issn 2277-9426 journal of bengali studiesdocshare04.docshare.tips/files/29242/292425503.pdf ·...

ISSN 2277-9426

Journal of Bengali StudiesVol. 4, No. 2

Microhistory: Bengali Perspectives

Olindo Juddho Dibosh, 21 Ogrohayon 1422

Winter Issue, Day of Storming Headquarters, 8 December 2015

Journal of Bengali Studies (ISSN 2277-9426) Vol.4, No.2

Published on the occasion of Olindo Juddho Dibos (Day of Storming

Headquarters), 21 Ogrohayon 1422, 8 December 2015

The theme of this issue is Microhistory: Bengali Perspectives

ISSN: 2277-9426

Journal of Bengali Studies

Vol. 4, No. 2

8 December 2015

Day of Storming Headquarters

21 Ogrohayon 1422

Winter Issue

Microhistory: Bengali Perspectives

Editor: Tamal Dasgupta

The commentary, article, review copyrights©individual contributors, while the Journal of

Bengali Studies holds the publishing right for re-publishing the contents of the journal in future

in any format, as per our terms and conditions and submission guidelines. Editorial©Tamal

Dasgupta. Cover design©Tamal Dasgupta. Cover Image: Garhpanchakot, Purulia, West Bengal.

Further, Journal of Bengali Studies is an open access, free for all e-journal and we promise to go

by an Open Access Policy for readers, students, researchers and organizations as long as it

remains for non-commercial purpose. However, any act of reproduction or redistribution (in any

format) of this journal, or any part thereof, for commercial purpose and/or paid subscription

must accompany prior written permission from the Editor, Journal of Bengali Studies. For any

queries, please contact: [email protected] and [email protected]

For details about our Editorial Team, general policies and publication details, please see our

website http://bengalistudies.blogspot.com and www.bengalistudies.com

http://bengalistudies.blogspot.com/

http://www.bengalistudies.com/

Contents

Editorial 7

Commentary

Towards a Microhistoriography of Bengali People: Excavating the Ruins of Remembrance and Forgetting

Tamal Dasgupta 9

Localizing Texts and Textualizing Locations: A Survey of the Historical Geography of Nabadwip

Somnath Sarkar 17

Article

Evolution of Folk Songs of Twentieth Century Bengal

Sayantan Thakur 21

Patni System and Subinfeudation Rights in Bankura

Arundhuti Sen 26

Situating Ramaprasad Chanda

Rahul Kumar Mohanta 38

Changing Role of Women in Vaishnavite Cult of 17th

Century Bengal

Laboni Sarkar 47

Mythology and Folklore of Water Resources in Bengal

Sourav Maity 52

3|Journal of Bengali Studies (ISSN 2277 9426), Vol. 4, No. 2


The Bengali Othello in Pre-Independence Newspapers: The Question of Race and Hybridity

Abhishek Chowdhury 60

Vaidyas of Bengal

Raibatak Sen Gupta 74

Review

A Review of Jyotirmoy Roy's History of Manipur

Sanjay S. Ningombam 110

Disclaimer:

The contents, views and opinions occurring in the contributions are solely the responsibilities of

the respective contributors and the editorial board of Journal of Bengali Studies does not have

any responsibility in this regard.

The image/s appearing in the Journal are parts of a critical project, not for any commercial use.

Image/s are either provided by the authors/designers from their personal collections and /or are

copyright free to the best of knowledge & belief of the editorial board.

Journal of Bengali Studies is a double blind peer-reviewed online journal published since 2012.

For the previous issues please visit http://bengalistudies.blogspot.com and

www.bengalistudies.com

We have previously published seven issues on the following themes, and all of them are available

online:

Ognijug (Vol.1, No.1)

Bengali Cinema: Bengalis and Cinema (Vol.1, No.2)

Bengali Theatre: Bengalis and Theatre (Vol.2, No.1)

Science and Technology in History: Modern Bengali Perspectives (Vol.2, No.2)

Literature and Movements: Bengali Crossroads (Vol.3, No.1)

Kolkata (Vol.3, No.2)

Bengali Music: Bengalis and Music (Vol.4 No.2)


http://bengalistudies.blogspot.com/

Editorial

As 2015 comes to an end, this journal remembers its highs and its lows during the last four years of

journey. We have crossed milestones with issues which were collector's delight, we also had issues

which we thought could have been better. Sometimes we missed out some of the important topics

within the theme, but most often we have been able to address the strategic sites within our field of

study. We had our own problems to deal with as we were independently taking out this journal devoted

to the Bengali people, but we never capitulated to those problems. In the midst of increased

professional pressures, the two persons behind the inception of this journal (yours truly and Mousumi

Biswas Dasgupta) became proud parents of a baby boy one year ago. Happy preoccupations abound for

the editors of this journal.

Journal of Bengali Studies continues to thrive. It is the first of its kind to systematically usher an

interdisciplinary study of the history and culture of Bengali people. Four years down the line, it stands

apart by virtue of its merit. Perhaps we need to pause and savour our success today. JBS is now indexed

in various prestigious international directories, including DOAJ.

JBS continues to soar to new heights. In this issue, this journal glides with grace, like a majestic bird

that is being aided by the past momentum of its journey. This time we did not commission any piece

and have only published what our kind contributors have sent us, and enriched by the microhistorical

researches on various aspects of Bengal's cultural history, this issue surely emerges a collector's item.

My commentary aims to draw an outline of a nationalist microhistoriography of the Bengali people. Dr

Somnath Sarkar's commentary explores some heritage texts which illuminate the historical geography

of Nabadwip. Sayantan Thakur has worked on the evolution of popular folk songs in Bengal in recent

past. Arundhuti Sen's article explores the eighteenth and nineteenth century history of landed relations

and revenue system in Bankura. Laboni Sarkar investigates the role of women in Vaishnavite religion

of seventeenth century Bengal. Rahul Mohanta's article on Ramaprasad Chanda is a microhistorical

tribute to one of the greatest historians Bengal ever had, while Sourav Maity's article on the ancient

water reservoirs of Bengal is a delight to read.



Abhishek Chowdhury has written on the history of performance of Othello in Bengal. Sanjay

Ningombam's review of a Bengali author's (who as an academic in Imphal acquired a legendary status)

History of Manipur comes out as another testimony to the historical tie between Bengal and Manipur.

Last but not the least, Raibatak Sen Gupta's authoritative account on the history of the Vaidyas of

Bengal adorning this issue will be helpful for scholars and laypersons alike who are interested in this

unique and small caste of Bengal.

This issue is being published on the day of storming headquarters. 8 December 1930 was the day when

Benoy Badal and Dinesh stormed Writer's Building, the headquarters of British Raj in Bengal. We think

that this episode from the mutilated, silenced, fragmented history of Ognijug is an appropriate occasion

for publishing our microhistory issue. As my commentary in this issue suggests, in the midst of all

institutional hostilities, our history is preserved in our microhistory. And renaming that day as Day of

Storming Headquarters from the imperial jibe “Battle of the Veranda” is our political statement. Olindo

Juddho has a resonance in Bengali for a number of reasons, we therefore retain the Bengali term.

Journal of Bengali Studies has remained committed to the project of developing an interdisciplinary

Bengali nationalist discourse in academia since we started publishing, and the eighth issue of JBS once

more renews that pledge.

The editorial board (and the contributors) can be reached at [email protected] and

[email protected]. Readers of JBS can find updates and call for papers for the forthcoming

issues, and post comments and responses at http://bengalistudies.blogspot.in/. Also, JBS can be

accessed at at www.bengalistudies.com . Our facebook page is www.facebook.com/BengaliStudies

http://www.facebook.com/BengaliStudies


http://bengalistudies.blogspot.in/

Towards a Microhistoriography of Bengali People: Excavating

the Ruins of Remembrance and Forgetting

Tamal Dasgupta

If the task of the revolutionary historiographer is a pressing one, it is because the history that he or she

seeks to redeem is in constant danger of perishing. It is the fate of the dispossessed to disappear. They

are men and women who lack a lineage or succession, infertile creatures who thus require a different

kind of memorial. They represent what Antoine Compagnon has called 'the history of that which has no

descendants … the history of the failures in history' – of those obscure strivings for justice which have

melted and left no trace behind them in the annals of official history …

Terry Eagleton, Hope Without Optimism (29)

What happened to Bengal's history? That is perhaps a rhetorical question that one may not strictly need

to answer, because the answer is obvious. So many years have lapsed since Bankim's well known

lament that Bengalis need history or else they will not be human enough. But history of Bengal still

stands in disarray. When we realise that Bengalis are yet to develop a coherent historiography which

will tell them of their past glory and defeats, of their land, people, culture and journey, we understand

that something is rotten in the state of Bishshomanobic Bengalis. Indeed, Ognijug is a case in point.

Such is the problematic of the history of Ognijug, that the official school textbooks of Bengal described

our revolutionary nationalists as terrorists a few years ago.

History of Bengal remains disorganized and fragmented. There are still no comprehensive,

authoritative accounts of our medieval and modern periods, which have not yet witnessed a work like

Niharranjan Ray's Bangalir Itihash (Adiporbo) that catered to the ancient period.. None whatsoever

undertaken at the level of government sponsored projects. But interestingly, scholars passionate about

Bengal's history have painstakingly worked on the history of various periods and places since the

Bengali revival of nineteenth century. They now constitute an obscure gamut of out-of-print works.



Most of them are not yet digitized and rarely reprinted. It is perhaps pertinent now to construct a

microhistoriography of the Bengali people in the light of these forgotten projects. Because we have our

history all scattered, it is only a revolutionary microhistoriography that can convert this crisis into a

critical opportunity, and can somewhat amusingly transform a compulsion into a commitment. Those

who only have a fragmented history, whose mainstream history is under occupation from alien forces

who like to tell us that the martyrs of Ognijug were terrorists, must learn to do with fragments and

miniscule histories themselves.

Let us remember these forgotten fragments. Each of these fragments has the potential to turn into a site

of pilgrimage, a destination for explorers, a site of Shakti, much in the vein of the pieces from the

mutilated body of Sati that gave birth to the rise of Shaktipīthas.

Our ancient history was brutally mutilated and largely obliterated by invaders like Bakhtiyar Khilji, the

destroyer of ancient universities like Nalanda. Bengal's modern history, particularly the history of

Ognijug is likewise being mutilated by another bunch of invaders. The contribution of Bengal to India's

freedom struggle is not just downplayed but a Bengal-less history of struggle of independence has

become a possibility, as part of an official truth in a tripartite arrangement operating within our left-

Nehruvian-Sangh dominated academia. The impossible is achieved in this intellectual jugglery when

the people, the ideas, the struggle and the sacrifice of Bengal are completely obliterated in a version of


history which claims that the idea of India emerged during 1930s (which is, effectively after Bengal

was cut down to size in terms of importance and influence in all India politics). We shall come to that

presently. But first of all, we must note that 1930s are a watershed, as this decade was witnessing the

final eclipse of Bengal after a concerted effort of British which started during the last years of

nineteenth century, as Bengal became too big a threat, intellectually, culturally, politically and

philosophically. General Secretary of CPI(M), Sitaram Yechury in an article in the periodical Frontline

says, “The emergence of the conception of the idea of India arose from a continuous battle between three visions

that emerged during the 1920s on the conception of the character of independent India.”1

Yechury then goes on to describe these three visions as those of (Gandhi) Congress, Left, and RSS.

They share some curious commonalities. Congress finally became Gandhi's fiefdom after the expulsion

of Subhash, which happened during this period. And Gandhi was instrumental in marginalizing Bengal

in all India politics. Congress under Lal Bal Pal was fighting for total independence, but under Gandhi

it ensured the convenience of the Raj by demanding dominion status. After C R Das's sad and untimely

demise in 1925, Gandhi became practically the unchallenged ruler of Congress till Subhash's rebellion.

Left (actually, the Communist Party) entered India with some active British patronage as my article in

the Ognijug issue of JBS demonstrated. And RSS never fought in the freedom struggle and was

subservient to the empire. The revolutionary nationalist movement which was launched in Bengal was

dead, and these three vultures made a feast over its dead body, as they came to divide the pie of India's

official history among them. So we shall forget that the idea of India was there in the reform

movements which constituted the signature contribution of Bengal in the nineteenth century, the idea of

India in the Bengal Renaissance must likewise be forgotten, we shall forget the contribution of Vande

Mataram in India's freedom struggle (albeit that was a song written specifically for Bengal, but it was

appropriated all over India and no honest history of the struggle of independence can be conceived

without it), we shall forget the history of boycott movement, we shall forget that in India the “father of

the nation” was a title that was originally conferred on Surendranath Banerjee, much before the name

M K Gandhi even was remotely heard in India. We shall forget Bankim, Vivekananda, Aurobindo,

because they are now without any powerful legacy-bearers who can restore history to its truth, and

reclaim the place of pride that Bengalis deserves in history writing. It is now high time for us to turn to

microhistory, to salvage whatever we can, from our past.


But what do we understand by the term microhistory? As we define this interdisciplinary field, in the

very beginning we need to be adequately resistant against any blind import of a western template.

While we must study the origin and development of the concept of microhistory in the west, we also

must adapt it for our own situation so that it benefits our own investigations. We should be driven by an

urge not to imitate, but to improvize and assimilate this western theory of microhistory.

In his insightful article titled “Four Arguments for Microhistory” published in the journal Rethinking

History, it has been observed by István Szijártó that microhistory has four defining characteristics.

The first trait is that microhistory is more attuned to the “little facts” of history. Secondly, it is

enjoyably presented, and thus is more popular and can aspire to reach out to the the reading public

outside the circle of professional historians. “The specificity of history when compared to the other

'verbal fictions' is that it must be based on the 'little facts.' Microhistory is necessarily built more

directly on the 'little facts' of the sources than traditional social history and it is more concrete” (210).

Moreover, it is pointed out: “In microhistory the reader feels that he is coming directly to the people of

the past, closer than it is otherwise possible in historical studies” (210).

Further, it is observed: “Modern social history has placed the experience (expérience, gelebtes Leben)

of real human beings to the centre of its attention. The third advantage of microhistory is that it can

convey the lived experience to readers” (210).

Lastly, microhistory connects the individual, the specific with the general. A small event is likewise

engaged contextually to the longue durée that it might challenge and deconstruct as well. What we

observe here is that a microhistorical study applies a method that does not treat its subject matter in an

isolated manner but puts it within a perspective, investigating the larger framework.

Georg G Iggers considers that microhistory has sprung to life because of “generalizations that do not

hold up when tested against the concrete reality of the small-scale life they claim to explain”.2

Microhistory has thus rebelled against universalism, and has been more interested in the exceptions

than in the generalized hegemony. It was with such an imperative, Carlo Ginzberg suggests, that the

term microhistory was coined by George R Stewart in 1959, and later it was first methodically applied


by Giovanni Levi during the late 1970s (1977 or 1978).3

Francesca Mari points out:

Microhistory arose largely in Europe and the United States in the 1970s and 1980s in reaction

not only to the top-down historical narratives common to political history but also to the

increasingly quantitative ones of social history. Microhistorians argued that the generalizations

of capital “H” Great Man History distorted the truth of how most individuals actually lower-

case lived and therefore advocated telling the stories of what one practitioner called “the normal

exception”: the interesting small player who could stand in for the average person and, as a

result, offer a unique angle overlooked by elite texts and master narratives.4

The biographical article on Satin Sen that I authored might be presented as a case in point. This is a

microhistorical work that deconstructs the established hegemony in history writing, brings back the

events (in the sense of Badiou) that have been marginalized in history writing, highlights a life that is

full of sacrifice in the midst of growing communal tension in east Bengal which will soon culminate in

a long series of genocides for the remaining part of the century. First published as a Bengaliwiki article,

this biographical article was subsequently published in the Shoptodina Pujoshonkha .5

At an immediate level, physical shape and limits of our Journal of Bengali Studies (for that matter any

such journal) that is devoted to the history and culture of Bengali people might tend to intrinsically

favour microhistorical perspectives: voluminous studies are by default excluded in a journal. Indeed,


when we look back, we see that all of our past issues were dealing with the specific, had a localized

focus, and had microhistorical aims chalked out in their call for papers, without deliberately intending

to do so. Our issues on Ognijug, Bengali Cinema, Bengali theatre, Science and Technology: Modern

Bengali Perspectives, Literature and Movements: Bengali Crossroads, Kolkata, Bengali Music – these

themes were fertile grounds for microhistorical enquiry.


An article meant for a journal like JBS (that focuses on Bengali cultural history) can very often be

oriented microhistorically by the very physicality of the medium, as the piece will be compelled to

choose a smaller unit of research, a compulsion that does not generally visit upon a voluminous book

length study.

At the same time, shape and size cannot always be dependable as criteria for determining a certain

work's status as microhistorical. A very small article on Bengal's history by Bankim Chandra can be

read as very much macro-historical compared to a large treatise on the history of Nadia. The focus, the

emphasis, the method, the design and the content are important factors when we decide on a work

qualifying as microhistory.

Microhistory is a relatively smaller project, and can survive independently without institutional

patronage, and can serve significantly to the cause of nationalist revival in any culture. One specific

example of that would be this very journal. We have survived on our own for last four years. Because

its primary aim is to challenge the master narratives, and at present the master narratives belong to

liberal hegemony which denounces nationalist history to the margins, it can be an instrument of

resistance.

Let us work towards a microhistoriography of the Bengali people.

Notes

1. <http://www.frontline.in/the-nation/the-need-for-a-new-agenda/article7447315.ece>. Accessed on 17

November 2015.

2. <http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/23720> Accessed on 17 September 2015.

3. Ginzberg, Carlo. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/1343946?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents>. Accessed

on 17 September 2015.

4. Mari, Francesca. “The Microhistorian”. <https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/the-

microhistorian-2>. Accessed on 17 September 2015.

5. Shoptodina 1: 5 (2015). <www.shoptodina.com>. Accessed on 17 November 2015.


Bibliography

Szijártó, István. “Four Arguments for Microhistory”. Rethinking History 6:2 (2002), pp. 209–215.

Eagleton , Terry. Hope Without Optimism. London: Yale University Press, 2015.

Dr Tamal Dasgupta is founder editor of Journal of Bengali Studies and Asst Professor of English at a

Delhi University college.

Localizing Texts and Textualizing Locations: A Survey of the

Historical Geography of Nabadwip

Somnath Sarkar

Nabadwip in south Bengal is the melting pot of various cultures since historic times. The area is

notable for its rich Vaishnava cultural heritage in the form of temples, traditional arts and crafts,

festivals, rituals and so on. There are so many historical repositories in Nabadwip, where the important

manuscripts on vaishnavism are available. The repositories are -

Sashi Bhushan Pathagarh- Sri Gouranaga Mahaprabhu Tol Mandir,

Nabadwip Sadharan Granthagarh,

Nabadwip Adarsha Pathagarh,

Nabadwip Puratattva Parishat.

Thousand of manuscripts both Vaishnava and Nyaya philosophy are well preserved in those

repositories. The importance of those manuscripts available in that region cannot be overlooked

because of the fact that these manuscripts contain information regarding cultural interaction of south

Bengal with the other part of India as well as abroad. On the other hand, Vaishnava manuscripts contain

the history and culture of mediaeval Nabadwip. Undoubtedly, the loss of these manuscripts is a great

blow to the Indian knowledge system, literary and cultural heritage. In this present article I would like

to furnish in brief about the important manuscripts and their significance as revealed in those texts.

Sashi Bhushan pathagarh- Sri Gouranaga Mahaprabhu Tol Mandir at Nabadwip of the present time

holds a few important but yet unpublished rare texts which are quite important for heritage studies. A

few of them are the following, which need to be published for dissemination of cultural knowledge.

Nabadwipa-parikrama :

This text provides us with ancient history and geography of Nabadwip and its vaishnava heritage. The

language and poetic style is also unique. The text is authored by Narahari and the scribe and owner of

this manuscript is Thakurdas Sarman.



The text is written in mediaeval Bengali language and in mediaeval Bengali script. The text describes

the geographical location of ancient Nabadwip and its topological significance. The text is important

for the study of the history of Nabadwipa in Bengal. There are 9 (nine) folios in the manuscript and

condition is fair. So it has to be published as early as possible for the study of Vaishnavism in Bengal

with special reference to Nabadwipa.

Vamsavaliparichaya:

This is another text containing the genealogical data of the Goswami lineage. Hence it is an important

piece of historical document. The text is authored by Sanatan Goswami, the greatest poet of

Vaishnavism. The language is Sanskrit and written in Mediaeval Bengali script.

Purvavamsavrittanta-vivriti :

This manuscript also contains the genealogical list and the important contribution of Goswami-family,

the present custodian of the repository. It is also historically important for the study of vaishnavism in

Bengal with special reference to Gaudiya- vaishnavism. The text is written in Sanskrit language and in

mediaeval Bengali script.

Radhastottarashatanamastotra :

This important stotra type of text is authored by Sri Chaitanya Mahaprabhu himself. The text in the

manuscript is all probability a stotra revealed and pronounced by Mahaprabhu Sri Chaitanya himself. It

is a eulogy of 108 names of Sri Radhika. This is also very important for the study of Vaishnavism.

All above these texts are the best example of Vaishnava Principles most skilfully for which this work

becomes an authentic one to the Vaishnavas of Bengal. Those manuscripts contain the data of the

historical-geography of that period, philosophical approaches, cultural studies and cultural history also.

It is very important to furnish the socio- cultural history as revealed in those manuscripts as the Indian

knowledge system will glorify its dignity and significant.

Social history of the people of Bengal specially, South Bengal may gain more authenticity and

acceptability when it is reconstructed on the basis of those manuscripts available in that area. Study of

manuscripts is tough and troublesome but becomes easy and rewarding as a scholar goes on

deciphering its script to the extent of its enchanting essence. Manuscripts available in Nabadwip


definitely can explore the social aspects, economic and political developments, religious and cultural

heritage, and may be the traditional medicinal practices and ecology.

Manuscripts available in that area are mostly written in Sanskrit and mediaeval Bengali language. The

scripts are Mediaeval Bengali of early 16th century to late 17th century. Many of those manuscripts and

the copies thereof were written for the welfare of the people. As a part of social welfare activities, the

royal rulers as well as the educated scholars of that area have given proper impetus to the preparation of

manuscripts. Those manuscripts were copied in order to propagate the knowledge embedded in them.

This might have been the only way, at that time, to disseminate the works of the elites among the

disciples, devotees and fellow brethren of the community.

The manuscripts, their subject matter as well as colophon and post- colophon therein- are correlated to

the prevalent religion and faiths of the people of that particular area. Several manuscripts belonging to

the Bhakti- cult were prepared by their copyists. The presence of these manuscripts authenticates the

influence of Vaishnavism in that area. Vaishnavism is still prevalent among the people of south Bengal

since 16th century AD. The author of those texts of Vaishnavism undoubtedly the staunch devotee of

Lord Krishna and the very first sloka of those texts mentions their faith in the worship of Lord Krishna.

So, to conserve and preserve these documents of immense historical importance, the scholars need to

have a dedicated system in place and publish those unpublished texts for the development of Indian

cultural heritage as well as Indian knowledge system.

Reference Bibliography :

Bhandarkar, R.G. Vaishnavism and Minor Religious Sects. Pune; BORI, 1915.

Cultural Heritage of India. Ed. S.K.De, U.N. Ghoshal & R.C.Hazra. Calcutta; 1937.

Dasgupta,S.B. Aspects of Indian Religious Thought. Calcutta; 1972.

Gonda, J. Aspects of Early vaishnavism. Wiesbaden; 1969

Goswami, Tripada Swami Maharaja. The Bhagavata: Its Philosophy, Its Ethics, Its Theology. Madras;

Gaudiya Mission Trust, 1933.

www.namami.org.in

www.nationalmanuscriptmission.com

http://www.nationalmanuscriptmission.com/

http://www.namami.org.in/


Singh, M.R. Critical Study of Geographical Data of Early Puranas. Delhi; MLBD, 1981.

Dr Somnath Sarkar is Assistant Professor of Sanskrit, Kanchrapara College,University of Kalyani,

West Bengal.

Evolution of Folk Songs of Twentieth Century Bengal

Sayantan Thakur

Folk song has been bearing the cultural essence of Bengal for ages. It has always been the subject of

attraction for one who does have the power to appreciate the enriched essence of music. Its ‘sahajiya'

(simple) tune can not only attract a man but also can steal his heart away from the mundane

complexities of this world of transition. But apart from its heart rendering appeal, Bengali folk song

also gets importance because of its ability to touch and represent the every sphere of Bengali society. It

is considered as one of those historical evidences that have witnessed the evolution of Bengal and its

long journey from stereotype to modernity. As it is written in the language of the common people, quite

naturally it represents the expression of them and at the same time upholds their way of visualising the

change that has been slowly but steadily occurring in Bengali society and culture. Sometimes it

celebrates the gradual progress of Bengali society and sometimes it laments on the loss of our own

culture and heritage. In other words, the minute changes that played a significant role in the

transformation of Bengal, get their manifestation in the folk songs of the region. Songs like ‘Ekbar

Biday De Maa’, ‘Ami Tak Dum Tak Dum Bajai’, ‘E Gayer Naojoyan’, ‘Mayer Daoya Mota Kapr’, ’O

Tunir Maa’ and many others delineate the several major incidents of twentieth century Bengal, ranging

from the partition of the region to the emergence of metropolitan culture, that played an important role

in the process of evolution in their traditional simple language.

Early Twentieth Century Bengal: Partition, Its Aftermath and Freedom Movement

The early decade of the twentieth century Bengal witnessed the partition of the region, its aftermath

and the freedom movement. Among those three major events, Partition of Bengal in the year 1905 was

a cataclysmic event that not only separated Bengal into two, but also created trauma among the people.

Folk artists, being the true representative of the soil, used their poetic gift to remind us of that historical

crisis and anxiety of the region. They play a vital role in developing popular consciousness among the

common folks and through their folk songs they tried to inspire the youth by upholding in front of them

the strength and beauty of a unified Bengal. In this regard the song that is worthy to be mentioned is

‘Ami Takdum Takdum Bajai Bangla Desher Dhol’.



Though this song was written much later, it represents a picture of a unified Bengal. In the very first

line of the song the word ‘Bangladesh’ is significant in the sense that it does not mean East-Bengal

alone but Bengal in general. The poet, instead of delineating the picture of a divided Bengal, portrays a

sketch where the gap between the east and the west gets blurred. There is a line in the song ‘Maye Poye

badhan Cherar Sadhyo Karor Nai’ which suggests that just as an infant cannot be parted from his

mother, similarly the barrier between two Bengals can only make geographical separation not the

emotional one.

After partition, the major incident that annihilated Bengal is the communal riots. According to some

Historians, the divide and rule policy of the British imperialism resulted in breaking the communal

harmony of Bengal, which took violent aspect after partition and separated Hindu from Muslims and

Muslims from Hindu forever. Folk song writers, being the minute observer of the society, depicted the

aftermath of partition and lamented upon the loss of the harmonic relationship between the Hindu and

the Muslims-

Gramer nowjuan hindu musolman

milia baula gan ar murshidi gaitam

Age ki sundor din kataitam….

[Oh! The youth of the village, both Muslims and Hindus

How peacefully we used to apss our days by singing both Baul and Murshid songs]

The quoted song sustains the mourning of the poet at the division of two religions. The poet while

expressing his deepest sorrow says that how communalism grasped the fraternal atmosphere of Bengal

and changed the entire scenario of the region in order to give birth to a newly evolved, caste centric,

Bengali society.

The trauma of partition and its aftermath played a vital role in making the patriotic sense of the people

stronger than it was before. It became even more sensitive when Khudiram Bose, a young freedom

fighter, was hanged by the British in 1908. Folk writers of the period, by leaving aside the theme of

partition of Bengal for the time being, took this sensitive issue in order to inspire the youth by making

them aware of the pathetic condition of ‘Bangla Maa’ under the colonial rules of the British Raj.

In this regard the song Ekbar biday de Ma ghure ashi (Bengali: একব�র ববদ�য দদ ম� ঘ�রর আব�, English: "Bid

me goodbye Mother") is noteworthy to be mentioned. This ballad was composed by Pitambar Das in

honour of Khudiram Bose, “the first Bengali warrior rebel who was hanged by British Government”


(source: Wikipedia). Though the song describes Khudiram’s sacrifice for the sake of the country, the

primary intention of the writer was to instigate the young freedom fighters of Bengal. A historical

analysis of the song will tell us that the song was composed at a time when the entire country was

under the colonial rule, the purpose of which was not only to destroy the cultural and historical

background of Bengal but also to create terror among young generation so that they could not even

dare to indulge themselves with the freedom movement.

Besides, the song also contains a line- বডল�টরক ম�রর� ব�রয ম�রল�ম আররক ই�লনব�� [I wanted to kill the master,

But killed some other English people] that reveals the honest principle of the freedom fighters, whose

intention was not to kill any innocent Englishmen but to those, who, in the name of civilizing us, were

doing the extortion. (wikipedia)

Apart from the song Ekbar biday de Ma ghure ashi (Bengali: একব�র ববদ�য দদ ম� ঘ�রর আব�, English: "Bid me

goodbye Mother") there were several other songs composed during the time by some anonymous folk

singers. Though they were not so popular, but they possess strong nationalistic views and hatred for the

British Raj. One among those, is a song by Pagla Kanai that depicts the predicament of the suppressed

and repressed farmer under the colonial rule-

“This year, the dreadful rain is over flooded all jute and paddy

How the tax of Raja, the debt of Mahajan pay...” (quoted from Liton,56)

Thus it can be said that the folk songs written during the first decade of twentieth century were more or

less patriotic in nature as their primary emphasis was on raising the Nationalistic creed among Bengalis

so that they could, by leaving aside their caste and religion, unify against the Britiash Raj.

Post-Independence Bengal : A New Beginning

The evolution of the twentieth century Bengal, in the real sense of the term, began after the

independence. The culture and society suddenly took a drastic change with the departure of the British

in 1947. After that, the omnipresence of the colonial hangover in the form of globalization starts

grasping the every sphere of Bengali life by leading them to accept the age of virtual reality. Folk songs

of this era, which themselves have gone through an evolution in terms of Tune, Melody and language,

have depicted this minute transformation of the society and showed how Bengalis, in order to cope up

with the change that Globalization has brought, have started running for the culture of the other by

discarding their own heritage. In this regard two songs are worthy to be mentioned. They are Ami Delhi


Gelam , Bombay Gelam by Gostho Gopal and Chital Macher Muitha garam bhate Duita by Kharaj

Mukhejee. The former one describes the emergence of Metropolitan culture during 70s and the change

of the perspective of the society, while the latter one indicates how Bengalis have changed their

traditional food habits and have devoted themselves towards the continental one-

“Chital Macher Muitha garam bhate Duita

Chaira Bangli Khai China Japani luita Puita”

The latter song by Kharaj Mukherjee is important in the sense for the each stanza of the song upholds

different spheres of Bengali life and shows how the change has occurred there. For instance, the second

stanza of the song highlights how Bengalis are feeling ashamed in using their mother tongue as a

medium of communication while the third one criticises how Band music in the name of making fusion

is actually destroying the original tune and charm of the Bengali folk.

The change of Bengali culture becomes even more explicit in the song called ‘Tunir Maa’. Though this

song has not been appreciated in the Bengali intellectual circle, it is able to depict the degeneration of

certain values of Bengali society. A critical analysis will tell us that this song, which is based on the

tune of a popular Bhojpuri song, represents the change that has come into the perspective of the

Bengali youth. It describes how the innovation of cell phone has changed the traditional idea of giving

love proposal through letters by bringing in the art of missed call as an important way of saying- “I

love you” or “I care for you”. Apart from this, the language and the tune of the song have themselves

become an example of the evolution that Bengali folk has gone through during the ages.

Despite the continuous propensity of the Bengalis to make them fit with the globalized culture, few

branches of folk song, like Bhadugaan and Jhumur, though have gone through the process of

evaluation, are still able to retain their past glory. Both these types of folk songs delineate the life of the

marginalized. Modern Bhadu songs describe how lower sections of the society are passing their days

while the Jhumur tells the story of the tribals of Bankura and Purulia. For instance a popular Jhumur

song ‘Bankura Bazare Laz Lage’ portrays a picture of the tribal life of Bankura.

Like Jhumur, modern Bhadusongs also deal with the several problems of our society. The song ‘deri je

saina prane ,o Khokar baap bhadu shital dao ane’ , for instance, shows how women from the lower

strata of the society are still forced to be remained away from the main stream of the society as if they

do not even possess the voice of their own.

The evolution of Bengal has reached its zenith by holding the hand of globalization. It has brought a

drastic change in Bengali culture and society by affecting the every sphere of it. Even folk song, the


true product of the soil, while coping itself up with the newly formed Band culture has gone through

several changes. It has not been able to retain its past glory. But whatever may be the fact, folk song,

while playing its role as a social observer, has witnessed the evolution of twentieth century Bengal and

its long journey from ‘Ekbar Biday De Maa’ to ‘Tunir Maa’.

Works Cited

Liton, H. A. (2012, March 12). Minstrel Kanai’s quest for transcending communal barriers. The

Weekly Holiday, p. Miscellany.

Chaudhary, Sushil. IDENTITY AND COMPOSITE CULTURE : THE BENGAL CASE. Journal

of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh (Hum.), Vol. 58(1), 2013, pp. 1-25.

Goswami, Karunamaya. West Bengal and Bangladesh

Chakravarti, Sudhir. Bangla Ganer Sandhane.(1960) Calcutta: Aruna Prakashani

Dev, Chittaranjan. Banglar Palligiti. Calcutta: National Book Agency

Sayantan Thakur is Lecturer of English, Kabi Joydeb Mahavidyaya, Birbhum, West Bengal.

Patni System and Subinfeudation Rights in Bankura

Arundhuti Sen

Abstract: Bankura or Baancorah, an intregal part of Rarh Bengal had vertical socio-economic

structure which remained unalterable for the years. With the British penetration in Rarh Bengal, and

simultaneous introduction of new land revenue system, the socio-economic structure changed slowly

which led to the breakdown of the Bishnupur Raj and converted Bankura into semi-feudal tract

affecting the landed relations of the region. While examining the transition, this paper brings out the

example of patni system a new trend of subinfeudation system which was implanted by the Burdwan

Raj in soil of Bankura. With the legalization of patni tenure in 1819,the system gradually spread it

tentacle throughout in Bankura affecting the patterns and trends of the land revenue administration in

Bankura. This paper in short tries to explore the origin, growth of the putni system in Bankura and the

subsequent respond of the socio-economic magnets with the changing socio-economic dimension in

Bankura, an aspect which so long have been neglected or relegated back in the history.

Keywords: Rarh, Bankura, suinfeudation, patni, landed- interest.

Bankura, the western district of the Burdwan Division, is situated between 22. 38’ and 23. 38’ north

latitude and between 86’ 36’ and 87’ 46’ west longitude. It has an area of 2,621 square miles and

situated on north bank of the Dhalkisor river in 23’14’ N and 87’ 4’ E. 1

Bankura during medieval period was been part of ancient Bishnupur with the exception of thanas

Raipur and Khatra and of the western portions of the Bankura. When Bankura was seized The Raja of

Bishnupur was more or less reduced to the status of feudatory chief. With the British accession of

Bishnupur the settlement was made with raja Chaitnaya Singh the hustabood being fixed at Rs 3,86,708

payable to the government. The subsequent years were one the darkest chapter in the history of

Bankura. The Great Famine of 1770 drastically affected the vertical structure of Bishnupur Raj which

was so long based upon the allegiance of the local community who either perished or were apparently

eliminated from the scene within the few years after the introduction of Permanent Settlement.



The crisis of the Bishnupur Raj was accelerated by the mismanagement of the estate and the fratricidal

struggle of the Bishnupur Raj. By the year 1806 the whole of the ancient Bishnupur Raj had been sold

at public auction in lots from which originated the ten revenue paying estates of Bishnupur subdivision

of Bankura in the late 19th century- Bishnupur Karisunda, Jungle Mahals, Kuchiakol, Panchal, Jamtara,

Shahjora, Maliara. 2

With the displacement of Chaitnaya Singh the arch –rival of the Rajas of Burdwan a new era ushered

in the History of Bankura. While the Rarhi Brahman the land farmers under the realm of the Bishnupur

Raj continued to enjoy their strengthold in the landed properties bestowed upon them by the former

Raja Up in the hiearchical relation it was the Tejchand the Raja of Burdwan who tried to dominate most

by introducing new experiments in land-tenurial rights in form of patni system, the most notorious one

which he had earlier implemented in his own estate. Before plunging into details about the complicated

land-tenure system in Bankura it is necessary to know about the historical background that led to the

origin of putni tenure in the soil of Rarh Bengal.

The term “ Pattani” is most ambiguous one and probably had its origin from the Bengali word “Pattani”

system which means constituency or settlement. Hobson, Johnson also confirms the same. 3 Unlike

most of the other tenures of its time pattani had no pedigree. It had originated from the estate of

Burdwan within a few years after settlement and consecutively after availing its legal recognition

through Regulation VIII of 1819 it spreaded rapidly like wildfire throughout in the district of Bengal.

The creation of putni tenure saved the nascent family of Burdwan Raj and his newly built- estate from

the verge of salvation.

The idea of Putnee had its probable origin within the pros and cons of the Permanent settlement. As

Sirajul Islam observes “ One of the major drawback of the Permanent Settlement was its failure to take

to account the enormous changes that had been occurring in the agrarian relation from the beginning of

the 18th century”4 .

As the intermediate interest remained undefined the leaseholders normally aggravated the situation. For

Raja Tejchandra was already stucked off with uncesant family feud, vagaries of weather, decline in

population that greatly affected the rent collection to add to his woes he fall out in arrears and his


position began to stumble out By 1799. At this juncture Raja Tejchand had to face the serious crisis and

the only solution to save the newly built estate from the verge of dismemberment was to divide it and

sell it off in lots. Thus he parcelled out his estate in form of numerous tenure between his officials and

his relatives in to a new tenure known as patni tenure. By 1802 unofficially this system had become a

practice and the patni leaseholders leased out their land in similar manner resulting into the growth of

similar form of intermediate tenures in 2nd and 3rd strata known as dar-patni, se-patni, chahram-patni.

By the year 1806 when the larger estates of Bankura including that of Bishnupur came in the hand of

Tejchand, he devised the patni system in the terrain of Bankura. Historian shortly differs while stating

reason behind the origin of patni system in the district. The exact number of dar putni and se-patni in

the district at the beginnining of the 19th century is unknown. The Bankura estates belonging to the

Maharaja of Burdwan contained 241 putni Taluk alone.5Regarding the other estates that was within

the realm of Bankura many of them had fallen under the newly built political unit known as Jungle

Mahals, the number of the patnidars were comparatively to that of those which was under the

supervision of Tejchand. The same situation was prevalent even in the year 1825 when the entire estate

of Bankura except that of West Burdwan was let out as pattani tenures. Bankura being the jungle

mahals was not considered susceptible for cultivation.6

Before traversing the minute details available about the pattern of the development of putni system it is

necessary to know about the existing land tenure and the inferior rights which have developed in the

realms of Bankura’s land revenue administration ever from the Mughal days. A parallel study of the

land-system and the existing tenure will help us to understand about the patterns and the contradictions

and strife which the older communities faced out the outset.

The land system of Bankura from the days of the Mughal rule was largely based on patron-client

relationship. As such there evolved an integrated land system which were different from her

neighboring estate. Bengal from the Mughal period had seen the growth of feudal-structure which

governed the administration of Bengal. With the onset of British administration these socio-economic

elements consolidated and led to the growth of pyramid structure agrarian system in the soil of Rarh

This shifting changes determined the agrarian relation in Bengal which have been mentioned below:

i) Territorial Aristrocracy ( Zaminders of the Mughal period)

ii) Intermediate Landowners


iii) Small Landing community( jotedar, haoladar,gantidar, mourassi moukhari peasantry)

While the Territorial aristrocaciesrwho constituted The old Zamindars of The Bengal enjoyed vast

territorial rights and styled themselves as nobelities in Mughal court. Beyond them were the prosperous

intermediate land-owners who derived their allegiance to the Zamindars, they drew their subsistence

from agrarian production . Beyond them were local independent small land-owning community known

as jotedar, haoladar, gantidar,who also drew their subsistence level from agricultural produce however

the income incurred from the agricultural produce was less in comparison to that of intermediate

landowners.7 While this was almost a regular feature of Bengal that dominated its society in end quarter

of the 18th century to the beginning of the 19th century. Bankura bears an exception, as the

administrative structure under the Bishnupur Raj was centralized the Territorial magnets derived their

allegiance directly from the small landed gentry who enjoyed their landed rights in form of Jumma

pottah, jote, khoorfa and bhagjote. The leases were generally granted for an unlimited term and the

tenures were liable to an increase in rent.8 This was the spectacular feature of the land system of

Bankura which had witnessed the absence of intermediary tenure. Beside the traditional structure The

Rajas of Bishnupur had the service tenures known as be-Panchak (rent-free) and Panchak (nominal quit

rent). There were two types of service tenures in the district one paying their panchaki directly to the

government and another to the zamindars. In Maliara be-Panchak or entirely rent-free tenure exist, and

in Ganagajalghati police circle the ghatwals pay their panchaks to the zamindars or talukdars9.

Ghatwals and chaukidars usually derived their income from the service rendered to the authority. This

was more or less the land-owning structure of the Bankura which was predominant from the Mughal

days. With the disposition of Raja of Bishnupur the hierarchical relation got distrained. It was at this

juncture when the Raja of Burdwan Tejchand tried to dismantle the existing realm by imposing a new

section of puppet landlords in Bankura. What the Raja failed to understand that the imposition of

superstructure cannot ensure the development of the economy, what followed afterwards was the series

of clashes between the patnidars with the existing older communities who tried to protect their rights at

cost of their life.

From the late 18th century to the 19th century the patni system developed its root within the terrain of

Bankura. Nevetheless the pattern of development of patni system was slow and sluggish when

compared with her neighbouring counterpart of Burdwan, Birbhum, Hooghly, but yet the patni

system slowly developed here and gradually enrooted itself in the soil of Bankura. With the widening


land market, prospect of commercialization, prospects of and the entrance of the local person in the

market, patni system witnessed a tremendous changes in Bankura.

To begin with the process of subinfeudation in accordance with the patni system it is necessary to

declassify the entire 19th century into two parts. The year 1802-1820 when Maharaj Tejchand had

started to leas out his estates to the local farmers or the rentiers who was prosperous and eager to invest

in land. This trend was more visible in West Burdwan where the Sarkar Family of Ukhra,

Chattopadhay of Andal, Roys of Banakati, Samanto of Palashdiha, Chattopadhay of Amrai deserves

special mention.10 Most of them were Rarhi Brahman who had acquired their land by virtue of their

allegiance. These Rarh cult Brahman played an important role in transforming the economy West

Rarh. The lower stratum of the society specially the jungle estate was dominated by the hillsman or the

tribesmen who formed the core of the Mandali system. The Mandali system played a pivotal role in

clearing off the extending the cultivation in the remote unaccessed forest land of Bankura, Birbhum

and even in West Burdwan.

The second phase commencing from 1820s onward is identified with the stage when the landed

property rose in value, more and more lands were brought under cultivation. These improvements were

undertaken by the Ghatwals who had held considerable amount of land in the service of the Bishnupur

and the immigratory Santhal tribes. As soon as the prospect of the land developed, The Santhals were

continuously ejected out and the rival parties of patni taluqdars and ghatwals laid claim to the land.11

Along with the ghatwals the lakhirajdar and other intermediate tenure came into clash with the

patnidars regarding their claimant. Such disputes were frequent and the issue largely dependent on the

basis of the documents available and the strength of the rival parties. The nature of the disputes related

to landed properties in 19th century could be deducted from the few case studies related to civil suits in

West Burdwan and Bishnupur division in Bankura.

Case no 1:(Instance of clash between mourassi moukharidars and patnidars

The mourassi moukharri rights were hereditary rights bestowed to the cultivators. At the time of the

Decennial Settlement all moukharidars who had held their land during Mughal period and got grant

since Company’s accession were disposed. The moukharidars who had enjoyed title for more than 12

years were declared to be valid. Regulation Viii of 1819 empowered patni talookdar to right to sublet


the tenure to similar form of interest to the maner inconveniable to him. In the process of conduct of the

sale the purchaser of the saleable tenure were restrained to eject a khood-khast ryot or resident and

hereditary cultivator, nor to bonafide engagements made with such tenant by the late incumbent or his

representative except any controversies arising on plea of adjustment of rent.

As the rights of the moukhari ryots remained undefined and they had to show the legal proof of their

occupancy of their rights for 12years mostly they fall prey to the patnidars who easily grab off the

former rights on flimsy pretext.

In Sheerocomaree Debia versus Keshub Chander Boose & others( High Court Calcutta 1872).

Sheerocoomaree Debia a moukhradar instituted a suit regarding the alleged possession of certain land

of Beesondopur and 7 mouzah in Bistopooria as patni which previously had been granted to her as

moukhaari Mouzari rights. The mouzah was sold and portion of the property was given as durputnee

to kheeturnath Bose and Hungshewar Bose in 1849. When the Magistrate asked the widow to take

possession over her property the durpatnidar objected claiming the portion to be the part of their

durputnee which have been sold free of incumberence. 12After the series of hearing and on the basis of

documents of the widow confirming her moukharri rights The Sudder Dewaany adawalut gave verdict

in favor of Sheercoomaree Debia overruling the suit of Durpatnidar and patnidar against her while

protecting the rights of the former in accordance to the clauses of Regulation Viii of 1819.

Case No 2( Patnidars vs Ghatwals) The ghatwali tenure were the service tenure created by the raja

of Bishnupur. They were the body of military personnels employed by the king to combat The Maratha

Forces who had ravaged the frontier of Bengal in the beginning of the 18th century. The sarkari

panchaki mahals which was separated in 1802 and continued to be the part of Government estate was

roughly estimated as 35,282 Bigha and half mouza during the division. This mahals was part of

government even after Bishnupur had passed over in the hands of the Burdwan Raj in 1806. While the

Raja of Burdwan retained his control over the Zamindari panchaki, The sarkari panchaki mahals and

ghatwals under the control of the government enjoyed greater power in their terrain. The regulation

VIII of 1819 did not make any specification about the rights of the Zamindari ghatwali neither did it

make any regulation relating to ceiling of the land holdings of the sarkari ghatwali. As their rights

remained undefined it became easier for them to delude the authorities and to encroach more and more


land and bring it under their sway. This instance was true in court proceedings of two parallel cases of

Messers Watson & Company versus Gopal Bahador Sirdar. Messers Watson & Company Versus

Seerocoomaree Debi where Messers Watson and Company filed a suit against the ghat of Bakoondah

for serruptitiously holding apportion of plaintiff’s land as ghatwali tenure. The plaintiff claimed that

the ghats had allegedy 2,890 acre land in excess of their possession. The allegation brought against the

appellant seemed to be true partly because of absence of written documents or maps giving proof to

the demarcation and largely due to the negligence of the authority by computing the area on basis of

assumption. Finally in its verdict in the year 1831 the Sudder dewanny adwalut dismissed the suit on

the ground that the alleged ghatwali land was part of the government property and as the ghatwals paid

their rent to the government , they owe their responsibility to the government solely. As such no

redemption on the part of the patniholders could be entertained. The plaintiff would not be liable to any

compensation.13

If absence of the records was the principle problem for determining the amount of ghatwali land,even

the presence of cadastrial survey map was not enough to determine the area . Such instance was seen in

the court case of Ram Ballav Marwari vs Mriganka Lal Mukherjee in the year 1925. An appeal against

a decision of the District Judge of Bankura was bought by the plaintiff who sued the defendant to

recover the possession of plot of land about 1 bigha. The plaintiff bought land as lease from patnidar

Ali Zamin in the year 1285. Whereas the defendant purchased the patni right and the patni arid rent

sales in the year 1913 and 1914. The dispute between the parties was that whether the land in suit is

included in the land which was leased to the plaintiff The lease had not been translated to them. The

alleged land measuring 2.5 bighas from north to south , and 16 cothas from west to east The

plaintiff’s father had taken settlement of ghatwals land immediately to the land leased by the

patnidars . The ghatwali land measured would not include any in suit. After a series of observation

and on the basis of the survey concluded it was concluded that the disputed land was included in the

land leased under the patta of 1285 A.D. Even when the boundary was erected by the plaintiff’s father

in between his ghatwal possession and the alleged land he had informed it to the patnidar. The case was

dismissed on the ground that the land was brought through adverse possession. It was further argued

that there could be no title by adverse possession since his purchase at a patni and rent sale would give

and right to the land as it was the creation of the patni tenure without any encumbrance subsequently

created thereon. 14


Case No 3: Patnidar Vs Lakhirajdar-

Regulation VIII of 1819 and Regulation I of 1820 did not provide space for the lakhirajdar claimants

on any compensation to the patnidar over the disputable lakhiraj tenure falling within the ambit of the

patni tenure. As the Burdwan Zamindars subleted the land even from his Khas management most of

the time the lakhiraj tenure ( rent-free tenures) came under the jurisdiction of the patni tenure. This led

severe constraint on the part of the patnidar who had incurred severe loss due to reduction in rent. Such

instances were also seen in case of Bankura.

In the year 1825 when a certain portion of Talook of Rampal under the Jurisdiction of Court of wards

was bought to sale due to arrear. The defaulter filed a petition to recover the putni tenure which was

part of his lakhiraj claim in Jungle Mahals. As the defaulter failed to prove his lakhiraj claims over the

disputed lands his claims were sabotaged, and the tenure was sold out due to arrears on 8 th December

1825. 15

Similarly in the case of Maharaj Dheeraj Mahatub Chand Bahadoor vs Esharchunder Bonorjee in the

year 1833 the appellant brought a suit against the occupation of lakhiraj property and demanding the

reduction of the patni jumma for the loss incurred. The Court after a series of proceedings claimed that

the seller was not responsible for the loss sustained since it was not possible for the loss sustained and

it was not possible for the seller to hold tit-a-bit information regarding the nature of land included in the

patni tenure as such the plantiff will not be subjected to any redemption.16

From the case studies it was quite evident that regarding the question of service tenure or lakhiraj claim

the government failed to take any decision in the favour of the patnidars. As it was not possible for the

zamindars to keep minute details of the tenure the sezwals purposely bought the land under the aegis of

patni. This fraudulent was common and could not effectively ruled out due to absence of land records

pertaining to issue or subduing of the records as it was done during the preparation of Baze Zameen

Dufter.

The worst sufferer in the case was the ryots who stood at the bottom of the pyramidal structure. As the

practice was common, the patnidars was forced to incur his losses directly through the peasantry in

form of over taxation. As soon as the imposition in form of levies became more prominent


protracted struggles and occasional outburst in form of Bhumij Revolt of 1833 in the outskirts of

Jungle Mahals and also latter in other tribal outburst.

Another notable feature of the patni system was the rapid transfer of patni tenure in the hand of indigo

planters. 17From 1840’s onwards the land was leased out in form of patni tenure to the indigo planters at

concessional rate for 5years. With the increasing profits and rapid growing market of the indigo, the

planters tried to grab more and more and more land from the zamindars. The planters often came into

clash with the local magnets for renewing their temporary contracts which under most occasion was

denied by the local zamindar.18 Bankura too witnessed a certain change in the sphere of landed interest

with the coming of Eriskine , John Watson & Company who emerged out as the potential business men

in Bankura.

The development and severe transition of patni tenure affected the society as it arrested the spheres of

progress partly due to the administrative intricacies and largely due to the transition from semi-feudal

to capitalist society which Bankura witnessed from beginning of the 18th century to the late nineteenth

century . Administrative intricacy faulty land revenue policy and regular collision with the ghatwals

and lakhirajdars had disrupted the economy but at the root level it worstly affected the society

leading to social degradation. Another spectacular feature of the economy was the gradual substitution

of higher caste Hindus in place of old Hindu aristocratic families which T.R. Mclane rightly describes

“ a host of lesser parvenus”. Though the superimposition of patni system have led to the beginning of

a complex process of subinfeudation of tenures . Although this have progressively reduced the

economic returns from individual estates it did permit an extra ordinarily families to share in

landholding.19

Thus the complete displacement of the Rajas of Bishnupur and their farmers by the patni taluqdars

and the zamindars by the Raja of Burdwan never did brought any significant changes in the transfer of

the land from the original occupants to the outsiders. Up above the top of the hierarchical relations

were altered with the emergence of the intermediary tenure and introduction of the patni tenure in the

realm of the Bankura, but lower below the stratum it worstly hid hard the interest of the ryots and the

tribal . In process to adjust with the social stratum the patnidars came into clash with the existing

tenure holders in form of lakhirajdars ghatwals and the other interest . This clashes were the outcome of


transition from semi- feudal economy to the capital that Bankura underwent in the nineteenth century.

To add to the woe this transition coincided with the years of the famine and distress . This transition

affected the society resulting in the augmentation of criminal activities in the region. In words of Col

Gastrell the surveyor General of Bancoorah district the general condition of the people when

compared to the other districts of East was in complete distress. The complete removal of single

intregrated political authority was also responsible for this distress. However with the consolidation of

political authority and separation of Bankura as district things gradually developed the patni system

was well-implanted and economy got stable with sign of prosperity that ushered a new hope in the land

revenue history of Bankura.

Notes and Reference

1) L.S.S O. Malley, Bengal District Gazetteers Bankura, Bengal Secretariat Book Depot,Calcutta

1908 p-1

2) Ratnalekha Roy, Change in Bengal Agrarian Society (1750-1850) Manohar, New Delhi 1979 pp-

119

3) According to Hobson Johnson. The Hindi and Bengali word Pattani is derived from the word patta

which means to be agreed amidst.

4) Sirajul Islam , Bengal Land Tenure, The origin and growth of intermediate interest in 19 th century ,

K.P Bagchi & Co, Calcutta 1988, pp-10

5) William.Wilson. Hunter, A Statistical Account of Bengal vol-4, Trubner London 1877 pp-251

6) (Anonymous), The Territorial Aristrocacy of Bengal: The Bardwan Raj, Calcutta Review, vol-59,

no- 108, (1872) pp-180

7) Bisharup Goswami, Chirosthayi Bondobostho O Krishaker Gatishilata (1793-1814) (in

Vernacular) in Bankura Parichay edited by Amiya Patra & ors pp- 52

8)


8) Fourth Report from The Select Committee on Colonization and settlement(India) Together with the

Proceedings of the Committee Minutes of Evidence and Appendix, 23 July 1851 pp-435

9 ) William Wilson Hunter, op cited; pp-263

10) For details see Sushil Bhattacharya: Durgapurer Itihas Sobhotta O sanskriti (in Vernacular)

Samkal, Kolkata ,2006,p- 47

11) Ratnalekha Roy op cited; pp- 129

12) For details see, D. Sutherland, Judgement of the Privy Council on Appeals from India 1831[-

1880], Vol-2, London, Thacker spinker & Company, reprinted in Calcutta and Bombay 1871, pp-582-

585.

13) Decision of the Sudder Dewanny adwalaut Recorded in conformity with Act XII, 1843, in 1860,

Calcutta 1861 pp-643-44.

14) Ram Ballav Marwari vs Mriganka Lal Mukherjee, http/ accessed/Indian kanon.org

15) Proceedings of Board of Revenue(Court of Wards) 1st February 1826, No 56-57

16) For details see, Report of Cases Determined in the Court of Sudder Dewanny Adawalut vol-7,

Bhowanipore: 1875, pp-211-12

17) The existence of the putnee tenure within the ambit of indigo planters could be deducted from,

Chittabrata Palit- Tension in Rural Bengal, Landlords, Planters and Colonial Rule Cambridge 2011-

Appendix: pp-21

18) Parimal Bandopadhay, Bhumi o Bhumi Sanskar, Shekal O Ekal, Dey’s Publishing Kolkata 2007,

pp-98


19) John Broomfield, Elite Conflict in a Plural society, Twentieth Century Bengal, University of

California, Press, Berkley and Los Angles, 1968, p-6

Arundhuti Sen is a research scholar in Department of history, Visva-bharati, Santineketan, West

Bengal. She is currently working on the topic Society Economy and landed interest in South-west

Rarh Bengal (1820-1865). Her other research interest includes the cultural history of Rarh Bengal.

Situating Ramaprasad Chanda

Rahul Kumar Mohanta

Abstract: Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay and Rabindranath Tagore wanted the new historians to

search about country’s own heritage. Bankim was unhappy that the Bengalis had no recorded and

written history. He gave a call to the Bengal Scholar’s come and contributes to the history writing .This

motivation led to establishment of a research institution called Varendra Research Society by

Akshaya Kumar Maitra, Sarat Kumar Ray and Ramaprasad Chanda who set up to renovate the precise

history of Bengal. Chanda was one of the few historians of Bengal who had own style of thinking. The

present paper is an attempt to situate the works of Ramaprasad Chanda of a pioneer in Bengali

regional history writing .

Keywords: Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, Rabindranath Tagore, Varendra Research Society

,Akshaya Kumar Maitra, Sarat Kumar Ray , Ramaprasad Chanda, Regional History Writing.

Ramaprasad Chanda (1873-1942) founder secretary of the VARENDRA RESEARCH SOCIETY at Rajshahi and

made substantial contributions to various disciplines of human knowledge such as ancient history,

archaeology, anthropology, literature and philosophy. He had proficiency in English, Pali and Sanskrit,

as well as his mother tongue, Bengali. Ramaprasad Chanda was one of the few historians of Bengal and

also India who had own style of thinking. The knowledge of the actual structure of the Indian society is

possibly only through archaeology and anthropology which were deeply understood by Chanda. It does

not mean that he was neglected to literary sources. He had a great mastery of Sanskrit language,

literature, epigraphy, paleography, art, architecture and sculpture, linguistics and anthropology. Chanda

was different as a historian because of his modernism outlook. His thinking towards historical

researches is greatly acknowledged by modern historians of our time. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay

wanted the new historians to search for Bengal’s own heritage.



The intellectuals of Rajsahi, like Akshaya Kumar Maitra, Sarat Kumar Ray and Ramaprasad Chanda

who set up a research institution called Varendra Research Society to reconstruct the precise history of

Bengal. The Varendra research Society (Varendra Anusandhan Samiti) was among one of these

societies which was established inRajshahi, now in Bangladesh, in the year 1910, primarily with the

objective of ―sequential investigation of evidences in Varendra 1 region.2For these reasons we can find

that Bankim Chandra Chatterjee had not only pleaded for historical studies but also emphasized upon

the importance of writing of history through his various essays like Muscle power of the Bengalees

(Bangaleer Bahubal), The Disgrace of India (Bharatkalanka), A Few Words Regarding the History of

Bengal (‗Banglar Itihash Sammondhe koekti Katha), The Disgrace of Bengal (Banglar kalanka) and

many others. Bankim Chandra has written:There is no accessible history of Bengal, whatsoever is there

is not history, rather fictions—only some narratives of the alien, invaders of Bengal and their

biographies. We claim for the history of Bengal, else Bengal will be short of conviction. Who will

write?You will write, I will write, all of us will be writing it. Anyone who is a Bengalee needs to

scribble it down. Even if the mother is dead, yet what delight in retelling her accounts? And since this

Bengal, the land ofour birth is our universal mother, and then is there no obvious enjoyment in

chronicling about her? 3. After the death of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee in 1894, the cause was taken up

by Rabindranath. Under his editorial, the Bengali journal entitled Sadhana started publishing essays

related to the history of Bengal. In the preface to the first volume of Aitihashik Chitra,Tagore has

written:

.....in memorizing entirely the history written by others, one might become an scholar or might score

high marks in the examination, however, the impetus that is required in indigenous writing of history

by collecting the native historical ingredients, that results not into eruditeness alone. That will create

current in the stagnant pool of our mindscape. That instigation, that endeavor will enliven us. 4

Akshaya Kumar himself wrote: ―Due to the dearth of our indigenous history, we have become the

object of ridicule by the foreigners...we don’t write our history; don’t show deserving respect to

someone who is writing history; whether it is ancient or modern, we are equally indifferent to all.

Presently in the newly awakened realm of Bengali literature,fictions are acclaimed more day by day.

On the other hand, due to people’s apathy, history of our land is getting dormant. Whatever is

flourishing in the name of history is in majority, a mere derivation of the conclusions drawn by the

foreign writers.5


Ramaprasad Chanda was so very influenced by reading Bankim Chandra’s essays related to history that

he could not stop himself from meeting Bankim Chandra. In that interaction with Bankim Chandra he

had expressed of his preparation of writing an authentic history of Bengal. Having motivated him,

Bankim Chandrarecommended him to go for an effortful collection of evidences 22. Ramaprasad

Chanda confessed of BankimChandra’s influence upon him in his account entitled Bankim Chandra O

Banglar Itihash: “- - - having going through this touching episode, many Bengalee Youth aspiring to

be poets had got inclinedtowards history. Having invited to play the leading role in the discourse of

historical criticism, I feel honoured and whatever hard work I have undertaken, seems to be

successful.’’6

Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay called every Bengali to participate in the mission of the writing of

Bengali people’s history. Bankim was unhappy that the Bengalis had little recorded and written history.

He gave a call to the Bengal scholars come and contribute to the history writing. 7 Itihase Bangali was

one of the remarkable composition of Chanda. His outstanding essay’s had been published in Prabasi,

Manasi o Marmabani and Sahitya patrika. 8 In this paper an attempt has been to situate the works of

Ramaprasad Chanda of a pioneer in Bengali regional history writing with some reflections.

He was born on 15 August 1873 at Sreedharkhola in Vikrampur Pargana under Munshiganj district.Son

of Kaliprasad Chanda, Ramaprasad passed the Entrance Exam in 1891 from Dhaka Collegiate School,

FA in 1893 from Dhaka College, and BA in 1896 from Duff College (now Scottish Church College), an

institution affiliated to Calcutta University. After graduation he remained unemployed for about five

years, during which period he studied regularly in the Imperial Library (now National Library) and

started writing. A few of his articles on ancient history were eventually published. As a result, he was

able to attract the attention of a British professor of the PRECIDENCY COLLEGE and got the job of a teacher

in the Hindu School of Calcutta. He grew up in utter poverty because of his father’s economic

condition was not stable. From Hindu School of Calcutta, Chanda was transferred to Rajsahi Collegiate

School in 1905.9

Chanda was a sincere reader of all subjects, but he became mainly interested in anthropology under the

influence of Sir H. Risley’s Census Report of 1901 which soon occupied a position of prestige. Risley

divided the people of India into seven broad groups, labeled as Mongoloid, Indo-Aryan, Dravidian,


Mongolo-Dravidian, Aryo-Dravidian, Scythe-Dravidian and Turko-Iranian. But Chanda vehemently

disregarded Risley's views as arbitrary, politically biased, and based on inadequate data .While working

in the Hindu school two of his valuable papers were published in East and West , one dealing with the

relation between India and Babylon(1905) and other with the origin of the races of Bengal(1970) and

admired by contemporary scholars. Subsequently, these papers were published under the title of Indo

Aryan Races, considered an invaluable work by anthropologists.10

Ramaprasad at Rajsahi became acquainted with Kumar Sarat Kumar Roy of Dighapatia and Akshay

Kumar Maitra. The three of them had an identity of interest which contributed a lot to the cause of

historical researches. Their collective effort made the Vangiya Sahitya Sammelan, held at Rajsahi in

1909.Here Chanda read a paper on the races of Bengal which drew attention of scholars. The three

friends then decided undertake an antiquarian exploration in North Bengal. Ram Kamal Sinha and

RAKHALDAS BANDYOPADHYAY joined them from Calcutta. And in their first attempt they were able to

collect as many as 32 sculptural specimens including the famous Parvati of Mandoli. This encouraged

them for further explorations and for the establishment of Varendra Anusandhana Samiti(Varendra

Research Society) in 1910. Roy and Maitreya became respectively the president and director of the

organization, while Chanda was its secretary.11 North Bengal come into lime light of history since the

days of the emergence of the city in pundanagala (Pundranagara) on the bank of the Karatoya in C. 3rd

century B.C. We had to wait for a few centuries more down to the age of Guptas to have a clearer

picture about the socio-economic life of the people of this land.The rise of Gaudadhipa Sasanka the

most significant event in the history of Bengal in the post- Gupta epoch.12

The Varendra Anusandhana Samiti published a series of research works. Chanda’s Gaudarajamala was

its first publication. This was first history of Bengal written purely on the basis of epigraphic

evidence.The Indo-Aryan Races published in 1916, is the fifth book of this series. This work , which

came to be regarded as a monumental work in the field of Indian anthropology. Kumar Sarat Roy was

very much attracted towards the anthropological researches of Chanda.13 Renowned historian

D.C.Sircar commented that the ‘‘Varendra Anusandhan Samiti(Varendra Research Society) with its

museum was established by Akshaykumar at Rrajshahi in 1910 in collaboration with Kumar Sarat Roy

of Dighapatiya and Ramaprasad Chanda who was then a teacher at Rajshahi Collegiate School. The

aim of the trio was the collection and preservation of antiquities as well as encouraging the study of the


history and culture of Bengal in general but North Bengal in particular.Sarat kumar was the benefactor,

Akshaykumar the Director and Ramaprasad the Founder –Secretary. The three of them took

considerable pains in touring the rural areas of the neighbourhood and not only succeeded in collecting

a large number of antiquities of great value but alo planned the publication of a series of scientific

treatises, of which the first two volume, viz, Chanda’s Gaudarajamala and Maitreya ‘s

Gaudalekhamala, appeared as early as 1912.It is now well known how greatly significant has been the

contribution of the collection and publications and of the society the study of the history of Bengal ,

especially to the early period of its investigation. A number of younger students of the subject (such as

U.N.Ghoshal, R.G.Basak, D.C. Bhattacharyya and many others) received an inspiration for research

mainly from their contact with the said institution.” 14 Panchkari Bandopadhyay commented about the

Gaudarajamala of Ramaprasad Chanda that

‘‘ Gour bhabukgan gan kariachen,-

mone parilo re,- amar sei bajrabhumi!’’15

Chanda stated that Gour had ancient history. Rakhaldas Bandopadhyay had greatly praised the

Gaudarajamala but in certain point he disagreed with him. His writings on the heritage of Gauda can

be considered systematic attempt to write a history of Bengal, In Gaudarajamala he made a discussion

about the Khalimpur copper plate inscription of the pala king Dharmapala. 16Indo-Aryan Races was the

monumental work of Ramaprasad Chanda. Keith had rightly observed, ‘this forms a valuable addition

to the literature dealing with the origin of the Indo-Aryan peoples….His opinions gain greatly both in

value and clearness from their ordered exposition, and whatever conclusions be arrived at as regards his

main these, all interested in the question must recognize the catholic character of his erudition , and the

ingenuity and effectiveness of his arguments which render his work a serious contribution to the subject

with which it deals.”17

For a long span of time, big quantities of archaeological materials have been coming out from the land

known as Varendra bhumi. At the request of the Sir John Marshall, then director of the archaeological

survey of India, took Chanda as a paid scholar in his department in the year 1916.Having joined the

archaeological department, Chanda made an elaborate catalogue of the Sanchi findings and published

two valuable research works, of which the first was Dates of the Votive Inscriptions on the Stupa at

Sanchi. It was published in 1919 as the first Memoir of the ASI.In this work, in which the Brahmi

inscriptions from the third century B.C to the second century A.D. are chronologically arranged.


Chanda insisted on the importance of sculptures as criteria for determining the dates of the Indian

monuments. The second work, Archaeology and Vaisnava Traditions, published in 1920 as the fifth

Memoir of the ASI is one of the best works on Vaisnavism. For two years Chanda was associated with

the excavations at Taxila, Mathura, Sarnath and at many places in Southern India. Sir John Marshall,

who had a deep feeling of affection and respect for Chanda, wanted to make him the government

appointed superintendent of Varendra Anusandhana Samiti’s museum, but he could not succeed owing

to the indifferent attitude of the government of Bengal. Incidentally, however he got an appointment in

the post of a lecturer in the newly established post-graduate department of Ancient Indian History and

Culture of the Calcutta University. This was possible because of Sir Ashutosh who had a deep respect

for genuine scholarship. Very soon the university opened its anthropological department of which

Chanda, was appointed as the head. He was elected a fellow of the Asiatic society in 1920, since then

he was its anthropological secretary for many years. In 1921, at the request of Sir John Marshall, he

gave up the university service and accepted the post of the Superintendent of the Archaeological

Section, Indian Museum. For ten years until his retirement in 1932, Chanda was associated with the

Indian Museum.This was the golden period of his literary activities. Many of his valuable papers were

published in the Annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India. In a paper entitled The

Visvantara Jataka at Bharhut (AR: ASI, 1921-1922) he gave a brief account of his discovery of a

representation of the said Jataka story in a bas-relief of Bharhut.

In another paper (AR: ASI, 1921-1923) he dealt with the history of Mathura school of sculpture, while

in a third (The Lingaraja or the Great Temple of Bhuvanevara,AR:ASI, 1923-1924) he pointed out that

like the Rajarani and the Meghesvara, the Brahmesvara and the Lingaraja represent a single line of

artistic tradition , the latter monument having been in all probability erected by one of the ancestors of

Udyotakeari. The Svetambara and Digambara Images of the Jains appeared in (AR: ASI, 1925-1926).

The lecture which he delivered in 1923 as the president of the history section of the Bengal Literary

Conference at Radhanagar was published from Calcutta in 1924 under the name Murti o Mandira. The

tiltle of Rai Bahadur was conferred on him in 1925 by the Government of India as recognition of his

historical researches.

In 1926 Chanda’s Indus Valley in the Vedic Period was published as thee Memoir No.31 of the ASI.

This work also entitled Survival of the Prehistoric Civilization of the Indus Valley (Memoir No.41 of


the ASI 1929) from the basis of the well-known theory that the barbarians who destroyed the Harappa

civilization were no other than the Vedic Aryans. In 1927 his Beginnings of Art in Eastern India was

published as the Memoir No.30 of the ASI. In this important work, Chanda dealt with the following

subjects:Art and Vedic religion, Art in the Primitive Religious of Eastern India, Pataliputra and

Persepoles, Imperialism of Asoka , Edicts of Asoka, Asokan Art , and later Mauryan Art.His

Excavations at Sarnath was published in AR: ASI for 1927-1928.Another work entitled The Bhanja

Dynasty of Mayurbhanj came out in 1929.His Exploration in Orissa came out in 1930 as the Memoir

No.44 of the ASI.In this book he dealt with the findings from Jajpur, Naiatigiri Udaygiri, Ratnagiri,

Kendrapara and Chauduar. The book also contains his valuable discussion on the Buddhist monument

of Orissa, medieval art, Maharaja Subhakara and Monk prajna and the Mother-goddesses.18

In 1934, Chanda went to England to represent India in the international Congress of Anthropological

and Ethnographical Science. The lecture which he delivered there was published in the same year from

London under the name Race and Cult in India. In the same year he was elected President of the

Anthropological Section of the Indian Science Congress, and in his presidential address he sought to

prove that the Buddhist and Jain ideas were not sudden reaction against Brahmanism and they

represented a stream of thought coming from the Vedic days. This also holds good in the cases of the

Saiva religion and the Yoga system. While in London, at the request of the British museum authorities

his Medieval Indian Sculpture in the British Museum was written which was published from London in

1936.19 Principal of this Museum R.L.Hobson had praised this book.20In 1938, in collaboration with

Mr.J. K.Majumdar, he edited the Official letters and Documents relating to the Life of Raja Rammohan

Roy. This was his last major work.

Assessing the role of Ramaprasad Chanda on the history of Bengal, we consider the statement of

Kumar Sarat Roy as very significant. Following the death of Akshay Kumar Maitra, at the Annual

conference of Varendra Anusandhana Samiti in 1930 President Kumar Sarat Kumar Roy stated that ‘In

June following (i.e.1910), I undertook the second trip to Khanjanpur in the Bogra district, accompanied

by Messrs.Moitra, Chanda and Babu(now Rai Shaheb) Rajendra Lal Acharyya, then in charge of the

Khanjanpur Khash Mahal, was our host and guide,…………It was Khanjapur that the idea of

organizing ourselves into a society occurred to us and I was called president , Mr. A.K.Moitra Director

and Mr.R. Chanda Honourary Secretary. In this tour we began to collect specimen in the name of the


Rajshahi Museum.”21Historian Radhagobinda Basak in his book History of North Eastern India in

introduction (12th December,1933) was written that ‘‘the first inspiration and encouragement for

attempting to undertake such works on ancient Indian history came to me from the illustrious trio,who

founded the Varendra Research Society at Rajshahi(in the old Pundravardhanabhukti), I mean my

friend Kumar Sarat Kumar Roy of Dighapatia, M.A,M.L.C; the Late Akshoy Kumar Maitreya

B.L.C.I.E, and Rai Rama Prosad Chanda Bahadur, B.A. to whom I take this opportunity to pay tribute

of high respect.” 22

He had inaugurated a new chapter in Bengal's historiography by using rock edict and copper plate

inscriptions. He was the first to use this. Ramaprasad Chanda passed away at Allahabad on the 28 th day

of May 1942.It goes without saying that he was one of the pioneer historians on the history of Bengal.

He had his own legacy. The establishment of the Varendra Research Society and the Varendra Research

Museum paved the way for nationalist awareness to search for the glorious past of the nation. Chanda’s

message generated an ideal and a model before the newly emerging group of professional young

Bengali historians.

Notes and References:

1. Chanda, Ramaprasad, Gaudarajamala, Varendra Research society, Rajsahi, 1912, see

Upakramnika (Forward) by A. K. Maitra; see also Annual Report for the years 1925-16,

1926-27, 1935-36 & 1949.

2. Maitra, A. K., Uttarbangyer Puratatva Sangraha in Uttarbangyer Puratatva: Sankhipta

Itihash, Akshaya Kumar Maitra Museum,University of North Bengal, 2005, p. 7

3. Sahitya, 7th year, No-1100, 1303 B.S., p.653

4. Chatterjee, Bankim Chandra, Banglar Itihash Sammondhe Koekti Katha, in Bankim

Rachnaballee, edited by Yogesh Chandra Bagol,calcutta, Sahitya Samsad, Part-II, 1401

B.S., p.291.

5. Aitihashik Chitra, Rabindra Rachanabali, part-V, p.599

6. Bharatbarsha, 1344 B.S., Magha, P. 282

7. Chattopadhay , Bankim Chandra ‘Banglar Itihas Sambondhe Koyekti Katha’,

Bangadarshan, Agrahayan Sankhya, Bengali year 1287(1880),337.Later published in

Bankim Rachanaavali, Vol.II, Sahitya Samsad, Calcutta, 1950.


8. Chanda , Ramaprasad Itihase Bangalee with the Introduction by R.C.Majumdar published

in Bangiya Sahitya patrika Vol.III , under the name of Ramaprasad Chanda,1380 B.S., p.3.

9. Ibid, p.5.

10. Ibid, p.6.

11. Chanda, Ramaprasad Indo Aryan Races, Rajshahi: Varendra Research Society (1916),

p.iv.

12. Das, S.R Rajbadidanga, 1962, Calcutta, 1968,p.43.

13. Chanda Ramaprasad, Itihase Bangalee, K.P. Bagchi & Company, Calcutta, 1981,

Republished, 1997,with the Introduction by R.C.Majumdar published in Bangiya Sahitya

patrika Vol., under the name of Ramaprasad Chanda, , 1380 B.S., p.5.

14. Bhattacharya P.K. and B.N.Mukherjee(ed.) Early Historical Perspective of North

Bengal(Seminar Papers) ,North Bengal University, 1987, p.11.

15. Chanda ,Ramaprasad Gaudarajamala, Rajshahi, Varendra Research Society (1912),

Dey’s Publishers, 2005., p.173.

16. Ibid , p.171.

17. Chanda, Ramaprasad. Indo-Aryan Races, Indological Books Corporation, New

Delhi1976,(Introduction by Ramesh Chandra Majumdar), p.v.

18. Chanda, Ramaprasad Itihase Bangali with the Introduction by R.C.Majumdar published

in Bangiya Sahitya patrika Vol.III, under the name of Ramaprasad Chanda,1380 B.S., p.9.

19. Ibid , pp.9-12.

20. Ibid, p.10

21. Chowdhury, Nirmal Chandra. Akshay Kumar Maitreya: Jibon o Sadhana, p.97.

22. Ibid, p.102.

Rahul Kumar Mohanta is an Mphil Scholar in the Department of History, University of North Bengal.

Changing Role of Women in Vaishnavite Cult of 17th Century

Bengal

Laboni Sarkar

Abstract:

After the invasion of Turks in Bengal the period of Smriti Shastras started. The orthodox Brahman

leaders of Bengal created their own Hindu rules and regulations to protect the Hindu society from the

touch of Muslims, especially to protect Hindu women which made the condition of women miserable.

But Shri Chaitanya Deva and his liberal Vaishnava religion challenged both the oppressive Smarta

laws and buttressed the social modes. The social perspective of Bengal was conditioned by the

responses from the Vaishnavite movements. Especially the condition of women within Vaishnava society

was changed remarkably as a result of such movement. So it is interesting to ponder over the gender

question through the lens of Vaishnava movement. The central question is whether it could successfully

challenge the dominant patriarchal notions in a traditional society or not. In the recent past there is a

spate to look into the gender question and my present work, in a small capacity, wants to address these

questions.

Introduction:

The Culture and society of Bengal had undergone certain important changes after the invasion of Turks

on Bengal. The Islamic religion and culture had deep impact on the Bengali culture and society, if a bit

perversely in that the predominantly Bengali society and culture started to witness a breakdown of its

moral and ethical code. As a defensive response the Smarta tradition in Bengal (the scripture of Hindu

code of conduct) under Raghunandan and his Navyanaya group (the contemporary hegemonic

Brahmanic ideology) shackled the Bengali society with their orthodox rules and regulations. Shri

Chaitanya Deva and his liberal Vaishnava religion challenged both the oppressive Smarta laws and

butressed the social modes on the other hand.



Social perspective of Bengal was conditioned by the responses from the Vaishnavite movements.

Predominantly literary texts help us to construct the changing modes of society. A plethora of historical

works from the time of Tapan Raychaudhuri have already looked into these aspects. However, a picture

of women of 16th -17th century Bengal which can be constructed from many Vaishnavite literatures and

other sources remains a lacuna in this overall historiographic scenario which I propose to approach in

this work.

Actually after the invasion of Turks in Bengal the period of Smriti Shastras started. The orthodox

Brahman leaders of Bengal created their own Hindu rules and regulations to protect the Hindu society

from the touch of Muslims, especially to protect Hindu women. On the other hand the tantrism

degenerated into simply antinomian malpractices. All the suppressing rules and rituals over women

perpetrated by the conservative and superstitious Brahmins reached its zenith. From various kind of

religious texts, articles, and literatures we can find out a picture of the condition of women in pre-

Chaitanya and his contemporary period, which reflects on the depressing patriarchal ideology ruling the

roost. Child marriage, polygamy of koulinya-tradition, the Sati system (committing suicide into

husband’s funeral pyre) and more than that, lots of restrictions within home made a pathetic picture of

the women of pre-Chaitanya period.

After the incarnation of Shri Chaitanya Deva (C 1486) the Vaishnava religion and literature started to

flow in a new direction. His liberal Namadharma (in the name of Lord Krishna) influenced all the

societies, religions and cultures. Though personally He was an ascetic keeping himself away from the

women, his disciples were ordered to preach the Nama majesty of Lord Krishna and Radha to the men

and women in general.

From ‘Shri Shri Gouranga Champu’, ‘Shri Shri Chaitanya Charitamritam’, ‘Shri Shri Chaitanya

Mangala’ we can find a picture of polite, devoted, happy and sometimes truant women. Though it was

not a very radical change but it was much better than the society of pre-Chaitanya period. Within

Vaishnava society the women enjoyed much freedom, peace and happiness than during the Navya-naya


period (pre-Chaitanya period). But the remarkable change was noted in later half of the 16 th century

within Vaishnava society. (It can be attributed to His (Chaitanya’s) follower Sri Nityananda

Mahaprabhu who preached Vaishnavism irrespective of gender, caste or creed. It is stated that he gave

shelter to Budhist Sahajiyas, Saktas and followers of other occult practices which widened the

democratic base of Vaishnava religion.)

All these changes happened due to various reasons. First of all, after Karrani dynasty Bengal was under

Mughal Empire and though political instability was within the political powers but there was no such

social suppression by the ruling power that time which means the social stability unlike sultanate reign.

Secondly, the Sufis who came during Sultanate period spread their very simple and liberal philosophy

reticently through the societies which were neglected either by upper class Hindu Brahmins or

economically solvent people. Thirdly, at that time some Buddhist Sahajiyas, Hindu Tantrics and other

Sahajiya sects who were committed themselves in transgressions, were making the society nasty. In this

perspective Sri Chaitanya Deva and then Sri Nityananda and his son Birabhadra took revolutionary

steps against the above mentioned sects.

It is found that though Sri Chaitanya Deva himself did not like to come in physical contact with

women, but his liberal Nama majesty changed the ongoing orthodox religious thought. This line of

thinking influenced His followers, specially Sri Nityananda Mahaprobhu who preached Vaishnavism

irrespective of gender, caste or creed. This tradition went on through his son Sri Birabhadra

Unlike pre-Chaitanya period Sri Nityananda Mahaprabhu began to treat women equal in the field of

religious rites and rituals since second half of 16th century which helped many women to read and

write, like Janhava Devi, Subhadra Devi, Hemlata Devi, Kanchanlatika Devi and so on? From the later

half of the sixteenth century they began to take part in scholastic endeavours. Even the literacy rate of

women among the Vaishnavite sects was somewhat higher than the other societies. From ‘Shri

Chaitanya Bhagvatam’, ‘Chaitanya Mangala’ it is evident that, though the Sati system was in vogue in

the society, none of the Vaishnava widow women committed Sati which means that they succeeded to


some extent to break the fetters against the women. Even the Namadharma was preached among the

deprived or the social outcastes i.e. the prostitutes.

This trend continued even up to the reformation taken by Shri Virabhadra, son of Shri Nityananda

Mahaprabhu. It is said that he gave shelter 1200 Neda and 1300 Nedi (possibly Buddhist Sahajiyas who

practiced antinomian rituals) against the opposition of the orthodox Brahmin leaders and six

Vrindavana Goswamis, who followed a different type of Vaishnava practices more orthodox in nature.

With the inclusion of these sects the position of the women changed perceptibly. From the later half of

16th century and 1st half of 17th century inter-caste marriage started. Post puberty marriages and of

course opinion of the girls regarding the groom was sought. From 1st half of 17th century many women

Gurus appeared in the Vaishnava society such as Janhava Devi, Kanchanlatika Devi, Ganga Devi,

Madhabi lata Devi and so on. And all these instances mean the gradual elevation of the status of the

women.

Conclusion:

The activities taken by the Vaisnavites towards changing the condition of the women in the society

which was controlled by Nabyanaya group and social leaders were remarkable. Occupying of women

in higher religious positions, shrinkage of child marriage and polygamy system, silent insurgency

against sati system, participation of women in Sahajiya and other mystic lineages etc helped to elevate

the women in Vaisnava society during 17th century onwards. But the women in rest of the society in the

then Bengal remained unaltered. Attitudes, rituals, principles and rulings of the society were going on

against the women as they were in the rest of the society.

References:

1. Sri Raghunandan Bhattacharya-‘Daytattam’ (2nd puplications),translated and edited by

Hrishikesh Bachashpati, Pub-Bangabashi Electro machin,1399(Benali year)

2.Sril Krishnadas Kabiraj Goshwami- ‘Sri Sri Chaitanya Charitammritam’, Reflect

Publication,1983


3. Sri Joyananda Goshwami-‘Sri Sri Chaitanya Mongal’- edited by Biman Bihari Majumder and

Shukhomoy Mukhupadhyay, Pub-Asiatic Society’1971

4. Sri Sri Rghunandan Goshwamipado- ‘Sri Sri Gouranga Champu’, translated by Sril Rakhaldas

Thakur Sashtri Mohoday and Sri Guru Charan Das, ist pub.-472(Sri Chaitanyabda).

5.Sri Sri Brindabon Das Thakur – ‘Sri Sri Chaitnya Bhagvat’ edt. By Upendro Kishor

Mukhopadhyay, 4th edn. 473Chaitanyabda.

6.Sutapa Mukhopadhyay- ‘Vaishnav Jiboni Shahitye Nari Shomaj’,Progressive publishers, 1st

edn.,1403b(Bengali year) .

7. Dr Bela Dashgupta- ‘ Srim Nityananda and Goudiya Vaishnava Shomaj’ ,Barman publication

House, 1961(1st edn.)

8. Asit Kumar Bandopadhyay – ‘Bangla Sahityer Itibritta’, Pub- Modern Book Agency Pvt. Ltd. ,

1962(2nd edn.).

Laboni Sarkar is Assistant Professor of History, Mrinalini Dutta Mahavidyapith, North 24 Parganas,

West Bengal.

Mythology and Folklore of Water Resources in Bengal

Sourav Maity

Water is one of the precious natural resources. Our ancient religious texts and epics and also

Dharmaśāstra gives a good insight into the water storage, consercration of water reservoirs (Kūpa,

Vāpī, Puṣkariṇī, Taḍāga etc.) and water conservation systems that prevailed in those days.

Bengali religions have always imbued water with sacred meanings, probably in recognition of its life-

sustaining qualities. Not surprisingly, water has played a central role in our religious rituals, as a result

of which many of our places of worship in Bengal have water bodies associated with them.

There are many interesting adventurous imaginary tales about 'Dighi' (big pond), Sarovara, water

reservoir (Jalāśaya or devajalāśaya) etc. In ancient time the problem of drinking water arises in Bengal

and also outside of Bengal. To solve this problem dug or consecrated many water reservoirs (Jalāśaya

or lakes, Sarovara etc.) for public benefit.

Water has been treated in the God (as like Hari) like fashion in 64 th chapter of Agnipurāṇa. And for the

supply of water of Conservation of water well, large and deep pond or tank have been consecrated. This

has been mentioned in this form—

"Kūpavāpītaḍāganāṁ Pratiṣṭhā Vacmi tāṁ śṛṇu/

Jalarupeṇa hi hariḥ Somo varuṇouttamaḥ//"

In the 67th chapter of Agnipurāṇa, it has been mentioned that for the repairment of decayed and

debilitated wells or ponds or tanks, one may earn the blessing of God.

"Kūpavāpītaḍāgade jirṇoddhāre Mahāpalaṁ".

In the Matsyapurāṇa, various ways in which wells and ponds and tanks can be consecrated have been

described.

Dānnara Dighi : This dighi (big pond) is one of the most famous dighi of Bānkura district. It

was dug by queen of Biṣṇupura. It was set up many years ago to rescue the people of the locality from

severe water scarcity. Nowadays it’s in very bad shape because of lack of maintenance.



Lālabādha, Pokābādha, Kṛṣṇabādha :-Biṣṇupura has some attractive large water reservoirs.

Lālabādha, Pokābādha, Kṛṣṇabādha were built by the Malla kings around 17th and 18th Centuries.

These were made to provide water to the villagers and to protect the town from enemy.

HaldāpukuraTank, Kāmārapukura :- Haldāpukur Tank is situated in the peaceful environs of

Kāmārapukura village which is the birth place of Sri Rāmakṛṣna. It has recently been re-excavated.

During the life time of Sri Rāmakṛṣna, the water of the tank was used for bathing, drinking purpose

and other ritual purposes. It is said that once the Holy Mother Sāradā Devī came to Kāmārapukura

and wanted holy Ganges water. Sri Rāmakṛṣna assured her that the water of the tank was as holy as

that the Ganga. Even today, before any auspicious Ceremony the people take a holy bath in this tank.

Śaraśaṅka Dighi :- Śaraśaṅka, the hugeaqua tank or water reservoir, it a famous name in Indian

History. The pāṇḍava Ghāṭa describing in the Mahābhārata is related to the Śaraśaṅka. The greatest

watercress with an ecosystem in biodiversity and environment is water pond in the planet. This is

called Śaraśaṅka puṣkariṇī or Dighi or pokhāra or 'Tāla’ in many local languages.

Rāmasāgara Dighi :- Located in the village of Tejapurain Dinājapura district, is the one of

largest man made water reservoir. It was created in the mid 1750 A.D. funded by Rājā Rāmanātha,

after whom the lake is named.

Maṇḍala puṣkariṇī :- Located in the Garvetā at paścim Medinipura. Maṇḍala puṣkariṇī is

around by the temple of sarvamaṅgala and the famous fort of Rājakoṭa. This fort is admired with

seven holy ponds on the northern side-Pāthuriyā, Jalatuṅgī, Indra puṣkariṇī and Koveśa dighi. The

ponds were dug by the cauhāa King of the Bāgaris.

Tapana Dighi : This is famous lake in Dakṣiṇa Dinājapura district. Behind the naming of this

lake there is a myth that with a view to offering Tarpaṇa for his ancestors. This lake is about 2 km in

length and 1 km in breadth.

Kāla Dighi : Kāla dighi is a historical and scenic water reservoir at Gaṅgārāmapura, Dakṣiṇa

Dinājapura which has recently been renovated to attract tourist for a memorable short tripe.

Madhukara Bila : Located in paścim Dinājapura. Madhukara Bila is a most interesting

collection of shrewd and well-told in Bengali literature. It was a popular bila which was a like sea long

years ago. There was a popular myth about this bila is that Cādasadāgara’s Saptadiṅā Madhukara

sunk in this place.

Ṭhākurapukura : It is located in south 24th paragaṇā. Long years ago this place was named

purva Variśā. This village was named after a folklore of mythological pond.


It is said there is a big pond located behind the St. Elizabeth Girls' school at Variśā. Wherever locals

wished something standing at the bank of the pond they were blessed with the desired things on the

very next day. Once a local wished some utensils for an occasion at his home and his prayer was

fulfilled with a condition that he had to return those things after the occasion. But he did not obey the

order and since then no one got anything from the said pond.

Hāblukhurāra Dighi:-It is located at the Āmbāri area of coochbihar. Long ago a poor father

went to this dighi to get himself drowned to get rid of his daughter’s liability. But he heard a divine

revelation on the bank of the dighi that all the things required for his daughter’s Marriage would be

there the very next morning. But he had to return all of them after marriage. This wish was fulfilled and

it became a trend for quite a sometime. Someone violated the condition of returning things, and the

tradition stopped from then. That’s why this dighi is so significant.

Rāṇisāgara :- There is a tank located at Rāṇisāgara, village in Paścim Medinipur’s

Nārāyaṇagaha. There is a myth on this tank, queen Madhumañjarī ordered to dig up a water reservoir

when Devi Brāhmaṇī came in her dream thirsty. But Devi Brāhmaṇī could not quench her thirst in that

reservoir. So Devi Brāhmaṇī came in the royal priest’s dream and said him that she could only quench

her thirst if the reservoir would be dug where the queen’s tear would fall. But the queen was so happy

that she never cried. Month’s after seeing the subjects’ Miserable condition in the scorching heat of

summer the queen broke down in the tears. Where her tears fell the reservoir was dug up. People

named it Ranisagara.

Mānakara Bhāskaradaha :- A water reservoir is found in between Berahampur and Sārgāchi

Station of Murśhidābāda which is known as Mānakara Bhāskaradaha. Myth is that Mārāṭhā General

Bhāskara was trickily killed by Navava Ālivardi khāna here and Bhāskara’s body was thrown at this

reservoir.

Kānadighi : Kanadighi is seen beside the hospital at Mollārapura village in Bhīrabhūma district.

Once it was vast and deep. According to the folklore river Ganges had to flow from there. Condition

was that the river could flow in the night but it had to stopped in the light when river was flowing

through place suddenly a crow broke the silence and the morning light came out. So the flow of the

river was blocked at that very place. So the Ganges could not make its route from there.

Karaṇa Dighi :- The Karaṇa Dighi in Dakṣiṇa Dinājapura was dug by the order of

Mahābhārata’s Karṇa when this place was his capital, as it is believed. The reservoir was for

Karṇa’sTarpaṇa (libation). There is a small temple of Lord Śiva at its bank. It is worshiped on the first


day of every Bengali New Year. A fair is also organized. Women who longed for a son used to swear to

god to offer a goat if their wish was fulfilled. When they gave birth to male babies they kept their

words by throwing goats in this reservoir. That’s why this reservoir named after legendary Karṇa is so

significant.

Bāliyā Dighi :- There is a reservoir in the Bāliyā village in Paścim Dinājapura. There is a

remaining of an old house on its bank. It is believed to be the place King Bāliyā. The reservoir was

used mainly for women’s bathing. Once Fakira namely Burathāna requested King Bāliyā to let him stay

there with his devotees. When the King denied to do so, Burathāna started to show his magical power

by increasing a cow’s skin to cover the whole area. Being scared the king plunged into the water of this

reservoir to kill himself.

Candraketu:- This Puṣkariṇī located at area of north 24th pargaṇā. Folklore is that the king

promise to send white pigeon for victory and a black pigeon for defeat to the queen. But in the ecstasy

of victory the king sent the black pigeon by mistake. The upset queen decided to plunge into the

Puṣkariṇī to save her owner from the victorious tribes. Later when the king returned to the palace and

came to know the consequence of his mistake, he also plunged into the Puṣkariṇī to put an end to his

life.

Hātiduvā :- The age old pond of Hātiduvā is located at Hemtāvāda at Pascśim Dinājapura.

Folklore is that long ago a king’s elephant drowned in this pond and formed a rock. Later a local

māroyaḍī merchant lifted this rock from the pond and consecrated it in a temple beside the pond. The

idol looks alike Lord Gaṇeśa but its limbs are damaged.

Lālapukura :- This deep pond is seen at Egrā’s circuliyā village in East Medinipura. It has no

sanitization system there is a pole namely Mieghāṭi stuck in the mid of the pond. Water comes out from

under this pole. Amazing fact is that the level water never dips down. And however the water is drained

from the pond, the water never dries up.

Mati Jheel : This beautiful horseshoe shaped lake was excavated by Nawazesh Mohammad, the

husband of the famous Ghasseti Begum. In the palace adjoining it (now in ruins) Lord Clive celebrated

the acquisition of the Dewani of Sube Bangla (Bengal, Bihar & Orissa) in 1765. Moti Jheel was the

home of Warren Hastings when he became the Political President at the Durbar of the Nawab Nazim

(1771-73 AD). Sir John Shore, afterwards Lord Teinmouth, also lived here. Moti Jheel is also known as

the “Company Bāgha”, due to the fact of it having been in the occupation of the East India Company.

The only old building existing is the Mosque of Shahamat Jang.


Jīyatkuṇḍa :This Kuṇḍa (In such condition, Kuṇḍa provided convenient, clean and sweet water

for ritual purpose and drinking) near Nimatitā rail station.

There is a myth on this Kuṇḍa that people have been earned re-birth by the accepting holy water of this

Kuṇḍa. This Kuṇḍa’s water has super natural power. Once upon a time the king’s follower thrown a

piece of beef into this Kuṇḍa, so the holy water turned into unholy water. After then this water lost the

power of infusion of life.

Gaḍḥa Dighi :It is located in Dakṣiṇa Dinājapura. Folklore is that long ago the house of

Birāṭarājā (character of Mahābhārata) was built in this place. There are three Dighi (Āltā dighi, Gaha

dighi, Māniyāna dighi) around the Birāṭarājā palace. There are a big part of the landed portion of the

earth is remaining mid portion of Gaha dighi. There is a myth that the king Duryodhana’s armed force

and vassals remained in this place.

Bengalis traditionally consider constructing water reservoirs a pious duty. For centuries, such an act of

philanthropy was believed to save a rich or powerful person’s soul.

Accordingly a number of historical water reservoirs were dug up a long time ago. The oldest water

reservoirs within the present Kolkata area is the sena Dighi. The Sena’s are considered to have been the

last Hindu rulers of Bengal, before Muslim invaders conquered the region in the 13th century. Many

artifacts from the years 750 to 1230 have been recovered from the Sena Dighi area.

Indian religions have an organic relation with water bodies. It is a general custom that worshipers take

a holy bath before going into the temple. Various rituals must be performed in water, so many water

bodies have a religious relevance. ‘Caraka Mela’ is a religious festival celebrating Lord Śiva, it has

been taking place by the side of ‘Padmapukura’ (Lotus pond) for more than 200 years. Other water

bodies have temples by their sides. For instance, six Siva temple dot the banks of cyātyārjipāḍā pukura

in south east Kolkata. They are more than 150 years old. On the other hand, pāgala pirera pukura (the

pond of the eccentric Muslim Saint) in southern Kolkata is named after a Sufi and is more than 350

years old.

Murāri pukura locality is intricately linked to the history of India’s independence movement as

the locality was the underground headquarter of armed revolution area. The place used to have at least

eight ponds, but only one remains. A memorial to the freedom fighters was erected there by the side of

the only remaining water body.

So far, we have identified 59 ponds as heritage water bodies, of which 60% have been

characterized as such for the first time. Thirty six of the heritage water bodies are more than 150 years


old. About 40% of the water bodies are of religious relevance.

Generally old temples of Bengal, big and small, have a tank (Water tanks are storage contains for water,

these tanks are usually storing water for human consumption) mostly square or rectangular in shape

attached to them known as puṣkariṇī, they are sacred in nature and are used as a source of water-supply

for the temples. Water drawn from this tank is used for the holy bath (abhiṣekam) of the idols enshrined

in the temples and the float festival of the deities during certain specified times of the year takes place

here.

The water of some of these puṣkariṇī's are believed to have certain specific curative properties and

pilgrims have a dip in these waters to cure their diseases and also for cleansing themselves before going

into the temple.

The tanks also served to recharge the water of the wells in the vicinity during the dry seasons and water

scarcity was a rather rare occurrence in the ancient and medieval Bengal. It is rather unfortunate that in

the overcrowded towns and cities today, these inlets have been blocked by indiscriminate construction

activity and thus many of these temple tanks are totally dry and some are even used as dumping

grounds for waste matter. Some of these puṣkariṇī's deserve special mention either on an account of

their shape, size or religious impotance.

Tārāpīṭha : There are several legends narrated on the origin and importance of this place; all

related to the goddess’ Tara’ deified in the Tārāpīṭha temple. A well-known legend relates to the

Śaktipīṭha. The devotee take a holy bath at the sacred tank adjacent to the temple before entering the

temple premises to offer worship and even after the worship. The water of the tank are said to have

healing powers and even restore life to the dead.

India’s religions have always imbued water with sacred meanings, probably in recognitions of its life-

sustaining qualities. Not surprisingly, water has played a central role in our religious rituals, as a result

of which many of our places of worship have water bodies associated with them.

Temple tanks come in a few set morphologies – square, rectangular, stepped. They are usually located

to the north-east of the temple. Some are fed by an inlet; others are filled by rain or by aquifers or by

both. Most of Bengal’s temple tanks fall under this latter category. In other words, temple tanks were

multipurpose constructions, serving not only the temple’s ritual needs, but also acting as percolation

tanks that would recharge groundwater.

There are also some large temple which have more than one tank, and some are seen inside the

enclosure of the temple which some may be found immediately outside the temple campus. The king


considered it an act of great merit to construct these temple tank and innumerable inscriptions and

historical records have been discovered across Bengal which mention the names of the donors and also

the date of consecration.

Kalyāṇaśvarī Temple :- It is located in Āsānsole subdivision of Burdwan district. The temple of

Goddess Kalyāṇaśvarī is believed to fulfill the wishes of childless women. This Hindu temple has a

simple structure. This temple is surrounded by Maithan dam. It has a big Thīrtham (Temple tank or

devajalāśaya) which is linked with Barākara river.

Tārākanātha Temple : where Lord Siva is worshipped is situated in the town of Tārākeśvara of

West Bengal. It was built in the year 1927 in the ‘āṭcālā’ structure with a ‘Naṭamandira’ in front.

Dudhapukura Tank is situated north of the Tārākeśvara temple. Devotees invariably take a bath in the

tank as it is believed that it fulfills the wishes and prayers of the devotees. The legend also connects the

tank which the building of the Śiva temple. The water of the tank is believed to have curative powers.

Kālighāṭa kālī temple : This is a famous temple in West Bengal. A famous water tank

consecrated in side of temple. This sacred tank is located to the south east of the Kālighāṭa temple. In

the 16th century ‘Sati-Aṅgo’ (the right toe of Satī) was discovered in this tank. It is believed that a

person who takes bath in this tank will be blessed with a child. The water of the tank is considered to be

as holy as that of the Ganges. Efforts to drain this tank have failed indicating that a subterranean stream

is running underneath the tank.

Vakranātha temple: This temple is one of the famous temple in West Bengal. It is located in

Bīrabhūma district, West Bengal. This temple was designed in odisa style of architecture. This temple

is also called as Bakreśvara temple.

The Vakranātha temple is one of the 51 saktipīṭhas. This temple has a sacred, tank and also sacred tree

which is one of the best known with thousands of devotees bathing in it before going into the temple.

The grand spectacle of the float festival of this temple draws thousands of on lookers every year to this

sacred shrine.

Select Bibliography

Basak, Sila. Bāṅglāra Kiṃvadantī. Kolkata : Ananda Publishers, 1st ed. 2013.

Date, Ranjan. “Water-Management in Ancient India.” In : Bulletin of the Deccan College 68-69. Pune :

Deccan College, 2009.


Ghosh, Bidyut Baran, Saṃskṛta-Racanāya Pratiphalita Pariveśa Sacetanatā. Kolkata : Sanskrit Pustak

Bhandar, 2011. (1st ed. 2006).

Moberly, A. N. “Miniature Tank Worship in Bengal.” In : JASB, Vol. II, no. 10. Calcutta (now

Kolkata) : The Asiatic Society, 1906.

Mahulikar, Dr. Gauri. "The Apotheosis of water and its Inevitability in Indian culture". In : National

seminar on water and culture. Hampi : Karnataka, 2007.

Sadhale, Nalini. "water Harvesting and conservation in Ancient Agricultural texts." Vol. 10, 2006.

Sourav Maity is PhD researcher in the Department of Sanskrit, University of Calcutta.

The Bengali Othello in Pre-Independence Newspapers: The

Question of Race and Hybridity

Abhishek Chowdhury

Despite being a dramatization of male jealousy, doomed love and victimization of devoted female,

Othello fails to be a universal tale about a man coming to terms with the supposed betrayal and adultery

of those closest to him. It is the only tragedy of Shakespeare where the protagonist’s characters and

behaviours are always traced to his racial identity. The reason is Shakespeare’s arbitrary attempt to

make Othello stand on the complicated crux of contemporary beliefs about black-skinned people and

Muslims. Resultantly, reading or producing the play in a society where racial discrimination and

apartheid are practised is to lend a new powerful meaning to the play. Reference may be given in this

context to Bloke Modisane’s (1923-1986) autobiography Blame Me on History (1963) where the South

African writer finds in Othello a mirror for his own oppression notwithstanding the wide gap of time

between Shakespeare and himself. Bloke Modisane in his Blame Me on History (1963) finds in Othello

(1603) – a play written more than four hundred years ago – a potent metaphor of his very own

marginalized existence under the racism of the twentieth century South African apartheid state. He also

confesses that the Venetian moor is, to him, a source of inspiration for his own determination to fight

this oppression:

… I imposed myself upon the world which was rejecting me, challenging their attitude against the

colour of my skin, which they held up to my face as an exhibit of the stain against my person; I

qualified the challenge with the submission that the quality of the service I was performing to the State

cannot continue to be ignored, that it more than adequately compensated for the ‘vices in my blood’. I

argued the case that my worth cries out for recognition, even in place of acceptance, as it was said that

Othello was respected and recognized but not accepted into Venetian society, Roderigo describes

Othello as a ‘wheeling stranger of here and everywhere’, and Brabantio, in a fit of racial expectoration,

says:



Whether a maid so tender, fair and happy,

Would ever have to incur a general mock,

Run from her guardage to the sooty bosom

Of such a thing as thou, to fear, not to delight. (Modisane 1963, 167-68)

No doubt the struggle of Othello is different from that of Modisane, as Othello is displaced from his

aboriginal culture and is the only black man in an all white Venetian society and Modisane grows up in

South African society where a black majority is oppressed by a white minority. Yet he goes back to

Shakespeare to focus the question of racial prejudice in his own society. Such an attempt to elide two

different kinds of marginality: the one that springs from geographical displacement and another in

which black people and cultures are devalued without being isolated from each other is also evident in

Janet Suzman’s production of Othello for the Market Theatre in Johannesburg. Being a South African

actress with the experience of living in Britain she makes her production ‘radical’ by casting a black

actor in the protagonist's role. To borrow the words of Ania Loomba,

… to place Othello in one of the cultures of ‘his’ origin is to allow us to rethink the entire history of the

play. But at the same time, Shakespeare’s drama is about a black man trying to live in a white society,

assimilating yet maintaining his identity. His loneliness is an integral feature of the play. He is isolated

from other black people, from his history and culture. To place Shakespeare’s Othello in South Africa is

to open up a powerful new reading of the play, but also to elide two different kinds of marginality: the

one which arises out of displacement and another in which black people and cultures were victimized

but not literally isolated from each other. (Loomba 35)

Long before the publication of Modisane’s book and Suzman’s unique production of Othello, the

marginality of a black man in an all white society and that of brown skinned Bengali in the society of

colonial Bengal are unwittingly elided by the production of Othello at Sans Souci theatre in Calcutta in

1848. That production too was ‘radical’ as it had a tawny Bengali Hindu impersonating the protagonist

violating the long history of Othello productions where the hero was supposed to be played by a

painted white actor. The man whose bold experimentation stirred the society of European Calcutta was

James Barry, the then owner of Sans Souci and the Bengali actor, the first Indian actor on the English

stage of Calcutta, was Baishnab Charan Addhya. In 1848, an innovative Othello was performed at the

Sans Souci Theatre in Calcutta. Production manager, James Barry, tried something new with his


production. He managed to cast a native Indian as the eponymous character. Before that, Indian theatres

were in the style of England with, plays produced for a western audience, and performers were

westerners.

Barry’s Othello was an enormously revolutionary and influential event for the Indian stage as

well as for Indian society. Although the native Indian actor, Baishnab Charan Addy, was modestly

accepted in western society at first, his second performance was bitterly rejected. This situation is

similar to the character Othello’s. Although Othello, a valiant general in Venice, was at first highly

esteemed by the Venetians, afterward he lost everything because he was a Moor. In India, there were

elite Indians like Othello, who were cultivated by the Westerners. Native Indians tried to enter the

English education system to obtain a higher status. This was the crafty strategy of the Westerners as the

ruler to control India as the ruled. This self-serving social structure created plenty of incomplete elite

Indians. They were anxious about their identities and suffered double differences: between the Western

and the Indian, and between the elite Indian and the primitive Indian. Barry’s innovation on the stage

reflected the distressing social system as well as the agony of the elite Indian. Barry managed to present

his Othello to Western audiences despite bitter criticism. His production showed blistering discontent

and bitter irony.

Investigation of the news reports dealing with that revolutionary production and the reviews of it

published in different pre-independence newspapers, both English and Bengali, illuminates the

stereotypical reluctance to accept the histrionic talent of a non European actor, as non European, black

Othello’s contribution to an all white society is ignored in Shakespeare’s play.

The advertisement of that unique production was published in the leading English dailies of the time

such as The Bengal Hurkaru, The Calcuttta Star and The Englishman from 1 August 1848 onward. The

play was to be staged on 10 August 1848 for one night only. The performance was eagerly awaited. All

were curious to know the identity of the Indian actor who was to take the title role, but no

announcement was made in this regard. The English papers of the city discussed the forthcoming

production, each from its own point of view. Some expressed grave doubts as to the ability of an Indian

actor to play the role of Othello. Others were more hopeful in this regard. But all displayed equal

curiosity as to how things would turn out. The Bengal Hurkaru of 1 August wrote,

This … announcement is of an event to which we among many shall look forward with no little

interest and curiosity. Young Bengal is famous for his devotion to Shakespeare in the school and

in the closet; but it will, we believe, be something entirely new to see him endeavouring to


embody the glorious creations of that naughty intellect….

But they added that there could be no question as to the daring of the young actor. They were doubtful

if he would succeed in his ambitious endeavour, but promised to give him the fullest credit should he

prove worthy. They wrote, “… our apprehensions are stronger than our hopes. We may be mistaken and

we shall be glad indeed to find that we are so…” Again “As we have said however, we shall be glad to

find that we are mistaken, if so, publicly to recant his expression of our distrust of the [peers] of Young

Bengal.”

The advertisements in The Calcutta Star and The Englishman confirmed the news of the patronage of

some pro-British Bengali elites for the arrangement of the entertainment. The list of patrons included

Maharajahs such as Radhakaunt Bahadur, Buddinath Roy, Apurva Krishna Bahadur, Jabukissen and

Brothers, Bajendranarain Roy, Prutaub Chunder sing and Brothers: Baboos Prankisssen Mullick and

Brothers, Baboos Greeschunder Dutt and Brothers and Baboo Hurrowhauth Mullick. The

advertisement in The Calcutta Star of 1 August goes like that-

Mr. Barry having obtained the above patronages and also the kind and gratuitous service of a

Native Gentleman in conjunction with the valuable aid of several English Gentlemen Amateurs,

will present to his Friends and the public a novel evening’s entertainment. On Thursday

Evening, August 10th, 1848, will be acted Shakespeare’s Tragedy of ‘Othello’. ‘Othello’… The

Moor of Venice …. by a Native Gentleman. etc. etc.

The epithet ‘Native’ in the announcement highlights the otherness of the actor impersonating Othello

and the notice caused a furor among the white and Indian theatre going public. The English newspapers

debated over the histrionic talent and ability of a ‘Native gentleman’ to enact a Shakespearean

protagonist. The Calcutta Star of 10 August, 1848 appealed to the spectators to tolerate a ‘Native’ actor

on the English stage:

Shakespeare’s tragedy of Othello will be enacted this evening at the Sans Souci Theatre, the

character of the Moor of Venice being undertaken by a Native Gentleman an arduous

undertaking no doubt and we believe the first of the sort ever attempted. We hope that the

audience will make every allowance for a first appearance under such circumstances…that if

there be any who imagine that as a matter of course such an attempt must result in failure, let

them bear in mind that Mr. Iva Aldridge, an African, has played Othello, Zanga, Mungo and

other characters with great success, not only in the provinces, but on the London boards.


In regard to the other members of the cast, the paper remarked that the amateur who was to take the

part of Iago could be relied upon to give a good performance, having earlier demonstrated his histrionic

ability in the role of Rob Roy. As Cassio was being played by Barry himself, they were confident that

justice would be done to this role. The paper expressed the hope that there would be a full house and

concluded by saying “It is a move in the right direction.”

The reports bear unmistakable stamp of racial prejudice. In questioning the potential of a Bengali actor

to impersonate a character of a canonized dramatist their aim was the construction of an ideology that

rendered colonized races as backward, inferior and cultureless. According to Abdul Jan Mohamed this

construction depends upon ‘Manichean Allegory’, in which a binary and implacable discursive

opposition between races is produced.4 Such oppositions are crucial not only for creating images of

non-Europeans, but also for constructing the cultural superiority of the European self. Another

important aspect of the announcement is the focus on the actor’s being a Young Bengal, a section of

elite Hindu community who hybridized themselves most powerfully by their attempt to mimic

dominant culture. For Fanon, this mimicry is fatal as it leads to a terrible schism between black skin

and white masks, to the black subject’s disavowal of his roots and to his tragic attempt to fashion a

European self.5 But, recent postcolonial critic Homi K. Bhaba contends this view and renders such an

attempt to mimic European culture as subversion of authority. As he articulates his view,

a doubling dissembling image of being in at least two places at once. …It is not the Colonialist self or

the Colonised Other, but the disturbing distance in between that constitutes the figure of colonial

otherness- the White man’s artifice inscribed on the Black man’s body. It is in relation to this

impossible object that emerges the liminal problem of colonial identity and vicissitudes. (Bhabha 1994,

117)

The eagerly awaited 10 August arrived. From early evening fleets of carriages and litters began to

converge on the Sans Souci and enormous crowds gathered outside the theatre. It was a very long time

since the Sans Souci had last attracted such a vast crowd. One of the Calcutta papers of 12 August

carried a long account of the scene outside the theatre on the night of 10 August. That evening was

climaxed by the strangest of happenings. The door of the theatre remained firmly closed even when it

was nearly time for the show to start. Everyone began to wonder what the trouble was, but no one

seemed to know. The crowd continued to wait long after the advertised opening time, but still the doors

remained closed. Eventually word was passed round that the performance was not going to take place,


but the reason for this remained a mystery. A spate of rumours started circulating among the crowd

such as “Othello’s sick! ... Desdemona inebriated! Barry drunk! Iago not come ... Emilia had eloped ...”

etc. Finally the crowd began to disperse, thoroughly disappointed and disgruntled.

The papers of the following day informed the public of what had actually happened. The Calcutta Star

wrote that the play was “... doomed to be untimely nipped in the bud.” They went on to say that Barry

had turned up at their office shortly after 6 p.m. the previous evening to show them a letter he had just

received from the Commanding Officer of Dum Dum. In same, the paper added, “... the Commanding

Officer at Dum Dum had refused permission to such of the men under his command as were concerned

therein to fulfil their engagements.” No reason for this arbitrary act was mentioned in the letter. The

artists concerned were all amateurs and in consequence were obliged to obey the orders issued. The

paper suggested that there must be some impelling reason to cause a senior military officer to issue

such an order. They went on to say, however, that it would have been more considerate to have taken

this step a few days earlier, instead of at the very last moment as had been done. Barry had been put to

considerable expense in organizing the show, and the large number of people, including a great many

eminent citizens, both Indian and English, who had bought tickets for the performance, had been

subjected to unnecessary inconvenience and annoyance. The paper concluded by emphasizing that

Barry was making every effort to stage Othello within a week or ten days. He would, of course, have to

get new actors for the roles and would be put to additional expense. Nevertheless, with the sympathy

and aid of Calcutta’s generous theatre going public, he would be able to retrieve his position, they

hoped.

The Bengal Hurkaru of 12 August alerted the police. They said,

... the parties who were severally to have played Iago, Brabantio and Emilia,

were prohibited from so doing by the peremptory military orders of the Brigadier of

Dum Dum ... moreover, the police were in attendance, having received military notice to

arrest the well-known amateurs should they have attempted to make their appearance.

They also said that Barry was doing his best to arrange for the stage production on the following

Thursday, and people should not imagine that, because of the initial set-back, “Othello’s occupation’s

gone!”

The Brigadier’s action is difficult to understand. His order was responsible for the last-moment

cancellation of a show which had as its patrons some of the most eminent and highly respected citizens

of Calcutta. A great many theatre-goers, both Indian and European, had been put to considerable


inconvenience. There seems justification for the conclusion that the motive behind this order was to

prevent an Indian from appearing on the English stage in Calcutta. This suspicion is reinforced by

certain regrettable incidents of rowdyism that occurred on the actual night of the postponed

performance. The Englishman of 19 August referring to these incidents went so far as to suggest that

“... on a future occasion the police will be ordered to eject all such riotous characters.”

In this connection the Calcutta Star of the same date indignantly remarked with considerable

justification,

A large sprinkling of natives attended and by their orderly conduct afforded a strong

contrast to the proceedings of those whose birth, education and position, in society ought alike

to have taught them better. We must admit that in some things and some places Young Bengal

sets a good example to, and is an infinitely more unexceptionable neighbour than Young

England.

Anyway, events proved the accuracy of the press assurances that a performance of Othello

would shortly be staged, in spite of the initial set-back. The determined Barry was not to be deterred by

any obstacles. Moreover, funds were probably no problem, as he had so many wealthy patrons backing

the show. For a number of days after the 10th the papers carried advertisements to the effect that the

postponed show would be held on 17 August. In a newspaper announcement on 12 August Barry

expressed his deep regret for the unfortunate incident on the night of 10 August. He offered assurances

that there would be no repetition of such a thing. He went on to say that the tickets issued for the 10th

would be valid for the performance on 17th.

It is greatly to Barry’s credit that he was able, within the short span of seven days, to train new

actors for some of the roles, and stage Othello with ‘a Native Amateur’ in the title role as promised

earlier.

Othello was duly staged on 17 August, 1848 at Sans Souci and notwithstanding its decrepit state at that

time, and both white and Indian theatre lovers, filled the auditorium. The vernacular newspaper

Sambad Prabhakar (edited by notable Bengali poet of pre-Rabindranath era Iswar Gupta) of 22

August, 1848 showered encomium on the Bengali actor, Baishnab Charan Addhya who enacted Othello

that night. As the review focused on Addhya’s credit,

etodesio nartak baboo baishnab chand addhya othelor bhangi o baktrita dara sakalke santusta

kariachen, tini konorup bhito athaba kono bhangi abalehan karen nai, tini chatur dik haite dui sabda


shraban kariachen, ebong tahar utsah ebong sahaso baddhamul hoiache, je bibi desdimona hoiachilen

tinio bilakshan pratisthata hoiachen…,

[The Indian artiste Baboo Baishnab Charan Addhya pleased the audience representing Othello on the

stage. He did not display any sign of stage fright and words of praise showered on him. Resultantly, his

enthusiasm and courage were firmly rooted. The actress who played Desdemona had also proved her

worth.]

The English newspapers were more judicious in appreciating an actor of ‘other’ race. The Bengal

Harkaru of 19 August, 1848 that carried a review of the performance under the title, Sans Souci

Theatre- The Hindu Othello informed,

Othello, of Shakespeare’s plays the latest and the best, was the great attraction on Thursday

night- the player, however, not the play. Performed by Baboo Bustomchurn Addhya, … all expectations

were of course, centered in the young aspirant for dramatic fame, who has gallantly flung down the

gauntlet to the rest of the members of the native community.

The reviewer went on to describe the type of audience that attended the show and said “... it was highly

gratifying to observe that old ‘Qui Hi’ himself had thrown aside the hooka, and had even abandoned the

accustomed siesta intent upon the novelty of the exhibition.” Not merely that, the paper wrote,

“Pleasanter still is to record the attendance of the most influential members of the Civil Service,

impelled, no doubt, some by curiosity, others, we trust, by a worthier motive. The house was full by the

appointed hour....”

The theatre hall was full house and the vast auditorium was resounded with the thundering applause as

the Bengali actor appeared on the stage. Despite his debutant performance, he was devoid of

nervousness and stage fright. The reviewer’s remark about the style of acting was favourable.

Othello’s self command before the Venetian senate was upheld, and by the time he had arrived at ‘She

lov’d me for the dangers …I had pass’d; And I lov’d her that she did pity them’, the performer had

substantial demonstration that the feelings of the audience were fairly enlisted on his side.

The shortcomings that the columnist highlighted was his deplorable bye-play, poor acting in Act III and

in the final act where being racked with the tortures he gave full vent to his suspicion. Besides the

passionate soliloquy-‘It is the cause, it is the cause, my soul’ in Act V, Sc. II was hardly heard by the

audience because of the actor’ habit to turn back to the audience. Significantly, the columnist was


impressed by Othello’s invocation of ‘black vengeance’ (Arise black vengeance from thy hollow

cell…) in Act III Sc. III. Perhaps to the white Christian audience a tawny Hindu Othello’s invocation of

black and evil forces appeared more vivid and realistic. Thus the stereotypical templates for European

images of the outsiders or others played crucial role in reviewing such a unique show. In regard to the

elocution and pronunciation the reviewer’s comment also borders on racial prejudice. He described it as

‘somewhat cramped’ and remarkably good for a ‘native’. The phrase ‘for a native remarkably good’ is a

refusal to give him the same status of a European actor. The columnist, however, concludes, “… if the

indulgent approval of the audience is to be taken as a criterion of success, Baboo Bustom Churn

Addhya, can have no cause to complain.” They hoped for great things from him in the future and added

“Unfortunately there is ample room for improvement, little reason to despair.”

The phrase ‘indulgent approval of the audience’ certainly challenges Addhya’s histrionic talent and

focuses on the supposed impossibility of a Bengali to impersonate characters of the greatest bard of the

British colonisers. It is interesting to note that The Bengal Harkaru of 19 August, 1848 also published

another review by ‘An anonymous critic’ who seemed to have his knife into the Indian actor. He

attacked the Bengali actor right through the review. He hoped that the production would not have taken

place for the reason the ‘black Othello’ would have seized with stage fright. Here he concedes

conversely that the debutant actor did not lack self confidence. His article is, however, a critique of the

appearance of the actor. He delineates Addhya’s figure as ‘inelegant’, manner as ‘undignified’ and gait

as ‘awkward and ungainly’. Besides focusing on his other limitations such as his poor knowledge of

bye play, poor delivery of dialogues, he described the fifth act as ‘unworthy of notice’. Ultimately he

accredited the Bengali actor for committing the words of the protagonist to his memory and rendered

the performance as complete failure: “…we are bound to deliver a faithful account and are compelled

to pronounce his whole performance a total failure.” Thus The Bengal Hurkaru takes an ambivalent

position in delineating the interracial production of Othello and it reflects the failure of the colonial

authority to produce a stable colonial discourse. Abdul Jan Mohamed argues that ambivalence is itself a

product of ‘imperial duplicity’ and that underneath it there exists, a Manichean dichotomy between

coloniser and colonised that structures colonial relation.

The other leading English newspapers of the time too published reviews of the performance. The

Calcutta Star of 19 August, 1848 dwelt on the limitations of Addhya in common with the reviews

published in Hurkaru. The columnist stated that he had no intention to discourage the debutant artiste

and hoped that ‘the native amateur’ would evince greater improvement and more power and artistic


skill in future. He also expressed his anxiety over Addhya’s rising to fame overnight and referred to

the weary apprenticeship of canonized Shakespeare actors like Keane and Kemble before their reaching

‘the top of the tree’. The Englishman of 19 August, 1848 attributed the success of Addhya to Barry’s

able tuition. The paper too approved the Bengali actor’s perseverance and industry, yet the columnist

demonstrated it as ‘wonderful for a native’, in other words, in no sense the Bengali actor invites

comparison with any European artiste. Thus the racial identity of the actor always overrides his

histrionic talent. Thus the pre-independence newspapers subscribes to the conventional colonial

discourse of the inferiority of the colonised races for establishing the cultural hegemony and further

political end. But their attempt to uphold a stable ideology to undermine the literary, scientific and

cultural achievements of the colonised people, evident in the reports dealing with the performance of

Addhya is challenged by Addhya’s performance.

The fear and anxiety for being subverted is further brought to lime light by the newspapers dwelling

upon Addhya’s second attempt to impersonate Othello at Sans Souci on 12 September, 1848. Barry’s

decision to rearrange the performance of Othello with Addhya in the title role was influenced by the

intimation from prominent citizens and solicitations from Bengali students. ‘It was Addhya’s ‘2nd and

positively last appearance’. The Englishman and The Calcutta star of 14 September, 1848 published

virulent criticism of The Bengali Othello. A letter written by ‘Fretful’, published in The Calcutta Star

rendered it as a total failure and expresseed great relief that Addhya would never present himself

behind the footlight. His appearance, gait, manner, voice and delivery of speeches appeared to him too

fit to impersonate a character like Othello and resultantly the attempt of Addhya amounted to

‘caricature’. He concluded,

“Indeed he had much better continue his study at the Kirk of Scotland school and not offend the

understandings of the public by attempting the personification of a character which no Hindustanee or

Indian Mahometan since Tipu Sahib has possessed.”

The editor of The Calcutta star informed that he did not share the view of ‘Fretful’ and their contention

unveils the ambivalent attitude of the master race to the interracial production of Othello. While for

‘Fretful’ any attempt to impersonate a Shakespearean character is a transgression on the part of an

artiste who belongs to the colonised race, the editor of the newspaper encourages such mimic imitation

of the dominant culture.


The Bengal Hurkaru, Calcutta Star and also discussed the other characters. Mrs. Anderson’s

performance as Desdemona was described as “credible”. Of Barry they remarked “Barry as Cassio,

though decidedly out of his line, was very successful, and the same encomium will apply to the ‘gulled

Roderigo’ and the frank hearted Emilia. Iago was a complete burlesque...”

Praising the costume say “Some of the dresses were very beautiful”. But “The scenery was

wretched”. This was not surprising, considering that the theatre was altogether inaudible”. The paper

completely disapproved of Barry’s rendering of Cassio, and were quite scathing in their remarks. They

said that in the celebrated drunken scene he appeared to get drunk “far too suddenly and too

boisterously in the early part of the scene”, and “too suddenly and too noisily sober at the conclusion.”

Besides, like an actor in melodrama, he “... cut across the stage after every speech ... in the hope of

getting applause.” They also explained why they had criticized Barry so severely, saying “We feel no

hesitation as to criticizing Barry, because, first of all he is a professional man, secondly, because we

have seen him play the part in a purer style and much more effectively.” Roderigo and Brabantio ‘were

respectable’. They praised highly the performance of Mrs. Anderson in the role of Desdemona saying

that

Mrs. Anderson’s Desdemona agreeably surprised us – it was a quiet and at the same time

a feeling performance, recalling here and there, and especially where she sunk on her knees, a

lively recollection of her mother. It was in every respect a great improvement on anything we

have seen her attempt yet.

Of Emilia they said “She did her best and the best can do no more”.

It is of special interest to consider what The Englishman had to say of this performance as this paper,

founded by Stocqueler, had always been a firm friend and well-wisher of the English stage in Calcutta.

On the whole they spoke well of the Bengalee artiste Baishnab Charan. They said, “Othello appeared to

enter into the spirit of his part heart and soul, there was no timidity, no mistakes, no turning of the back

to the audience all of which are faults invariably found with young actors.” They attributed his success

in this role to Barry’s able tuition. As the Bengal Hurkaru and Calcutta Star make no mention of this, it

is difficult to decide how far this may have been so. In regard to Addy’s English, the opinion of The

Englishman differs from house of the other two papers which said that for an Indian, he spoke well.

The two papers maintained a racist attitude towards the Bengalee actor taking him to be incapable of

speaking good English. The Englishman remarked “In the delivery, however, the effects of imperfect

pronunciation were but too manifest. This was to be exempted but not to the extent it occurred.” They


also said, “scarcely a line was intelligible, and this did not arise from the low tone of voice, Othello

spoke quite loud enough, but he mouthed too much. Had he spoken in his natural tone, he would have

succeeded far better.” The comment “Othello spoke quite loud enough, but he mouthed too much” can

be seen from another direction. It can be said that he learnt “how to curse” like Caliban in the language

of the master. So, therefore, it can be taken as a ‘derivative discourse’ after Partha Chatterjee, where the

native actor answers back the colonisers in their own language. The newspaper also says of his acting,

“His action was remarkably good in some parts, and once or twice when he delivered himself in a

modulated tone, we were much pleased with the effect produced. Taking it as a whole, we consider the

performance wonderful for a Native.” They praised the artiste’s enterprise, saying: “It reflects great

credit on his industry and perseverance.” In fact, the paper heartily approved of the Bengali actor’s

efforts. But this appraisal of Addy’s acting by the newspapers should also be criticised. When this play

is enacted on Bengal stage, the entire white civilization becomes not only the spectator but the director

and judge of every facet of Othello’s behaviour. Now an obvious analogy can be drawn between the

fate of Othello in the play and that of the Orient, when Said argues that the existence of the Orient was

not only displayed but was fixed in time and place for the West through highly impressive textual

successes of the Orientalists - the Orient is what Europe knew; Othello is what the play dramatizes; his

cultural history is what the playwright accumulated from a number of sources. Othello with his exotic

otherness amuses the exclusively white European characters and audience as well. The scope of

constructing the cultural other in European discourse has been inextricably connected with an insular

desire to disregard, essentialize and divide the humanity of different cultures, peoples and geographical

locales. Othello’s case is no different from this as far as the indefinite representation of his

cultural/social identity in Shakespeare’s play is concerned. Therefore, Barry’s representation of Othello

as barbaric, bestial truly conforms to the racist attitude of the West to Orient.

The best acting of the evening, according to The Englishman, was provided by the actor in the role of

Iago. They described him as the ‘attraction of the evening’. They wrote “The part of Iago was ably

sustained, indeed it was, to our mind, the attraction of the evening. For although the Native Amateur

not only kept up but increased the interest with which the novelty of such a performance broke upon us,

we could not lose sight of the good acting of the other”. It is surprising that the Calcutta Star said of

Iago “Towards the end of the play he was altogether inaudible.” The Englishman praised the way in

which Desdemona’s part had been rendered saying “Desdemona acted her part far better than we

expected.”


Modisane’s autobiography and Suzman’s production invoke Othello to question the racism of their own

country. Hugh Quarshie, the black British actor of Ghanaian origin challenges the efficacy of such

attempts, “if a black actor plays Othello does he not risk making racial stereotypes seem legitimate and

even true?”8 His argument is that a black actor’s attempt to impersonate Othello encourages

stereotypically white way of looking at black men. It is true that Addhya was not black, but brown, yet

in the newspapers he is compared with black African actors like Mr. Iva Aldridge, also referred to as

‘unpainted nigger’ and his invocation of ‘black vengeances’ thrills the columnist of Harkaru. In fact

Barry could have produced The winter’s Tale which too dwells on the theme of supposed adultery,

betrayal and revenge, but he decided to capitalize on the skin colour of an actor and by doing so

legitimized the stereotypical racial prejudices of the Europeans against the colonised races. It is amply

clear from the reviews of the English newspapers which worked as ‘Ideological State Apparatuses’ that

their comment on the histrionic talent of Addhya, is determined by his racial identity. Shakespeare’s

Othello resonates with the contradiction between civility and dark skin, and Barry intended to exploit

that template for European image of ‘other’ by presenting an unpainted black Othello on the stage.

Hence Barry’s production of Othello with a Bengali actor in the title role may be defined as an attempt

to legitimize the white conceptualization of the ‘other’ or black or colonised races.

Bibliography

Bhabha, Homi K. “Remembering Fanon, Self, Psyche and the Colonial Condition”. Patrick

Williams and Laura Chrisman, Eds. Colonial Discourse and Postcolonial Theory. New York:

Columbia, 1994: 112–23. Print.

Chatterjee, Partha. The Nation and Its Fragments. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1993.

Print.

Lal, Ananda and Sukanta Chaudhuri, Eds. Shakespeare on the Calcutta Stage: A Checklist.

Calcutta: Papyrus, 2001. Print.

Loomba, Ania. Colonialism-postcolonialism. London: Routledge, 1998: 35. Print.

Mitra, Amal. Kolkatai bideshi rangalaya. Calcutta: Dasgupta & Co. (Pvt.) Ltd, 2009. Print.

Modisane, William Bloke. Blame Me on History. London: Thames and Hudson, 1963: 167-68.

Print.


Othello. By William Shakespeare. Producer James Barry. Perf. Baishnab Charan Addy, James

Barry, Mrs. Anderson. Sans Souci Theatre, Calcutta. 17 Aug. 1848. Performance.

Said, Edward. Orientalism. New Delhi: Penguin Books India (P) Ltd, 2003. Print.

Abhishek Chowdhury is a PhD researcher at the Department of English, University of Kalyani, West

Bengal

Vaidyas of Bengal

Raibatak Sen Gupta

Abstract

In this article, different theories regarding the origin of the Bengali Vaidya community are considered.

First, the traditional Vaidya accounts, which are based on Vaidya Kulaji-texts and other later texts, are

discussed. Some interesting observations are also mentioned in this regard. Aferwards, many supposed

theories (some of which are popular in mainstream historical discourses) are discussed. Some

inconsistencies of these varied theories are pointed out. Next, certain important events in the course of

Vaidya history are touched upon and some possible reasons of the social change of the Vaidyas are

considered. After giving a brief outline of the different Vaidya lineages and locational clusters, the

paper concludes with a discussion about the importance of studying Vaidya history from a traditional

perspective.

Keywords: Vaidyas, Ashtavaidyan, Kulaji, Ayurveda, Brahmin, Ambashtha, Dvija, Kayastha, Vellala,

Mohyal, Saraswat, Siddha, Sadhya, Gotra, Samaj, Sen Kings, Ballal, Lakshman, Rajballabh, Adishur,

Bopdeva.

Introduction

History of the Bengali Vaidya community marks an important aspect of the social, cultural, political

and religious history of Bengal and Bengali people. The Bengali Vaidyas are a miniscule clan, but they

have visibly made significant impact on the various spheres of life. Together with Brahmins (i.e., caste-

brahmins who have traditionally been priests and scholars) and Kayasthas (the scribe community),

Vaidyas form the so-called “Bhadralok” stratum, occupying arguably the most important position of

Bengali social structure. The popular perception about the Vaidyas is that they are a very intelligent and

clannish people. Vaidyas have significantly contributed in shaping the present Bengali society and have

provided leadership in different Bengali movements, which is notable given that they form a negligible

part of the whole Bengali population.



Vaidya history has not been systematically studied in the post-independence era. This is not surprising

since caste-history has never been a popular subject among the modern historians. Universalist

paradigm and simplistic views regarding the caste-system (i.e., it is something which is entirely

despicable, forgettable and should be annihilated for good) have made the present generation

uninterested about caste-history. In the present Bengali society in particular, people get extremely

careful not to get involved in any kind of “Jater name Bojjati” (casteism) and consequently, are not

comfortable in discussing caste issues in public discourses. However, in the case of Bengali Brahmins

(This denotes the non-Vaidya Rarhi, Barendra, Saptashati and Vaidika groups, taken together) and

Kayasthas (both Kulin and Moulik), old books were made easily available. For instance, Nagendranath

Basu’s ‘Banger Jatiya itihas’ (discussing Brahmins and Kayasthas) is still available in printed form

(Dey’s Publications), and other texts like ‘Kshitish Vangshavali’, ‘Sambandha Nirnaya’ can be found in

many libraries. Even in general historical books, the accounts of the Brahmins (and Kayasthas) get

prominence and there is scant information about the Vaidya caste in general. All the old texts on the

history of Vaidya caste (these texts, unsurprisingly, were written by authors who were Vaidyas

themselves) are now out of print (some of them, fortunately, are now available in digitized form). As a

result, one is compelled to search in various books (on different subjects) to infer certain things about

the history of this clan. However, after consulting not more than four or five mainstream books, one is

bound to discover that there are huge inconsistencies in the opinions of the different authors regarding

the origin and accounts of this caste. Some places them at the bottom of the varna-hierarchy, while

some proposes a connection with communities of incomparable and unrelated background. The

speculations are often counter-intuitive and contradictory to the social position of the Vaidyas, and to

the different recorded facts. Again, some historians take a regional Sanskrit text as the only authentic

source of Bengali caste-history and that text is blindly cited in almost all modern textbooks.

In the modern Eurocentric paradigm, too much importance is given on finding a so-called unbiased

source when it comes to community history. The only thing they take into account to ensure neutrality

is that the text should be authored by someone not belonging to the community being discussed. This is

seriously problematic for the following reasons. Firstly, there is scope of antagonism if the author bears

any personal grudge against (or is from a community which is antagonistic to) the community being

studied. Secondly, the members of the community are expected to keep a more precise account of their

own roots and lineages, compared to others. Also, this disregard for oral traditions and familial texts


(which were authored by themselves in the case of Vaidyas) have made things very much difficult for

people who value genealogical history or caste-history, since the veracity of their writings is questioned

every time they refer to some old texts, unless they quote some foreign scholars or some recognized

Indian scholars. One wonders if it is at all possible do new research in this field if the discoveries are

mocked at as something having no historical value. This is the very reason behind history of India

becoming the history of only the kings; coins and inscriptions have been considered the only source of

authentic information in historical studies.

The origin of the Vaidyas has become the most confusing topic in these circumstances. Vaidyas have

excelled in many fields and many would even argue that the original accounts have little value in this

jet age, since Vaidyas are part of the topmost layer of the Bengali Hindu society (as we know, they are

generally considered to be placed 2nd in the Bengali caste-hierarchy, following the Brahmins; although

ritualistically they are Brahmins themselves) and are educationally, economically and socially affluent.

However, one has to keep in mind that obscuring the origin of a community creates problems in

analyzing many aspects of our past and in answering many questions and claims. This even stands in

way of persons getting their due credits. The Vaidya kings were directly involved in events leading to

two massive changes (viz., the establishment of Sanatan dharma and the Islamic invasion) in the

Bengali social and political structure. The social status of the Vaidyas seems to have been targeted by

certain groups for different socio-political interests, which is reflected in this seemingly contradictory

nature of the different opinions regarding the Vaidya history.

In the present article, the focus shall be on the written accounts of the history of Vaidyas (including the

origin accounts), as stated by the old Kulaji (familial) texts and subsequent texts (in early 20-th

century) which are written primarily by Vaidya authors. The various theories propounded by the

modern scholars (and in some cases, of those belonging to the earlier centuries) will also be analyzed.

Different social changes will be mentioned. We shall also have a brief outline of the lineage accounts

and different samajs of the Vaidyas of Bengal. Finally, the importance of these old texts (and of an

honest study of caste-history) shall be stated, and a conclusion of the identity of the Vaidyas in the

Varna-scheme by weighing different theories will be aimed at.


Origin: Vaidya traditional views

Vaidyas are the traditional Bengali community involved in studying, teaching and practicing medicine.

They have mainly restricted themselves to the traditional vocation and studies of other disciplines (e.g.,

Nyaya, Vyakarana etc.), but at the same time they have been kings, ministers and big land-owners from

the very beginning. The existence of a community solely devoted to Ayurveda is seen in only two other

places in India. One is Kerala, where a sect of Nambudri Brahmins, called Ashtavaidyans (eight

families of traditional Vaidyas) form a sub-caste[1]. Another is Bihar, where Shakdwipi Brahmins (with

a supposed Iranic past) practice astrology and Ayurveda in a traditional manner [2]. There is a

community called Bez (Bezbarua) which was traditionally involved in healing arts[3], but now they are

an indistinguishable part of the larger Brahmin caste. In other places, medicine is mainly practiced by

Brahmins[4] (and in surgical cases, by some barber-groups), but that is usually not done in a traditional

manner. One might come across Vaidya familes but a Vaidya community of considerable size is not

found.

First, let us concentrate on the word Vaidya. Etymologically, the word has its root in the word ‘Veda’

and ‘Vidya’. Charaka says that “after completion of Vidya (education), a physician attains a new birth

and only then he is conferred the title Vaidya, it is not obtained by merely taking birth in some family.

The completion of the Vidya ensures that the physician gets enlightened with the knowledge of the

Brahma and attains a Rishi-hood, because supreme knowledge manifests in completion of Vidya and

thus makes Vaidya a twice-born” [5]. Chakrapani Dutta, in his treatise of Charaka, says “Vaidya is one

who has a remarkable knowledge”. Durgachandra Sanyal, in his “Banglar Samajik itihas” writes that

Sanskrit Vaidya (and Kaviraja), English ‘Doctor’ and Arabic “Hakim” all denote both a scholar and a

physician, which shows that practice of medicine in ancient times was confined to the most erudite

scholars[6]. Mahabharata states that “Dvijeshu Vaidyang shreyangsha” (i.e., the ones completing the

Vedas are the best among the twice-borns) [7]. Let us now look at some more definitions of Vaidya as

mentioned by Vaidya scholars in their texts. Maharshi Shankha defined that Vaidya is one who is born

of Vedas (Dharanidhar, in his commentary, explains that this means that one attains the title of Vaidya

by proficiency in Vedas) [8]. Maharshi Ushana says that a Vaidya is one who is proficient in all the

Vedas, is a master of different shastras, and is excellent as a physician[9]. Let us now look at this

‘completion of Vidya’ mentioned by Charaka more closely. Dallan Acharya, in his commentary of

Sushruta, states that after completing Rig, Yajur and Sama, the students must go through a second


upanayana ceremony before studying Atharva and Ayurveda, although they have already had a first

upanayana before the beginning of the regular course[10]. Thus, a student of Ayurveda had to first study

Rig Yajur Sama before studying Atharva and Ayurveda (note that Ayurveda, although sometimes called

an upaveda of Rigveda, is generally considered to be a Vedanga/Upanga of AtharvaVeda[11] and

Chakrapani Datta opined that Atharva itself is Ayurveda[12]. Charak instructed his students to remain

adherent to Atharva[13]). This explains why a student completing the study of Ayurveda is called a

Vaidya, i.e., one who has completed the Vedic curriculum (called Vidya, comprising of 4 Vedas,

Vedangas, Darshanas, Puran, Smriti, Ayurveda, Arthashastra etc. [14]). According to the Vaidya

scholars[15], the Charakasamhita verse mentioned above uses the word “Trija” (thrice-born), but the

versions available now show the words dvija instead of trija (eminent Sanskrit scholar Devipada

Bhattacharya mentioned this verse in his foreword to Shivkali Bhattacharya’s “Chiranjivi

Banoushodhi” [16] to opine that a Vaidya is a Brahmin versed in Ayurveda). Brahmins, Kshatriyas or

Vaishyas were all accepted as students of medicine, but the full philosophical details were explained to

the Brahmins only[17], and the privilege of teaching in ancient times was also restricted to Brahmins[18].

Anyway, such stringent rules regarding the use of the word Vaidya probably ensured that medicine does

not become a family vocation in most of the places, as the son of Vaidya would not become a Vaidya

unless he completes the entire Vedic curriculum (a ‘Brahmin’ physician, i.e., who did not attain Vaidya-

hood and is a caste-brahmin, was generally despised[19]) ending with Ayurveda. However, he may

become a Pande, Dwivedi, Trivedi, or Chaturvedi after completing 1, 2, 3 and 4 vedas respectively

without the Ayurveda part. In fact, all these hierarchical titles starting from Pande to Vaidya are found

in Sanadhyay Brahmins[20]). Brahmins adept in Atharvaveda are rather rare in present times.

Shakadwipis might have been helped by the Atharvan tradition they brought from their Iranic

ancestors, whereas in case of Bengali Vaidyas, the Sankhya philosophy (prevalent in Bengal) seems to

have played a part in keeping the Ayurvedic tradition dynamic (Vedic Ayurveda evolved into the

present Classical form due to many theoretical influences of Sankhya[21]).

In fact, use of the word Vaidya as a reference to a physician can be seen in Vedas itself. Verse 4.26.3 of

Rigveda describes Indra destroying 99 cities in Asur Shambar’s kingdom and gifting the 100th to the

Vaidya Divodasa. Vaidya Divodasa seems to be a prototype of the Kashiraj Divodasa Dhanvantari[22],

who taught surgery to Sushruta and others. The medical profession is mentioned in Vedas not only in


praising the Ashwins, but also in praying for the success of a Vipra/Brahmin Bhishaka (physician) (cf.

verse 10.97 of Rigveda). Also, one of the nine shakhas of Atharvaveda was called Caranavaidya

(which is assumed to be followed by wandering physicians) [23], which has now become extinct.

Let us now look at the origin of the Bengali Vaidyas specifically. The earliest reference of Vaidyas in

Bengal found so far is in the famous scholar Bopdeva’s ‘Shatashloki’. Bopdeva (7th century AD[24]),

famous for his vyakarana text ‘Mugdhobodha’, discussed his own family history in Shatashloki. He

wrote that in Mahasthan region, thousands of Vedapada Dvijas (Veda-following twice-born) resided,

and among them were born Bopdeva’s father Vaidya Keshav and teacher Vaidya Dhanesh. In the

concluding parts of ‘Mugdhobodha’ too, he described himself as a Vedapada Vipra and mentioned his

father Keshav Bhishaka. RG Bhandarkar and Sakharam Ganesh Deuskar had opined that Bopdeva was

a Maharashtrian Brahmin since his descendants are now part of the Maharashtrian Brahmin clan. But

Yadaveshwar Tarkaratna (in his article “Bopdeva” published in periodical “Archana” [25]) conclusively

proved that Bopdeva was a Bengali Vaidya born in the Mahasthan Desh near Bagura district[26]. Apart

from many Vyakarana and Smriti granthas, Bopdeva also wrote some books in Ayurveda.

Next, we come to know about some physicians belonging to the Pal era. The foremost among them is

Chakrapani Datta, who is famous for his ‘Chakradatta’ and other medicinal texts. Madhav Kar was

another physician whose familial texts identify him as a Vaidya [27]. It is worth noting that both Datta

and Kar (along with Dhar) are found among the surnames of the Vedic Brahmins of Deccan and Orissa

(Dhar is found in Kashmir and Datta is found in Punjab also). Now according to the Vaidya oral

traditions[28], the first cluster of Vaidyas (i.e., Vaidya families other than the Dhanvantari Sens,

Moudgalya Dash’s, Shaktri Sens and Kashyap Guptas) reached Bengal from the Karnataka region (old

Karnata desh) via Utkala (Orissa) and Rajmahendri (present Rajahmundry in Andhra). The Sen (also

written as Sena) kings have been described as Dakshinatya Vaidyaraja in the old text Viprakula-

kalpalatika[29]. So it sounds reasonable that after starting to reside in Bengal, some of the Vaidyas

practiced medicine and studied other disciplines like Nyaya-Vyakarana etc., while some became

feudatories (and gradually turned into powerful independent rulers) in Rarh region in and later in

Bikrampur. It is worth noting that Chakrapani Dutta’s father was a Patra (minister) of the king

Nayapaldeva[30].


Bengalis Vaidyas are predominantly followers of Kanva shakha (branch) of Yajurveda[31]. Compared to

Bengal and North India, this shakha has been more prevalent in Orissa and Deccan since the time of

Shankaracharya. Did Vaidyas come to Bengal as Chalukya kings’ Dandanayaka/ Senadhipati (who

were also Brahmins residing in Karnat[32]) then? More evidence is needed to reach any conclusion on

this, but the supposed Chalukya connection of the Senas (Ballal married a Chalukya princess[33]) make

this a hypothesis worth consideration. In fact, there were ministers and court-poets in Deccan who

identified themselves as Vaidyas (e.g.,- Vajravarma, Sattan Ganapati, Maran-kari or Madhurakavi)[34][35].

These vaidyas were considered as Brahmins, and physicians in general were described as

suvarna/savarna (an intermediate between Brahmin and Kshatriya) [36]. Probably this (together with

their functioning as ruler Brahmins) led to the Brahmakshatriya designation of the Vaidyas in Bengal

and Deccan alike.

It is interesting to note that Vaidyas often migrated to Maharashtra from Bengal (Bharat Mallik, a

Vaidya Kulaji-writter, says that many Nandi Vaidyas had settled in Maharashtra[37]), for example

Bopdeva migrated to Devagiri (Atul Krishna Mukhopadhyay, in an article in the periodical

‘Mandarmala’, 1916, Vol 3., No.10, opined that Buddhist groups of Bengal was antagonistic towards

Vaishnavas of that time, and that is why Bopdeva Goswami settled in Maharashtra[38]) and his family

had assimilated into Maharashtrian Brahmin clan. Also, Vaidyas had marital alliances with Dash and

Mishra Brahmins of Orissa (although it was not preferred, as indicated by the word ‘Durdaiba’, i.e.,

misfortune, mentioned by Bharat) [39]. These settlements and marriages probably indicate that Vaidyas

still had a link with their previous homelands. In this connection, it should be pointed out that this

Bengal-Maharashtra movement was also seen in the case of Gaud Saraswat Brahmins belonging to the

larger (and ancient) Saraswat clan, of which Vaidyas are presumed to be a part, according to Kulajikars

like Durjoy Dash and later authors like Basanta Kumar Sengupta (in some cases, this seems to be

acknowledged by the Saraswats themselves. For example, the Census report of 1931 discusses reports

of Vaidyas being invited in the All India Saraswat Conference in Lahore[40]).

Apart from Durjoy Dash, Jay Sen Biswas was another kulajikar who highlighted this Saraswat

connection. The following points are to be noted in this regard:

1) Firstly, Saraswat, in practice, became the denomination of any Brahmin clan hailing from the

Northwestern India (the other northern denominations being Kanyakubja, Maithila, Utkala, Gaur).


Now the Ambashtha region, which is unanimously accepted as the ancestral homeland of the Vaidyas

by almost all the Vaidya historians and Kulajikars, was situated in northwestern India, as per

Vishnupurana and other sources[41]. Durjoy Dash said that the Ambasthas (another name for Vaidyas)

belonged to two branches – Saraswata and Saindhava (i.e., those residing on the banks of Saraswati

and Sindhu river respectively) [42].

2) Secondly, the Saraswats migrated eastward and southward (reaching as far as Trihuta in east and

Karnataka-Kerala in south[43]), may subclans like Rajapur Saraswat or Gaud saraswats were created in

the process.

3) Thirdly, Saraswats often had a non-vegetarian diet (as seen in Punjabi, Kashmiri and Konkani

Saraswats).

4) Lastly, Saraswat Mohyal Vaid Brahmins of Punjab are evidently the only other clan (apart from the

Vaidyas) in India which belongs to Dhanvantari gotra. Mohyals maintain an identity markedly distinct

from common Brahmins (and do not have marital alliances with other Brahmins), do not take part in

priestly duties, and have always been powerful kings and landlords. All these characteristics are seen

among the Vaidyas to some extent. T.P. Russel Stracey suggested a connection between Bengali

Vaidyas and Mohyal Vaids[44]. It is also worth noting that Bharadwaja gotra Dattas are found in both

the clans. Moreover, the Lau clan of Mohyals has an oral tradition that they have an eastern origin and

one Ballal Sen was one of their ancestors. Panchanan Raya suggests that Laus descended from the Sen

kings[45]. The use of the surname Sen among the Laus even in 18th century[46], is interesting to note.

The above points are all consistent to the proposition stated in the Vaidya Kulajis (and in later texts)

that Saraswata Vaidyas (as mentioned by Durjoy Dash and Jay Sen Biswas) went southward from the

Ambashtha region and then eventually reached Bengal.

A second stream of Vaidyas, comprising of four gotras viz., Dhanvantari, Moudgalya, Shaktri and

Kashyap, came possibly during King Adishur’s rule. As per Vaidya scholars they had taken a northern

route (via Kanyakubja, Magadh and Mithila) from the Ambashtha region[47]. The old text ‘Bhavabali’

(by Jagannath Gupta) states that four Vaidyas were brought in Adishur’s court from the Ambashtha


region whose names were Shaktidhar (of Shaktri Gotra), Kabidash (Moudgalya gotra), Budha

(Dhanvantari gotra) and Sumati Gupta (of Kashyap gotra) [48]. Durjoy writes “Ambasthas consolidated

their power in Bengal after coming from Aryavarta” regarding these new migrants[49]. These Vaidyas

were proficient in many shastras and poetry, and they wrote the letter to the Kanyakubja king on behalf

of Adishur, requesting to send Yagnika Brahmins for officiating in Adishur’s Yagna. It is worth noting

that Adishur himself is said to belong to Dhanvantari gotra in Vaidya and Brahmin kulajis alike (e.g.

Debibara’s Kulaji) [50], and his ancestral home was in Darad region according to Dhruvananda

Mishra[51]. ‘Bhavabali’ also says that Adishur had a Navaratna sabha (court adorned with 9 gems) with

these 4 Vaidyas and 5 Yagnik Brahmins.

Dhanvantari and Shaktri lineages had the surname Sen, Moudgalya had the surname Dash, whereas the

surname of the Kashyapas is Gupta. These four lineages played the most prominent part in subsequent

Vaidya history, and seem to form the bulk of the present Vaidya population. They obtained the

designation Siddha (whereas the other lineages were called Sadhya and occasionally, Kashta. This

Sidhha-Sadhya-Kashta nomenclature is observed in Brahmins as well[52]) and many branches of these

families were recognized as Kulinas by Ballal and Lakshman (It is worth noting, however that Sadhya

Chakrapani Dutta described himself as a Lodhravali Kulina, i.e., a Kulina belonging to the Lodhravali

region). This Kulina status was often lost (and in some cases, regained) due to many issues related to

marriage (with a non-siddha family), personal enmity, shift of residence etc.

Almost all the Kulajikars belonged to these Siddha lineages, and as a result the Kulaji texts almost

singularly discuss accounts related to the Siddhas only. Sadhyas were mentioned only when some

marriage took place with Sadhyas (which became a rare event as time passed on). As a result, we have

many facts regarding the family-trees and marital details of Siddhas, but there is a paucity of

information regarding the Sadhya clans. Royal patronage, along with other reasons (e.g., Siddhas’ strict

disapproval of the occasional Buddhist/Pal associations of Sadhyas in earlier times), gave birth to a

condescending attitude towards Sadhyas in Siddhas’ minds (much like how Kulina Brahmins

disregarded the Shrotriya and other Brahmins). This proved costly as many lineages were lost by

assimilating into other communities, as they could not continue marital alliances with Siddhas,

specially in regions like Chattagram and Sylhet.


The Siddhas, evidently, first came to Bikrampur as it was the capital of Adishur. However, ‘Bhavabali’

suggests that they had quickly shifted to Baidyabati (in the bank of the Ganges) of Rarh [53] and then to

Manbhum (except Shaktri gotra Siddhas) after the end of Shur rule. Sriharsha Sen, the person with

whom all the available Dhanvantari gotra family-tree starts, was a king in Manbhum region (which was

called Senbhum also) [54]. His capital was named Kanjigramnagara[55]. The Shaktri founding father

Shrivatsa Sen lived in Tehatta in Rarh. Moudgalya Dashes resided in Gonagara whereas Kashyap

guptas lived in Karankakotha (last two places were situated in Manbhum region) [56]. Later on they

moved to Katwa-Nabadwip region in Rarh, from where many branches migrated to Eastern Bengal

during and after Lakshman Sen’s rule.

The Ambashtha angle must be studied regarding the origin of the Vaidyas. Vaidya Kulajis maintained

that Ambashtha was the name of the region from where Vaidyas moved to different place (as seen in

the Bhavabali verses mentioned above). It is a common thing to use the name of ancestral place for

naming a community. We thus have Mathur Brahman, Kanyakubja Brahman, Rarhi Brahman etc.

Vaidyas seems to have described themselves as Ambashtha due to this geographical reason. Any caste

having its roots in Ambashtha region can be called Ambastha (just like we have Rarhi Brahmins and

Rarhi Kayasthas). For the Vaidyas, however, there was a second connotation of the word Ambashtha.

The word Ambashtha, according to ‘Prakritivada’ dictionary edited by Sarat Chandra Shastri[57] and

Saral Bangala Abhidhan edited by Subal Mitra[58], etymologically denotes one who stays like a father

or mother. Thus this was naturally used for physicians as they cared for a patient just like the parents do

for their children. This parental aspect is visible in the ancient use of the word ‘Tat’ (father) while

addressing Vaidyas. In Rigveda verse 4.26.3, Indra describes Vaidya Divodasa as sarvatat (i.e., father

of all). Again in Ramayana, Ram asked Bharat to honour ‘Tatvaidyas’ (along with other Brahmins) [58].

In Mahabharata, when some Vaidyas reached Kurukshetra to treat Bhishma during his Shara-shajya

(i.e., bed of arrows), he requested others to do proper “Archana” of the Vaidyas[59]. So this tradition of

denoting physicians as fatherly Ambashthas is quite old. It is very much possible that the Vaidyas’

ancestral homeland was named Ambashtha because many famous physicians lived there (Northwest

India is the homeland of many ancient Ayurvedic luminaries like Charak, Drirhabala, Bagbhatta etc.).

Now in Manusmriti, the offspring begotten by a Brahmin in the womb of a Vaishya wife is called an

Ambashtha and is stated to have the vocation of medicine[60]. Ushanasamhita lists agriculture, cooking,


warfare and medicine among the duties of this Ambashtha. This Ambashtha was a Brahmin in the

varna-scheme, as Vyasadeva said that a children begotten by a Brahmin in the womb of a wife

belonging to any of the first three varnas, is a Brahmin[61]. Present version of the Manusmriti, although

not being clear on the varna-status of an Ambastha, has a verse saying that the six types of offsprings

born of parents belonging to same dvija varnas or born of anantara marriage between dvijas would be

a dvija[62]. Medhatithi, a commentator of Manu, equates anantara with anuloma (i.e., where the varna of

the father is higher than the varna of the mother) [63]. This Ambashtha was in some cases called as

Vaidya, as mentioned in the Haritasamhita’s verse saying that among the five dvijas viz., Brahmin,

Murdhavishiktha (Brahmin-Kshatriya anuloma offspring), Vaidya, Kshatriya and Vaishya, the

comparative status is determined in the mentioned order, i.e., A Brahmin is superior to a

Murdhavisikhta, A Murdhavisikhtha is more respectable than a Vaidya and a Vaidya is superior to a

Kshatriya, and so forth[64].

However, there is nothing that definitely proves that the Bengali Vaidyas are the Ambashthas

mentioned in Manu and other texts, except the common medical professional link. However, medicine

was not a ‘profession’ of Vaidyas per se, the tradition of the Vaidyas was to take a Dhanvantari Bhaga

(a token for the preparation of medicine) and a Dana or Pranami[65] (this finds mention in latest literary

works like Sharatchandra’s “Obhaagir Sworgo”). Vaidyas usually didn’t take any money for cure,

unlike subsidiary healers like Barber-surgeons (also called Ambattan in southern India) or Snake-

charmers. The physicians of the Ambastha clan might have worked in subsidiary healing, medicine-

preparation and in some cases might have assimilated with Vaidyas, but there is no credible evidence to

conclude that the whole Bengali Vaidya clan is a part of the Ambashtha sect mentioned by Manu.

Umeshchandra Vidyaratna opined that the surnames of Sen, Gupta etc are Vaishya surnames and it

probably indicates a Vaishya maternal link. However, Sen was historically used a military title by all

varnas, Gupta was used by a Brahmin like Chanakya or Abhinava, and Dash, Datta, Dhar are Brahmin

surnames in many parts of India. Brihad-dharma Purana does not mention the Vaidya clan but

mentions Ambashtha as a Sudra clan (we shall see the inconsistency involved in this, very shortly). The

Vaidya scholars using the word Ambashtha (for Vaidyas) have all pointed to either its fatherly aspect or

the locational aspect. Agriculture and cooking have never been the vocation of Bengali Vaidyas.


Brahma-Vaivartya Purana, an Upapurana, distinguishes the Vaidyas from the Ambasthas and comes up

with a new story regarding the origin of Vaidyas. It narrates that a Brahmin’s wife was once

impregnated by Asvinikumars (the Vedic twin-gods of medicine) and a son was born. When the angry

Brahmin deserted both the wife and the child, Asvins taught the son Ayurveda other mantras with great

care. This verse is followed by the accounts of Grahavipras and Agradanis[66]. The regional nature and

the language of the verses makes it plain that these were interpolations aimed at fabricating origin

myths for non-priest Brahmins like Agradani, Grahavipra and Vaidyas (this connection between

Agradanis and Vaidyas is later seen in Mukundaram Chakravarty’s work Kabikankan Chandi, also

called Chandimangal, where they are shown to be seated together), which is a quite an old tactics of

priestly authors, as mentioned by Jogendranath Bhattacharya[67]. In any case, Vaidyas being descendants

of deities is undoubtedly allegorical in nature and holds no genealogical significance.

The oldest Kulaji of the Vaidyas, according to Umeshchandra Vidyaratna and others, is Rishisutra,

which is not available in any form since the last few centuries. Chaturbhuj Sen, another Kulajikar, gives

a version of Vaidya origin by probably combining the Rishisutra (which, as the name suggests,

discussed the origin of different Vaidya lineages according to their gotra) and the myth of

Amritacharya mentioned in Skandapurana. As the Skandapuran story goes, once Maharshi Galava was

wandering in a forest. Suddenly he felt thirsty and after a long search for water, he could finally quench

his thirst with the help of a Vaishya girl Birbhadra who was carrying a pitcher. The sage blessed him,

wishing that she gets a male offspring. Since Birbhadra was unmarried at that time, Galava created a

child from a stack of Kushagrass with the power of Vedic verses. The child was called Vaidya (born of

Vedas) and Galava instructed him to stay in his maternal residence.

The child went on to become a master of Shastras and Ayurveda and came to be known as

Amritacharya, an incarnation of Vishnu-Dhanvantari who brought Amrita (Ambrosia) nectar during the

Samudramanthana[68]. The following is what Chaturbhuj added: Amritacharya resided in the plains

between Ganga and Yamuna and married the three daughters of Ashvinikumars. 25 daughters were

born from his three wives. He managed to convince 25 renowned Rishis of different regions to marry

his daughters, and the different Vaidya lineages came into being from these marriages between Rishis

and Amritacharya’s daughters[69]. This myth has certain underlying points. First, it aims to allegorize the

notion of Vaidyas being born of Vedas. Secondly, it tries to explain the title of Ambashtha by


suggesting that Amritacharya had stayed in his maternal home (Ambashtha=ambakule sthita i.e.,

belonging to the maternal clan). Thirdly, this too connects Ashvinikumars with Vaidyas. And lastly, the

genealogical history of the several Vaidya lineages is connected by mentioning the name and residence

of the ancestral rishis of the respective lineages while describing them as husbands of Amritacharya’s

daughter. So although the account is legendary in nature, it is important since it has preserved the

names and old residences of Vaidya founding fathers.

Some contradictory theories on origin

In this section we shall look at several origin theories that are at variance with the Vaidya tradition that

Vaidyas are a community of Ayurvedic physicians/scholars belonging to the Brahmin varna and having

an ancient Sanskritist Ayurvedic heritage.

In general history books concerning Bengal/Bengalis, the most cited theory regarding the Vaidyas is

that they are Ambashthas belonging to the sat-shudra varna. The only source of this notion is Brihad-

dharma Purana and to some extent, Smarta Raghunandan’s ‘Shuddhitatva’. Interestingly, both of them

are silent about the specific clan of Vaidyas and have used the word Ambashtha as a sat-shudra clan,

but authors have freely equated Ambashtha with Vaidya and described Vaidyas as sat-shudras (it is

worth noticing that no verse of Brahma-vaivartya Purana describes Vaidyas as sat-shudras or

varnasankaras either, but many historians suggest that Vaidyas are among the sat-shudras, for reasons

better known to them). First of all, the argument behind declaring Ambashtha as Shudras is illogical,

since Mahabharata clearly indicates that the offspring of a Brahmin and a Vaishya wife is a Brahmin,

and Manu also hints that anuloma marriage within dvijas begets a dvija offspring, as we discussed

before. Brihad-dharma Purana (Uttarakhanda, verses 9.34 to 9.36) in fact described that Ambasthas, as

sons of Vipras, are worth of having dvija sanskaras (rituals), but then it comes up with a strange

argument that since Brahmins mercifully gave Ayurveda to Ambashthas, that itself washes away the

sins of having a mixed birth[70].

One wonders what is the logic behind acknowledging the washing away of sins of some sons of Vipra

and still listing them as Shudras. Raghunandan argued that Ambasthas, along with Kshatriyas and

Vaishyas, became Shudras due to not staying in contact with Brahmins for a long time [71]. This is also

preposterous, since Bengal always had a Brahmin (priest) population, even in pre-Adishur times. Only


the number of Brahmins was far less than in other places and the Bengali Brahmins often had non-

Vedic inclinations. Still, Ayurvedic physicians, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas have traditionally followed

Brahminical religious rituals both in Bengal and in other places like Deccan etc. Kings from the Vaidya

clan (which is supposedly being denoted as Ambashtha) in fact endeavored sincerely to revive

Brahminical religion in Bengal. One may presume that this supposed perception of Ambasthas being

impure, is somehow linked with the post-Manu smarta tendency to hold the medical duties with

contempt. However, it might also be the case that there were some community interests, personal

grievances or political tactics behind such a distortion regarding the varna-status of the Vaidyas.

Brihad-dharma Purana is not among the 18 authentic Puranas, and it was not even considered an

Upapurana until it listed itself as the last of the upapuranas. It was written by some Bengali individuals

(as evident by its language and topics[72]) in late 13th century[73]. One cannot help noting that the period

when it was being written was the time when Sen era had just ended and some Brahmins (together with

Kayasthas in some cases) were colluding with Muslim rulers to create a new power equation (Raja

Danujmadhav Deva had made an alliance with Mamluk sultan Ghiyas-ud-din Balban [74], later Raja

Ganesh or Danujmardan Deva assisted the Muslims very much and his son converted to Islam). In this

connection it is worth noting that the first available printed versions of both Brihad-dharma Purana and

‘Ballal Charita’ (to be discussed shortly) were edited /introduced by Haraprasad Shastri.

It is logical to assume that many steps were necessary for certain groups to prevent Sen kings from

regaining any social and political stronghold. Later, Raghunandan and others may well have tampered

with the text further due to their neo-smarta inclinations. It is surprising to see that the historians never

took a note of any of these points and blindly followed the late 13-th century Brihad-dharma Purana as

their only source to conclude about the history of Vaidyas, who have an ancient past and have been

residing in Bengal since 7th century or earlier.

As said before, equating Ambashthas with Vaidyas is problematic on many accounts. One important

point in this regard is that some important Vaidya gotras like Dhanvantari, Shaktri etc. are not found

among priestly Brahmins anywhere in India (note that they are not non-Aryan gotras since they are

found in the list of gotras given in Baudhayana and elsewhere). They are not found in other castes also.

Had Vaidyas been the offsprings of priestly Brahmins (with a Vaishya maternal line), they would have

belonged to common priestly gotras (in this regard note that Mohyals never officiated as priests so the


possibility of Vaidyas deriving their gotras from Mohyals is ruled out. Rather, it is reasonable to

presume that Dhanvantari Vaidyas and Dhanvantari Vaid Mohyals, both being non-priests, have a

common root, as discussed before). Vaidyas did not act as priests in usual circumstances, that is why

non-Brahmins, who acquire their gotras from their priests, do not belong to gotras like Dhanvantari,

Shaktri etc. In fact, this also strengthens the supposition that Vaidyas are from Brahmin varna, because

otherwise they would again have priestly Brahmin gotras.

The Shudra supposition is not supported by the literary works of Bengal as well. Kabikankan Chandi

describes the Vaidyas as sporting a Urdhafota [75] (a tilaka mark in forehead identifying a Brahmin[76]).

Bankimchandra in his articles mentioned that Vaidyas are not Shudras (e.g., - Bange Brahmanadhikar,

2nd Prastaba) and protested against Vidyasagar who had opined that Vaidyas are from the Shudra

varna[77]. In fact, Vaidyas of Rarh region always had a continuous tradition of Upanayana[78] (which had

been discontinued by East Bengali Vaidyas for a certain period due to a particular incident, until Raja

Rajballabh brought back the ritual among them). Durgachandra Sanyal mentions that the Vaidya king

Ballal used to wear the Upavita (sacred thread) [79]. In Calcutta Sanskrit college, Shudras were debarred

from getting enlisted (until the time of Vidyasagar), but Vaidyas were always allowed to study in that

college[80] along with other Brahmins and Ramkamal Sen (the grandfather of eminent Brahmo leader

Keshabchandra Sen) acted as principal of Sanskrit college for some time. Also, Jogendranath

Bhattacharya mentions that in feasts, Vaidya guests were made to eat at the same time with other

Brahmins, which was not allowed for Kayasthas or other Shudras [81]. The Grahavipras, or astrologer

Brahmins are described as born of Ambashtha father in texts like Parshurama Samhita[82]. It is

impossible that a caste coming out of Shudra lineages would be accepted as Vipras.

The Ambastha hypothesis was also used to suppose that Vaidyas belong to the Vaishya varna. This

theory depends on the notion that Ambastha Amritacharya had stayed in his maternal clan, and Vaidyas

being his descendants are also Vaishyas. However, Amritacharya was only the maternal grandfather of

the Vaidyas (according to Chaturbhuj) so his being Vaishya has nothing much to do with the status of

the Vaidyas who were sons of Rishis. Furthermore, Amritacharya, as the suffix Acharya suggests, was a

Brahmin. Some proponents of this Vaishya theory mention that anuloma offsprings always have the

varna of their mother (before marriage), this is contradicted by Mahabharata and Manusmriti alike, as

we have discussed. There is a saying that Vaidyas were Pitritulya (fatherly/Brahmin) during SatyaYuga


and TretaYuga, they were like Kshatriyas in Dvapara, and are like Vaishyas in Kali, but this is clearly

an allegory suggesting the decline of the philanthropic mindset of the Vaidyas through a war-ridden

Dvapara and sin-dominated Kali. A verse by Nulo Panchanan (an old author who wrote on Bengali

social history) mentions that the Vaidya king Adishur belonged to Vaishya “Jati” but in the very next

line goes on to state that he was a Vedic scholar ruling like a Kshatriya [83]. It is almost improbable that

Vaishyas could become proficient in Vedas (Adishur) or Smritis (Ballal Sen) at that time. Actually this

Vaishya theory got popular when Rarhiya Vaidyas started to perform 15 days of Ashoucha (mourning

period) as per a directive issued by Raja Ganesh who was reportedly coaxed into issuing the directive

by some Brahmins who had hold a long grudge against the Sen kings. This will be discussed later.

Probably, some authors could see the problem of equating Ambasthas with Vaishyas or Shudras. Some

new claims were being made suggesting an inglorious origin of the Vaidyas. For instance, a modern

edition of the text Ballalcharita (by some Anandabhatta) stated that the Vaidyas were sons begotten by

Ambasthas in Vaishya wives[84]. Needless to say, this did not have any scriptural support and could not

become popular. Again, Nagendranath Basu in his “Biswakosha” claimed that some commentator of

Manu had said that Ambasthas are of two type, the first coming from a Vaishya father and a Kshatriya

mother, while the second from a Shudra father and a Kshatriya mother [85]. This again, is a statement not

supported by any scriptural reference or evidences.

Next, we consider the theory involving the Ambashtha Kayasthas. Ambashtha Kayasthas are a clan of

Kayasthas residing in Bihar and eastern UP. As per their tradition, they have been named Ambashtha

since they lived in the Ambashtha region. Jogendranath connects the Vaidyas with these Ambastha

Kayasthas[86], totally disregarding the facts that Ambashtha Kayasthas never had a tradition of Ayurveda

and that Kayasthas were placed below Vaidyas in caste-hierarchy, as he himself had stated. It is

reasonable for any caste migrating from the Ambashtha region to use the name Ambashtha, just as any

caste hailing from Rarh region uses the tag Rarhi. In this regard, it is worth noting that Mathur was a

sect of Brahmins living in Mathura, but the Kayasthas of that region also use the surname Mathur and

the Vaishyas of that region are called Mathur Vaishyas. Jogendranath, even after stating all the

Brahminical features and heritage of Vaidyas, connected them with Kayasthas because according to

him the Vaidyas had non-Brahminic surnames.


At this point, it needs to be mentioned again that Dash, Dutta, Dhar, Kar, Nandi/Nanda are all found

among Brahmins (even in Bengal we once had non-Vaidya Brahmins using Dhar or Kar, as seen from

the family history of Ashutosh Shastri or Ramnarayan Tarkaratna), whereas Sen and Gupta (Guput) are

found among Gayali Brahmins[87]. Dash, with the talavya ‘sha’, specifically denotes a Brahmin famous

for Dana (donation), as stated by Panini and others[88]. Interestingly, Vatsya gotra is found among

Dash’s of both Bengal and Orissa. Also, Vaidyas in some cases had titles like Pande (in Bankura’s

Tiluri village[89]) or Dube (i.e., Dwivedi. Murari Sen Dube of Japsa village was a well-known Vaidya).

Furthermore, Vaidyas had the privilege of giving Diksha to even Brahmins, for example the Thakurs of

Srikhanda or the Goswamis of Bhajanghat have been the dikshagurus of many Brahmin families, as

seen in Vaishnava texts like Chaitanyacharita[90].

Another popular theory regarding the Vaidyas is that they are descendants of Vellala chieftains of

Tamilnadu. Bijay Chandra Majumdar claimed that Vellala (also called Vellalar) communities had been

Vedic scholars and the word Vaidya is related to Vedic studies only, not medicine. According to him,

the Vellalas became Vaidyas due to their Vedic studies and they often practiced medicine. He strongly

suggested that Bengali Vaidyas are originally Vellalas since many of them came from southern India

and were adept in Brahminical/Vedic disciplines[91]. Let us now see why this assumption is very

difficult to accept. Firstly, Vellalas did not have an Ayurvedic heritage of teaching, studying and

authoring Classical medicinal texts. They are mainly an agricultural community which sometimes acted

as local chieftains. In the orthodox Brahminical tradition of Tamilnadu, no non-Brahmin (especially if

he belongs to an agricultural Shudra caste) can be expected to be a Vedic scholar, there is no evidence

of Vellalas being Vedic scholars either. Secondly, Bijaychandra is clearly wrong when he says that the

word Vaidya had no connection with medicine. We have already discussed the definition of the word

Vaidya and all over India Ayurvedic scholars are known by the name Vaidyas. Thirdly, Sen kings came

from Karnataka, not from Tamilnadu.

Again, Dineshchandra Sircar was of the view that Vaidyas are a union of local physicians and

Ambastha (Ambattan) barber-surgeons coming from the Deccan[92]. Clearly, the Vaidyas’ oral tradition

of two clusters coming to Bengal at different times and Sen kings’ southern connections have led the

historians to connect them with many clans of Southern India (Sircar, in any case had a ‘curious and

persistent southern complex’, opined Dr. RK Ghoshal[93]). The basis of DC Sircar’s claim is that the Sen


Kings came from Deccan and Ambattan barbers act as physicians in Tamilnadu. He seems to have

interpreted the existence of two different clusters (Sadhya and Sidhha) as the crystallization of medical

profession by the assimilation of Southern barbers with Bengali local healer population during Sen

dynasty. He also equated the name Daman (Sen) of a Vaidya individual with Tamil Dommana.

What DC Sircar missed is that it is the first cluster which is believed to have taken a southern route to

Bengal during the Pal era, not the second one. Moreover, during the Sen dynasty, Siddha and Sadhya

became socially distant gradually, so the question of assimilation does not arise. The Siddhas were

there in the Shur courts and had come via Aryavarta. Thus the hypothesis that Pal era Vaidyas (Bengali)

assimilated with Siddha Vaidyas (southerners) during the Sen dynasty, does not hold water. Moreover,

barber surgeons did not have the heritage of writing volumes of Sanskrit texts on Classical Ayurvedic

topics and on other disciplines. The Bengali Vaidyas (both Siddhas and Sadhyas) never had a barber-

surgical way of treating either. Equating Daman (a Sanskrit word) with Dommana is not only

unreasonable, but also irrelevant (since Dommana is not confined to Barber castes alone. It is

interesting to note in this regard that an anthropological paper had found out that the head-structure of a

Vaidya (Neem Chand Dasgupta) was Caucasian in nature and was markedly different from that of a

Barber-surgeon or that of a Kayastha[94].

Some authors claim that in Mahabharata, the offspring begotten by a Shudra male and a Vaishya female

is called a Vaidya. Ramsharan Sharma, in his Sudras in Ancient India[95], opined that this is a reflection

of the contempt towards medicine. This often leads some authors to infer that physicians were among

the first untouchables. One wonders how one can explain the incredible phenomenon of an untouchable

touching the pulse of the dvijas and having the exclusive right to prepare medicine (often in cooked

form) for Brahmins.

In the authentic version of the Mahabharata (Kisari Mohan Ganguli’s translation) [96] as well as

Manusmriti (verse 10.12), the Sudra-Vaishya pratiloma offspring is called an Ayogava, not a Vaidya.

Both the texts state that the profession of an Ayogava is that of a carpenter. It is not possible to link the

medical profession with carpentry in any manner. This is clearly a case of interpolation, as neither the

profession nor the profile/status of an Ayogava is comparable with an Ayurvedic physician.


Let us consider another theory which aims to dissociate Bengali Vaidyas from the classical Ayurveda

heritage (as opposed to Buddhist “Tigiccha satta”/Siddhai medicine). It suggests that the Vaidyas were

Buddhist healers/magico-healers appointed by the shramanas.

The theory that Vaidyas are casteless or shudras became popular mainly due to endeavours by certain

writers like Nagendranath Basu, Kailash Chandra Singha, Fakirchand Basu etc. At that time, the

Kayasthas endeavored to be designated as Kshatriyas (Nagendranath Basu’s book ‘Kayasther borno

nirnoy’ was a part of that endeavour). Proving Vaidyas as casteless would have definitely helped them

(who are often identified with Karanas, i.e., Shudras with a Vaishya paternal lineage) to climb up to the

second position following the Brahmins (in case their bid for Kshatriya status fails). UC Vidyaratna,

among others, discussed about this at length in his ‘Jati-Tatva-Baridhi’. The mentioned group and their

associates (Shobhabajar Rajas, for example) even suggested that Vaidyas were born as illegitimate sons

of Ambashthas by changing the words of a well-known verse of Amarkosha[97], as seen in the

‘Shabdakalpadruma’ encyclopedia compiled by Radhakanta Deb[98].

The proposition that Vaidyas were earlier casteless local healers was propounded by Byomkesh Mustafi

(who, unsurprisingly, was a close associate of Nagendranath[99]). He opined that Bengali Vaidyas took

the surnames of Bengali Kayasthas (the reason given by Byomkesh for this is that Kayasthas are

Kshatriyas, but he did not explain why it became necessary for the Vaidyas to assume Kshatriya

surnames in the first place) like Sen, Dhar, Kar, Datta etc. and added ‘Gupta’ since they wanted to

conceal their past [100]. Rajanikanta Chakrabarty, in his “Gourer Itihas” expressed a similar opinion,

though he specified that these physicians came from Brahmin and Kshatriya lineages. It is this

Buddhist association, Rajanikanta says, which lowered their status compared to the other Brahmins.

However, this theory is seriously problematic on many accounts. Firstly, the Vaidya kings (both Shurs

and Senas) were antagonistic towards Buddhism, and the four Siddha (note that this Siddha has no

connection with Siddhai medicine as the word Siddha was used for the Shrotriya Brahmins as well as

we have seen) clans were patronized and looked up to by the Vaidya kings. The Vaidya scholars who

were associated with Pal kings or who predate the Vaidya kings also showed no Buddhist leanings.

Bopdeva describes his family as “Vedapada” (devoted to Vedas) and “Dvija” (Twice-born), it is

improbable that a Buddhist would give such a self-description. Chakrapani Dutta, the court-physician


and minister of Nayapaladeva, didn’t write a single Buddhist text and concentrated on Brahminical

Nyaya, Vyakarana etc. in his non-medical writings. Bengali Vaidyas always used Sanskrit for their texts

(instead of Pali), started the texts with salutations to Shiva, Vishnu, Saraswati, Parvati etc., discussed

Astrology and performed/instructed Shantihoma-Valikarma-Yagna etc. All these characteristics are

contradictory to the Buddhist hypothesis. Also, Dhar, Kar, Dutta etc. were not only Kayastha surnames

(as we have discussed) and Vaidyas had these surnames during Buddhist era itself. Moreover the

appendage of Gupta is a very recent phenomenon and there is no evidence of it being used in pre-

Rajballabh times, so the argument that it was a mark of concealing the Buddhist connection is

unreasonable. Amusingly, Mustafi connected the word ‘Vaidya’ with ‘Bouddha’ (Buddhist), totally

disregarding the fact that the word Vaidya has been used to denote physicians since pre-Buddha times.

So the opposing theories discussed above describe Vaidyas variously as Ambashtha Shudra, a mythical

caste born of deities, Ambashtha Vaishya, Ambashtha Kayastha, Ambastha-Vaishya varnasankara

(mixed caste), Shudra-Kshatriya varnasankara, Vaishya-Kshatriya varnasankara, Vellala

agriculturalists, Tamil Barbers, Illegitimate offsprings of Ambashtha, Shudra-Vaishya varnasankara

Ayogava carpenters and casteless Buddhist local healers (Add to this one online article by one KK

Debnath which claims that Vaidyas are illegitimate offsprings of Tantriks as suggested by the suffix

Gupta, or the various articles that supposes Vaidyas are Shudras from the surname Dash). So many

different, faulty, contradictory and counter-intuitive claims probably suggest that all these are outcomes

of Vaidya history being systematically obscured at some point of time. The varied and incongruous

claims also indicate that there were collective efforts to hush up the true history (and obscure it further)

of the Vaidyas for some reason.

Some important events leading to social changes among Vaidyas

The Vaidyas experienced certain social changes, which has resulted in the peculiar social position of

the Bengali Vaidyas of recent times. The Vaidyas now perform their rituals as Brahmins, including

Upanayana, 10 days of mourning and using of the title Sharma. They maintain a distinct identity than

usual Brahmins, as it is done by Mohyals, Ashtavaidyans, Shakadwipis or in some cases by Gaud

Saraswats/Shenvis also. The taboo related to issues of purity (influenced by both post-Manu neo-

smritis and Buddhist views) definitely played a part in this segregation, but that largely remained a

theoretical question and Classical medicinal groups were socially accepted as Brahmins (only that other


Brahmins did not prefer marital alliances with them in some cases, as it happened with Ashtavaidyans).

But what is different in case of the Bengali Vaidyas is that they underwent stages where they had to

perform rituals as Vaishyas or Shudras, and are still not considered as Brahmins in non-ritualistic social

life. Shivkali Bhattacharya in his “Chiranjibi Bonoushodhi” opined that the Vaidyas were demoted

from the Yajurvedi Brahmin status because they had started to demand money as fees for their

service[101]. This again seems to be inadequate to explain the phenomenon because many Brahmin sects

remained Brahmins even after taking up vocations totally prohibited for Brahmins. Let us now look at

the few significant events which have shaped the Bengali Vaidya history in many respects, and are

probably the main reason behind the apparent dillema regarding Vaidyas’ social status.

(1) Vaidya king Adishur had brought five Yagnik Brahmins (along with five Kayasthas) from Kolancha

(assumed to be Kanyakubja, or present Kannauj) to perform a Vedic yagna, according to the Kulajis of

Brahmins and Vaidyas. They resided in Bengal afterwards and were honoured by the kings. This

created discontent among the other Brahmins living in Bengal from an earlier period. Later, Ballal gave

the Koulinya status to certain lineages of Rarhi Brahmins, thus infuriating Barendra and Shrotriya

Brahmins. Ballal in fact had sent certain Brahmin families in exile to places like Assam. As a result, a

large section of Brahmins were very much antagonistic towards Vaidyas. When Sen dynasty ended,

they got the opportunity to target the social position of the Vaidyas. As we said, the Brihad-dharma

Purana was written in this period. According to Vaidya authors, Colebrooke’s Rituals of Bengal (Asiatic

Society) mentioned a letter which was addressed to Raja Ganesha by some Brahmins. The letter

requested the king to demote the Vaidyas from Brahmin status to Vaishya status, as the Vaidyas had

become fallen. The letter also requested that Vaidyas be debarred from Brahminical privileges and are

forced to observe a 15-day mourning like the Vaishyas. The book also contained a declaration where

Raja Ganesha directs the Vaidyas to observe 15-day mourning and not to take part in Brahminical

duties[102]. This declaration, if authentic, seems to have created the apparent contradictory social stand

of the Vaidyas viz., producing scholarly works in various disciplines of Brahminical curriculum,

teaching at Chatushpathis as Pandits (note that apart from the scholarly titles, some families even had

titles like Bhattacharya[103] and Mishra[104]) and yet not being recognized as Brahmins.

(2) Ballal Sen had enraged the Suvarnabaniks by demoting their status in connection with a dispute

between a Brahmin and Suvarnavaniks regarding the case of a golden cow-statue. Padmini, daughter of


a Suvarnavanik named Ballabhananda Sheth, decided to create a scandal which would bring disrepute

to the king. She posed as a Dom/Haddika woman and succeeded to have an affair with Ballal [105]. Ballal

eventually decided to marry her, which angered his son Lakshman very much. Lakshman persuaded

Ballal not to bring disgrace to the Sen clan, but Ballal was already head over heels for Padmini.

Lakshman decided to leave the Sen capital Bikrampur and started to reside in western Rarh. Ballal,

meanwhile was arranging for a grand feast where Vaidyas would have to eat food served by Padmini.

Many unwilling Vaidyas went away with Lakshman. Those who could not move away were advised by

Lakshman either to hide in distant regions like Chattagram or Sylhet or to pose as Shudras by removing

the sacred thread[106]. Some Vaidyas, however went to the grand feast. Lakshman returned to the capital

after the death of Ballal, and he punished the Vaidyas loyal to Ballal by demoting them to Shudra-hood.

Thus, a great majority of eastern Bengali Vaidyas lost their dvija status and the right to have sacred

thread.

This is mentioned in Ramjiban Sharma’s poem recorded in Lalmohan Vidyanidhi’s text “Sambandha-

nirnaya” [107]. In places like Sylhet or Chattagram, they had to start marrying Kayasthas to conceal their

identity. In this connection, Parbatishankar Roychowdhuri opined that this social change of Vaidyas

(instead of other communities) due to an affair of Ballal and Lakshmana’s instructions alone proves

that Sen kings were Vaidyas[108] (there are many more evidences for this, however they are outside the

scope of the present article), which a section of authors like Rajendralal Mitra refused to accept, despite

existence of traditional Kulaji-records (of Brahmins, Vaidyas and Kayasthas) identifying them as

Vaidyas[109].

Thus, Rarhiya vaidyas were made to observe 15-day Vaishya-like mourning (although the Upanayana

was continued among them) and Eastern (Bangaja) Vaidyas were demoted to Shudra social status by

two acts of Lakshmana, and the latter group had to forego sacred thread. This had a lasting impression

in the Bengali social perception and probably that is why Vaidyas are socially not perceived as

Brahmins in non-ritualistic level.

Later, Raja Rajballabh, who was a Bangaja Vaidya, invited Brahmins from different places to decide

about the possible return of Bangaja Vaidyas to dvija-hood. After a long discussion, the Pandits

concluded that since Vaidyas of Rarh and of places outside Bengal (this point is worth noting) perform


the Upanayana ceremony in a traditional manner, and since Bangajas lost the dvija status due to a

particular event, they should return to dvija-hood[110] after organizing a Shuddhi-yagna. This is again

narrated in Ramjiban’s poem mentioned in Sambandha-Nirnaya[111]. Raja Rajballabh performed many

significant yagnas in his lifetime including Vajpeya, Agnishtom, Kiritkona[112] etc., however this yagna

was probably the most significant one if its importance is considered. After this Yagna, Vaidyas of

eastern Bengal started following Brahminical rituals again. This event is described by some as the

beginning of the Upanayana ritual among the Bangaja Vaidyas, but in reality it was merely the return of

Bangajas to dvija-hood, as evident from the earlier accounts of Bangajas losing their sacred thread by

Lakshmana’s directives.

Raja Rajballabh also tried to start Widow-remarriage, but his effort failed due to a cunning plan by Raja

Krishnachandra who wanted to become more famous and powerful than Rajballabh[113]. Supposedly,

there was also a plan to reestablish the Hindu kingdom after the fall of Siraj, and Rajballabh reportedly

was the first choice to ascend the throne (probably his Vaidya roots played a part, along with other

reasons). The killing of Rajballabh and his son Krishnadas by Mir Kashim strengthens this

proposition[114]. This indicates that the Vaidyas were perceived as the natural claimant of the Hindu

kingdom people were trying to re-establish (probably because Vaidyas were the last Hindu kings before

Muslim rule began in Bengal). One sees why some interest groups seemingly worked to keep Vaidyas

in check by different means. Fortunately, Gangadhar Roy Kaviraja started to look into scriptural

references and other recorded history to ascertain the history of the Vaidyas, and after him many

authors in 19th and early 20th century wrote texts in Bengali discussing about the many aspects of

Vaidya history. Sadly, almost all of them are now out of print.

A brief outline of the Vaidya lineages and locational Samajs

The oldest Kulaji (familial text) of Bengal Vaidyas, as the later authors like Umeshchandra suggest,

was Rishisutra. The name of the author of this Kulaji could not be known. Chaturbhuj Sen wrote a

Kulapanjika in which he discussed the origin of the Vaidya lineages in light of Rishisutra and

Skandapuran’s Amritacharya legend. The other famous Kulajis are Ramkanta Kabikanthahar’s “Sad-

Vaidya Kulapanjika”, Durjoy Dash’s “Vaidya Kulapanjika” (Durjoy was an ancestor of eminent poet

Ishwarchandra Gupta), Jay Sen Biswas Thakur’s “Sad-vaidya Kulachandrika”, Jagannath Gupta’s

“Bhavabali” and Bharat Mallik’s “Chandraprabha” and “Ratnaprabha” [115]. In recent times, Tribhanga


Mohan Sensharma wrote a text called “Kuladarpanam” which discusses mainly the Shaktri Gotra

trees, and Dinendra Kumar Sengupta complied “Vaidyakula Panjika” in 5 volumes (published by

Kolkata Vaidya-bandhab Samiti) which discusses mainly the Rarhiya lineages.

We first discuss the Siddha lineages according to Chaturbhuj’s text[116]. Shaktri Gotra Sen Vaidyas are

descendants of Shaktidhar Rishi who lived in Kanyakubja and was adept in four Vedas. Dhanvantari

gotra Sens sprung from Agnihotri Rishi Dhanvantari who resided in Madradesha i.e., Northern Punjab

(It is interesting to note that Mohyal Vaids of Dhanvantari gotras are also from Punjab). Moudgalya

Dash’s are descendants of Mudgal Rishi of Koshala desha and Kashyap Guptas are descendants of

Kutsya Rishi. The verse also mentions Kashyap Dutta, Kashyap Deva and Shaktri Raj lineages which

had shifted to other places like southern India and had become fallen as they could not continue the

study and practice of Ayurveda. Sadhya lineages like Jamadagnya Dhar (descendants of Samavedi

Santapa Rishi), Vaishwanar Sens (they are descendants of Vaishwanar rishi of Avanti. Sen kings

belonged to this gotra according to Vaidya texts), Shalankayan Dash, Adya Sens, Krishnatreya Duttas

are also mentioned.

Let us look at the Vaidya gotras according to the surnames. Sens have Dhanvantari, Shaktri,

Vaishwanar, Adya, Mudgal, Kaushik, Krishatreya, Angiras as their gotras. Dash Vaidyas have 6 gotras

viz., Moudgalya, Bharadwaj, Shalankayan, Shandilya, Vashistha, Vatsya. Guptas are of three gotras –

Kashyap, Savarna and Gautama. Duttas have Kaushik, Kashyap, Shandiliya, Moudgalya, Adya, Atreya,

Krishnatreya and 12 other gotras like Parashar etc. Kar vaidyas have Kashyap, Vatsya and Moudgalya

gotra whereas Nandis are of Kashyap Gotra. Dhar vaidyas belong to Jamadagni gotra. Deb vaidyas

have Atreya, Krishnatreya, Shandilya and Alamyan gotra. Vaidyas also had Kunda (Bharadwaj gotra),

Raj (Vashistha and Kashyap gotra), Rakshit (Bharadwaj gotra) lineages, which seem to have become

extinct now, or probably has assimilated into Kayasthas into regions like Chattagram [117]. In Chattagram

and Sylhet, new settler Vaidyas used to marry with Vaidyas who had turned into Kayasthas, this gave

birth to the notion that Vaidya-Kayastha marriages are allowed in a traditional manner in Sylhet (and

parts of Chattagram). Shyamacharan Kaviratna, in his book “Bangiya Baidyajati” discussed about this

at length.

In this respect it must be mentioned that evidently, Vaidyas either used the root surname (Sen, Dash


etc.) or academic titles like Vidyaratna, Bachaspati, Kabibhushan, Shiromani, Sarbabhouma etc [118]. The

practice of writing Sengupta, Dasgupta seems to have started since the time of Raja Rajballabh (he

used to sign as Rajballabh Sen Gupta), as a way to distinguish the Vaidyas from other castes bearing

surnames like Sen, Datta etc (the title Gupta is found in no other caste in Bengal). There is no evidence

of this Gupta appendage being used by Vaidyas in earlier times other than those whose root surname

was Gupta. Rajballabh was from Dhaka, probably that is why this Gupta appendage is seen among

Bangaja vaidyas mainly. During rituals, Vaidyas use Sen Sharma, Dash Sharma, Gupta Sharma (there

is an old inscription mentioning a donation of land to Pitabas Guptasharma[119]) etc. as it is customary to

end the name with Sharma for the rituals of a Brahmin. Some Vaidyas use Sensharma, Dash Sharma as

surnames as well, which theoretically is more appropriate than Sengupta, Dasgupta (as Brahmins, they

can use Sharma but it is historically illogical for non-Gupta Vaidyas to use Gupta). It is worth noticing

that Dash Sharma, Duttasharma etc are still used by Brahmins in other provinces too, (this is seen in an

Utkalakarika mentioned in Sambandhanirnaya[120] too). In some cases, Vaidyas like Nandi, Deb etc.

change their surname to Gupta to avoid being identified as non-Vaidyas.

Siddha vaidyas are often known by the respective sub-branches named by the founding fathers of the

subbranches. The branches Rosh, Goyi, Ram (for Dhanvantari gotra), Chayu, Pantha (for Moudgalya

gotra), Kashi Sen, Kushali Sen (Shaktri gotra), Tripurgupta, Kayugupta (for Kashyap Guptas) are well-

known lineages. In this regard, Kashi and Kushali are two sons of Dhoyi Sen – the court-poet of

Lakshmana Sen and the author of “Pavanduta”. The lineages of Kashi and Kushali have been discussed

in details in Tribhanga Mohan Sensharma’s “Kuladarpanam”.

There were 5 Samajs (clusters) among the Bengali vaidyas, based on place of residence. These are the

following[121]:

(1) Panchakot Samaj (Manbhum and Birbhum region).

(2) Rarhiya Samaj (Hooghly, Burdwan, part of Nadia and Jessore) – further divided into Srikhanda,

Satshaika, Saptagram and Goyash Samaj.

(3) Bangiya Samaj (Khulna, Dhaka, Faridpur, Bikrampur, Barishal, Mymensingha, Pabna, Parts of

Nadia and Jessore) – this was divided into 27 samajs according to 27 places in eastern Bengal like

Bikrampur, Senhati, Payogram, Chandanimahal etc.


(4) Purbadeshiya samaj (Chattagram, Sylhet, Noakhali, Tripura).

(5) Barendra samaj (Rajshahi, Dinajpur etc).

Each Samaj had certain characteristics but they were not permanently attached with respective familes.

If a family migrated to Chattagram, gradually it became a part of Purbadeshiya Samaj, irrespective of

its earlier Samaj association. Siddha Vaidyas (apart from Shaktri gotra) were residents of Panchakot

Samaj during the rule of Raja Sriharsha Sen in Manbhum (a small ruler belonging to Dhanvantari gotra

who was evidently allowed to rule the region by the Vaishwanar Sen kings). Later, Sriharsha’s

grandson Binayak came to Malancha (in Rarh) with Kulina status bestowed by probably Lakshman Sen

(Lakshman was staying in western Rarh at that time). Similarly, Moudgalya Dash Vaidyas (Chayu and

Pantha, two descendants of Adishur’s court-poet Kabidash) moved from Gonagara of Panchakot to

Tehatta (Chayu) and Balinachi (Pantha) of Rarh. Kashyap Guptas resided in Karankakotha in

Panchakot, from there the Kayu branch went to Barahanagar whereas Tripur branch went to Chourala.

Shaktri Dhoyi Sen, the court-poet of Lakshman resided in Rarh’s Trihatta from the very beginning.

Later, Srikhanda village went on to become a centre of Vaidyas (Rarhiya Samaj was often called

Srikhanda Samaj) as almost all non-Shaktri Siddha familes stayed there at some point of time and the

Srikhanda Vaidyas were famous in the Vaishnava world as many scholars and dikshagurus of Chaitanya

movement came from this village. After the end of the Sen dynasty, Siddha clans started to migrate to

different places in eastern Bengal including Khulna, Bikrampur and Barishal. Sadhya vaidyas were

already residing predominantly in Bikrampur. As a result, almost two-third of the Vaidyas have Eastern

Bengali roots in the present times (There were 67654 Vaidyas in east Bengal compared to 35216

Vaidyas in west Bengal as per 1921 census[122]). Many Vaidyas had moved to Srihatta and Chattagram

from Rarh during the Bargi raids, although the first Vaidya settlers in Chattagram came during the

Ballal-Padmini incident mentioned before. Differences in ritualistic status in pre-Rajballabh Muslim

era stopped marriages between Rarhiya and Bangaja Samaj, but Rajballabh restarted the alliances by

marrying one woman each from Rarhiya, Barendra and Bangaja Samaj.

According to the census of India, 1921, there were 102870 Vaidyas in Bengal (compared to around 13

lakh Brahmins and 13 lakh Kayasthas). Districtwise, Vaidyas were distributed in the following manner:

Bakhargunge (Barishal) 14803, Kolkata 12633, Dhaka 10935, Chattagram 10748, Tripura (Kumilla

etc.) 6105, Faridpur 5530, Mymensingha 4452, Bankura (including Purulia) 4068, Burdwan 3748,


Nadia 2740, Jessore 2456, Khulna 2351, Rangpur 2114, Murshidabad 1956, Hooghly 1846, 24

paraganas 1815, Noakhali 1749, Pabna 1708, Howrah 1585, Birbhum 1570, Dinajpur 1382, Midnapore

1337, Rajshahi 1105, Bagura 847, Tripura state 795, Jalpaiguri 758, Malda 627, CoochBehar 423,

Darjeeling 261, Hilly Chattagram 90[123].

Regarding the Vaidyas, the census report states that “they have advanced further in education and in

civilization generally than the other too and prospered accordingly”. It also adds that “Practically all the

Baidya males have had the opportunity of acquiring the art of reading and writing Bengali… Brahmans

and Kayasthas are rather behind the Baidyas” and that “the Baidyas have five times as great a

proportion of their females literate in English as the Kayasthas who stand next to them” [124].

Conclusion

One might wonder why the main topic of this article was the origin theories and the varna status of the

Vaidyas. The main reason is that the ancient history is important in having a correct version of many

events of the past. We have seen in the second and third sections that Kulajis, oral traditions and

scriptural references, along with recorded facts, indicate that the Vaidyas were Brahmins practicing and

studying/teaching Ayurveda. The different theories aiming to dissociate Vaidyas from the glorious

Ayurvedic heritage (inherited from the long line of classical scholars) as well as the Sanskritist (i.e.,

dvija) stratum of the ancient society actually create serious problems and confusions in historical

discourses. For instance, many poems of Ramprasad Sen are now being considered as written by some

unknown Brahmin Ramprasad, since the poet has described himself as Dvija and the prevalent notion is

that Vaidyas cannot be dvija. This has been discussed in the book ‘Sadhak Kabi Ramprasad’ by

Jogendranath Gupta.

Establishing Vaidyas as a Shudra caste, agriculturalist caste or a subsidiary tribal healer caste paves the

way for the notion that Vaidyas were not involved in scholarly, philosophical, literary and scriptural

classical discourses. Biswanath (Dash) Kaviraja, author of Sahityadarpana, is now being considered as

an Utkala Brahmin (although he is considered a Vaidya as per Bengali Vaidya tradition[125]). The

Bengali origin of Bopdeva will be at stake if the history of the vaidyas is distorted to establish them as

Shudras/varnasankaras (as Bopdeva had described himself as dvija). In the long run, the whole volumes

of scholarly work by Vaidyas (e.g. - Bopdeva’s works, Sankhiptasara by Mahamahopadhyay


Kramadishwar, Supadma-Vyakarana by Padmanabha Dutta, Kalapparishista by Shripati Dutta,

Biswaprakash by Maheshwar Acharya, Nidan by Madhavkar, Chakarapani Dutta’s works, Panchaswara

by Prajapati Dash, Vaishnava sanakrit texts by Vaidya authors, Bharat mallik’s works, Gangadhar Roy’s

smriti texts and innumerable Ayurveda-related texts) will be credited to some other imaginary Brahmin

scholars or worse, these Vaidyas would be linked with some non-Vaidya non-Bengali Brahmin lineages

(since Vaidya surnames are used by Brahmins of other provinces only). This is a historically an unjust

thing. Hence it is important for the interests of not only the Vaidyas, but for the whole Bengali

community, that an undistorted, logical and historically consistent history of the Vaidyas is brought in

mainstream discourses.

In fact, the debates regarding the identification of Sen and Shur kings also whirl around the varna-

status. We have seen that Vaidyas were supposedly considered as the rightful claimant of the Hindu

throne in the social psyche of the Bengali people as the Sen kings were the last Hindu kings to have

ruled Bengal (and extended their rule to Assam, Orissa, Mithila, Varnasi and even to Delhi). So it was

probably necessary for certain interest-groups to establish that Sen and Shur kings were not Vaidyas.

Disregarding the Madhainagar inscription[126] (which clearly mentions that Sen kings, after whom

important places like Bikrampur, Barendrabhumi, and Rampal[127] were named, were Vaidyas) and

obscuring the term Brahma-Kshatriya all seem to be parts of that scheme.

Vaidyas always have played a leading role in Bengali movements, starting from efforts to establish

Sanatan Dharma in Bengal and spearheading the Vaishnava renaissance (in many respects) as well as

the Shakta developments in earlier times, to Brahmo movement and revolutionary nationalism (during

‘Ognijug’) in recent times. They have shone as scholars or poets (even in recent times, this clan gave

birth to poets like Ishwar Gupta, Jibanananda Dash, Kumudranjan Maliik, Kalidas Roy and Mohitlal

Majumdar, thus making the title Kaviraja an appropriate one) and maintained high educational standard

in general from the very beginning to the present era. They had to withstand many historical mishaps

too, starting from Turk invasions during Sena rule to the partition in 1947 making powerful Vaidya

landlords vulnerable and bankrupt overnight. In other words, almost everything important in the history

of the Bengali people is connected with Vaidya history in direct or indirect manner. To ensure that this

community remains rooted to its past and to settle many historical questions, an honest study of the

several aspects of the Vaidya history is extremely necessary.


References

1) Francis Zimmermann, The Jungle and the Aroma of Meats: An Ecological Theme in Hindu

Medicine, page 213.

2) http://www.shakdwipisamaj.com/aboutus.php

3) Jogendranath Bhattacharya, Hindu Castes and Sects, page 172.

4) Ibid, page 159.

5) Charakasamhita, Chikitsasthanam, Rasayan Adhyay, Chaturtha pada, verses 52-53.

6) Durgachandra Sanyal, Bangalar Samajik Itihas, page 14.

7) Mahabharata, verse 5.6.2, Udyogaparva.

8) Jnanendramohan Sensharma, Baidyajatir Barna o Gourab, Bani Press, Kolkata, page 146.

9) Shyamacharan Kaviratna, Bangiya Baidyajati, Chattagram Saraswati Press, page 13.

10) Ibid, page 13.

11) V J Thakar, Historical development of basic concepts of Ayurveda from Veda up to Samhita, Ayu

31(4), 2010, page 400.

12) SKR Rao, Encyclopedia of Indian Medicine: Historical Perspectives, Dr. V. Parameshvara

Charitable Trust, Vol 1, page 7.

13) Santanu Chakraverti, Science in History, History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian

Civilization, PHISPC- Centre for Studies in Civilizations, page 61.

http://www.shakdwipisamaj.com/aboutus.php


14) BK Chaturvedi, Vishnu Purana, Diamond Books, page 58.


16) Devipada Bhatacharya, Chiranjivi Banoushodhi (Shivkali Bhattacharya), Vol 6, Ananda Publishers,

Foreword.

17) Eliot Freidson, Judith Lorbe (Edited), Medical Professionals and the Organization of Knowledge,

page 45.

18) Manusmriti, verses 1.88- 1.90.

19) Manusmriti, verse 3.152.


21) Debiprasad Chattopadhyay, Science and Society in Ancient India, B.R. Gruner B.V.- Amsterdam,

1977.

22) P Bala, Medicine and Medical Policies in India: Social and Historical Perspectives, Lexington

Books, page 17.

23) Surendranath Dasgupta, A History of Indian Philosophy, Vol II, Cambridge University Press, page

284.

24) Subal Chandra Mitra (Edited), Saral Bangla Abhidhan, New Bengal Press Private Limited, page

998.



999.

27) Basanta Kumar Sengupta, Baidyajatir itihas, Vol 1, 1913, page 291.


29) Jogendranath Gupta, Bikrampurer itihas, 1909, page 5.

30) Gurupada Haldar, Baidyak Brittanta, 1954, page 134.



32)http://www.whatisindia.com/inscriptions/south_indian_inscriptions/volume_9/chalukyas_of_kalyani

_213.html

33) Nitish K Sengupta, Land of Two Rivers: A History of Bengal from the Mahabharata to Mujib,

Penguin Books India, 2011, page 51.

34) A Butterword and V V Chetty, Copper-plate and Stone Inscriptions of South India, Vol 1, Caxton

Publishers, 1905, page 192.

35) R Tirumalai, The Pandyan Townships, Part-II, Department of Archeology, Govt. of Tamilnadu,

2003, page 47-48.

36) S Gurumurthy, Medical Science and dispensaries in ancient South India as gleaned from

Epigraphy, Indian Journal of Historical Science, Vol 5., No. 1, 1970, page 78.

37) Basanta Kumar Sengupta, Baidyajatir Itihas, Vol 1, 1913, page 239.



40) Census of India, Vol V. Part 1, 1931, pages 456-457.

41) Vishnupurana, Chapter 3, verse 6 (mentions that Sakala, Madra, Parasika, Ambashtha groups reside

near each other).


43) Kalanand Mani and Frederick Noronha, Picture-Postcard-Poverty, Goa 1556, 2008, page 53.

44) T.P. Russell Stracey, The History of the Muhiyals: The Millitant Brahman Race of India, General

Muhiyal Sabha, 1938, page 126.

45) Panchanan Raya, A Historical Review of Hindu India: 300 BC to 1200 AD, pages 11 and 176.

46) P.N. Bali, The History of Mohyals, 1995, page 91.

http://www.whatisindia.com/inscriptions/south_indian_inscriptions/volume_9/chalukyas_of_kalyani_213.html

http://www.whatisindia.com/inscriptions/south_indian_inscriptions/volume_9/chalukyas_of_kalyani_213.html


47) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-tatva Baridhi, page 355.


49) Umeshchandra Gupta, Ballalamohamudgara, page 314.

50) Jatindra Mohan Roy, Dhakar Itihas, page 130.

51) H. Risley, The People of India, Asian Educational Services, 1999, page 164.


53) Ibid, page 365.

54) Ibid, page 367.

55) Ibid, pages 371, 374.



130.

58) Valmiki Ramayana, Ayodhyakanda, Chapter 100, verse 13.

59) Kisari Mohan Ganguli (Translated), Mahabharata, Bhishmaparva, page 309.

60) Manusmriti, verses 10.8 and 10.47.

61) G.S. Ghurye, Caste and Race in India, Popular Prakshan, page 85.

62) Manusmriti 10.41.

63) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-tatva Baridhi, page 336



66) Brahmavaivartya Purana, verses 123-133.



68) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-tatva Baridhi, pages 71-77.

69) Ibid, page 86.

70) Ibid, page 105.

71) Ibid, page 111.

72) Ludo Rocher, "The Purāṇas", A History of Indian Literature. Vol.II, Epics and Sanskrit religious

literature, Fasc.3. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz Verlag., 1986, pages. 164–166.

73) R. C. Hazra, The Upapuranas, S. Radhakrishnan (ed.) The Cultural Heritage of India (Edited by S.

Radhakrishnan), Vol.II, Kolkata:The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, 1962, p.285.

74) R.C. Majumdar (Edited), The Delhi Sultanate, Mumbai: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 2006, p.622.

75) Mukundaram Chakrabary, Kabikankana Chandi, Indian Press limited, 1921, page 88.

76) Gautam Chatterjee, Sacred Hindu symbols, Abhinav Publications, page 71.

77) Ambarnath Sengupta, Rarher Birol Matripuja, Anima Prakashani,


79) Ibid, page 29.

80) C.A.Bayley,. Recovering Liberties: Indian Thought in the Age of Liberalism and Empire.,

Cambridge University Press, 2012, pages 144–145.

81) Jogendranath Bhattacharya, Hindu Castes and Sects, pages 21 and 160.



84) Ibid, page 331.

https://books.google.co.in/books?id=0GLAWY6L8fIC&pg=PA144


85) Ibid, page 337.


87) LP Vidyarthi, The Sacred Complex in Hindu Gaya, Concept Publishing Company, Delhi, 1978,

page 74.


89) Ibid, page 360.


91) Bijaychandra Majumdar, The History of the Bengali language, Asian Educational Services, 2000,

page 52.

92) DC Sircar, Studies in the religious life of Ancient and Medieval India, Motilal Banarsidass, pages

214-216.

93) Ibid, 216.

94) The Review of Dr. Wise on Race in Medicine, Anthropological Review, Vol. 7, No. 26, 1869, pages.

240-242.

95) Ram Sharan Sharma, Sudras in ancient India, Motilal Banarsidass, 1990, page 294.

96) Kisari Mohan Ganguli (Translated), Mahabharata, Anushasana parva, page 32.

97) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-tatva Baridhi, pages 223-224.



1004.

100) Byomkesh Mustafi, Rogshajyar Pralap, Kolkata, 1923, pages 7-9.

101) Shivkali Bhattacharya, Chiranjibi Banoushodhi, Vol 4, Ananda Publishers, page 63.

102) Shyamacharan Kaviratna, Bangiya Baidyajati, Chattagram Saraswati Press, pages 68-69.


103) Tribhanga Mohan Sensharma, Kuladarpanam, Part-II, page 29.

104) Ibid, Part-I, page 630.

105) Durgachandra Sanyal, Bangalar Samajik Itihas, pages 29-30.

106) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-Tatva-Baridhi, pages 164-165.

107) Ibid, page 349.

108) Parbatishankar Roychowdhuri, Adishur O Ballalsen, page 57.

109) Umeshchandra Gupta, Ballalmohamudgara, 1905, pages 18-30.

110) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-Tatva-Baridhi, page 145.

111) Ibid, pages 146-147.

112) Pramod Gopal Sensharma, Baidya-Bangshabali O kichu Ajana Lupto Itihas, Hindusthan press,

2006, page 8.

113) Ibid, page 6.

114) Ibid, page 19.

115) Basantakumar Sengupta, Baidyajatir Itihas, Part 1, Preface.

116) UC Vidyaratna, Jati-Tatva-Baridhi, pages 86-92

117) Shyamacharan Kaviratna, Bangiya Baidyajati, Chattagram Saraswati Press, Introduction.


118) A list of eminent Vaidya scholars with academic can be found in UC Vidyaratna’s Jati-Tatva-

Baridhi, pages 172-177.


120) Ibid, page 336.

121) Tribhanga Mohan Sensharma, Kuladarpanam, Part-1, page 174-192.

122) Calculated from census data (1921) given in Tribhanga Mohan Sensharma’s Kuladarpanam,

pages 241-245.

123) Ibid, pages 241-245.

124) Ibid, pages 241 and 244.


126) Umeshchandra Gupta, Ballalmohamudgara, 1905, pages 486-492.

127) Jogendranath Gupta, Bikrampurer itihas, 1909, pages 5 and 27.

Raibatak Sen Gupta is an independent researcher in the history of the Bengali Vaidya caste, and his

works in this field in recent times have been pioneering in nature. He is a PhD researcher in

Mathematics at Jadavpur University.

A Review of Jyotirmoy Roy's History of Manipur

Sanjay S. Ningombam

Manipur and Manipuri have been in the headlines for various reasons. The episode of Irom Sharmilla

may come to mind with the mention of Manipur: she has been fasting for decades to repeal the Arms

Forces ( Special Powers) Acts, 1958. One of the prominent Hindi film actors playing the role of Mary

Kom, resident of Manipur, in the biopic film, Mary Kom, has also captured the attention for film critics

and common masses.

Any historian or academic or anyone who is keen to explore Manipur and the adjoining regions has a

reason to be thankful for this book, History of Manipur, (I am referring to the second revised and

enlarged edition). This book is the result of Prof. Jyotirmoy Roy, who joined the D.M.College, the

premier institution in the state, as lecturer in History in 1947 and later served the college in the capacity

of principal from 1947-1982.This book was first published in 1958 and it was considered as the

pioneer book of history of Manipur. In the first edition of the book the author attempts to reconstruct

the political history of Manipur up to the period of Independence in 1947. In the second and the revised

edition, three new chapters, “From Integration to Statehood”, ‘The Sons of the Hills’ and ‘ Manipur and

Her Neighbours’ have been added.

The author gathered scientifically from various scattered indigenous and other sources and coherently

compiled the book by following two approaches of selecting the historical materials for various periods

to make it reliable history book.

For the period prior to the succession of Gharib Niwaz (Pamheiba) about 1714, the author narrates

with little historical evidence. The reasons being that there were hardly any written documents even if

there were the author could not read materials written in the old Manipuri script (Meitei Mayek).

Several folklores and legends are used while dealing with this period. The legend of Moirang is one of

them. Khamba and Thoibi story of Moirang legend is described vividly. All the Manipuris, especially

the Meities are familiar with the story of Khamba and Thoiba .



For the following periods the author uses scientifically recorded materials to describe the internal polity

of the royal families, its war with the neighbour, Burma, and the cultural assimilations of Manipuri to

the external forces. The relationship between Burma and Manipur were not friendly for many years.

The Burmese army ravaged Manipur several times. The book shows that for the first time Gharib

Niwaz attacked and defeated a Burmese force at the mouth of the Haglung river (49). The period of

Gharib Niwaz also witnessed the spread of Brahmanical Vaishnavism in Manipur on a larger scale (52).

In the chapter, the first Anglo-Burmese war (1824-26) and Gambhir Singh, the author gives a

comprehensive description for the factors leading to the war and Gambhir Siingh’s restoration of

Manipur from the Burmese with British help (91). The author states that with the introduction of the

British Political Agent in 1835 and Western education theocratic monarchy in Manipur was weakened.

The detailed account of the hanging of the Indo-Manipur War 1891heroes Senapati Tikendrajit and

Thangal General and the deportation of Kulachandra and his brother Angou Sna to the Island of

Andaman needs appreciation. The annexation of the state to the British Empire leading in controlling

and maintaining peace in the Tribal areas of North-Eastern India and the tribal rebellions are also

described vividly. The description of the movement against the British in 1930s conducted by Rani

Gaidilue, a Kabui girl, shows that the author tries his best effort to present the history of Manipur

objectively though in nutshell. The description on “Azad Hind Fauz” formed by Subhas Chandra and

the success and the failure of movement is another characteristic of this book as the author was direct

acquaintance of the event. When India became independence in 1947 and government formed by the

elected representatives of the people appointed M.K. Priyobrata Singh on the capacity of Prime

Minister of Manipur. The annexation of Manipur to the India Union in 1949 and Manipur getting

statehood is described in the chapter ‘From Integration to Statehood’.

After this chapter/unit in the book, the author deals on different topics, not necessarily in chronological

order. The author’s description on ‘Government and Society’ needs special mention. In this part, the

author takes pains in organizing all the details available from various sources. The author gives detailed

description on political organization, military organization, weapons, judiciary, punishment, coinage,

land tenure, education, and the division and the type of community in the society . His description of

coinage known as ‘Sell’ which was circulated in Manipur during the different rulers, Marangba,

Kyamba, Paikhomba, Charairongba , Gharib Niwaz and others is interesting to note.


In the chapter, ‘Religion, Literature and Dance’, the author gives a detail survey of religion which

needs much appreciation from any scholar or person who is keen to know the religion of Manipuri. The

word ‘Manipuri’ used in the book mostly or simply means ‘Meitei’ community though the meaning

may change in the contemporary society of Manipur. According to the author, the Manipuris are mostly

Hindu Vaishnavas though the old belief systems have not completely disappeared. Any Manipuri

Vaishnavite still worships ‘Sanamahi’, the supreme god though she/he is a devout Vaishnavite. The

author also mentions that ‘maiba’ the doctor and priest of the old faith are still prominent though

Brahmin plays important role in any ritual and ceremony. Festivals like the ‘Yaoshang’ (Doljatra),

‘Durga Puja’, ‘Diwali’, etc. are celebrated along with some of the festivals of the old faith like ‘Lai

Haraoba’, ‘Cheiraoba’, etc. The author gives an extended description on Manipuri literatures which are

divided into three periods: Ancient, Medieval and Modern. He also talks about the popular form of

entertainment called ‘Shumang Leela’ or ‘Yatras’. Various forms of dances of the Manipuri are also

described in details. This descriptive account of Manipuri cultures motivates any cultural studies

project to study and analyse Manipur’s past with scientific approaches.

‘Sons of the Hills’ one of the concluding chapters of the book gives a comprehensive description on the

Naga and Kuki-Chin tribes. This chapter deals about the physical features, agriculture, tribal polity,

dress, language, religion, festivals, etc. The author’s description on how Christianity was introduced to

the hills is given in detail.

In the concluding chapter of the book, the author traces the origin of the Manipuri which is

synonymous with the Meitei community. The ability of the Manipuri to act and react with the

neighbours through various modes of contact such as raid, war, conquest, acceptance of new forms of

cultures like foods, dresses, and languages shape the present ‘identify’ of the Manipuri. The chapter

deals with political geography, the early contact between Manipur and the Hindu civilization of the

Ganga Brahmaputra valley. The author also problematise the concept of linking Manipur with the

episode of the third Pandava Arjun in the Mahabharata. Effect of the Burmese invasion of Manipur and

the Manipuri settlements in Burma is also given in detail. The author being an historian gives the

relation of Manipur with Assam, Cahar,Tripura and Bengal with authority. Bengal and Manipur have

been sharing various similar cultural forms for many years. Any form of culture prevailed in the state,

be it dances, food habits, festivals, dramas, literatures, songs, etc. evolved mainly due to the influences


of Bengali cultures. The new wave of these cultures came when Vaishnavism reached the valley in the

15th century.

This book also highlights how the different ethnic groups have been living together. Though the state

has been divided into two different geographical areas, valley and hill yet the book shows at different

periods that there had been interaction between the valley and the hill dwellers. To quote an example

mentioned in the book, it is widely accepted that Gharib Niwaz Pamheiba was brought up by a Naga

Chief in the midst of a Naga society.

There is also reference that for the first time ‘ they were first heard of as kukis, in Manipur, between

1830 and 1840: though tribes of the same race had long been subject to the Raja of Manipur’ ( 98).

Thangal general, the war hero of Indo-Manipur 1891, was a Naga by birth and atherwards by virtue of

his services he was taken into the Manipur community (134). Kuki rebellion during the First World War

and the Kabui rebellion in the early 1930s are also mentioned.

It is really a worthy to have a copy of it. The author has really tried his best efforts to represent the

historical events authentically. The division of the chapters and the heading in each chapter make it

very friendly readers and keep them engaged. Much has been written about Manipur and its activities

and achievements are recorded in the indigenous scripts which cannot be accessed by others. Some

indigenous scholars have also written about Manipur. Unluckily these scholars the author has made

significant contribution by following scientific ways in writing this history book of Manipur though it

might be described in a nutshell.

The maps of Manipur and Burma given in the book help the reader visualize the regions. If the author

could arrange a consolidated bibliography it would help many scholars who are keen to work or

working on Manipur and its surrounding places. As suggested by Rodney Needham, the reviewer of

the first addition, adding a chronological table in an appendix could have been very useful information.

In the chapter, Government and Society, the author lists various communities in Manipur. However, the

author fails to mention several communities who are of Aryan origins or ‘Mayang’ , for example,

Biharis, Sihks, Bishnupriya Manipuri and others.


Any shortcomings notwithstanding, this is book is very much worth reading if anyone who is keen to

explore on Manipur and the author makes the book reader friendly by using simple, direct and clear

language.

History of Manipur. 2nd Edition. Jyotirmoy Roy. Culcutta. Firma KLM Private Limited, 1999.269 pp.

Rs.250.

Sanjay S. Ningombam is PhD researcher in the Department of English, University of Delhi, and he

teaches English at a Delhi University College.

Read us, reach us, post your comments and find the

Call for Papers at


Contact us at

[email protected] and [email protected]

mailto:[email protected]

mailto:[email protected]
