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    'Under your fascist sky

    Slowly pants the terrified dalit ghetto.'*

    Raju Solanki

    (Raju Solanki is an activist and poet based in Gujarat.

    These are a few of his notes on Gujarat, the state of

    Dalits, minorities and other marginalized sectionsunder the Modi regime. They provide keen insightsinto how 'Moditva' works and its varna-embedded

    philosophical underpinnings. Above all, they alsochronicle the resolute and persistent Dalit struggles

    against the Hindutva hegemony, in every field)

    ~

    Social Justice

    The system of untouchability has been a goldmine for

    the Hindus. This system affords 60 millions of untouchables to do the dirty work ofscavenging and sweeping to the 240 million Hindus who are debarred by their religion to dosuch dirty work. But the work must be done for the Hindus and who else than theuntouchables?

    ~ Dr. B R Ambedkar.

    What is social justice? An overdosed, over-used clich or a marketing strategy to create a niche?For Dalits in Gujarat, the official meaning of social justice is different. To begin the exercise, let usread the Gujarat villages Panchayats' Social Justice Committee (Constitution and Functions) rules,1995, i.e. the Panchayat rules, 1995.

    According to The Panchayat rules, 1995, one of thefunctions of this so-called Social Justice Committee is "to

    ensure systematic disposal of carcasses and to providemeans for the disposal of unclaimed corpses and carcassesand to define places for the purpose of disposal ofunclaimed corpses and carcasses."

    The Social justice committee comprises, one memberbelonging to the Valmiki (Safai Kamdar) Community, threemembers belonging to the Scheduled Castes and ScheduledTribes and one woman member from Scheduled Castes.

    It is very clear that the government has imposed the dutyof disposing dead animals on the Social Justice Committee.This provision or legal obligation reveals the official meaning of social justice. Ironically enough,The Civil Rights Protection Act, 1995 declares such kind of acts as enforcement of untouchability.

    The section 7 (a) 1 of the said act says: "The compelling of any person out of 'untouchability' todo scavenging, sweeping, removing of carcasses, flaying of animals or removing of umbilical cordhas been made punishable."

    What kind of punishment Dalits of Gujarat would declare for their foolish, semi-literate, wretchedrepresentatives who remained silent in the legislative assembly during the enactment of thispernicious act? Panchayat Rules, 1995 is marked with unacceptable logic and unrealisticassumptions of our law-makers. Look at some functions of the committee.

    (b) To look after street-light facility of the weaker sections of the society, provided there arestreet-lights in the village.

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    (g) To look after bathing and washing facility for the weaker sections of the society, providedsuch facilities exist for general public.

    The meaning: The weaker sections should never aspire for street-lights, bathing and washingfacility, if such facilities do not exist for 'general' public!

    Panchayat rules, 1995 repealed the earlier act of 1975, i.e., the Gujarat Gram and NagarPanchayat Social Justice Committee (Constitution and Functions) Rules, which was enacted during

    Congress rule. Thus, the meaning of social justice has not changed in either a pseudo-seculariststate or in a Hindu-nationalist state!

    Atrocious Ignorance of a Chief Minister

    Under The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, it is theduty of District Superintendent of Police (DSP) to appoint an officer not below the rank of DySP asan investigating officer for the offences registered under the same act. This provision is quite well-known.

    On 16 April, 2004, MLA from Jamnagar Rural asked aquestion to chief minister Modi in Gujarat legislativeassembly: "Honorable chief minister [Home] may oblige usto tell that, is it true that the DSP is responsible for theappointment of an officer not below the rank of DySP asinvestigating officer in the offences under atrocities act?The answer of our chief minister is shocking. He said: "No,but there is a provision under rule 7 (1) of SC/ST act, 1995to appoint officers not above the rank of DySP to inquire

    into all cases booked under atrocities act. It is not theresponsibility of DSP."

    "The officer not above the rank of DySP" means he may bea P.S.I. or P.I. and in most of the atrocities cases courts acquit the accused because theinvestigation officer is either P.S.I. or P.I. Over 150 such judgments collected by the Council forSocial Justice revealed that in 95% of the cases, the accused have been acquitted because ofnegligence on part of the authorities. In number of these cases, while the accused has beenconvicted under IPC section for murder and attempt to murder, he has gone scot-free on theatrocity charge.

    In one judgment, an honorable judge even went on to say that, "the government of Gujarat has inthe year 1999 passed a resolution amending the Atrocities Act 1989, whereby the investigationcan be undertaken even by a police officer not below the rank of P.I." The Atrocities Act wasenacted by parliament of India. No state government can pass any resolution to amend the act.When the chief minister and a judge both possess utter ignorance about an important act, what

    can we expect from an ordinary constable or clerk of this machinery?

    Social Welfare or Fanfare?

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    Year 2004. Gujarat Safai Kamdar Vikas Nigam organized a function to distribute cheques worthRs. 1,56,88,780 to 149 persons belonging to Valmiki community. In Gujarat, more than one lakhfamilies of Valmiki not only live below poverty line, but way below human dignity line, too. Theystill carry human excreta on their heads. Rs. 1.56 crore is nothing but peanuts and a cruel joke ona section of people who are, still reeling under the curse of Hinduism, untouchability.

    Details of deaths and injuries caused to sweepers while cleaning underground sewerage systemsand sewage tanks are mentioned below. The shocking list is based on Gujarati newspaperclippings covering the period 1989 to 2003:

    1. Two brothers drowned and died of asphyxiation caused by poisonous gas while descendingto clean sewerage. [21 February, 1989, Umreth, Jansatta, Anand]

    2. In sewage disposal work during the last six years, 11 employees died while on duty and 20others persons died of tuberculosis, cancer, paralysis, heart disease and respiratory problems.Every year about 3 to 4 young employees succumb to untimely death due to this suffocatingand gaseous atmosphere. [17 July 1989, Gujarat Samachar, Vadodara]

    3. Cleaning the drainage line of Calico Polyester Fiber, two sweepers were drowned and diedof asphyxiation caused by poisonous gas inside the 50 feet deep gutter. [31 August 1989,

    Sandesh, Vadodara]

    4. Two workers descended to clean underground sewerage near C.M.C. Factory, off OdhavRoad. They died of asphyxiation. [24 September 1989 Sandesh, Vadodara]

    5. Two laborers died inside a gutter when they descended to clean sewerage nearBhagwannagar Chhapra, Navrangpura. [11 August 1990 Jansatta, Ahmedabad]

    6. During unearthing a manhole of a sewerage line which was under construction nearNarnarayan Society, Maninagar, three persons were seriously injured. Amongst them onewoman labourer lost her consciousness and the other two succumbed to death duringtreatment. [17 August 1990 Jansatta Ahmedabad]

    7. Ranchhod Dhana Harijan and Kanti Dhana Harijan became unconscious due to poisonous

    gas while cleaning underground sewage tank of Ambalal Patel. [3 December 1990Pipariya,Taluka Vaghodara,Sandesh]

    8. One labourer died due to poisonous gas while cleaning sewerage near Gitamandir Bus-stand. [26 March 1991 Ahmedabad]

    9. Three workers died of asphyxiation when they were cleaning underground sewage tank inthe premises of a private company. [23 July 1992 Jansatta, Ahmedabad]

    10. Having descended to clean one underground sewage tank, two young laborers drownedand died. [23 March 1992 Jansatta, Surat]

    11. Ramesh Harijan and Jagu Nadia, while cleaning the sewerage on the main road in

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    Karelibaug area of Ward: 8 in Baroda, became unconscious due to poisonous gas of thesewerage. [23 March 1992 Gujarat Samachar, Vadodara]

    12. Mangal Solanki, who descended to clean sewerage in Nizampura, became unconsciousdue to poisonous gas inside the sewerage. [18 July 1992 Gujarat Samachar, Vadodara]

    13. Kalidas Chauhan, residing behind Pratapnagar police chawki, was burnt while cleaningsewerage in Gajarwasi, Pareshnagar. The cause of injury was surprising. Kalidas descended

    into the sewerage with a lit bidi in his hand. When it came into contact with the gaseousatmosphere, it caused burns and injury. [4 April 1993 Sandesh, Vadodara]

    14. Three young workers died of asphyxiation when they descended into sewerage duringwork of drainage connection at Rander Road. They were Chhagan Bhila, Sursing Jhala, TaggaParima. [4 April 1993, Fulchnab, Surat]

    15. Laljibhai Chaturbhai Vasava and Ladhubhai Sukabhai Vasava descended to clean a sewagetank in Gamadiwad of Vejalpore at Bharuch. They died of asphyxiation caused by poisonousgas of sewage tank. [6 May 1993 Loksatta, Bharuch]

    16. One sweeper became unconscious while cleaning sewerage. [19 March 1994, SandeshAhmedabad]

    17. Two died and one was seriously injured due to poisonous gas at Pirana sewage pumping

    station. [23 May 1994 Gujarat Samachar Ahmedabad]

    18. Two died and three were seriously injured due to asphyxiation caused by poisonous gasinside sewerage. [14 June 1995 Gujarat Samachar, Ahmedabad]

    19. Two died of asphyxiation caused by poisonous gas while cleaning sewerage system inVastrapur. [14 June 1995 Gujarat Samachar Ahmedabad]

    20. Two employees of Municipal Corporation died of asphyxiation while cleaning sewerage inPandesara GIDC. [10 October 1995 Gujarat Mitra, Surat]

    21. Chunibhai Gandabhai Chaudhary, a sweeper in Mandavi Gram Panchayat, died ofasphyxiation in 30 feet deep drain full of sewage. [23 August 1996 Gujarat Mitra, Surat]

    22. At midnight, the dead body of a sweeper Valjibhai Sanabhai was found from a drainage in

    Bapunagar. He had descended to clean the gutter. [21st October 1996, Gujarat samacharAhmedabad]

    23. Two brothers descended to clean the manhole of sewerage system at Hotel GrandBhagwati, one died, the other was serionsly injured. [24 June 2004, Sandesh, Ahmedabad]

    This list shows that 54 sweepers were killed during 1989 to 2004. The reality must have beenmore shocking than what has been reported in the newspapers. We must ask a simple question toour Ministers, politicians and bureaucrats who are fond of holding cheque distribution ceremoniesunder full glare of T.V. cameras, whether they have ever taken care to provide adequatecompensation to these mute victims of this pernicious system? Does Mr. Narendra Modi bother toconsider these sweepers as Hindus only when he decides to author state-sponsored genocides?

    Dogs, Cats and Dalits: The beasts without a burial ground

    What is the similarity between dogs, cats and Dalits in India? All of them have no burial ground.And as a matter of fact, sometime dogs and cats do have specific burial grounds; Dalits do nothave such a place where they can bury their dead. Sounds strange! But it is the bitter truth and asimple fact of life in most of the villages of Gujarat.

    Very few people know that the practice of Dalits burying their dead was one of the ten tests whichwere laid down by the census of 1911 to mark off untouchables from those who were touchable.Dalits being the most marginalized and oppressed community didn't have a legally defined,specific piece of land where they could bury their dead. The situation has not changed in 21stcentury.

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    Ruppur: Fight for burial place

    When some 80 helpless, landless families marched across dusty, narrow lanes of Ruppur village(district Patan) in the afternoon of 9th April 2003. The banners hung on their camel carts hadslogans which were asking, "When the question of Ram taking birth at a particular place 5000years ago is described as a matter of Hindu sentiment should we remain silent when Dalits'sentiment for their graveyard is crushed?" And "Is this the way to materialize the pledge of HinduRashtra?"

    In Ruppur not only Dalits but Ravals (OBC) too, have been burying their dead in the graveyard,the land which has now become prime land due to the newly built Chanashma-Patan highway. Theland of graveyard was recorded as gauchar(grazing land) instead of burial ground. The uppercaste, namely Patels of the village, grabbed the land measuring 12,468 square meters on rent ofjust one rupee from the government. When Dalits and Ravals protested against the upper caste-

    bureaucratic nexus, they were socially boycotted. They met the district collector for help, hesimply gathered written statements of caste-Hindus and reported that there was no social boycottas such.

    Ultimately 85 families, including 55 of Dalits and 30 of Ravals, migrated to the district collector'soffice at Patan. Later on, the collector accepted the burial rights of Dalits and the High Court, too,considered the decision of collector in a writ petition filed by the Council for Social Justice. Thematter does not end here. So many Ruppurs are, still, waiting to happen in rural Gujarat.

    Rupur is the village of Karsan Patel, the richest person of Gujarat. When Karsan's relatives wereoppressing, suppressing, insulting, humiliating and intimidating Dalits, the 'civil society' waswatching atrocities with its trademark silence. And when same Karsan Patel attempted to seizefertile land of Mahuva, a historical agitation (in their words and world!) was launched..... Theupper caste hindus are not ready to recognise movements of dalits.

    For them dalits are 'project material', dalits cannot be leaders!

    Kunvarbai Nu Mameru: Beggars Have No Choice

    'Mameru' is a gift of some precious ornaments given by a maternaluncle to his niece on the occasion of her marriage ceremony. InGujarat we call maternal uncle, 'mama' and hence whatever mamagives is 'mameru'.

    'Kunvarbai nu mameru' is a government scheme to donate MangalSutras to Scheduled Caste brides. Mangal Sutra is again anornament, which is given by a husband to his wife. In fact, BJP

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    government, the political husband of Scheduled Castes, gives Mangal Sutra in the name ofmameru. Any sensible Dalit having a feeling of self-respect would refuse such a thing.

    Narasinh Mehta, father of Kunvarbai was a saint of 11th century. He was a poor, unskilledBrahmin, not efficient in any trade to earn livelihood. He used to wonder with his tambura (a desimusical instrument). It is said that on his daughter's marriage, Lord Krishna appeared, personatedas Sheth Sagalshah, and gave money to the needy father. Are we, Dalits, Narsinh Mehtas, poorand unskilled? Kunvarbai nu Mameru is a glaring example of BJP's hypocrisy and mawkish

    populism which has nothing to do with emancipation of Dalits.

    Satyawadi Raja Harishchandra Maranottar Sahay Yojana(A scheme to subsidize funerals of Dalits)

    The government gives Rs. 1,500 to perform last rituals of a Dalit. Why has the name of"Satyawadi Raja Harishchandra" been given to this scheme? According to myth, RishiVishawamitra cursed king Harishchandra, who became servant of a dom (chandal, anuntouchable). When Queen Satyavati, wife of Harishchandra, tried to perform last rites of theirson, at river Ganga, Harishchandra prevented her because she had no money to pay the tax tothe Chandal. Thus, a Kshatriya couple was humiliated and could not perform last rites of their son.Saffron ideologues have not forgotten the humiliation of their mythical ancestors two thousandyears ago.

    Hindu Society as such does not exist. It is only a collection of castes. Each caste is consciousof its existence. Its survival is the be all and end all of its existence. Castes do not even forma federation. A caste has no feeling that it is affiliated to other castes except when there is aHindu-Muslim riot.

    ~ Dr. B. R. Ambedkar

    "Time has come for the political encounter of Narendra Modi. Before thirty years nine MuslimMLAs got elected to Gujarat legislative assembly. Today there are only four. The remainingseats have been filled by BJP. To achieve this result BJP had instigated Dalits, Tribals andother backward castes. The seats which were grabbed from Muslims have been captured byBJP. Not a single Dalit, Tribal or OBC get elected from these seats. If Narendra Modi reallywants Sadbhavna, he would have at least one Muslim minister in his cabinet....

    Minister, Anandi Patel went to Dalit maholla of Patan and washed feet of dalit senior citizens.Dalits of entire Gujarat, particularly saffron dalits were pleased by this act. Anandibahen isdoing this only for votes.... Even a youth of Godhara can become chief minister of Gujarat,provided he fights for the equality and justice for all. Dalits, Tribals and other backward castesare also in search if justice. If you fight for their rights, you will win definitely...."

    ~ Raju Solanki, in the Godhra convention "In search of justice".

    ~

    The Riots

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    In the year 2002, a train was burnt at Godhra railway station in Gujarat. 58 Hindus were charredto death in the tragedy. Riots spread like a prairie fire. Massacres like Gulbarg society, NarodaPatia, Sardarpura and Best Bakery showed the ugliest face of a state which is called the land ofnon-violence. What was the role of Gujarat government and police during the riots is now not amatter of speculation.

    In fact, the moment the massacres started with the connivance of ministers and top bureaucrats,Modi government, instead of putting real culprits behind the bar, unleashed a reign of terror byarresting innocent people in Dalit-Muslim areas.

    Table 1, shows the figures of total arrests made in the jurisdiction of 32 police stations in andaround Ahmedabad just after the Godhra tragedy (i.e. during 1 March, 2002 to 4 June, 2002).

    Table: 1

    Police station wise breakup of arrests

    Ahmedabad City

    Amraiwadi 133, Ellisbridge 44, Odhav 27, Kagdpith 150, Karanj 56, Kalupur 44, Khadiya 34,Gomtipur 380, Ghalodiya 18, GIDC 44, Dariyapur 36, Dalillimada 390, Naroda 53, Navrangpura38, Naranpura 66, Bapunagar 37, Maninagar 93, Madhupura 310, Meghaninagar 7, Rakhiyal 34,Vatava 116, Vejalpur 43, Saherkotda 87, Shahpur 122, Shahibhaug 77, Sarkhej 104, Sardanagar

    28, Satelite 49, Sabarmati 104, Sola 9, Sola Highway 12, Haveli 186, Memnagar 4

    Total 2945

    The analysis of Table: 1 shows that:~ From 1-3-2002 to 4-6-2002 the police arrested a total 2945 persons in areas under 33police stations in and around Ahmedabad city.

    ~ Out of total arrested persons 1326 were from Dalit areas like Amaraiwadi (133),Kagadapith (150), Gomatipur (380), Danilimada (390), Haveli (186) and Shaherkotada (87).Thus, 45.05 percent (1326) of total arrests were from Dalit dominated areas.

    ~ In the areas of Dalits-Muslim neighbourhood, viz. Gomatipur (380), Danilimada (390),Shaherkotada (87) and Haveli (186), total 857 were arrested. Thus, 35.41 percent of totalarrests were from Dalit-Muslim areas.

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    ~ Police arrested only 17 persons in Meghaninagar, 28 in Sardarnagar and 53 in Narodaduring this period. These are the places where the worst communal carnage like GulbargSociety and Naroda Patia took place.

    ~ Was police searching for the accused of Gulbarg Society and Naroda Patia in Dalit areas ?

    Who had provoked the violence? Who was victimized? We can't get a true picture from thesefigures of arrests made under different police stations of Ahmedabad. Let us analyze the figures

    community wise.~

    Table: 2

    Hindus formed the majority of arrested people. But, looking at the percentage of minoritycommunity (46.45 %), it is obvious that people of minorities were arrested on a large scale in

    proportion to their population.It is important to know the percentage of various castes amongst the arrested Hindus.

    Table: 3Caste-Wise arrests

    Thus, Caste Hindus including Brahmin, Bania and Patel, were only 33 out of arrested 1577 Hindus.Had Caste Hindu camaraderie of Narendra Modi, Pravin Togadia and Ashok Bhatt instructed policenot to arrest Caste Hindu rioters who looted big stores like Pantaloons riding in maruti cars orthose who had gutted the hotel Down Town just opposite Judges' Bungalows?

    Upper Caste Hindus were only 32 in number out of total 1577 Hindus who were arrested. The rest1544 belonged to other backward castes (OBC) and Dalits.

    Among Hindus, the number of Dalits was fifty percent.

    After Godhra tragedy, most of the incidents of damaging properties of Muslims weresystematically triggered in posh, affluent, upper caste dominated western Ahmedabad, whereMuslim-owned hotels were ransacked and looted with planning and precision. Is it possible forDalits living on the east side of the river to participate in this mayhem?

    The figures of arrested people living on the west side of the city during the period (1-3-02 to 4-6-02) amply suggest partial, casteist attitude of the police: Ellisbridge (44), Ghatlodiya (18),Navrangpura (38), Naranpura (66), Satellite (49). Thus, only 215 persons were arrested on westside.

    Dalit - Muslim Confrontation: A Myth

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    One may conclude from above mentioned figures that the number of arrests in Dalit-Muslim areasshows confrontation between two communities. This conclusion is false. Look at some basic facts:

    ~ In all areas where Dalits and Muslims live together not a single massacre took place.

    ~ Both communities are numerically in equal proportion. Nobody can subjugate anybody. Ifone community retaliates, it is only for survival.

    ~ During last 20 years more than 20 Dalit ghettoes (bastis, mahollas) were deserted inMuslim-dominated areas, like Jamalpur, Raikhad, Shahpur. Neither Dalits nor Muslims wereresponsible for the migration, because, after the anti-reservation movement of 1981, Hindufascist forces decided to target Muslims and planned communal riots. Muslims turned back tothe walled city for safer habitat, as upper caste dominated western side of the city wasbecoming increasingly intolerant of Muslims. This process ultimately resulted in Dalitmigration from walled city areas.

    ~ Nobody has noticed this phenomenon. Dalits were bleeding. They were forced to leave theirtraditional ghettoes. And during these two decades the VHP systematically exploited thehelplessness of Dalits, who could not realise that these were the same forces that werebehind anti-reservation movements. I explained the plight of Dalits in a meeting on Dalit-Muslim dialogue organised by Mr. Ashgarali Engineer in Ahmedabad.

    Constructing walls, destructing harmony: VHP shows the way

    Caste Hindus blocked a narrow street which was used by Dalits of vankarvas in Shahpur ofAhmedabad city after the 1981 anti-reservation riots. Now, the lane which Dalits were forced touse was passing through Muslim areas.

    After 1985 communal riots, life became unbearable for Dalits who were surrounded by both caste-Hindus and Muslims. Dalits were virtually under siege. In a highly charged situation one Muslimfamily was charred to death in Vankarvas. Police arrested Dalits, majority of who weregovernment employees. Here entered VHP, as savior of Dalits. The VHP helped them by providingtiffins packed with meals in jail and arranging advocates to fight legal battle. Nobody asked theVHP why it hadn't come forward to break that wall which was the cause of the trouble.

    Poverty

    In Ahmedabad, the population of Dalits is 7, 00,000 (i.e.17 %). The level of poverty amongstDalits is reflected in a survey done by School of Planning in 1998. (See table: 4)

    Table: 4

    BPL SC families in Ahmedabad (1998)

    Khadia 81, Kalupur 01, Dariyapur 30, Raikhad 300, Shahpur 750, Jamalpur 60, Paladi 428,Vasana 1,483, Gandhigram 409, Navrangpura 150, Sardar Stadium 667, Naranpura 253,Vadaj 1,117, Juna Vadaj 1,866, Sabarmati 1,907, Dudheswar 593, Madupura 1,501,

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    Girdharnagar 1,007, Asarva 2,181, Naroda Road 2,951, Sarapur 650, Potalia 1,350,Kubernagar 736, Sardarnagar 750, Saijpurbogha 1,547, Thakkarbapanagar 120, NarodaMuthiya 347, Bapunagar 835, Rakhiyal 1,303, Gomtipur 1,250, Rajpur 1,642, Amaraiwadi4,285, Bhaipura/Hatkeswar 1,735, Nikol Road 15, Odhav Road 988, Khokhara Mahemdavad116, Maninagar 641, Kankaria 1,665, Baherampura 2,533, Danilimada 681, Bage firdos 91,Vatava 984, Isanpur 471

    Total 42,476.

    The survey provides the following important conclusions:

    ~ The number of SC families living below poverty line in Ahmedabad was 42,476.

    ~ Assuming average five members per family, 2,12,380 Dalits live below poverty line.

    ~ 30 percent of Dalit population in Ahmedabad lives in abject poverty.

    ~ The percentage of BPL families in Gujarat in 1999-2000 was 14.07 %. Thus proportion ofpoverty was double among dalits compared to average Gujaratis.

    ~ These were the figures of an economic capital like Ahmedabad. The situation in villages hadto be worse.

    Statistics of Poverty or Poverty of Statistics?

    How credible is the survey of School of Planning can be measured by just one example. Thesurvey mentions only one SC family living below poverty line in Kalupur area. According to oursurvey in this area there are more than 20 BPL families. In a meeting organized by SocialEmpowerment Department in Gandhinagar, I asked the minister if there was only one BPL family,then why was the government not able to raise it above poverty line.

    There is another list of SC BPL families published by Rural Development Commissioner. It coversthe entire state.

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    Table: 5

    SC BPL families in Gujarat

    ~

    Politics of Power

    1981 Onwards

    The year 1981 is very important in the political history of Gujarat. The year witnessed large scaleanti-Dalit and anti-reservation riots. Seven Dalits were brutally murdered in the riots started bythe Caste Hindus who enjoyed complete control over the state administration, judicial system,education etc. The reason for this absolute control was 2000 year old varna-vyavashtha. Atseveral places across Ahmedabad and in the villages like Detroj and Uttar Sanda Dalit homes were

    razed and burnt down.In retaliation to the atrocities committed by the Caste Hindus on them, Dalits boycotted Holi nextyear. Thousands of people attended conferences organized with the initiative of Dalit Panthers.Sangh Parivarwas alarmed by the massive response these conferences generated amongst Dalitsand the Muslims. To garner the support of Dalits, Adivasis and the OBCs, Sangh Parivarand saintslike Sambhu Maharaj started targeting Muslims. This resulted in continuous communal clashes.

    The areas dominated by the Caste Hindus in the city became inhabitable for the Muslims. Thecontinuous communal clashes forced the Muslims to migrate to the walled area of the city.Consequently the Dalits became the victims the process. During the past twenty-five years morethan twenty ghettos of Dalits in Muslim dominated areas have been deserted. Since the Dalits

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    born after 1981 are not aware of the history of Dalit-Muslim unity in the city, they have beenpoached by the Sangh Parivar. Same has happened with the Muslim youths who have grown upwith anti-Dalit feelings.

    After 1985 when Congress was fast loosing its mass appeal due to corrupt policies, whatever wasleft of Muslim leadership in the city was finished. The crisis was absolute after the murder ofpoliticians like Rauf Waliullah, who was a man of great integrity. During this political crisis, BJPriding on the wave of Hindutva captured the political space vacated by Congress. Established

    names in the field of literature also showed their fundamentalist mindsets by electing President ofVishwa Hindu Parishad, Mr. K. K. Shashtri as the President of Gujarati Sahitya Parishad. Theelection of K. K. Shastri as the president of Gujarati Sahitya Parishad legitimized Hindutva.

    Agents of Hindutva: Past and Present

    In 1985 when 27% reservation was granted to the OBCs, the bandh call given by the anti-reservationists witnessed even the closure of Hindu temples in the state. From 1981 to 1985religious leaders like Pandurang Athwale tried to seduce OBC castes like rabari, waghri, thakor,kharwa, machimarin the Hindutva ideology. Pandurang used to say, "the thinking that one cantrade in any business of their choice is not desirable, that's why Ram killed Sambuk". [SanskritiChintan, p. 147]

    Last year in 2005 Jain religious saint Chandrashekhar Vijayji played an important role in filing writpetition against the slaughter houses in Supreme Court. He too like Pandurang started provokingCaste Hindus. As part of his anti-backward campaign Chandrashekhar said:

    "a time will come when backward castes (BC) will capture all positions in the administrationand politics. President BC, Prime Minister BC, employees in bank BC, military forces BC,everywhere BC and under their rule, the warrior caste (kshatriyas), Brahmins and intelligentJains".

    "This will not benefit anyone. Not even BCs as they are not eligible for these fields. The BCsdo not possess the inherited expertise and intelligence required for these fields. Education isnot enough. This is not the way to bring them up".

    "Cultural experts proclaim that, if they are to be uplifted, their original traditional occupations

    need to be brought back. Harijans should be given the task of weaving and Girijans should begiven dense forest".

    "Making someone like Jagjivan Ram minister, access to public water tanks will not help. This ischeating. It is a strategy to ruin OBCs by provoking them".

    Agents of Hindutva played a major role in the political emergence of BJP.

    Political loss of Muslims: Whose gain?

    In the 1981 Gujarat Assembly, there were 9 Muslim MLAs. The names of all these nine MLAs aregiven below:

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    Muslim Representatives: 1980-2006

    ~

    Of the nine MLAs, at present only two have been able to reach the assembly. This can be termedas the outcome of Hindutva forces in the last thirty years. The assembly seats from where theMuslims were elected; now they have become the constituencies of upper Caste Hindus. Out ofthese nine seats six seats are captured by BJP. The loss of seats for the Muslims has not resulted

    in the increase of Assembly seats for the Dalits, Adivasis and OBCs. The political loss of theMuslims is the gain of upper caste Hindus (Brahmins, Bania, Patel). The political loss of theMuslims has in no way proved to be a gain for the Dalits, Adivasis and OBCs.

    The meaning of Hindutva movement is "jamwa ma swarno, kutwa ma pachato" (in the feast -upper caste Hindus; in the battlefield - backward caste Hindus). As mentioned earlier, out of 2945arrests made in Ahmedabad after 2002 riots, 797 were OBCs, 747 Dalits, 19 Patels, 2 Banias and2 Brahmins. Caste Hindus got the assembly seats and backward Hindus got the jail.

    In the recently conducted study by Indian Social Institute, Jahangirabad Media Institute andActionAid India, it has been observed that Muslims are as marginalized as Dalits and tribals acrossthe country. Though Muslims are marginalized across India, the agents of Hinduism shamelesslyaccuse the government of minority appeasement.