igba sango

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The Symbolism and Ritual Context of the Yoruba Laba Shango

Author(s): Joan Wescott and Peter Morton-WilliamsSource: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol.92, No. 1 (Jan. - Jun., 1962), pp. 23-37Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and IrelandStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2844319 .

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The Symbolismnd Ritual Context ftheYorubaLaba Shango

JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMSTHE ETHNOGRAPHER HAS OFTEN TO FACE THE PROBLEM of interpreting symbols or sym-bolic actswhich, within heir ulture, xistwithout sanctioning xplanation. He mustconsequently decipher and explain discursivelywhat the native intuitively erceivesand responds to. In seeking to discover what significance uch a symbol has, we mustfindfirst ow the form s set n its nstitutional ontext; and second, how itis integratedinto the religious,moral, and motivational systemswithin the society. n this analysiswe have interpreted symbolforwhich the Yoruba can offer o explanation; we havetherefore ried to introduce the Yoruba consciousnessmuch as Griaule did with theDogon culture, and Evans-Pritchardwith those of the Azande and Nuer. In a purelystructural-functionalypeof analysis nterpretations, n contrast, imitedby such directreferencess can be made to themodel; therethe anthropologist oo often ssumes thatthe symbolcan simplybe interpreted eductively s havingreferentsn his constructedpatternof ocial relations. n this lucidation ofa complex non-verbal ymbol, urinter-pretations xplore a wider range ofmeaning, but these nterpretations everthelessmaybe referredo evidence that can be udged by objectivecriteria.Weightis added toourinterpretation f the symbol under discussion by showingthat its elementsare givenexplicitmeaning n other ontexts uchas myths, raise songs, nd ritual sculpture.The symbolthatconcernsus here (Plates I and II) is one which decorates the laba,a flatred leatherbag about twenty nches square which is part of the equipment ofeverypriest fShango, the thundergod ofthe Yoruba of south-westNigeria.' Coveringthe face of the laba are the four dentical symbolic panel designsfor whichwe couldelicitnoverbal explanation. The bag itselfs used to contain ritualobjects,and is carriedby thepriestswhen purifying spot wherelightninghas struck nd, also, when in fullpanoply they oin theprocessionof thepriesthood t the main annual riteofthegod.2For theShango devotees,the bag has symbolicvalue, and it seems from iscussionswiththem thatits significance ies mostly n its decoratedpanels. But theirmeaning is notperceived n rationalterms, nd theworshipperswereonlyable to describe tsuse; theycould not interpret he decoration as a whole or by parts in termsofany of their ex-planatory ystems. hango worshippersreparticularly verseto ntellectual pproachesand theirritualsymbolicforms re oftenpreservedwithout xplanation and even with-outa myth upporting heirmeaning.We are here attempting o discoverby conceptual and aestheticanalysiswhat thepanel design directly onveysto the Yoruba as a symboJ. he analysis s to be foundedupon the aesthetic contentofthe laba,on itsplace in the rites of Shango, and on theresemblanceof tsdecorativeelementsto thosethat,when found elsewhere n Yoruba

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24 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMSreligionnd religious rt,haveexplanations fa kindwe can interpretatisfactorily.Concluding, e shallrelate heconfigurationormedythecombinationf tructuraland decorativelements otheritual se ofthebag. As we shall how, hismethod anbe applied ust as rigorouslys the methods fhistorynd structural-functionalism;prolonged tudy f Yorubasymbols nd of their unctioningn their ulture as con-vincedus that ounderstandhem nd toconvey heunderlyingeligiousonceptions,these wo analytic echniquesmustbe supplemented. ut beforewe can go on to theanalysis, e shallhaveto setforthhe thnographyf he aba n somedetail.Whilewe were ntheYorubametropolis yo, we persuaded heHigh Priest ftheShango ult theMagba) to llowustohave labamade. t s now n theBritish useum.The laba,made up ofgoatskin yed n traditional ed,consists f a pouch, flapthathangs ver heopening fthepouch coveringtsfront,nd a long trapwhich nablesthe abato be worndownone side ofthebodywhile he trappasses vertheoppositeshoulder.Along the bottom dge of the flap are seven tassels, ach a trianglewithbundles f eather trips anging romhem. xceptfor henarrow ertical esign ftenseenalong each side of the front ace of the pouch, only the flap s decorated.Theelements f hedecoration refour ntricate anels na ground fredcloth. ach of hefour anels arries he amedesign, nd it s substantiallyhe ameon every aba madein Oyo.3 Not only he Magba and his twodeputies, ut other hangopriests nd wor-shippers s well, have asserted hat every aba mustbear thisdesign4 and it is thisdesign, raditionallyepeated n each ofthefour anels, hat ontains heritualmean-ingof he aba nd has provokedhewritingf his aper.The paneldesign tself,ogether ith tsborder,s nmadep of ut-out ellow eather,embroidered ithnarrow trips fblack and white eather, nd is stitched vera redfelt ackground. our rregularlyhapedgreen eather iecesmark hecorners s partof hebackground or hecentral ellowmotif; wo eather hapesnterruptheredfeltbackground orming diagonal fblackbehind heyellow esign5Fig. opp. Plate ).Decorated eatherwork s a long stablishedraftn Oyo, and, ikemost raftshere,itis confined o certain ineages. he leatherworkers fto-day re members fone orother fthree ineagegroups hat re segmentsf lineageformerlynOld Oyo. Onlyone of these egments, he Otun hona,6iterally,theright hand groupof) leatherworkers,'s authorized omake aba, ndthen, nly othe rder f heMagba.The mem-bers f hisineage roup egardhemakingf aba sso mportanttask hatt scloselysupervisednd n partdone byonly hemost killedndseniormembersmong hem.A newlymade aba s sealedbeforet sdeliveredo theMagba, thetwofaces fthepocket eingglued together ith tarch aste.The Magba alone spermittedoopenit, ndtheunsealings done nsecretn theprivacy fhis hrine.Whileopening heonewe commissioned,e workedntothesealed eather solution fwater, almoil,andsomemagicblackpowder, fwhich he omposition asnotdisclosed. e assertedhattheleatherwould tear f anyoneelse attempted o unseal the bag, or ifhe himselfneglected o use the powder.When the outside f the pockethad been saturated ndsoftened y the mixture, eworked he solution nto the pocket, radually eparatingthefaces. he operationwas an arduous ne,takingbouttwentyminutesndcausinghimtosweatprofusely.hysical xertions so rarely equired fa highpriest hat tsoccurrenceerepoints o theritualmportancef he peration.7



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THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 25Asa sign f cceptancento heShangocult, newpriestsrequiredohave hisownlabamade.But he does not deal directly ith he makers, s he does with hewood-carverswhenhe needs dance staff.he Magba must ommissiont forhim, nd re-ceivepaymentn behalf fthecraftsmen. hileevery ew priests expected oobtainhis firstaba n thisway,some may aterpurchase thers o display n their hrines.These upernumerarynesneednotbeopened.The aba swornwhen hepriest ravelsn hisvestmentso officiatet somerite wayfrom is hrine. t is neverwornwhile hepriests n a state fpossession, henhe thenis dressed s the god. When they re notcarried, abahang n thedomestic hrines(gbongon)f heShangopriestsPlate I A) and are used tocontain nlythunderbolts'(edun ra),8 .e. neolithic elts, nd thesacredgourdrattles shere), hich re shakenwhileprayers re addressed o Shango. They are neverused to carry he double-axedance taffsoshe), hich re usedonly n a state fpossession.9The Shango ult, omparedwith ther oruba cults, s remarkable orts laborateritual, ndthe bundance nd variety f ts culpturendsymbols. et tsbody fmythconcerningheritual bjects s particularly eagre.The myths re, for hemostpart,confined ostories fShango and areconcernedwithhis ife s a king,his death andre-emergences a god, ndhisrelations ith ther ods ndwithmankind.10t appearsthat n so restrictinghesubjectmatter f his myths, heShango worshippernsuresthatwhen, e contemplates is ritualobject,the rationalfunctionsfhis mindaresilenced; s fully s he mayhe openshimselfo emotionsiberated ythe visual andintuitivexperiencef hese orms. hus tseems o us thathe s consistentndemandingthat hemysteryurroundingisritual bjects e preservedo thathemayrespond othem ullyn an emotionalevel; an explanation ould imit r vitiate heir vocativepower s symbols.t is especially o be notedthatneither f the two mostmportantsymbolic bjects n theShango cult-the thunder-axeoshe) nd the aba-are givenanyexplanation. he formers carried uring heviolent,renziedossession,he atteron ritually anctioned lunderingxpeditions. he violenceof the typicalShangopossessionnd theplundering f the priestsre both n conflict ithnormalYorubarules fbehaviournd moral ttitudes; nd they reneither fthem irectlyescribedin themyths nd praise songs,whichascribeviolence nly to Shango,neverto hisdevotees. incethedevotees o notadmit heir nti-socialropensities,hetwoobjectswhich reassociated ith hem re perhaps or his dditional eason ot xplained.Among hosemost ctive n the cult, wo polar typesmay be distinguished:ne ishearty, iven o noisy isplay ndfascinated y conjuring;heother s lessconfidentlyboisterousndoftenemperamental.oth ypes re subject o violent outs fdissocia-tion rpossession,nd aretransvestiten this tate.Unbridled motionsreonthewholeshown nlybythepriestsfthoseYorubacults hatrecognize tates fpossession;ndamong these,Shangopossessions re by far the mostfrequent. lthough iolence,generallypeaking, s nota Yoruba trait, hango and his possessedworshippersreknown obe violent. heircharacteristicesponsesre rrational,hat s, they espondtoobjects ndformmages nd deas bydirect nconsciouserceptionndproduction,without hemediation f reflectivehought r ethicalconsiderations.lthough heworshippersonformo theconventionsfYoruba behaviour n avoiding iolence nddestructivenessxcept n possession,here s good evidence hat heyhavefantasiesf



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26 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS

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JOANWESCOTT& PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS The Yoruba Laba Shango PLATE I

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JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS The Yoruba Laba Shango PLATEI]

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THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 27them nd attributeothemselveshemagicalcontrol fthe destructiveorce f ight-ning.We have heard possessionriest hisdemeanourheerfulnough) aying,nthepresence f Moslemwithwhomhe was on friendlyerms,hathewould murdernydaughter fhiswho wantedto marry Moslem; and we have also known hangopriestswhobelieved heyhad used ightningn magicalwarfaren undercovereudsamong hemselves.The cult ofShango, s distinguishedrom is privateworship,s established nlyin those orubaareasthatwereunder he mperial uleofOyobeforets ollapsenthenineteenthentury. he culthascentralizedrganization,heoccupancy f omeof tshighest riestlyfficeseing onfinedo membersf ertain yo ineages. herest f hepriesthood,hethern Oyo or ntheprovinces,srecruitedocally rommendiscoveredto be subject ostates fpossession yShango.Devoteesmay be born ntothecult,or assigned o theworship fShango by Ifa,theYorubagod ofdivination.When n individuals a member f cultfromhildhood,he must akepart n rites ddressed o thegodthroughoutis ife.But should hecultfailto satisfyhe needsof hispersonality,ymptomsfdisturbance ill occur.Then,throughhemediation f fa,hemayfind isway nto notherultwhere ispersonalitymatches hat fthe od, nd can bedefined,analized, ndfulfilledy ultmembership."Novicesto the priesthood fShango are selected nd partly rained ythe ocalassociations fShango priests, uteach one must ravel o Oyo, accompaniedby apriest s sponsor,o receive onfirmationn hiscalling nd final nstructionrom heMagba. As priest,he is entitled legun, hich iterally ranslatedmeans one whobecomes idden', hat s,possessedy Shango.The newlyelected riestmust owhavehisfirstabamade.The laba serves oth symbolicnd utilitarian nds n cultritual.But since ts izeis larger hanthat demandedbyits contents, e relatethis o its mportance atherthan tsuse. It is wornwhen hepriest ravels n hisvestmentsoofficiatensomeriteaway from is shrine, articularlyo places where ightning as struck. is task hereis tofind nd digfrom heearth'"2he hunderbolthat ogmadeclares hangohurled,then oannouncewhat ins hangopunishes y that ctand what acrificeshosewholive theremustoffern expiation.On thisand other ccasionswhenShango makesvisible ispower ndanger, he aba s carried utside he hrinendworn anging ownthe eft ide ofthe officiant ith he strapover hisopposite houldernd diagonallyacross is hestPlate I B).Forreasonswhich re beyond he scope of thispaper to elaborate ully Morton-Williams960), the eft ide s ofritual ignificanceo theYoruba13 and thediagonalline described ythe strap cross he chest s, as we shall see by tsrepetitionn thepanel design nd in the restatementf ts meaningn otherways, suitablyonsistentand notmerely onvenientmeansof wearing he laba. It maybe inferred rom naesthetic onsiderationfYorubaart hat here, s inWestern ulture,hediagonal inemight e an expression fenergy,ension,nd irrationality.14he left ide ndicatesnthegenerally ccepted ense hesecondary nd rejected ontents fa culture nd therepressedontentsfthe unconscious. onfiningurselves o the pecific ontext f heShangocult, omeoftheevidence or his eneralization aybe cited;oneofShango'spraise ongsncludes hefollowingords:



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28 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMSI want tohail Shango;He helped me to rebuild myhusband's house ...He shouted nthe roof ike a spirit;He used his efthand to carryhis aba.

The song, ung bywomen devotees,tellshow Shango struck house with ightning, ndin so doing filledthe laba of the priestwith the victimized householder's wealth whichwas thenusedto rebuildthepriest's hrine.Another nstanceofthe symbolicuse of the lefthand and its association with theunconscious s important.At a pointin the trainingof a possessionpriest, he Magbaplaces his efthand on the nitiate'shead and recites he praise names of Shango. Duringthis recitation, he god reveals to the initiatethe specific taboo that will prevent hisbeing sent into possessionat inappropriatemoments.Moreover, it is a peculiarityofpossessionpriests hatShango appears to them and speaksto them n theirdreams.TheMagba of the royal shrineat Koso includes in his morningrecital of Shango's praisenames the words, the dream is fatherof the god.' Since it has been establishedbypsychologistshatpersonages n dreams are manifestations fpsychic complexes, t isclear that the deity Shango correspondsto some extent to unconscious complexestypical ofhisworshippers.Thus theimpulsesto violence and caprice that make up thecomplex typicalofShango worshippers re illustrated ymbolically n the laba panel;and the wearingofthelaba on theleft idemaybe directly onsistentwiththe factthatthese mpulses,appropriateto Shango, find afeexpressionn his cult, though theyarenot accepted by the Yoruba generally. This psychic complex occurring n the per-sonality tructure f the devoteescan onlybe acknowledgedwhen projectedon to thegod Shango. When Shango priests n a state of possession re identifiedwith thegod,they are dominated by an otherwiserepressedneed to vent their aggressiveandfrighteningmpulses.The devotee in possessionmay withoutrestraint xhibithiswildemotions n uninhibiteddisplaysofpower and passion,disregarding he rigidcode ofYoruba social etiquette.Beyond itsnecessity s insigniaofoffice,t is plausible to inferthatthe associationofa cult artifactwith the left ide illuminatesan aspect of thegodand links twiththepersonality omplexforwhich t is an appropriate symbol. n thisconnexion t s evidentwhythe aba mustbe wornby Shango priests n their xpeditionsto houses struckby lightning, or therethey satisfy heir ove ofdestructive ower byexploitingan already calamitous situation. Here is, in fact,an example of a typeofanti-socialbehaviour whichhasbeen socially anctioned.The rigidly tandardizeddesignon thepanels ofthe laba is of considerable signifi-cance inthe magery ftheShango cult,and Shango priests ttribute numinous ualityto it. Moreover, thedesigncontrasts emarkablywith the relative naturalism nd sym-metry f the bulk of Yoruba plastic art and is, as far as we know,the freest xpressiondrawfi rom heir ealmofmyth.'5 ince it s so veryfarfrom therYoruba conventions,it sparticularly antalizing hattheYoruba seemto have no explanationof tsmeaning.We have questionedmore thanthirty riestsn differentartsof Yorubaland includingthe Magba of Oyo and two of his deputies, and also the Magba of the king's ownShango shrinethere. We also inquired among the senior membersof the OtunShonalineage groupwho made the laba. None ofthemcould explain thedesignor contribute



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THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 29a myth bout itorabout the ntroduction fthe use ofthe aba,althoughoversomeyearsrapportwas closelyestablishedwith most of the priestsconsulted, ncluding the lateMagba. When theYoruba are unwilling o disclosea myth heywill as a rule either ayso or fabricate n alternative;theywillseldomdeny tsexistence.On firstxaminingthepanel, thedesignmay appear (as it has to manyEuropeans)to be a variation on a swastika.If we have supplementedwhat is present n the formthroughanticipatinga swastikaby virtueof our knowledgeof it in othercultures-particularly as a form ofJupiter's lightning n Graeco-Roman iconography,16t isnone the essstrongly uggestive fa stylized ightning lash.Since thepriest fthethun-der god carries the laba to places where ightninghas struck,t is fittinghatthisdesignbe a graphic and explicit ndicationoffunction.But many elements n both the formand colour ofthe panel design lead beyond thisfirst ssociation with a swastikaas astylized ightning lash.There is a strong nd ever-present endencyto anthropomorphismn Yoruba artand religious magery, nd thisdesign,whether rnotit is derivedfrom swastika,hasapparentlybeen anthropomorphized.Here thepatterntakes the form f a dancer; andthehead-dress, hedance position, nd theemblematicblack,white,and yellowcoloursof the figure ead us to postulate that thisdancing figure s a representation fEshu(Elegbara) theYoruba tricksterod.'7The head-dress (in the upper rightcorner of the panel) resemblesthat worn byEshu priests, lthough t is oversize,ust as it is on thecarvingsforEshu wherethisdis-tinguishingmarkis exaggeratedforemphasis (Plate III). The dance position-upperarms evel withtheshoulders,forearms n oppositedirections the rightraised and theleft ne pointingdownward18) nd theopen postureof the egs-is likethemostdistinc-tiveofthe movements n the Eshu devotees' ritual dance (Plate IV A). Energetic andsensual,the dance forEshu is unmistakable and stands n contrast o thetightnessndrestraint fmovementsn most otherYoruba ritualdances, includingthose forShango.Lines thatmightbe considered n excessofthedancing figure ontribute o the mpres-sion ofmovement nd speed. In hismyths, shu as the trickster nd god ofmischiefsnever n anyone place, but is everywhere t once. His songsand praisenames tellof thedazzling speed with which he travels and ofhis agility s a dancer. Althoughthehori-zontal lozenge-shapedhead is balanced bythe vertical ozenge ofthetorso, he essrest-fulvertical nd diagonal lines dominate. The tensionnthese ines and intheasymmetryof thedesign givesan impression fchaoticdisorder a situationwhichEshu delights ncreating),and thedancer's flexed egsadd considerably othegeneralrestlessnessf thepanel design.'9Eshu stands between men and gods as mediatorand agent rovocateur.he Yorubabelieve that it is Eshu who tricksmankind nto offendinghegods, therebyprovidingthemwithsacrifices. ince theShango priestwears his laba to thehouse struckbylight-ningwhere he announces what sacrificesmustbe made in expiationofthesinsShangoispunishing, portrayal fEshu,the nstigator fthesin,onthebag containing hango'svengefulthunderbolt eems appropriateenough. The Yoruba say that Eshu must begiven a good part of the sacrificesmade to all the orishagods) since it is he who pro-vides the orishawithfood. Since Eshu is held responsibleforhuman folly nd vulner-ability,he is seen as theforce hat makesmen turn to thegods in acknowledgement f



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30 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMStheir mperfectionsnd for id in their ndeavours. Each ofthose gods who, it mightbesupposed, could support themselves hrough heircommand of the forces f swift etri-bution s shown n myth ohave come in conflictwithEshu, and to have been forcedtoadmit the necessity f his role. In one myth,forexample, each thunderbolthurled atEshu by Shango shattered nto a thousand fragments nd were flung back at him.Shango had consequently o make peace withEshu, and thereafteracrifices rovidedby Eshu were readily shared withhim. In myths nd rituals one sees Eshu's two-wayinvolvement;he promptsmen to offend he gods, and aids the gods in theirvengeance.We have witnessedEshu worshippers ome to visit Shango priestwhenhewas holdingan inquiryat a house struckby lightning, nd accept a gift romhim; and we have alsoseen Shango transvestitesttend the annual dancing festival n honour of Eshu andreceivea gift s well (Plate IV B). The head possessionpriest n Oyo (theOdejin)duringhis annual celebration n worship fShango goes accompanied by his subordinates o payhomage at theMagba's shrine;whilereturning, epauses at the central hrine orEshuin theOyo marketwherehe and thechiefpriestfEshu (theEniOja) prostrate hemselvesout ofrespectforeach other. These examplesdemonstrate recognition n thepart oftheYoruba ofthemutually ustaining elationbetween the thunder odand thetrickster.If the panel designon the laba has been derived from stylized ign for ightning, tis now becoming evidentwhy, granted anthropomorphism,t should have been trans-formedntoan Eshu-likebeing. Shango needs Eshu as much as do the other gods, butbesides thishe shareswithEshu many characteristics.Among otherthingsthey sharean impetuositynd a greatresistance o externalauthority.But themost commonele-ment n themyths nd songsabout Shango and Eshu is power. The mythopoeic magi-nation does not,ofcourse,use a symbol merelyto restate an otherwise dequately de-fined oncept.On thecontrary, ymbolicforms re an importantmeans offormulatingand communicatingwhat the imagination s striving o grasp. The dominant concep-tionwhichemerges n this nstance s a resultof theconstellation fqualities relating opower.Praise songsofShango and Eshu showsomeinteresting arallels in Yoruba con-ceptionsofthe twogods,as maybe seen in these xamples:

Shango:Take the entrance i.e. do notcome secretly hrough he back ofthehouse).... Do not do tome what I should not ike,Terribleman who satsilently mongst hem,Do not do tomewhat I shouldnot ike,Do not et mesuffer,One whosufferssforgotten.... Mountingthe roof fthe unbelieverHe jumped on thechild,on thechild's head.Warriorgreat enoughtoavenge any slight,He struck own a man's house to extendhis own.... He is theone theyworshipnour house.He kills o thatMagba mayeatfreely ofatonement ees).... Shango do not etMagba takeaway mygoods.... If he kills hetransgressor,e alsokills he nformer.



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THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 31My husband,do not wrestlewithmeYour wrestling earsoff he child's arm.If he lifts p the anvil stone to hurl) he will not pant.He stretched p, hestretches ut... He has a ropeinhis pocketfor he wicked.Eshu:He came through he gutter f the house on horseback (i.e. when people were onguard against his coming through he gate).Man of 6oo clubs,He brought utfor hequarrellers wooden rod.Eshu, youare inheaven working n the world.One whom Eshu isworking nwon't know t.If he leaves his own house far wayA housholder'shouse he will take.One whom Eshu is working n won't know t ...Eshu, don't workon me-work on the child of omeone else.... He spread out a festival loth n the house of theheedless.All in our house pay heed to Eshu.Eshu, don't spread a festival loth n our house (i.e. a new clothto receive gifts ehas exacted).... He stood at the pounded yam seller's and did not buy (i.e. but he keptothercustomers way, makingthe vendor angry);He stood at the pounded corn seller's nd did not buy.His teethgrindingikestones,He comes outbringing is club.Eshuwill beat the child and make him cryunceasingly,Greatest-to-be-seenith thebigwooden rod.

It would be justifiable to characterize this power as phallic, particularly ince thephallus is prominent n the imageryofboth Shango and Eshu. Eshu's head-dress,thefirst fmany elements eading us to postulate a representation fhim on the laba, ssometimes arved as a phallus (Plate III). The phallus alone, in fact,often uffices s arepresentation fEshu. Its displacement that is, the phallus as head-dress-impliesthat t is not in itsprocreativefunction hat the phallus is an attribute o Eshu, a con-clusionsupportedby Eshu myth nd ritual. In his praise songs,thepenisis referredo,not in connexionwith procreation,but as related rather by itsautonomous nature toEshu's caprice. One instrument f Eshu's power is a club, which in the mythshe putsinto thehands of thosewho are quarrelsome, nd withwhich he strikeshosewho do no'fully especthispower. Shango's thunderbolt, notherphallic instrument,ppropriatel)in the hands of a kinglygod, similarly akes our attention way from n associationofthe labawiththe thunderstorm's egenerativerain, and stresses nstead vengefulanddestructive ower. Another of the phallic qualities that dominateEshu and Shango isself-assertion nd masculine striving.All these qualities are equally responsibleforconflictswiththesocial orderengenderedby ndividual wilfulness.

C JR.A.I.



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32 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMSThe myths f theKing Shangotellof hiscaprices nd love forpower; how,forexample,hehadyielded o thewhim oplayheedlessly ithhismagic nd insodoinghad destroyed imself,ispalace, and manyof hissubjects.His praise ongs, n theother and,emphasize widerange fphallic ualities, ncluding is exualityndthe

fecundityegives o hisworshippers.ut f he magerynthe aba erves oemphasizea particular spect fhispower,t sthatnwhichhemost esemblesshu.Thepostureof hepanelfigure-the rms n a gesturet onceofviolencend ike conventionalizedlightninglash-directs ur attention way fromexuality owards hango's roleasavenger,nwhichheuses ightning,isparticularxpressionf nergy,sa punishment.The seeming andomness ithwhich hangohurls isbolts ndEshu demonstratesiswilfulnessas,so we are told,a purpose hatshows he nter-relationshipfnot theconcern f hegodswithmankind.hango's nger ndpower, ncounteredna naturalforce,s equatedwithEshu's,which s manifestnhuman trife; hey ppear togetheron the aba because eachreinforceshe other.Whatat firsteems obe a shared nti-social aspectrevealstself s a demandthat ndividual rgroup ake ntoaccount heplansofthegodsand therequirementsf hewholeof ociety. he twogods EshuandShangoarefused ndcondensedn a symbol ecause, t some evels, heyackdistinc-tion;andthatEshu comes ntothisdesignmasked nddisguisedsno surprisenviewofhisrole.In thedesign n the abapanel,form,more han olour, evealsmeaning. hecoloursare a relativelyimple tatementfforces oncerned,marking,s itwere, he haractersinvolvedn thedrama, while the ntricatelyubtleforms morecomplex nd moreevocative. ut fwe turn owfromhe hapes oconsider rieflyhe olours f hepanel,weseethat he ut-out ellow igurestraditionallyecoratednblack ndwhite. hesecolours-yellow, lackand white-are emblematic orEshu in his cult.20 he back-ground or hefiguresred, raditionallyheprincipal olour or hango,which eemstooapposite o thecharacter fthethunder odtorequire omment.21 he patches fgreenn thecornerswith heir ellow orders ogethermakeup thecolours roper oIfa,theYoruba oraclewhichreveals omentheir estiniess wellas therelationshipbetweenhegods ndboth ocietyndthe ndividual.In Yorubacosmology,faandEshu arecompanion-mediatorsetween hegods ndmen;and Ifa,as theprincipleforderlinessndofpredictability,s thecounterpartfEshu,whowilfullyccasionstrifendcan thereforeemost ptly escribed s theun-certaintyrinciple.22shupromptsmen o offendhegods; fatellsmenhowtheymayplacate them. n Yoruba thought,heexistenceftheone snecessaryo theexistenceof heother,o t stobe expectedhatwhenwefind he olours ndsymbolsf onflict(those fShango and Eshu) in themiddle fthepanel,we shouldfind lso thecolourssymbolicfresolutionthegreen ndyellow f fa) at theperipheries. idelyknownmythshowhow faandEshu sustain ach other; heir elationships an example f hebalanceddualism hatpermeates ll Yoruba religious nd cosmological onceptions.23On the abawe find he tatementhat iolencemust e surroundedy rder,nd motioncontained y rest.Butorder, or he ake ofrenewal nddevelopment, ustneverthe-lessbe brokenanditcanperhaps e considered concessiono Eshuthat hepatchesofgreen, hough heymark ach of hefour orners f hedesignwithinhe quarepanel,are all differentlyhaped).The colours hen, y statinghe charactersnvolved,nd



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THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 33alsothroughheir motive uality, upplementormnassertinghatviolencemust econtrolled,utthat isturbancesvaluedpositively.Theturbulencef he abapanel s analogous othat f he hunderstorm.hestormitselfsviolent,tsnoisy estructivenessan be felt s uncontrollablend wanton.Butthe torms imited, aving tsfunctionntherhythmfnature,markinghe ransitionsbetween ry nd wet seasons, nd bringingheheaviest ain.The activitiesfEshu,likethethunderstorm,rebounded, nd do notdestroyhe ocial order, utmark n-stead the transitionsetween tagnationnd changemanifestedn thecompetitionfindividuals, ested nterest,ndfactions or dvantagewithin herelativelytable ocialorder.Whiletheactivities f both Eshuand Shangobring bout imited estruction,both nsure he egenerationf hevarious ormsf ife.Wemay ee n themythsfEshua parable to theeffecthat mankindwithoutthe romptingsf will wouldcease tostrive,ndsocietyndculturewouldstagnate: heYorubasaythatwithouthe nter-vention fEshu thegodswould tarve ndvanish; ndwithouthe tormshe andwouldnothave easons fgrowth, arvest,ndhunting.heseanalogues re all naccordwitha moregeneralunstated xiomof Yoruba cosmology,nd one that s implicitn thesocial ystemsmuch s in thereligious: hat ll extremesenerateheir pposites;ndfurther,hrough voiding hesupressionfconflict,nd by containingtinsteadn astate fbalance, ocietymakestvaluable ndconstructive.For nstance, shu singersfter heyhavesungthepraises fEshu,celebratingistricks, isspreading fdisorder,nd hissatisfyingimselfnd hisworshippershroughthesacrificesfothers, ollowwith hymn hatthey aidwas addressed oGod, theKingofHeaven the nly ne soaddressedhatweeverheard):

We cannot urn rom heHouseof heWorld nd ive . .Eshu's devotees.. givethanks or hemarket heLord ofHeaven created (Eshuismost ctive nthemarket).The childrenf hedwellers n Earth re not o overthrowt.Theythen oncludewith raise ftheustice ftheir wnking, heAlafin fOyo,andsinghispraisenamesand thoseof hismostrenowned redecessors.n otherwords,Eshu's disordersbalancedby tsopposite,he ust awoftheking, ndboth recon-tainedwithinhe reatedworld.Thepraise ongs ndmyths,hen, aypoetically hatwe haverephrasedsupported ymuch thermaterial) s a metaphysic.We mayfinallyonsiderhe aba as a whole.On thefront,hefour-timesepeatedpanel designrepresentingn aspectofShango's power s orderednto a pattern fabsoluteymmetry.utwithin hepanelall is asymmetrynddisorder, ecauseoppos-ing fa-for whom ymmetryndthenumber our resymbolic-is hewilfulricksterEshu,thedynamic nergy hatexplores nd promoteshange. n this connexion tshouldbe recognizedhat he aba scomposed f quares ndtriangles; ithout oingdeeplynto he ymbolicaluestheYoruba find nnumbers, e suggesthat he eventassels anging rom hetriangularieces t thebottomdgeofeveryaba quiteapartfrom onsiderationsf whatever istoricalinkswith he Mediterranean r NearEasttheymay indicate)summarize he statementmade by thedesignon the aba-theunionofthreenessnd fourness. o the Yorubafour tselfignifiesompletenessnd



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34 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMSsymmetry;rder nd the number our re all propertiesf fa. In the realmof thesacred, our onveys he structured,omprehensible,nd visible elationship etweengods ndmankind evealed hroughfa. The number hree o theYoruba spartof hesymbol omplex f the deified arth, he homeof theancestors,nd signifies ystery(Morton-Williams960). The laba as a container or he hunderbolthat hangohurlsto the earth s symbolicallyquivalent otheearthwhichreceives hango's ightning.The number ymbolismsserts hatthe unionoffour nd three eachwith tscosmo-logical ignificance)roduces numberwhich s tselfndivisible,nd thereforesymbolofthecreation f newform rom heunion fopposites. eventhen s the ummationofwhat sgropinglypprehended hroughymbols three), nd thatwhich s intellec-tually ormulatedfour).Magically, he laba is equal in strengtho thepowerful estructivehunderboltwhich anbesafelyarriedn t. As wehaveassertedhe hunderbolto besymbolicallymasculine,o is the abasymbolicallyeminine.ts feminineharactereems o us tohavebeenestablished hen twas secretly pened by Shango'shighpriestn theriteofdedicationoShango's ervice. peculatingn termsfYorubadualism, hepotencyand danger fthethunderbolts neutralized hen t s contained nthe aba24 and wesee repeatedn the ritualbringing ogetherfthese rtifactshesearchforunionofmasculine nd feminineraitsmanifestedn the ransvestitismf hangopriests.25The swastikatself, hich an be tracednthedancing igurefEshu,carries hesemeanings oo; in it are found hequalities fbothtension nd equilibrium hich o-gether roduce feelingfdynamic alance.Thisdynamic alancematcheshe icensedabandonofShango nd Eshu.And therotarymovementuggestedya swastikapeaksof he ternalhange orwhich shustands,nd which snotpossiblewithouthe nter-minglingfopposites. s a symbol,he abapanel operates uitedifferentlyrom is-coursenthat t canpresent multiplicityfmeanings imultaneously,nd insodoingserves o channel ssociationsnd apperceptions.utsymbolsrebytheir erynatureinexhaustible,nd meaning an continue o be drawnfrom hemboth n terms fYorubaandourown ulture.WhiletheYorubaseemto have ost ny explanationfthemeaning fthe aba, tssocialfunction,s is often hecase with ymbols, as nonethe lesssurvived. n ouranalysiswe havesought o makeclearthat he ymbolismf he abapanel correspondsin every etailwith tsritualmeaning nd use; andourargumentoncerninghemean-ingof he abagains orce ythe onsistencyound etween ymbolicmeaning nd ritualfunction. he care withwhich he aba s made,the trictnessithwhich hepatternsconserved,nd theconspicuousnessithwhicht sdisplayed,ccordwith hepromin-ence it acquires through eingthe firstnd highly istinctivetemof ritualpara-phernaliathat the new priest f Shangomustobtain. We have made our analysisinclude everydetail of the design that we can distinguish,nd have shown eachsymbolic ormo contributeo thereligiousmeaning fthe aba.Moreover,he acra-mentof tsopeningby the Magba and thesymbolismfthedecoration larify hereasonwhy he hunderbolt ust e carriedn t. The symbolism,lthough omplex,sconstructedn only woprinciples,hefirsteing hat fclarificationy analogy, ndthe econdbeing heighteningftheexperiencefthegiven hroughhe warenessfits pposite.



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THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 35The lababearson itscoverthe symbolsnd emblems f thecultural rama theYorubasee enactedwhen ightningtrikes:hroughheprovocationfEshu,Shango'sthunderboltsre looseduponmankind; hroughhe agency f fa men earnhow togrowwith hedemands f hegods.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSWe wishto thankJ. T. Hooper, Esq., for llowing s to photographhecarvingnPlate III. Many friendsnd colleagueshave earned our thanksby givingus theirresponseso thedesign n the aba panel.We are grateful,oo, to manyof themforhelpful ommentsn drafts f thepaper,especially o members f thestaff f theAnthropologyepartmentt UniversityollegeLondon,particularlyo Mr RobinHorton;and we should lsolike to thankProfessor. H. Gombrich nd Dr LeopoldStein or heir elp nd encouragement.

NOTES'There aremany eferenceso Shango n publicationsbouttheYoruba,butmuchof hedescriptionis misleading. he best ethnographicmaterial-well illustrated-is in (a) Frobenius I9I2), and (b)Verger I 957).2 The carrying fthe abahas fallennto beyance n Oyo during he ast fewyears. t appearsthatthe astfull ress rocessionfpriests as n 1954 or 1955.3Frobeniusncludes rawings yCarlArriens fa laba n TheVoice fAfrica.We note thathepicksoutthe ame elements f thedesign s the mainstructures we do; and further,hatthese aba,madebefore9I0, are substantiallyhe ameas theonemade n 957.4 In towns ther hanOyowe haveseena few abawithoutheusual decorationsnthefront anels.H. U. Beier n hisbook TheStoryfSacredWoodcarvingsrom ne mallroruba ownLagos,The NigeriaMagazineOffice, 957) has included photographaken n Ilobu (aboutfifty ilesfrom yo), showingtwounusual aba. t isnoteworthyhat hese wodeviant pecimens angnot n the hrine utovertheentrance, hile ther onventionalneshangwithin. ossiblyheseweremade, f nOyoatall,by nothersegment fthe eatherworkers' ineage-by themembers ftheOsi Shona erhaps,who have assertedthattheyknowhowtomake them.Theydid notclaimthatthe Magba evercommissionedabafromthem, nd the factthattheyofferedo make themforus without onsulting im suggests hatsomeShangoworshippersave obtained aba,probably or hedecoration f their hrines,n thisvery ikelyless ostlyway.5 Whereexceptionso the colour rrangemento occur,we are inclined o think f them s recentand decadent ariations.6 In the yajiwardofOyo.7He declared hat hefeehewouldordinarilye paid for pening he ababefore andingtovertothepriestwould be two guineas nd somegin,and hewould n addition equire cockfor acrificeoShango.Alternatively,heMagba can takeanimals Shango'ssetofsacrificialnimals, .g. theram,he-goat, nail,and cock) and bitter ola (also appropriate o Shango) from henewpriest.All this sbeyond he ost f he aba tself, hichwas about C7.8 The aradung'fFrobenius.9 Whenthe Dahomians ncorporatedhe cultofShangointo their eligion, hey. eplacedtheoshebyan axe with singleblade. Examplesheldbydevotees fXevioso,theDahomianShango, re illus-trated yP. Verger 1952; 1957). It is nterestingo findnthese ublications photographhowingnoshe f heShangoworshippersnBrazilto be a double-bladedmetal xe (Plate55). JeanRouche I960)considersheSonghai hunder odDongotohavebeenderived romhango. n Songhai he hunderxehas a singleblade and a bellon the back ofthe handle Plates and VI). The outward iffusionftheShangocult fromOyo makes tparticularlyifficulto tracethe routebywhich hemain elementsnthis omplex eachedOyo.



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36 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS10Thus, not onlydoes t appear thatno myths bout the aba are current, ut ikewise one concern-ingthedouble-headed xe (an implement ot utilized y theYoruba) on which hewoodendance staffis modelled.This staff oshe) s often carved skeuomorph. et, although he representations unmis-takable, he Shango worshippers o not recognize t to be one, thoughwith he oshe hey nsist,ust asthey o with he aba, hat heform e preserved.Il This, generally peaking, s true fall Yoruba cults.The Magba, however and other ultofficials

of the central hango hierarchy),may not alwaysexhibit ersonalityraitsmatching hoseof the wor-shippers nd thegod sincehispost s hereditary,nd generally assesbyprimogeniture.12 This of coursemustbe shammed. hango personalities re usually very adept at this nd manyother inds f onjuring."IThe left ide and the diagonal ine n the ritual nd art ofotherYoruba cultswill be examined tsome engthnourforthcomingook on Yoruba art and religion. vans-Pritchardas analysed he ig-nificancef similar onsciousnessf hemeaning f he eft ide among heNuer.14 The effectf hediagonal ine can be seenmost learly n Baroque and contemporaryculpture ndpainting.15Apartfrom he conventionallybstract orms f the Yoruba denotative igns een on the walls ofsome hrines. oran example f his ype fmural rt ee thephotographsn pages I 9 and 221 with urarticle ntitledThe Festival f ya Mapo' in NigeriaMagazine, o. 58, 1958.16 The double xe is a symbol orJupiters well as for hango.17 Another triking arallel suggested y the designwhichoughtnot to be ignored s thatbetweenEshu and theWestAfrican ables f heclever nd conspiringpider, articularlyn viewof hefact hatthedesign tselfwas seen by manyWesternerso resemble spider.Since a symbol ondenses nd cancontainmanymeanings, swastika, spider, nd Eshu can simultaneouslyppear in a configurationwhich inks heir ommon eatures.18Returning gain to Evans-Pritchard'snalysis fNuer deas concerning he eft nd right ides, tis the eft orn f man's ox, thebeastwithwhichhe is n manyways dentified,hich s traineddown-wards."IOf some fiftyccidentals o whom we have shownthis aba panel decoration,boutthirty aveperceived figuren a dance position. oncerning he pirit f thedance, manymoodsweredescribed:whilevigour s common o all,he isseen as ubilant,violent, oisterous,hreatening,ocular,and so on.Perhapsthe truest nderstandingomeswith ccepting he possibilityhat widerangeof emotions satonce contained.20 We haverecentlyeen these oloursworn n combinationn a pattern nan imported otton lothwhichwas made up as the uniform ttire f the Oyo Eshu worshippers or heir annual festival. SeePlate VB.)21 Though t does receive ommentn a Shango praise ongwhere hered s said torefer otonly othered-dyedlothes f hepossession riest, utalsotothebloodof acrifices, hich, fterome spouredonthe ultobjects,spoured ver hepriestwhilehe s npossession.22 This apt metaphor or shu was coinedby Professor . A. Barnicotn conversation ithMorton-Williamsn 1950.28 Eshu (Elegbara) and Ifa are being reated t some engthnother apers nprogress.24 When, fterightningasstruck,hethunderboltas been dugfromheground'bythepriest, eputs t intoa bowlof palm oil to cool' it. Thisis an interestingarallelwith heYoruba rule thatthemudpillar nEshushrinesmust e keptcool' withpalmoilpouredover tdaily;were t to becomedry,Eshu's mostdestructiverickery ould bedevil thosewithin heparishoftheshrine,whetherhousecompound, r thewholetown.The Shango priest arries he thunderboltway onlywhenall thefines

havebeenpaid andatonementmade.26 Thisfeature,nd others f heShangoritual,willbe taken p in a subsequent ublication.

REFERENCESFROBENIUS, LEO 191 . UndAfrikaprach. eipzig. Engl. trans., he VoicefAfrica. ondon,1913.)MORTON-WILLIAMS, P. I960. TheYorubaOgboniCult nOyo. Africa,0, pp. 362-74.ROUCHE,JEAN I960. La Religion onghai.Paris.VERGER, PIERRE 1952. Dieuxd'Afrique.aris. Esp. Plates62, 63, 68.)VERGER, PIERRE 1957. Notes ur e cultedesOrisa etVodun. Mim. nst. ranfais 'Afrique oire, o.5I,pp. I-609. (Same plates s in Verger 952.)



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THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 37LEGENDS TO PLATES

I. The panel design, ctualsize. Key to colours n drawing pposite late .)II A. A Shango shrine n Iseyin,Oyo Division.The laba s hanging n thetop centre. n the ower eftcornersa black wood figure or shu.The head-dressfanother roken shucarving s beside t yingon theground.Justbelowthe aba is a trayfilledwith thunderbolts'.he trayrests n an upturnedcarvedmortar, do hango,nd a secondmortars in theright oreground.hese mortars re boththeproper upport or he tones-and are wettedwith acrificial lood and oil-and also theproper eat fora possession riest.II B. A figuren theroyalShangoshrine t Koso (Oyo) showing Shango worshipper arrying helaba.III. Ritualcarving or shu. (Collection . T. Hooper,The TotemsMuseum,Sussex.)This is one ofthemost trikingnstances fEshu'sphallichead-dress nown o the uthors. wo other hallicobjects,hiscluband hismedicine ontainer,re held n either and.IV A. An Eshuworshipperancing t the annual festivalI957) for hegodin theAkesanmarketustoutside heprincipal shushrine nOyo. The colours fhisgown reblackandwhite n a yellow ack-ground.IV B. The annual Eshu festivaln Akesanmarket,Oyo, I957. The Eshu worshippern theright sreceiving gift rom maledevotee f hangoheredressed or heoccasion nfemale ttire.

igba sango

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