192 Palestinian killed, of whom 1,523 are believed to be civilians, including 519 children, and 11,100 wounded (United Nations). The Israeli body count would amount to 66 soldiers, 6 civilians, and 469 soldiers and 87 civilians wounded.

The United Nations declared a state of emergency in Gaza

Chaos in the ‘Holy Land’ and the Rush to Organize for What’s Right by

Jovanni Reyes

At the current rate, Palestinians will soon be completely pushed out of their lands making it impossible for a viable Palestinian state in the future.

continues on p. 12

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Editor’s note: Sara De Turk, professor of communication at UTSA has written a book on San Antonio’s Esperanza Peace and Justice Center. A reading and celebration of the book will take place at Esperanza on February 21st at 7 pm with special guests participating in a discussion and cultural arts celebration. See back page of this issue for complete information on the event. The following excerpts give a hummingbird’s eye-view of the publication:

Preface (excerpt from p. vii)The Esperanza Peace and Justice Center in San Antonio, Texas, serves as an instructive exemplar of a social movement organization. On one hand, its various values and tactics are shared by many other progressive activist organizations, and the challenges it faces are those faced by any collective seeking to disrupt the political status quo. It is, on the other hand, distinctive in at least two important ways. For one thing, it not only tackles sexism or racism or environmental injustice, but all forms of exploitation simultaneously, and with an insistent rhetorical stance.

This multi-issue approach to social change, particularly in combination with its uncompromising style, constitutes one of its greatest challenges—especially in regard to its alliances and coalitions with other organizations—but also what is perhaps its greatest source of strength.

A second characteristic feature of Esperanza as an activist organization is its reliance on the arts as a course of social change. This emphasis on theater, film, music, visual art, and other forms of storytelling provides venues for the critical analysis of social issues, the connection of the personal to the political, and the gathering of allies with shared values. These and other features of the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center are shaped by its emergence from Chicana feminism and other movements, and by its unique situation in time and place. It is my hope that this book will serve to illuminate a variety of dynamics that affect social change, and to equip other would-be activists in their quest for a more just and peaceful world.

Chapter 8: Uncompromising Confrontation of InjusticeSIN PELOS EN LA LENGUA (p. 95-97)

One of the most notable qualities of the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center is the uncompromising nature of its rhetoric. In her description of Esperanza’s response to their defunding by the city, Renaud González (1999) wrote: “The Esperanza is a symbol of defiance known for promoting an innovative array of artistic and cultural programs that form a political backbone the city has rarely seen” (¶ 7). Esperanza’s staff demonstrates a commitment to the unremitting confrontation of injustice and ignorance in themselves and others. Interviewees consistently used words like “tireless,” “determined,” “tenacious,” and “uncompromising” to describe how Graciela Sánchez, as a person, and Esperanza, as an organization, go about their pursuit of a more just society. As one former staff member put it, “Esperanza winds up often being the

Activism, Alliance-Building, and the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center by Sara De Turk, published by Lexington Books

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voice ‘sin pelos en la lengua,’ without hair on their tongue. They say the truth, and they bring up the things that other organizations are afraid to bring up.”

Marisol Cortez, similarly, reflected:

What Esperanza does well is to refuse to not speak. Refuse to not act, even though it’s painful to confront people in power who think they’re doing the right thing. It presents an embodied analysis that needs to be heard within public discourse in a loud way. In a determined way. Esperanza refuses to not do that work. Like, no, we are gonna speak truth to power, and we won’t ever stop, even if you hate us for it. Many people do hate them for it. (I was told by a third party

observer, for example, that the leaders of another community organization which shares many of Esperanza’s goals and values refused—largely because of conflict over gender issues—to even be in the same public conversation with Esperanza representatives.) The consistency with which Esperanza’s core staff has both asserted and reflected its commitment to its ideals, though, has earned them both admiration from allies and respect and credibility (if not affection) from city leaders. Santiago Garcia, an economic development specialist who worked for the city, remarked, “I think you can expect certain things from the Esperanza. You can expect a dose of conscience, and being called out, in not a spiteful way, but in a way where certain values are not gonna be forgotten.”

Gary Houston added in regard to Esperanza’s staff:

They’re honest. And they’re impatient. And often angry. And those are understandable responses to some of the stuff that we minorities have all had to deal with. No, I think that kind of directness, and refusal to even consider compromise on certain standards has its own integrity. One of their real strengths is that you really know where they’re coming from at all times.

Antonia Castañeda observed, moreover, that Esperanza “demonstrates that you can, and must, take a position for what is right. And that you can challenge the structures of power. And that you should. No matter the cost.” “They began,” she went on, “and continue to be the unrelenting social conscience of this city.”

Graciela Sánchez spoke with me on a number of occasions about her evolution in this regard. She pointed out that working-class women of color are generally not raised to assert themselves and their ideas, and noted that in its early days, the Esperanza Center tended toward more of what Foss and Griffin (1995) referred to as “invitational” rhetoric and proposed “for situations when changing and controlling others is not the rhetor’s goal” (p. 5). Esperanza staff would look to others to drive the organization’s agenda, striving for consensus and participatory decision making. While this participatory decision making is still how she strives to lead among her staff and allies, Sánchez has, over time, shifted to a more assertive leadership style in public. “We have a vision,” she told me, and “you have to be courageous.” Her assertiveness manifests itself in a variety ways. She takes the initiative not only to raise issues, but to reach out to potential coalition partners and media alike. She pitches stories to newspapers, for example, and presses them to devote attention to them. Another aspect of Sánchez’s assertiveness is her insistence that “people have to be out. Not just as lesbian and gay, but as Latinos, as feminists, as working-class or poor people, as people who are internationalists, or whatever.”

While at a big-picture level Esperanza’s leadership tends to find satisfaction in political struggle, confrontation on a daily level is often seen less as a choice than as a necessity. Marisol

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Cortez recalled a recent transition in the city-owned utility company, when it hired an African American man as its CEO and decided to replace a coal plant with investments in solar power. Although most people in the progressive community appreciated these changes, Esperanza’s response was that the changes were welcome but insufficient. Cortez, who at the time was not on staff but was a close ally of the organization, felt compelled to write a public letter (in collaboration with Esperanza) urging city officials to (1) acknowledge the role of activists in pushing for change, (2) challenge the idea of “clean coal,” and (3) more closely examine the nature of sustainability not only from a technocentric perspective but also in terms of social justice (see Appendix A). Despite her compulsion to write the letter, she recalled that it was quite painful to present it to the city officials. “It was awful,” she said. Not just because it was difficult to confront people in power, but because

You’re sitting around the room at that table were other environmental groups that you might be allied with, but who don’t necessarily agree with that analysis, or think it’s a strategic misstep. Other groups were wanting to be very congratulatory of [the power company], like, “oh, you’re investing all this money in clean technology.” But no, we have to go further. It’s not enough. It’ll never be enough.

As Cortez explained, “Esperanza’s power is only the power of the people involved… to contest the way things are done.” Many of the organization’s political efforts, therefore, have involved protests, marches, press conferences, speeches before the City Council, critical letters to city leaders, and even lawsuits and civil disobedience.

ANGRY HOPE

An article on imperialism in the February, 2012 issue of La Voz features the following pull-quote: “injustice and empire have two offspring: anger at the way things are, and courage to change the way things are” (Keene, 2012). The convergence of these two “offspring” is a reasonable characterization of Esperanza’s affective response

to the multiple injustices it confronts. In his ethnographic analysis, Rivera-Servera (2012) describes the organization’s emotional character as one of “angry hope,” grounded in both a history of subjugation and an optimistic engagement in futurity.

Anger, of course, is both a tactical response and a natural emotional reaction to injustice. As Lorde (1981) wrote, “anger expressed and translated into action in the service of our vision and our future is a liberating and strengthening act of clarification” and “is loaded with information and energy” (p. 8). Lorde went on to stress that “any discussion among women about racism must include the recognition and the use of anger. It must be direct and creative, because it is crucial. We cannot allow our fear of anger to deflect us nor to seduce us into settling for anything less than the hard work of excavating honesty” (p. 8).

Although anger on the part of the oppressed (as noted by Lorde) is very different from the hatred of those who oppress, it is never welcomed by its targets. Women, in particular, are sanctioned for expressing anger, and even their straightforward observations or expressions of disapproval can be interpreted as inappropriate if not softened with a smile. For this reason, the discourse of Graciela Sánchez and other Esperanza staff is often denigrated as being more angry, confrontational, or “in-your-face” than it really is. Monroe (1997), for example, characterized Sánchez (aptly, in my view) as “a petite woman who seems almost shy in personal conversation, [though who] can be blunt when speaking about her convictions and passion for social justice.” Yet despite what he describes as her gentle demeanor and “cool seriousness,” Rivera-Servera (2012) notes that “Sanchez’s performed passion in defense of the Center [in the aftermath of their defunding] was read as unfeminine” (p.

118). “Her performance,” he observes wryly, “was decidedly not the happy Mexican of the tourist imaginary” (p. 118). u

Bio: Sara De Turk is associate professor of communication at the University of Texas at San Antonio. Excerpts from her new book, Activism, Alliance Building, and the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center were reprinted in La Voz with permission from publisher, LEXINGTON BOOKS, copyright 2015.

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to assist the remaining Mission Trails residents in locating housing that is permanently affordable and safe. In May 2014, the Mission Trails Mobile Home Community was rezoned to allow developer White-Conlee Builders to construct apartments at that site which became very valuable due to the city’s Mission Reach redevelopment project. The mobile park was sold in July 2014.

At this writing there were still 4 families (30 residents including 15 children) that remained in the park, even as the developers begin to clear the land for construction. Residents had worked with the city and local organizations to identify housing options, but there was still a gap between what they were being offered by developers and what they needed to make these options possible. None of the families left wanted to move to another mobile home park. They want homes that are safe, affordable, and free from the threat of further relocation and displacement.

To make this happen, community supporters have worked tirelessly to identify other resources within the city, the county, and the community that can be used to cover things like:

Please help support these families by circulating this call for support among family, friends, neighborhood groups, church, PTA, and other venues. After the park was sold this Summer, most residents, pressed for time and in need of financial assistance, took the developer’s early move-out incentives of less than $5,000 per family and left by October 2014. Many of these families continue to endure homelessness and other hardships. For additional info on how to support the residents of Mission Trails, please call or text: (210) 262-0654.

All funds donated will be collected and administered by Our Casas Resident Council, a 501c3 organization that assists low income families in obtaining secure and affordable housing. They’re working closely with the Mission Trails residents on obtaining houses or land. There is a 10% service fee to donate online, but you can opt out of it. To drop off donations in person, email ourcasas@stic.net or call (210) 354-2400 to make a pledge. You can also support residents by pressuring the Mayor and city council to meet with them and find City resources to address their needs. THANK YOU FOR YOUR SUPPORT AND SOLIDARITY! u

DONATE: www.crowdrise.com/missiontrailsCONTACT CITY COUNCIL: (210) 207-7040 www.sanantonio.gov/council10

people preservation ordinance people can be like trees, i thinkkeepers of memory, makers of shaderoots woven together for strengthbranches sheltering one another from the rain it’s safer, i think, to be a treethan to be a poor familyliving inside Loop 410in the “Decade of Downtown” there is an ordinance, at leastso that trees are not uprooted imagine for a moment:

“While allowing the reasonable improvement of land,it is stated public policy of the city to preserve people as an important public resource,to encourage the preservation of existing people, and the planting of new peoplefor the enjoyment of future generations…”

Along with the City Arborist, we’d keep a genealogist, an anthropologist, a historian, a psychologist, and a school teacher on call

the process would require the opinion of them allbefore any permit could be granted a plan would be required for each projectpreservation, mitigation, or a juicy fineso if you displaced one poor familyyou’d have to make room for nine the people’s roots, especially, would be protecteda “Root Protection Zone,” at least 100 feetso that no heavy bulldozers would threatenour heritage or history soon we’d have parks full of peopleand people lining each city streetchildren playing in the shade of grandmothersand networks of neighbors like a social canopy just imagine… what a city we could be!if we treated all our peoplewith the same respect we’d give a tree —Amanda Haas

• obtaining land to relocate with their mobile homes• mobile home transport• down payment/closing costs

on a non-mobile home/house• storage rental• temporary lodging• movers

oming over the Guadalupe Bridge into the Westside, one of the first things you see are the historic homes of years past. While the paint has faded, they still hold their Westside charm. They are historic but they don’t belong in a museum. We work so these

homes will serve their intended purpose — to allow families to live in and enjoy them. On November 27th, 2014, I drove by the two historic shotgun houses on S. Colorado St. and Guadalupe St. They had a bright yellow sign on their fence. It was a public notice of an upcoming zoning hearing. After requesting information from the developer on the project, we learned that Family Dollar Stores, Inc. was seeking to move from its current location on 719 S. Brazos to the corner of Guadalupe and S. Colorado. A mere quarter mile from the current location, they planned to not only relocate but expand to a more conventional 10,000 sq. ft. store with a big ol’ parking lot to match even though they admitted sales were low at the smaller location.

This is why we fight According to Family Dollar’s preferred development company - Pavilion Development - plans for the historic homes included moving them to a nearby lot, facing a parking lot by their proposed dumpster site.

Even more alarming was that the Family Dollar store would be sandwiched in between the Alazan Apache Courts and J. T. Brackenridge Elementary School so that families would be put in danger walking to and from school as 18-wheelers and other motor traffic increased. In addition, The Esperanza Center’s Casa de Cuentos would be across the proposed store, directly impacting their ability to carry out community events like Paseo por el Westside, Día de los Muertos, and dozens of cultural arts workshops throughout the year.

A change in the zoning of an area is usually indicative of a coming change in the neighborhood. Residents of this area have shared their deep family roots —spanning over 100 years— on the Westside. They are not looking to relocate and don’t want to be pushed out either.

This is how we fight As in many struggles around the world, those most impacted by the decisions of a few, are often left out of the decision-making process. Since the zoning hearing was set for Dec.16, 2014, a community meeting at Casa de Cuentos was called on Dec. 8th. Family Dollar was invited to share their plans with the broader community.

Residents drove from less than a mile away and others walked

a couple blocks for the meeting. In addition, people representing the Office of Historic Preservation, San Antonio Conservation Society, Historic Design Review Commission, Westside Preservation Alliance, San Anto Cultural Arts, Guadalupe Cultural Arts, Avenida Guadalupe, Texas Organizing Project, Inner City Development, and staff of City Council District 5 were present.

We invited a representative of Pavilion Development and Family Dollar to talk about the store relocation and the proposed displacement of the historic homes on the property. The president of Botello Enterprises, Inc. who owns one of the lots needed for the expansion, also showed up in support Family Dollar.

Almost all expressed apprehension about the displacement of the casitas and safety concerns for neighborhood families. We provided a map of other possible sites that would not require removal of the historic homes. The meeting proved unfruitful.

A community member suggested a petition— so one was created. Several groups helped circulate the petition and wrote statements against the rezoning. Residents wanted to mobilize and have a presence at the zoning hearing. Community organizing groups, labor unions and Westside residents showed their support through block-walking, phone calls and petition drives. We took to the streets to collect signatures and invite those in the immediate area to the zoning hearing — despite cold rainy days.

This is how we win Right before the Dec. 16th zoning hearing, the Zoning Commission of San Antonio posted their agenda. To our surprise, the case had been postponed. We learned that Family Dollar was still planning on leaving their current location but were unwilling to consider any other location.

We have a word for that: se amacharon — a term used to describe a horse who digs its heels in, refusing to be moved.

When sharing the news that the historic homes would stay, a resident of over 50 years said, “The whole point is that we want the houses there because they’ve always been there. Moving the houses would strip them of their historic significance.”

We could not have done this without the help of the Corazones de Esperanza, long-time Westside residents, cultural arts and historic preservation groups and small businesses as well as Texas Organizing Project, Inner City Development, the Service Employees International Union of Texas and Domesticas Unidas.

What will happen to the building Family Dollar leaves behind? Is an affordable grocery co-op or organic farmers’ market on the horizon? Maybe we’ll see adobe structures make a comeback? Or, perhaps, a park will fill the empty lots. Now is the time to envision new possibilities. Juntos, todo es posible. u

- by Marina Luna Saenz, staff

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as a result of the 50-day military assault on the coastal strip that inflicted massive damage to infrastructure, which was followed by heavy rains that caused flooding severely affecting the over 400,000 people left homeless by the operation (BBC News, November 28, 2014). Israel continues to regulate how much aid Gazans are allowed to receive from international aid groups and governments for reconstruction and life-supporting materials.

Because of the disproportionate and indiscriminate military onslaught on Gaza, many Americans became appalled by the brutality — and rightly so. Many took to the streets to show their solidarity towards Gazans and the overall Palestinian situation. Chicago saw 8,000 demonstrators. In New York, protesters occupied the Brooklyn Bridge and thousands more demonstrated in other parts of the city; in Oakland, California picketers were able to prevent an Israeli cargo ship from docking, and in the nation’s capital about 50,000 protesters gathered to show their solidarity. Furthermore, tons of people flooded Congress’ e-mail inboxes and telephone voice mails with their calls, letters and signed petitions — all demanding that the U.S. pressure Israel into stopping the carnage.

Texas was not left behind. In San Antonio, around 400 peace activists came out to show solidarity to Gaza, with over 300 in Dallas, and about 7,000 protesters in Austin.

Organizing a Campaign for Justice

SAJP (San Antonio Justice in Palestine) is a group of concerned San Antonians whose intent is to bring awareness to the community in regards to U.S. policy in Palestine. We are committed to educating the public and pursuing incremental nonviolent actions to change attitudes in Texas, Washington, and Tel Aviv to bring a fair and peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

As an organization, we have collaborated with other organizations such as Jewish Voice for Peace and organized peaceful protests in front of Cornerstone Church, where Pastor John Hagee uses the pulpit to bullhorn his pro-Israel agenda. His church holds a yearly festival called Night to Honor Israel, in which this year the Israeli Ambassador was to be the guest speaker.

Utilizing the nonviolent strategy of Boycott, Divestment and Sanction, or BDS (which was used successfully in the fight to end apartheid in South Africa), SAPJ organized a peaceful and informative campaign to educate shoppers at an ULTA Beauty Store in San Antonio during the Black Friday weekend. ULTA sells the skin care product line AHAVA, which extracts resources from and owns facilities in occupied Palestinian land — which makes it illegal for them to operate under international law.

SAJP also fundraised for the victims of the Gaza onslaught by hosting a dinner at the Episcopal Church of Reconciliation — A Night of Hope: Fundraiser for the Children of Gaza — and had a presence at the annual Esperanza Peace and Justice Center’s Peace Market/ Mercado de Paz event by holding a table and selling Palestinian-made products.

In conclusion, peace without justice is no peace at all. As Americans we have the power to sway the political decisions of our leaders, which in turn would affect the political calculation of the Israeli government. Israel is dependent on U.S. funding and political cover to proceed with its political moves. Only the U.S. can deter the State of Israel from continuing with their unjust policies towards Palestinians and halt their ambition to appropriate more of their lands.

Let’s work together to end this grave injustice against a people battered under Israeli occupation and who continue to live and die in misery under this oppressive regime; and whose lives don’t seem to matter to our elected officials. Write to your representative, and/or join our movement. SAJP’s key principles are grounded on human rights, international law, and basic stan-dards of justice to bring about a fair and lasting resolution to the Israeli occupation of Palestine. Contact us on the web at www.sanantonioforjusticeinpalestine.org, or send us an email at sa-4justiceinpalestine@gmail.com to find out about future meetings and events. u

Given the severity of the blockade, and the routine military attacks on neighborhoods and infrastructure, the United Nations estimates that by 2020 Gaza will be an unlivable place for Palestinians

Freda Guttman | www.imagingapartheid.org

Bio: Jovanni Reyes is an activist and member of San Antonio Justice in Palestine and Iraq Veterans Against the War. His writings have appeared in Claridad de Puerto Rico, La Repuesta, The New York Times Examiner, and Common Dreams.

...Chaos in the Holy Land, cont’d from p.6

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FORMAS Y COLORES

DEL AMORA traves de lo largo de mI vida he conocido que el amor viene en diferentes presentaciones, formas y colores. A continuacion les presento algunas formas:

Shapes and colors of love

—Blanca Rivera

I. Hace algunas semanas conoci a dos caballeros almorzando en el restaurante de mi amiga, Lupita. Me llamó la atención la gran Amistad

entre ambos. Debo decirles que ésta Amistad data de muchos años. Rudy Rodríguez tenia 7 años y Joe Villarreal 10 años cuando comenzaron su amistad por medio del gusto a la música — por fin tocando la guitarra

y acompañando a diferentes conjuntos. Crecieron y tomaron diferentes rumbos en su vida. Joe se fue al army y combatío en Vietnam y después

trabajo por el departamento de policias en San Antonio. Rudy se unío a la compania de aceite, CANICO, y trabajo como chofer transportando aceite

y en unas ocasiones diferentes químicos. Un día al llegar a su destino de entrega — hubo un mal manejo en las descargas de los quimicos lo cual

afectó la salud de Rudy quien estuvo cuatro meses y medio en coma en el hospital. Al despertar se dio cuenta de su realidad. Rudy perdío la vista y

quedo afectado de su corazón y las vías respiratorias. Ésto ocurrío en el año 1979. Desde entonces, Joe le dedica a Rudy parte de su tiempo y lo lleva a diferentes lugares a comer o a disfrutar de presentaciones de la música

de conjunto Tejano, ya que Rudy ama la música y cuenta con una gran colección de ésta. Debo decirles que Joe ahora tambien disfruta de su retiro

junto a su esposa en su rancho afuera de San Antonio. Grande amistad de estos caballeros.

II. Margarita Elizarde,

profesora de primaria, ya jubilada, es gran amante

de la naturaleza. Una mujer pequeña pero de un gran corazón la cual

trabaja en su finca con sus propias manos haciendo

crecer deliciosos tomates, brillantes calabazas, frescas lechugas y

diferentes frutos. En su tiempo libre se dedica a escribir cuentos para niños. Al momento esta trabajando en el cuento,

La Coyota. Amor de la naturaleza

y los cuentos.

III. Hace cuatro años conoci a Enrique e Isabel Sánchez,

adorables amigos los cuales tienen 65 años de casados, seis hijos admirables y varios

nietos. Grandes amantes de la música

y el baile, tambien son trabajadores incansables en promover la

educacion, ayudando a jovenes en la escuela y como

voluntarios. Me han dado un gran ejemplo

de amor hacia los estudiantes.

Amor de pareja y de la comunidad. Gracias por dejarme ser parte de este gran

Día de amores.

During the length of my life I have observed that love comes in many shapes and colors. Here I have presented some examples of the shape that love can take:

I. A few weeks ago I came to know a couple of gentlemen at a restaurant

owned by my friend, Margarita. Their friendship, which summoned my attention, dates back to their childhood where their love of music eventually led to their playing the guitar and accompanying conjunto groups. As they grew, they took different paths in life. Joe fought in the army in Vietnam and returned to work in the police department of San Antonio. Rudy worked for an oil company, CANICO, transporting oil and, on occasion, chemicals. On one

of his transports some chemicals were discharged and his health was affected. He wound up in a coma and lost his vision. His heart and respiratory system were also affected. This happened in 1979. Since then, Joe dedicates time to Rudy by taking him to musical presentations of conjunto music, of which Rudy has a great collection. Joe enjoys his retirement with his wife at his ranch just outside of San Antonio in addition to spending time with his friend. ~Two gentlemen’s great friendship

II. Margarita Elizarde, a retired elementary school teacher loves

nature. A small woman with a big heart, she works her land with her own hands growing delicious tomatos, squash,

lettuce and different kinds of fruit. In her free time she writes children’s stories, her latest being La Coyota. ~A love of nature and of stories.

III. About four years ago, I met Enrique and Isabel Sánchez,

adorable friends who have completed 65 years of marriage with six admirable children and various grandchildren. Great lovers of music and dancing, they are also untiring in their efforts to advocate for educational issues, helping youth in the schools as volunteers. They have given me a great example of love for students. Love of a couple and of community. Thank you for letting me share my stories on this great day of love. —Blanca Rivera

—translation by Gloria A. Ramirez

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Start your 2015 tax-deductible donations to Esperanza today!

for more info call 210.228.0201

Please use my donation for the Rinconcito de Esperanza

$35 Individuals$100 Institutions

La Voz Subscription

Amnesty International #127 For info. call Arthur @ 210.213.5919.

Bexar Co. Green Party: Call 210. 471.1791 or bcgp@bexargreens.org

Celebration Circle meets Sun., 11am @ Say Sí, 1518 S. Alamo. Meditation: Weds @7:30pm, Friends Meeting House, 7052 Vandiver. 210.533.6767.

DIGNITY SA Mass, 5:30pm, Sun. @ St. Paul’s Episcopal Church, 1018 E. Grayson St | 210.340.2230

Adult Wellness Support Group of PRIDE Center meets 4th Mon., 7-9 pm @ Lions Field, 2809 Broadway. Call 210.213.5919.

Energía Mía: Call 512.838.3351.

Fuerza Unida, 710 New Laredo Hwy. www.lafuerzaunida.org | 210.927.2294

Habitat for Humanity meets 1st Tues. for volunteer orientation, 6pm, HFHSA Office @ 311 Probandt.

LULAC Council #22198, Orgullo de SA, meets 3rd Weds, 6:30pm @ Luby’s, 911 Main Ave., Alamo Room. To join e-mail: salgbtlulac@gmail.com NOW SA Chapter meets 3rd Wed’s. For time and location check FB/satx.now | 210. 802.9068 | nowsaareachapter@gmail.com

Pax Christi, SA meets monthly on Saturdays. Call 210.460.8448

Proyecto Hospitalidad Liturgy meets Thurs. 7pm, 325 Courtland.

SA Women Will March: Planning Meetings are underway. Check: www.sawomenwillmarch.org|210.262.0654

Metropolitan Community Church services & Sunday school @10:30am, 611 East Myrtle. Call 210.472.3597

Overeaters Anonymous meets MWF in Spanish & daily in English | www.oasanantonio.org | 210.492.5400.

People’s Power Coalition meets last Thursdays | 210.878.6751

PFLAG, meets 1st Thurs. @ 7pm, University Presbyterian Church 300 Bushnell Ave. | 210.848.7407.

Parents of Murdered Children, meets 2nd Mondays @ Balcones Heights Community Ctr, 107 Glenarm | www.pomcsanantonio.org.

Rape Crisis Center 7500 US Hwy 90W. Hotline: 210.349.7273 | 210.521.7273 Email: sgabriel@rapecrisis.com

The Religious Society of Friends meets Sunday @10am @ The Friends Meeting House, 7052 N. Vandiver. | 210.945.8456.

S.A. Gender Association meets 1st & 3rd Thursday, 6-9pm @ 611 E. Myrtle, Metropolitan Community Church.

SA AIDS Fdn 818 E. Grayson St. offers free Syphilis & HIV testing | 210.225.4715 | www.txsaaf.org.

SGI-USA LGBT Buddhists meet 2nd Sat. at 10am @ 7142 San Pedro Ave., Ste 117 | 210.653.7755.

Shambhala Buddhist Meditation Tues. 7pm & Sun. 9:30am 257 E. Hildebrand Ave. | 210.222.9303.

S.N.A.P. (Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests). Contact Barbara at 210.725.8329.

Voice for Animals: 210.737.3138 or www.voiceforanimals.org

SA’s LGBTQA Youth meets Tues., 6:30pm at Univ. Presby. Church, 300 Bushnell Ave. | www.fiesta-youth.org

¡Todos Somos Esperanza!Start your 2015 monthly donations now!

Esperanza works to bring awareness and

action on issues relevant to our communities. With our vision for social, environmental, economic and gender justice, Esperanza

centers the voices and experiences of the poor & working class, women, queer people

and people of color.

We hold pláticas and workshops; organize political actions; present exhibits and

performances and document and preserve our cultural histories. We consistently challenge City Council and the corporate powers of the

city on issues of development, low-wage jobs, gentrification, clean energy and more.

It takes all of us to keep the Esperanza going. What would it take for YOU to become a monthly donor? Call or come by the

Esperanza to learn how.

¡ESpEranza vivE! ¡La Lucha SiguE, SiguE!

FOR INFO: Call 210.228.0201 or email: esperanza@esperanzacenter.org

Be Part of a

progressive Movementin San Antonio

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Notas Y Más Brief news items on upcoming community events. Send items for Notas y Más to: lavoz@esperanzacenter.org

or mail to: 922 San Pedro, San Antonio, TX 78212. The deadline is the 8th of each month.

Notas Y Más Brief news items on upcoming community events. Send items for Notas y Más to: lavoz@esperanzacenter.org

or mail to: 922 San Pedro, San Antonio, TX 78212. The deadline is the 8th of each month.February, 2015

15

SoL Center offers a free lecture, On the Eighth Day, Transformation without Apocalypse Thursday, February 5, 7-9pm at Trinity University’s Holt Center, 106 Oakmont Court with Kathleen Dean Moore, Professor of Environmental Phi-losophy, Oregon State University. On Feb. 6 from 9am to 12 noon, a workshop, Na-ture Writing In the Time of Storms, takes place at SoL Center, University Presbyte-rian Church, 300 Bushnell Ave. Cost: $25. RSVP@210.732.9927 or upcsa@upcsa.org

Gemini Ink’s Autograph Series brings award-winning author, Luis Alberto Ur-rea for a free lecture Thursday, February 26 at 7pm at Palo Alto College followed by a $50 ticketed luncheon on Friday, February 27 at 11:30am at the McNay Museum’s Leeper Auditorium. | www.geminiink.org

The National Association of Chicana/o Studies, Tejas Foco, Putting More Com-munity in Community College and Beyond: Scholars, Professors, Writers, Teachers, Students and Families Unite to Open High-er Education to Our Youth will be hosted by Lone Star College-North Harris in Houston, TX on Feb. 26 to March 1. Check: www.tejasfoco2015.org/ for more info.

Crystal & Stone Healing Workshop with Rose Two Feathers, 30 yr. Master Crystal Therapist and Indigenous Healer — learn powerful techniques for healing the body, mind and spirit, plus practicum. Feb. 15, 1-5pm @ Vibrant Community, 1414 E. Commerce St. Fee is $60-80. Registration required. Contact 2plumas@gmail.com

The 2015 Planned Parenthood South Texas Luncheon features Emmy Award winning co-host of Project Runway Tim Gunn on March 5th @ Marriott Rivercenter Hotel. Contact angela.koester@ppsouth-texas.org

Las Hermanas: The Struggle is One, an Interdisciplinary Symposium on March 19-21 will take place at the University of the Incarnate Word focusing on Las Herma-nas, a grassroots Latina movement formed 40 years ago to challenge the church and its role in society. Contact Adrienne Ambrose, Ph.D. (chair), ambrosea@uiwtx.edu or Sr. Martha Ann Kirk, Th.D., kirk@uiwtx.edu

INCITE!’s conference,The Color of Vio-lence 4 (COV4), Beyond the State: Inciting Transformative Possibilities, March 26-29 in Chicago marks 15years of engaging in grassroots organizing projects, critical con-

versations, national actions, transnational campaigns and community building strat-egies to end colonial, racial, and gender-based violence against women of color, trans and queer people of color and our communities. | www.colorofviolence.org

The Coming of Age of LGBTQ Studies: Past, Present, and Future is a 2-day conference at San Diego State University, April 17-18. For info: lgbtqrc@mail.sdsu.edu or see lgbtqrc.sdsu.edu/ conference/

Witness historic changes as the US and Cuba move toward renewed relations. The Autonomous University of Social Movements in Chicago, the University at Albany-SUNY, and the Martin Luther King Memorial Center in Havana partner to offer a unique opportunity to learn about the history, culture and politics of Cuba. Check: www.mexicosolidarity.org/cuba or ualbany.studioabroad.com/?go=cuba

In 2014 Haymarket Books published books from Ali Abunimah’s The Battle for Justice in Palestine to Rebecca Solnit’s Men Explain Things to Me. 2015 offerings include Noam Chomsky’s Culture of Ter-rorism. Check www.haymarketbooks.org

In light of recent events with the planning of the Ayotzinapa Caravan visit, we would like to also bring to your attention the recent legal battle challenging the

Arizona House Bill 2281 that was presented in court this past Monday, January 12th, 2015 the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco. The court case Maya Arce, et al. v. John Huppenthal, et. al, otherwise known as #MayaVsAz in the virtual world, calls attention to the ban of courses or classes in Arizona “that ‘1. [p]romote the overthrow of the United States government... 2. [p]romote resentment toward a race or class of people; 3. [a]re designed for pupils of a particular ethnic group; [or] 4. [a]dvocate ethnic solidarity instead of treatment of pupils as individuals.’ ” Once state enforcers such as John Huppenthal, former Arizona Superintendent of Education, began implementing the bill, this led to the

“elimination of the highly successful Mexican American Studies (MAS) courses program in the Tucson Unified School District (TUSD) as well as the removal of books illuminating Mexican American history and perspectives from TUSD classrooms.”

Similar to the attacks on the students of Ayotzinapa, most of them being of indigenous descent, the attacks on ethnic studies of the past few years sheds light on the growing resistance from conservative right-wingers to destroy efforts of reclaiming ethnic and indigenous identities in education. In the case of Arizona, the “dominant culture that demands assimilation as a condition of entry and places little premium on diversity (that which brings strength and richness to this society) will constantly seek means to deprive colonized/marginalized children of the training and tools we need to carry out the processes of asserting our rights. — H.B. 2281 (now A.R.S. 115-112) is the example of this deprivation, a law passed that makes it illegal to study our history, literature, and cultura in schools,”

as stated by Sean Arce co-founder of the Mexican-American studies program and father of Maya Arce, one of the two plaintiffs in the case along with Korina López. Countless groups, organizations, and community members joined the hearing to show support for the overthrow of the ban. A summit and teach-in was also organized in San Francisco prior to the hearing. We expect a decision in the next month to six months. For updates: check future issues of La Voz or follow developments at www.librotraficante.com or at the Seattle University Law School (Arizona ethnic studies case). v

UPDATE: Arizona Ethnic Studies Case, #MayaVsAz

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Congratulations to Fuerza Unida: 25 years in struggle for love & justice

Felcidades a Fuerza Unida 25 años en la lucha por amor y justicia To Send an Anniversary Donation: www.bit.ly/FuerzaUnida 210.927.2294

Join us for our monthly concert series,

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Feb. 14 March 21 April 18

Noche Azul

Book reading + platica + celebration!

Saturday Feb. 21st 7PM @ Esperanza, Free

8PM @ Esperanza $5 Donation

Activism, Alliance Building, and the Esperanza Peace & Justice Centerby Sara de Turk, UTSA Communications professorpublished by Lexington Books, 2015