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1 ESSAYS: PHOTOGRAPHY, TRAVEL, AND TRAVEL PHOTOGRAPHY TRAVELERS TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES OF ASIA MINOR Ioli Vingopoulou, Institute for Neohellenic Research; The National Hellenic Research Foundation, Athens, Greece Translation to English by John C. Davis From the sixteenth to the nineteenth century, the desire of western Europeans to visit and pay homage to the seven churches of the Apocalypse reflected, more or less, the broader European view of the Orient. In this essay, I will first briefly look at the evolution of travel to the lands of the Ottoman Empire during these four centuries and the parameters required for the study of writings derived from such journeys. I shall then focus on some of the more important texts for the history of the seven churches as seen through the eyes of travelers. We shall see, finally, that the travelers who inaugurated classical archeology were also the precursors of Christian archaeologists. Although primarily interested in pilgrimage to the churches of the Apocalypse, these travelers bequeathed works full of information on the archaeological, social, and human landscape of their time. The travel writings bequeathed by travelers and non-travelers alike, consist of personal eye-witness accounts, as well as scholarly learning, though they also conceal visions or ideologies. These all served to compose, throughout this long period, certain stereotypes, with substantial doses of plagiarizing and copying, which in turn provided matter and style for the travel literature that followed.

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Page 1: ESSAYS: PHOTOGRAPHY, TRAVEL, AND TRAVEL ......Apocalypse, written by John around the year 96 of the Christian era,8 was read and interpreted throughout the subsequent centuries in

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ESSAYS: PHOTOGRAPHY, TRAVEL, AND TRAVEL PHOTOGRAPHY TRAVELERS TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES OF ASIA MINOR

Ioli Vingopoulou, Institute for Neohellenic Research; The National Hellenic Research Foundation, Athens, Greece Translation to English by John C. Davis

From the sixteenth to the nineteenth century, the desire of western Europeans to visit

and pay homage to the seven churches of the Apocalypse reflected, more or less, the broader

European view of the Orient. In this essay, I will first briefly look at the evolution of travel to

the lands of the Ottoman Empire during these four centuries and the parameters required for

the study of writings derived from such journeys. I shall then focus on some of the more

important texts for the history of the seven churches as seen through the eyes of travelers. We

shall see, finally, that the travelers who inaugurated classical archeology were also the

precursors of Christian archaeologists. Although primarily interested in pilgrimage to the

churches of the Apocalypse, these travelers bequeathed works full of information on the

archaeological, social, and human landscape of their time.

The travel writings bequeathed by travelers and non-travelers alike, consist of personal

eye-witness accounts, as well as scholarly learning, though they also conceal visions or

ideologies. These all served to compose, throughout this long period, certain stereotypes, with

substantial doses of plagiarizing and copying, which in turn provided matter and style for the

travel literature that followed.

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The Ottoman Empire described in the texts of travelers signifies, on the one hand, the

real or actual empire: the space and the people and affairs, such as political events and war, that

evolved within that space. On the other hand, travel writings also express the “unreal”:

ideology and how it was expressed, individual or collective visions, personal myths, and

existential inclinations. When all these topics are expressed in an accomplished literary style

they may even manage to do away altogether with the “real” or the “actual.”

The traveler and the written account of (his or) her journey are thus communicative

tools that mediate between the European West and the Ottoman Empire. The web woven by

the traveler’s needle and the thread of the route taken links the various components of these

two worlds, in both real and symbolic terms. The traveler (the subject) comes face-to-face with

a reality (the object) different from that for which he or she is theoretically prepared.

Receptivity to the new stimuli might initially seem to be taken for granted; however, the

recording of the reality to which the traveler is exposed often belies this assumption. What, in

fact, does the traveler choose to record or to ignore? What does the traveler choose to transmit

to others? What does the traveler choose to embellish or to distort? The “Other” (if I may be

allowed to use current jargon)—i.e., that which stands opposite us (and perhaps opposed to

us)—may indeed be “real,” yet it is also potentially symbolic, like a mirror. The existence of an

“Other” depends on what one believes to be positioned opposite one, what one believes to be

standing in the mirror. In other words, the traveler’s faculty of sight is almost always identical

to her faculty of culturally engendered vision and imagination.1

A journey requires theoretical knowledge of the place to be traveled through and the

people to be encountered. Subsequently, the pre-acquired knowledge is juxtaposed with the

actual experience of the journey. This in turn is followed by a synthesis of the two with the

support of documentation. Accordingly, the first feature (theoretical knowledge) depends on

the quality of the traveler concerned, while the learning of the writer helps us to judge the

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events that she “sees” and perceives, or that she “does not see,” as well as the way in which she

situates herself vis-à-vis these events and sights and comments on them. The second

component, the eye-witness, in-situ account, reflects the reasons for the journey and the

experiences through which each traveler lived, while the purpose of the journey determines, to

a large extent, the kind of information that the traveler seeks and selects. The third component,

synthesis, is marked again by the environment in which the traveler is writing, while the date

and time of publication determine the way in which the knowledge and actual experience of the

journey are delivered.2

Travelers’ intellectual reception of the space, people, and events of Ottoman lands went

hand-in-hand with the ever-changing spiritual, political, and cultural currents to which the

travelers from the fifteenth to the twentieth centuries belonged.3 Gradually, with the passing

from humanism to classicism and the Enlightenment, Western man encountered both the past

and the “new” with greater sensitivity and knowledge than before. In the nineteenth century,

however, travel-writing no longer necessarily implied a concern with the historical past of the

place or its surviving monuments. By that time, the travel writer and the contemporary people

of the lands visited came face-to face-with one another, while at the same time, the

transformation of the journey into a text expressed, in a uniquely fascinating way, the age-old

confrontation of the objective with the subjective.4

The dynamic flow of British travelers of the seventeenth century into the Eastern

Mediterranean reflected, on the one hand, the somewhat late establishment—at least compared

with other European countries—of an embassy in Constantinople at the end of the sixteenth

century and, of course, the establishment of the Levant Company.5 Likewise, the formation of

noteworthy collections of ancient works in the West, due in large part to the activities of

1 Vingopoulou 2003, XXXI. 2 Ibid. XXXIII. 3 Said 1978; Bisaha 2004. 4 Vingopoulou 2003a; Schiffer 1999. 5 Nasioutzik 2002, 102-104.

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travelers, was a phenomenon entirely in tune with the more general mood of rediscovery of the

classical past that swept across Europe during the eighteenth century.6 In the nineteenth

century, with the Grand Tour and greater ease of travel, there were no longer broad categories

of travelers/humanists, like the Dilletanti or Philhellenes, but instead a mass of diverse

individuals, each with his or her own personal vision as a tourist.7

“I John…was in the Isle that is called Patmos…I was in the Spirit of the Lord’s day and heard behind me a great voice, as of a trumpet, saying, I am Alpha and Omega, the first and the last: and, What thou seest, write in a book, and send it unto the seven churches which are in Asia; unto Ephesus, and unto Smyrna, and unto Pergamos, and unto Thyatira, and unto Sardis, and unto Philadelphia, and unto Laodicea…” (Rev. 1: 9-11) The last book of the New Testament, Revelation, or—to use its Greek name—the

Apocalypse, written by John around the year 96 of the Christian era,8 was read and interpreted

throughout the subsequent centuries in numerous ways (eschatologically, symbolically, and so

on). However, it proved to be both the inspiration and the desired end for pilgrimage travels,

in-situ meditation, and it was also the occasion for archeological searching and for personal

quests of the European travelers who poured into Ottoman lands.9

For example, it is worth recalling that Smyrna, for centuries the gateway to the wealth

of the East, was the focal point for a large number of visitors from the end of the sixteenth

century onwards, with a very substantial increase in the nineteenth century (around eight

hundred accounts).10 Until then, we have accounts from only a very small number of visitors to

all seven cities of the itinerary. With the start of the nineteenth century, however, increasing

numbers of travelers visited Ephesus, Pergamon, and Sardis after stopping in Smyrna.

Altogether for this century, seven travelers leave us accounts of visits to all the seven churches

of the Apocalypse.11

6 Tolias 2003. 7 Vingopoulou 2003a. 8 Kyrtatas 1994. 9 Ramsay 1890; Wallace 1986. 10 Goffman 1999. 11 Vingopoulou and Polycandrioti 1993; Weber 1952.

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Given how Europe in each period “perceives” the Ottoman Empire, its subjects, and the

themes to be encountered within its space, we can endeavor to understand the travelers, their

movements, and their writings—or at least, those whom we have selected as most

representative of this special pilgrimage destination.

An important figure of the British presence in the Eastern Mediterranean was Paul Rycaut,

consul at Smyrna for no less than sixteen years. Rycaut wrote a celebrated history of the

Ottoman state at the request of the King of England, as well as an essay on the Greek Church.12

The second chapter of this essay, written after 1675, describes his visit to the seven churches,

also backed by quotations from the ancients.13 The text was published in 1679, just one year

after the publication of Jacob Spon’s journey to Ottoman lands and a few years after the first

edition of Thomas Smith’s description of the seven cities in Latin. The publication of these

works came at a time when some quarters of the Protestant church projected a rapprochement

with the Orthodox world; at the same time, European designs on the East were also a key

factor of the game.

Rycaut begins his account with the city of Smyrna, which he knows well. Then comes

his description of Ephesus, which is just as thorough: “but nothing appears more remarkable

and stately to the stranger in his near approach to this place than the castle on the hill and the

lofty fabrick of Saint John’s church.”14 Rycaut attempts to find Laodicea in the vicinity of

Denizli. Then, following the writings of Pliny and Strabo, he tells us that he identified three

amphitheatres, an elongated circus, and one inscription on the hill of Eskihissar. He then moves

on to Philadelphia:

Philadelphia, having a pleasant prospect on the plains now inhabited by Turks, and by them called Allashissar or the fair City, is more happy than the other two Churches before mentioned vis Ephesus and Laodicea. For it still retains the Form of a City Though the Walls which encompass it are decayed in many places, and according to the

12 Anderson 1989, 216-29. 13 Rycaut 1679, 30-80. 14 Ibid. 44.

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Custom of the Turks are wholy neglected besides which there is little of Antiquity remaining [apart from] the ruins of a Church dedicated to S. John.15

The city still had no less than twelve Christian churches at that time. In Rycaut’s account of

Sardis he quotes Strabo: “But whatever was the city these former Days it is now a poor

habitation of Shepherds.”16 He is impressed by the view from the castle, and records an

inscription that he found there. (A century later, in 1765, De Peyssonnel sought to find the

same inscription, and in fact, succeeded in doing so.) On Pergamon Rycaut also provides a

quotation from Strabo and mentions the many visible remains of the ancient city: “There are

also the ruins of several churches, one of which more spacious and magnificent than the rest, is

by the Tradition of the Greeks of the country reported to have been dedicated to Saint John, but

wanting Inscriptions and Tradition of the Inhabitans to direct us, we were wholy in dark.”17

With an excellent knowledge of the ancient sources, a sharp intellect, an observant nature, and

experience of the terrain, Rycaut identifies first the correct location of Thyatira, which he

confirms with an inscription, and he copies, translates and comments on various other

inscriptions that had survived in walls as reused masonry.18

In this same period, Thomas Smith, chaplain to the British consul at Smyrna toured all

seven cities in April 1671 (with three other compatriots, two janissaries, two Armenians, one

cook and three servants). The work he wrote as a result of this journey was first published in

Latin in 1672 and then in English in 1678, in small format. His account became the key manual

for all subsequent travelers, as it comprised the first systematic record of inscriptions in the

seven cities of the Apocalypse.19 Besides recording the inscriptions, the text is also

representative of the Western Christian understanding of both the Greek Orthodox Church and

the Muslim presence in the lands of Asia Minor:

15 Ibid. 73-75. 16 Ibid. 76-77. 17 Ibid. 66[sic]. 18 Ibid. 73-78[sic]. 19 Smith 1678.

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By this short and imperfect survey the curious reader may be sadly convinced, in what a pitiful and deplorable condition these once famous and glorious Churches of Asia are at this day .... I shall not here lament the sad traverses and vicissitudes of things, and the usual changes of mortal life, or upbraid the Greeks of luxury and stupidity, which have brought these horrid desolations upon their Countrey.20 With his travels in Greece and Asia Minor, the French doctor Jacob Spon initiated the

phenomenon of the scientific tour. From 1675 to 1676 he traveled with George Wheler, whom

he had met in Rome, and each man separately published an account of their journey. At the

time, Spon’s work was hailed as a major literary and scholarly event and a watershed in the

development of travel literature.21 The main purpose of the trip was to visit Athens, but the

overland journey from the capital of the Ottoman Empire to the southern Balkans posed too

many difficulties. Accordingly, when the opportunity to travel with some British merchants to

Smyrna arose in October of 1676, they headed instead towards that city, crossing Mysia and

Lydia and making a detour for Thyatira (Ak-hissar), where Spon studied and copied

inscriptions despite the superstitious objections of the local Muslim inhabitants.22 He made the

connection between the absence of Christian Greek or Armenian populations and the curse that

the prophetic text of Revelation directed at the Church of Thyatira (Revelation 2: 24-29). In

Smyrna Spon was hosted by Paul Rycaut, about whom he speaks with the highest of praise. He

also searched for coins and inscriptions and pointed out that ten thousand Greek Christians still

inhabited the city, just as “the Lord promised them in Revelation.”23

Spon’s visit to Ephesus led him not only to identify the ruins of the ancient city, but

also to describe the remains associated with the Christian martyrs, the baptistery and the church

(a mosque by this time) of St. John (fig. 1). This encounter brought him to meditate again on

the Lord’s plan for the city and its inhabitants.24 Spon’s descriptions of the remaining four

churches of the Apocalypse are briefer because Spon obtained his information in Smyrna from

20 Ibid. 273-74. 21 Spon 1678. 22 Ibid. 1: 297-300.

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Rycaut and Doctor Picrelin, who both lent him their notes and copies of inscriptions made on

their own journeys about six years beforehand. In Pergamon Spon attributes the survival of the

name of the city and the fifteen impoverished Christian families who lived there to divine

grace, as prophesied in the text of Last Things.25 In the case of Laodicea, Spon seeks literary

references in the works of Latin authors and does not omit to mention that the complete

desertion of the city was again due to the prophetic text of the Apocalypse.26 The lost riches

and glory of Sardis were also interpreted on the basis of the verses of the Apocalypse. And in

Philadelphia, the roughly eight-thousand Christians with their five churches only served to

confirm the verity of the sacred text.27 Spon concludes by wondering if the enemy of

Christianity came as confirmation of the word of God as transmitted in the writings of St. John

and, in particular, as a punishment for those who did not adhere to the true doctrine.28 Thus,

this eminent pioneer of classical archeology became also the first real pilgrim of Revelation.

Before looking at the key texts of the late nineteenth century, a number of other works

should also be mentioned. First, the curious account of Charles De Peyssonnel, who traveled in

the footsteps of Thomas Smith in the fall of 1750 and systematically sought coins and

inscriptions (he records around thirty);29 the same work contains the first original (and

exceptionally fine) drawings of the ruins at Sardis (fig. 2). Then we have the work of Richard

Chandler (1817), the most complete account of Sardis. His journey took place in 1764 and was

true to the aims of his mission as a member of the Dilletanti.

In the nineteenth century, besides Colonel William Martin Leake’s (1817) general

quests in search of archaeological information, we should also note two of the few journeys

undertaken specifically in search of the churches of the Revelation, namely, those by the

23 Ibid. 1: 315-16. 24 Ibid. 1: 339. 25 Ibid. 1: 343. 26 Ibid. 1: 346-49. 27 Ibid. 1: 350-56. 28 Ibid. 1: 353-56. 29 Peyssonnel 1765, 248-349.

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Anglican chaplain Francis Vyvyan Jago Arundell (1828) and by Henry Christmas (1851). The

tone of their accounts is marked by only a superficial interest in archaeology proper, a feature

common to much travel writing of the nineteenth century (although, interestingly, it was in this

period that the first systematic and scientifically structured archeological excavations were

carried out in Asia Minor). Arundell’s account drew extensively on earlier English-language

writings on the subject. In the spring of 1826 (fig. 3) he set off from Smyrna for Ephesus, about

which his text reproduces the account of Richard Chandler (1764-66), although at various

points he inserts comments on the accounts of Johannes Aegidius van Egmont (1759), Richard

Pococke (1740) and Edmund Chishull (1699).30 When Arundell reaches Laodicea, he is

content to draw from Thomas Smith’s work, while drawing also on Richard Chandler’s

historical account and the prophecy in Revelation regarding the fate of the city.31 In

Philadelphia, his personal experience serves to confirm the situation and appearance of the city

described in Holy Scripture.32 He provides a similar account of Sardis, with its impressive past

and wealth of remains, based on both the account of Richard Chandler and his own

experience.33 Arundell’s modern-day description of Thyatira is supplemented by an extract

from Thomas Smith.34 He later describes a second journey to Thyatira, which he undertook in

the fall of the same year (1826),35 then moves on to Pergamon, for which he reproduces the

account of James Dallaway (1797) as best describing the antiquities, while he records in a few

words the impressive ruins of the grand basilica.36

In undertaking the same journey, Henry Christmas embarked on a quest to discover the

deeper meaning of Revelation. And so, in 1851 he decided to visit the cities in the same order

that, according to Revelation, the angel of the Lord delivered to them the prophetic letters.

30 Arundell 1828, 26-57. 31 Ibid. 84-90. 32 Ibid. 167-74. 33 Ibid. 176-85. 34 Ibid. 189-90. 35 Ibid. 270-73. 36 Ibid. 280-89.

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Despite his somewhat naive approach to the land he visits, the interest of his text lies in the fact

that on the occasion of his visit to each city he seeks to discover “three separate applications:

one exoteric, and referring to the seven Churches of Asia exclusively and literally…one

esoteric and prophetic, applying to the universal Church…and one esoteric and spiritual,

relating to, and explaining the divine life in the soul.”37 His encounter with history and

contemporary life leads him to “view both the past and the present with a mixture of awe and

admiration, of devotion and faith.”

Next, we have the first systematic historical and archeological study of Asia Minor, by

Charles Texier, who traveled from 1834 to 1836. Texier was impressed above all by the ruins

of the evocative church of St. John at Pergamon, for which he provides drawings and ground

plans (fig. 4).38 We also have the somewhat hastily compiled observations of Charles Fellows

during his excursion to Asia Minor in 1838.39 Around the same time, a highly popular text by

Thomas Allom (1838) appeared, which contained illustrations of Asia Minor (landscapes,

people, monuments) and an anthology of descriptions by earlier travelers (fig. 5). Although the

title of the volume stresses the specific nature of the illustrations to be included in its pages, the

engravings of the seven cities of the Apocalypse do not comprise a single section of its

material, and the texts are not particularly informative.40 Last, mention should also be made of

the work of Avraam Sergeevich Nοrov (1860), which should be seen in the light of the biblical

archeology of the day, and presents us with a complex combination of various styles and

approaches, with its illustrative component following the spirit of the age and imitating the

engravings of Thomas Allom.

The journey of the priest Émile Le Camus towards the end of the nineteenth century is

especially noteworthy. After publishing (c. 1896) a richly illustrated volume on his pilgrimage

37 Christmas 1851, 151. 38 Texier 1839, pl. CXVI, CXVII, CXVIII, CXIX, CXX. 39 Fellows 1839. 40 Allom 1838, 31-37, 41-42, 63-68, 71-72, 79-80, 86.

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to the biblical lands, Le Camus decided around April 1896 to travel to the seven churches of

the Apocalypse with another member of the clergy and his nephew (fig. 6). His work

enthusiastically and expansively sets out a wealth of information (both historical and

ethnographic), drawings, and photographs, embracing a clearly romantic encounter with both

the pagan and Christian past. As he notes in the introduction: “avec respect, disons mieux avec

religion... on peut religieusement s’incliner et saluer les souvenirs du passe païens et

chrétiens.”41

After a “pilgrimage to the great ancient sanctuaries of Greece” they arrived in Smyrna.

The landscape alone brought on a meditative mood. Le Camus sought out the churches where

martyrs had died for the faith, the ancient stadium, and modern-day churches, but he also

described the people, markets, and buildings.42 In Ephesus, the ruins of antiquity and the Early

Christian period evinced in him a similar melancholy.43 Informed of the excavations by John

Turtle Wood and familiar with the ecclesiastical sources, Le Camus drew plans, wandered

everywhere, and devoted energy to identifying ancient remains. He traveled through the vast

region of Laodicea; in describing the otherwise unidentified ruins there he cited passages from

the Apocalypse and interpreted what he saw accordingly (fig.7).44 In Philadelphia he was

impressed by the vibrant contemporary Christian community,45 and his references to the text of

the Apocalypse are balanced with detailed descriptions of daily life throughout the region.46 Le

Camus tirelessly visited all the antiquities at Sardis. In Thyatira the modern city had covered

over all traces of the past. Lastly, Le Camus renders in lively style an exact picture of the ruins

and the town of Bergama (ancient Pergamon). He was impressed by the Kizli Avlu, or Red

Basilica, and comments on the altar of Zeus (some scholars identified the altar as Satan’s

41 Le Camus 1896. 42 Ibid. 101-108. 43 Ibid. 120-43. 44 Ibid. 196-99. 45 Anagnostopoulou 1998; Augustinos 1992. 46 Le Camus 1896, 203-11.

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throne mentioned in the Revelation).47 Le Camus, by the twin pilgrimage to classical

antiquities and Christian ruins, supplies this wealth of information with an engaging style,

together with drawings, photographs, and ground plans. Together, these components form a

highly lively and informative text on the seven cities as they had survived through to the end of

the nineteenth century and inscribed on the minds of pious Christians.

A few years later, in 1906-1907, Georgos Lambakis, a highly devout member of the

Greek Orthodox faith and one of the pioneers of Christian archeology, toured the Holy Land,

Mount Athos, Constantinople, the Cyclades, Macedonia and elsewhere and photographed in a

remarkable way what he saw, both as a means of accurate documentation and artistic

expression.48 Afterwards Lambakis, in the company of his wife Efthalia, visited the island of

Patmos and the “Seven Stars of Revelation” in the order listed in the prophetic text (fig. 8). His

account contains many historical details, as well as discussions of ruins, monuments, and the

state of the churches at that time. All of this information is set forth in a work that combines

serious-minded scholarship, references, annotations and extracts from Holy Scripture,

ecclesiastical history, detailed descriptions of finds, topographical plans, and photographs of

monuments and remains.49 Lambakis includes bibliographical references, provides

commentary, and identifies the ruins while drawing on the works of the key European travelers

as J.B. Tavernier (1676), J. Thevenot (1665), J. Spon (1678), C. Le Bruyn (1698), J. Pitton de

Tournefort (1717), R. Pococke (1743), R. Chandler (1775), M.-G.-F.-A. Choiseul Gouffier

(1782), J. Dallaway (1797), A.von Prokesh Osten (1824), Ch. Texier (1839-1849).

Lambakis focuses on Christian monuments and remains, while also taking note of

ancient Greek and Roman antiquities. His careful recording of inscriptions and drawings of

Christian reliefs and architectural decorative features scattered around the sites he visited form

an extensive and valuable body of historical documentation, although due to the printing

47 Le Camus 1896, 242-58. 48 Chorti 2007, 10-15.

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capabilities of his time, his photographs lack the definition we would wish for today. The

account of churches, chapels, shrines, and Christian relics, as well as of the Greek schools and

the demographic and economic state of the communities he visited still comprises an extremely

valuable record of the Christian minorities in these cities at the beginning of the twentieth

century. Lambakis’s description of the holy site of Cheileon at Ephesus and the rare landscapes

and descriptions of the stadium and the church of St. Polykarpos at Smyrna are of particular

interest (fig. 9).50 Also extremely valuable are his ground plans of the churches in the citadel of

Pergamon,51 his record of churches and other sacred Christian sites in Thyatira,52 the numerous

parish churches in Philadelphia, and the drawings of architectural decorative features that he

found in the same city (fig. 10).53 At the beginning of each chapter devoted to the “stars” of

Asia Minor, Lambakis quotes the related passage on the city from the Apocalypse and closes

with various diary entries and letters of unique sensitivity and perceptiveness.

To sum up, the first works relevant to our theme, published at more or less the same

time in the late seventeenth century, present various similarities in style and authorial views.

Perhaps the meeting of Rycaut, Smith, and Spon in Smyrna and their discussions led them,

despite all their differences, to a consensus of opinion regarding the fate of the cities of the

seven churches. With his long sojourn in the region, Rycaut was the first to accurately identify

some of the cities (Thyatira, Laodicea, Philadelphia), and his work supplies us with full

quotations from the ancient sources. Smith presents a misleading picture, whose objective and

results do not properly concur: he aims to present a Christian pilgrimage, but instead

systematically copies and publishes classical inscriptions from the cities. Thereafter, the later

chaplains of the British consulate followed this example of “pilgrimage” (though only a very

few accounts were published), and Smith’s text became a guidebook for those interested in

49 Lambakis 1909. 50 Ibid. 99-107, 173-90. 51 Ibid. 266-75. 52 Ibid. 315-21, 325-329. 53 Ibid. 375-85, 392-414.

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seeking out the remains of antiquity. On the other hand, Spon—who initiated the systematic

search for and identification of the centers of ancient civilization guided by ancient writings—

was, perhaps despite himself, an early pioneer of Christian archeology. Le Camus sought one

end, unsurprising given his clerical status: the seven churches. Yet, he was lured by the wealth

of the past (both pagan and Christian) and the vibrant present (dynamic cities and towns of the

late nineteenth century), and delivers a highly detailed travel account that is of the greatest

value for its description of the life and customs of the time in the region. As he notes in the

preface: “pour jouir un voyage en Orient il faut rêver un peu et savoir beaucoup” (“To enjoy a

journey in the Orient, you must dream a little and know much”). It is here that the French priest

seems to approach the Greek archaeologist Lambakis. Lambakis investigates and records like

an archaeologist; he refers to earlier travelers, and publishes using diverse illustrative material

(drawings, engravings, photographs). Yet he writes and journeys as a traveler at the end of an

age—an age that a few years later would definitively change for the Christian communities in

the cities of Asia Minor, and of course, for the seven churches of the Apocalypse.

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Illustrations

figure 1: Ephesus : map with the ruins and the church of St. John. Engravings published in : George Wheler, A journey into Greece…In company of Dr. Spon of Lyons. London 1682.

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figure 2: Sardis. The ruins at the castle. Engraving published in Claude Charles de Peyssonnel, Voyage à Magnésie, à Thyatire, à Sardes… in Observations historiques et géographiques… Paris 1765 [Gennadius Library : H 103 P 51]

figure 3: Map with Arundell’s itinerary, published in Francis V. J. Arundell,. A visit to the seven churches of Asia …, London 1828 [Gennadius Library : GT 1819]

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figure 4: Pergamon. The basilica of St. John. Engarving published in Charles F. M. Texier, Description de l'Asie Mineure … Paris 1839 [Gennadius Library : GT 1829. 2q]

figure 5: Thyatira and Laodicea. Engravings published in Thomas Allom, Constantinople and the scenery of the seven churches of Asia Minor …with an historical account of Constantinople, and descriptions of the plates, by the Rev. Robert Walsh. London/Paris : [1838]. [Gennadius Library : GT 1844.1]

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figure 6: Cover of the book : Émile Le Camus, Voyage aux sept églises de l'Apocalypse. Paris 1896. [Gennadius Library : GT 1192.15]

figure 7: Ruins at Laodicea. Photo in 1896 published in Émile Le Camus, Voyage aux sept églises de l'Apocalypse. Paris 1896. [Gennadius Library : GT 1192.15] and photo of the same place as it looks today.

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figure 8: Map with the seven churches in Asia, puplished in Georgios Lambakis, Οι επτά αστέρες της Αποκαλύψεως : ήτοι ιστορία, ερείπια, µνηµεία και νυν κατάστασις των επτά Εκκλησιών της Ασίας …. Athens 1909

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figure 9: Smyrna. The ruins at the ancient stadium. Photo published in Georgios Lambakis, Οι επτά αστέρες της Αποκαλύψεως : ήτοι ιστορία, ερείπια, µνηµεία και νυν κατάστασις των επτά Εκκλησιών της Ασίας …. Athens 1909

figure 10: Philadelphia: The ruins of the church. Photo in 1907 puplished in Georgios Lambakis, Οι επτά αστέρες της Αποκαλύψεως : ήτοι ιστορία, ερείπια, µνηµεία και νυν κατάστασις των επτά Εκκλησιών της Ασίας …. Athens 1909 and photo of the same place as it looks today.