ENGLAND: THE IRISH DIMENSIONAn exploration of 2001 Census Data

A report prepared for the

This report, one of a suite of twenty four, is an outcome of a research project on the Irish data in the 2001 Census. The research project was funded by the Díon Committee.

Publication of this report is funded by the Díon Committee.

First published by the Federation of Irish Societies in 2007.

ISBN 978-1-906325-00-8

Copyright Source data - 2001 Census: Crown copyright. This report: FIS copyright.

Printed by New Image Design and Print, Block D, Unit 1, Bounds Green Industrial Estate, Ring Way, London N11 2UD.

The Federation of Irish Societies is a national umbrella body representing and providing services to its affiliated organisations throughout Britain. These organisations include welfare advice agencies, day centres, community care services, clubs, social and cultural organisations and housing providers; as well as projects to meet specific needs of particular sections of the community, such as women, elders, Irish travellers and prisoners.

England: the Irish dimension

An exploration of 2001 Census data

A report prepared for the Federation of Irish Societies, London

Contents:

FIS foreword 2

Introduction 3

Using the data 7

Key data 8

Section 1. The nature of the population 9

Section 2. Economic activity and inactivity 22

Section 3. Types of work 27

Section 4. Unpaid carers 34

Section 5. Qualifications 41

Section 6. Home tenure and accommodation type 45

Section 7. Amenities 52

Section 8. Health 56

Appendix 1. A comparative analysis of Census data relating to ‘born in the Republic of Ireland’, ‘born in Northern Ireland’, ‘born in England’ and ‘white Irish’ populations under key topics. 62

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FIS foreword We are very pleased to be able to publish the suite of reports which FIS has commissioned from Word-Works and which focus on the Irish data in the 2001 Census. This data and commentaries are presented in a comparative context at national, regional and selected local levels, and on the basis of the full sixteen categories from the 2001 Census Ethnic Group Question. These reports indicate the diversity in the performance of ethnic minority groups in Britain. They show that the statistical profile of the identified white Irish places them closer to white British and Indian in many respects than, for example, more radically marginalised groups like Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, refugees and asylum seekers. Nevertheless, Irish deficits exist, most visibly in the area of health. They extend to related areas like levels of economic activity, where limiting long-term injury and disability contribute. The specific age profile of the white Irish population, with its bias towards older people, has implications in terms of care needs, as have the high proportions of white Irish single- and two-pensioner households. At the same time, the proportions of those white Irish without qualifications and working in the building industry point to the need for training/retraining towards integration/retention in the labour market. Indeed, government initiatives around health aspects of local regeneration, extension of working life, and reengagement of those with disabilities in the labour market, increase the importance of Irish community inclusion in order to achieve targets. It is important that the duality of the performance of the Irish in Britain – that combination of high achievement and disadvantage/social exclusion, which is by no means unique to the Irish community among British ethnic minority communities – should not distract attention from issues that need to be addressed. That there are sections of the Irish population who have multiple needs, are marginalised, and have information, support and service needs which need to be addressed was clearly indicated by the data provided by the FIS/AGIY Standardised Information System, collected from our front line agencies and published between 1994 and 2003. This and other documentation with a strong local thrust (for example, the valuable L Simpson et al., Ethnic minority populations and the Labour Market: an analysis of the 1991 and 2001 Censuses (DWP 2006)), emphasise the need for good local intelligence and greater and easier access to small-area statistics. We have been disappointed by the structuring of much of the analysis of ethnicity data from the 2001 Census published to date, particularly the use of various “combined ethnic group categories” and the failure to disaggregate the White “combined group” data. These procedures ignore one of the most significant findings of T Madood et al. Ethnic Minorities in Britain: Diversity and Disadvantage (PSI 1997) with relevance to policy formation, as well as such examples of good practice as Collecting ethnic category data: Guidance and training material for implementation of the new ethnic categories (DH 2001). Increasingly, micro-decisions about delivery of services take place at a local level. Those with local responsibility under the Race Relations Acts for addressing inequalities must have the best possible local data on all significant communities (including minority ethnic communities) at their disposal, and must use it in an inclusive way to inform their policies. We thank Word-Works for providing us with this suite of reports, which we commend to our affiliates, our partners in the British voluntary sector, and to those with a responsibility for policy formation and the delivery of services. We hope they will prove useful in raising the profile of the needs of ethnic minority populations, including our own.

Dr Mary Tilki, Chair

Federation of Irish Societies May 2007

Author’s Introduction The Census has long been the most extensive, if not the most comprehensive, source of information about the population of England and Wales.

This has not been the case for the Irish population however. Although previously asked whether they were members of other minority ethnic groups, it was not until the 2001 Census that they were asked whether they were Irish. In the 1991 Census, the Irish population was identified from a combination of country of birth data and those instances where people had taken the initiative to write in their Irish identity.

The Census is based largely on a series of tick box type questions which are quick to fill in and easy to understand. This approach means that highly complex topics have to be condensed into just a few words.

Ethnic origin is one area which can suffer greatly from this treatment as it is so very complex. Potential problems arising in relation to Irish identity are discussed in the reports, most comprehensively in Section 1 of England: the Irish dimension.

It is important to examine the information derived from the Census to learn about the Irish population, in order to identify any specific provisions appropriate to meeting their needs. It is to assist this process that the Federation is publishing this series of commissioned reports on the Irish dimension of Census 2001.

The Census has provided us with an enormous quantity of data. These reports examine key elements of that data and make comparison, where appropriate, with data relating to the white British population and other minority ethnic populations.

Summary findings of the analysis of the Irish dimension of the 2001 Census are set out below and in the series of key data to be found at the beginning of each report.

1. The age of the white Irish population

The white Irish population of England and Wales, indicated by the 2001 Census data, is a comparatively older population. In England, the proportion of children identified – those aged under 16 – is very low: 6% in comparison with 20% when looking at the population of England as a whole. In London and the South East, the proportion of white Irish children is slightly higher (7% and 6% respectively), whereas it is slightly smaller in the South West and the North West (both slightly under 5%).

The issue of the proportion of children recorded is complicated by the fact that children born to Irish parents may not be classified in the Census as white Irish. If they have one Irish parent and one British parent, for example, they may be classified as white British or white other.

At the other end of the age scale, the white Irish population has a large proportion of people who are of pensionable age. Between 20% (London) and 32% (the West Midlands) are aged 65 or older.

With between a fifth and a third of the population of this age, there are consequences for the population in terms of economic activity, health and welfare. For example, when looking at the white Irish population as a whole, the level of economic activity is low – this is due at least in part to the proportion of people who are retired.

The white Irish population also exhibits the highest level of people who describe themselves as being in ‘not good health’ of all the ethnic groups listed. When data is broken down by age, it can be seen that this is largely (although not solely) because the population has such a high proportion of older people, who are far more likely to describe themselves as being in ‘not good health’.

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One of the consequences of an older population is a higher proportion of women – simply due to the greater longevity of women. In London for example, 58% of the white Irish population is female. In the South East 62% of the white Irish 65 and older population is female. In England as a whole, 53% of the white Irish population (of all ages) is female.

Another related consequence of an older population is the proportion of people who are living alone – typically women who have outlived their male spouses. A fifth of white Irish households comprise a pensioner living alone.

Given the older age profile of the white Irish population identified in the Census, as well as the proportion of white Irish households which are single or two pensioner households, provision of statutory and unpaid/informal care is a significant issue. The Census indicated that, in England, 4% of pensionable age white Irish men were themselves providing 50 or more hours a week of unpaid care, that 1.7% of working age white Irish men were providing the same amount of weekly care, and that 8.6% of working age white Irish women were providing 1 to 19 hours a week of unpaid care.

In addition to the informal and formal care being provided in the community, 0.44% of the white Irish population are being cared for in psychiatric hospitals and homes, nursing homes and residential homes, as opposed to 0.28% of the whole population.

2. Education and qualifications

The findings of the 2001 Census in this area present a mixed picture. At one level, the white Irish population performs very well, in terms of the proportion attaining the highest qualifications (levels 4/5 – degrees, PhDs, professional qualifications).

Among white Irish aged 25 to 34, the proportion so qualified reached 46% - with regional variations ranging from 36% (West Midlands) to 54% (North East England), proportions, in each case, more than double that found in the equivalent white British population. Even 22% of 16 to 24 year old white Irish people in England have qualifications at this level, although some of the qualifications would be outside their age range.

This pattern of relatively high attainment continues up to the age group 35 to 49. After this age, the attainment levels reduce to the levels of the white British population.

One of the main reasons for the comparatively low levels of economic activity amongst white Irish 16 to 24 year olds, is the large proportion of white Irish individuals who are in full-time education. The proportion here is much greater than in the equivalent white British population, rising to 69% in the North East of England. Levels of economic activity in this group range between 4% and 10% below the level of economic activity in the white British population.

The Census data suggests that, while a proportion of white Irish people in England have high level qualifications, there is also a significant proportion who have no qualifications at all. 12% of white Irish 16 to 24 year olds have no qualifications (from 9% in the North East to 17% in the West Midlands). This proportion rises with age. Amongst white Irish 65 to 74 year olds 70% in England have no qualifications. This ranges from 60% in the South East to 77% in the West Midlands.

In each group over the age of 49, there is a greater proportion of white Irish people with no qualifications at all than in the population as a whole. For example 62% of white Irish people in England aged between 60 and 64 have no qualifications, in comparison with 54% of the general population.

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3. Work

The 1991 and 2001 Censuses provide evidence that Irish men are commonly to be found working ‘on the buildings’. The 2001 Census found that this was true for around a fifth of white Irish men of working age. Between 13% in North East England and 22% in the West Midlands are working in construction – 20% in England as a whole. These are far higher proportions than those found in any other ethnic population. Working in construction has possible implications for other areas of life. It can have a seasonal or temporary element leaving numbers of men out of work for periods of time. It can also be dangerous and exhausting work. It is an industry which reflects the peaks and troughs of the economy. With so many white Irish people working ‘on the buildings’, there is inevitably a glut of people needing to retrain at times when there is an economic downturn or when individuals need to move on for other reasons such as age and illness.

Between a quarter and a third of white Irish women are working in health and social services. This is a far greater proportion than in the white British population and on a par with the Black African and Black Caribbean populations. Much care work and nursing work, while not seasonal or temporary, can be low-paid or may involve anti-social hours.

A significant proportion of white Irish men work in professional occupations. 15% of white Irish men in England are in professional occupations (compared to 12% of white British men). In some English regions, the picture is much more exaggerated. For example, in the North East, 27% of white Irish men are in professional occupations in comparison with 10% of white British men. Women show a similar, although less pronounced, pattern. 13% of white Irish women in England are in professional occupations in comparison with 11% of white British women.

So again, in this area, the 2001 Census presents a mixed picture. Further, the Census data relates to a period of time in which there was relative economic prosperity for the country and its regions. Certain indicators, such as levels of long-term unemployment were thus very low. It is important to recognise that during a less prosperous time, such indicators will be higher and there may be greater disparities between some of the ethnic groups.

4. Health

The Census provides data about limiting long-term illness and disability. In every region in England the proportion of white Irish men aged between 25 and 74 who are not working because of permanent illness or disability is higher than the proportion of white British men not working for the same reason. In England, 11% of white Irish men are not working because of illness or disability. There is one age group of white Irish men for whom findings in this area are exceptionally strong and consistent, men aged between 50 and 64. In this age group, between 25% (the South East) and 41% (the North West) of men have limiting long-term illness. In England as a whole, 29% of white Irish men of this age have limiting long-term illness, 4% more than amongst white British men of the same age.

The Census also asked about people’s view of whether they were in good health or not. 22% of men in England aged between 50 and 64 described their health as ‘not good’. In fact, for each age group, for both men and women, the trend is for more white Irish people than white British people to indicate ‘not good health’.

5. Housing and amenities

Census data relating to housing and amenities provides a complex picture in terms of the white Irish population. For example, a relatively high proportion of the population owns their own home outright (26%) but, similarly, a relatively high proportion of the white Irish population lives in social housing (21%). These proportions are relatively

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high in comparison with both other minority ethnic populations listed in the Census and in comparison with the majority of the white British population.

Significantly, in England, the white Irish population has the highest proportion (1.2%) of people in medical and care communal establishments (including psychiatric units, prison, and those we might associate with an older population, residential and nursing homes). The population also has the highest proportion of people in households comprising a lone pensioner (18%). This is true of England as a whole and each of the country’s regions.

In terms of amenities, the white Irish population of England shows two interesting characteristics in comparison with the other ethnic populations listed in the Census. The first is in terms of central heating – 8% of the white Irish population has no central heating – and secondly, 40% of the white Irish population does not have a car. Both of these proportions are higher than those found in the white British population.

The report

The Census data is wholly descriptive and, as such, does not seek to explain particular phenomena, merely to tell us what it is. Thus, we cannot find out from Census data why a specific proportion of people live in social housing, for example. The following report attempts to describe the findings of the 2001 Census and, where appropriate, to suggest possible causes and effects.

Gudrun Limbrick Word-Works

May 2007

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Using the data

All the data in this report is derived from the results of the 2001 Census which attempted to include all people living in England and Wales. As such, the report and its findings are entirely dependent on the coverage achieved by the Census, the terminology used and the questions asked.

The delineations used are those provided by the Census. For example, the age bands quoted are those designed by the Census. The data is represented as graphs in this report to provide an immediate visual to represent the bare figures. However, greater detail can be found in the accompanying tables of data. This report has a number of companion volumes which may provide useful comparative analysis to aid understanding.

National reports: Local reports: England Birmingham

Wales Bristol

Coventry

Regional reports: Leeds

East England Leicester

East Midlands Liverpool

London Luton

North East England Manchester

North West England Northampton

South East England Nottingham

South West England Portsmouth

West Midlands Sheffield

Yorkshire and the Humber Swindon

Data Source: 2001 Census, [Key Statistics for Local Authorities]. Crown copyright 2004. Crown copyright material is reproduced with the permission of the Controller of HMSO.

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England: Key data

The nature of the population - 66% of England’s white Irish population was born in the Republic of Ireland - 25% of the white Irish population is aged 65 or older Economic activity and inactivity - 66% of white Irish men aged 25 to 74 are economically active - 54% of white Irish women aged 25 to 74 are economically active - 11% of white Irish men are not working because of permanent sickness or disability - 46% of white Irish 16 to 24 year olds are in full-time education Types of work - 20% of white Irish men are working in construction - 20% of white Irish men are managers or senior officials - 12% of white Irish men are in elementary-type occupations - 27% of white Irish women are working in health and social work Qualifications - 12% of white Irish 16 to 24 year olds have no qualifications - 22% of white Irish 16 to 24 year olds have qualifications at the highest levels Home tenure and accommodation type - 63% of white Irish people own their own home - 21% of white Irish people are in social housing - 11% of white Irish people are in privately rented accommodation - 18% of white Irish households are pensioners living alone Amenities - 40% of white Irish people do not own a car - 8% of the white Irish population does not have central heating - 11% of the white Irish population are living in households regarded as overcrowded Health - 12% of white Irish men aged 16 to 49 have long-term limiting illness - 29% of white Irish men aged 16 to 64 are in not good health - 25% of white Irish women aged 16 to 64 are in not good health

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Section 1. The nature of the population _____________________________________________________________________ This section looks at the number of Irish people in England, and in each English region. The place of birth of Irish people is examined, differentiating between those Irish people born in Ireland and those born elsewhere. It also examines basic demographic information such as ethnic origin, gender and age. It is this data which is of fundamental importance when understanding other data in this report such as economic activity and health. Figure 1. The proportion of minority ethnic groups in England

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As the figure above illustrates, 1.3% of the population of England was recorded as being white Irish1. This suggests the white Irish population is the fourth largest of the minority ethnic populations listed. 87% of the Census respondents declared themselves to be white British. An under-representation of the Irish population? It is probable that the proportion of Irish people recorded in the Census is an under-representation of the actual Irish community in England for the following reasons:

1. Second or third generation Irish people may not classify themselves as Irish. 2. Irish people born to one Irish parent and one non-Irish parent may not classify

themselves as Irish.

3. Irish people who are Black or Asian are likely to be recorded in one of the ‘other’ categories. There are a number of categories which are termed ‘other’ in which an array of ethnic origins and mixed ethnic origins could be assumed. The ‘other’ categories amount to a total of 4.1% of England’s total population. 2.7% are ‘white other’. Others are recorded under ‘other mixed’, ‘other Asian’, ‘other Black’, and ‘other’.

4. Irish people who are also European or American are likely to be recorded in

one of the ‘other’ categories.

1 In the Census questionnaire, respondents were given five options: white, mixed, Asian, Black or Chinese. Within the ‘white’ option, respondents were asked to select either British, Irish or other white. For the purposes of this report, these options have been abbreviated to ‘white British’, ‘white Irish’ and ‘white other’.

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5. There is likely to be significant under-enumeration of Irish people –

specifically young white Irish men2. Some people simply did not complete a Census form.

Understanding ethnicity Bronwen Walter (2002)3, as well as others, has examined the 2001 Census data and noted the concerns listed above about how people perceive their own ethnicity and Irishness. Additionally, she felt that the Census question wording forced individuals to make an unrealistic choice between being Irish and being British. When individuals have one parent who is Irish and one who is British, or have two Irish-born parents but are themselves born and brought up in Britain, choosing between the two ethnic groups is not always a clear-cut decision. Ultimately, ethnicity as defined by the Census is based on self-declaration. As such, it is important to remember that ethnicity is not an exact science. Two people in the same position may see their own ethnicity differently. There are no rules about what is right and what is wrong. However, there may not be a complete understanding of what is ethnicity and what is nationality, and the difference between the two. For example, Walter believes of the Census that:

“A large number of people did not read the instruction to ‘indicate your cultural background’ and believed they must answer ‘British’ (or Scottish in Scotland) rather then ‘Irish’ because of their birthplace”.

Second and third generation Irish people Looking at the whole of England’s population, 65.8% of those who ticked the ‘Irish box’ were born in the Republic of Ireland; a further 9.0% were born in Northern Ireland giving a total of 75% of white Irish people born on the island of Ireland4. This allows scope for only 25.2% of reported white Irish people to be second or third generation Irish (i.e. white Irish but not born on the island of Ireland). In numerical terms, this means that 467,106 people in England were born on the island of Ireland leaving 157,009 second and third generation Irish people. Hickman and Walter (ibid) suggest that a correctional factor of 2.5 to 3 should be used to calculate the second-generation and first Irish population from a known Irish-born population. In the 2001 Census 459,662 people were recorded as having been born in the Republic of Ireland. This means that the size of the second generation Irish population could potentially be between 1,149,000 and 1,379,000 if we employ the correctional factors of 2.5 and 3. The actual white Irish population recorded as such in the 2001 Census is 624,115 – around half the predicted number. The corrected figures suggest that the second generation Irish plus the Irish-born population amounts to between 2.3% and 2.8% of the population of England. Going back to figure 1, this would now mean that the Irish population is at least approaching the size of the ‘white other’ population (2.7%) and may exceed it. This is before any

2 Hickman MJ and Walter B Discrimination and the Irish Community in Britain CRE 1997 3 Walter B 2002, The second-generation Irish: a hidden population in multi-ethnic Britain. 4 The ‘island of Ireland’ in terms of the Census data includes the Republic of Ireland; Northern Ireland and those instances in which ‘Ireland’ was listed but the respondent was no more specific.

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account is taken of those people who define as Irish for reasons other than having Irish parents (e.g. they may have Irish grandparents or an Irish partner). If we look at people born on the island of Ireland rather than only the Republic, and apply the Hickman and Walter correctional factor, we find that the Irish-born and second generation Irish population could potentially number between 1,687,000 and 2,024,000 people. This is between 3.4% and 4.1% of the population of England. As ethnicity in the Census is about self-declaration, people whose parents or grandparents are Irish but who do not declare themselves as Irish in the Census are not seen as Irish in the data. An under-enumeration No Census has ever achieved 100% coverage – some people are always missed and some questions are not answered on individual forms. In the 2001 Census, 2.9% of the answers on the ethnic groups question were missing. Informed by the results of a One Number Census project, answers were imputed for those missing5. Recognising that under-enumeration is higher amongst minority ethnic groups than it is amongst white British people, imputation was weighted. For example, 1.6% of missing answers were said to be white Irish6. Only 71.1% were said to be white British. This is a different process to that carried out in 1991, and for this reason and other reasons it is not possible to make meaningful comparisons with the 2001 data. Born in Ireland The Census data reveals that there is an issue around people who are born on the island of Ireland (including both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland) and defined as British. Looking at the data relating to England as a whole we find the following:

1. 9.6% of those people in England who were born in the Republic of Ireland recorded themselves as being British and are thus not included in the analysis of Irish people. This amounts to 43,846 people.

2. 9.0% of those people who recorded themselves as being Irish were born in

Northern Ireland. This amounts to 56,087 people. In total, of those people born in Northern Ireland, 26.1% defined as white Irish and 71.8% defined as white British.

None of these people born on the island of Ireland who define as British are necessarily part of an under-count of white Irish people as ethnicity is a matter of self-declaration and there are no right or wrong answers for each individual. The political situation in Northern Ireland, of course, has a very significant impact not only on the nationality of those born there but also their perceived ethnicity. It is only in cases where people feel that their ethnicity is Irish and yet have not declared that on their Census form that this is an issue of concern. As Walter (ibid) suggests, this may be related to confusion between nationality and ethnicity or it may be because some people have parents with different ethnicities and feel that they have to make an unrealistic choice between the two.

5 Bosveld K et al, 2006, A guide to comparing 1991 and 2001 Census ethnic group data. Office of National Statistics. 6 Percentages varied between the regions to make allowance for regional differences in population make-up.

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The impact of an under-count The most obvious impact of an under-count is that we have fewer people identified as Irish in the Census than expected. According to calculations suggested by Hickman and Walter (ibid), as much as 4.1% of the population of England could potentially identify themselves as Irish rather than the 1.3% who actually identified as white Irish in the Census. However, the impact of an under-count is not necessarily as simple as a global reduction in numbers. There may be an intrinsic difference in the experience of the types of Irish people who ticked the ‘Irish‘ box on the Census form and those who did not. Thus, it may not simply be an issue of a straightforward undercount, but an exclusion of particular groups of people. For example, if the majority of third generation people did not tick the ‘Irish’ box, their experience will not be included in the data. Similarly, if the majority of Irish-born women, who are married to British men, did not tick the ‘Irish box’, their experience will be excluded. Hickman and Walter (ibid) raised serious concerns that, in the 1991 Census, the number of young Irish-born men should be increased by as much as 15% to make allowance for under-enumeration amongst young men (a smaller percentage was suggested for young white Irish women). Additionally, the suggested under-representation of second and third generation white Irish people may impact on younger people disproportionately. This means that young Irish people may potentially be under-represented in the white Irish figures produced by the Census. Declared ethnicity Throughout this report the discussion is around ethnicity. It is important to remember that in each case, whether we are talking about white Irish, Pakistani, Black Caribbean, white British or any other group, we are talking about declared ethnicity and not an absolute. Three people with a Pakistani father and a white British mother may each, all legitimately, have reported their own ethnicity in a different way – Pakistani, white British, or mixed white and Asian. People may also report their ethnic group differently at different times of their lives. For example, someone may see themselves as a member of one ethnic group at one stage in their lives, but this may change as they grow older and gain a different awareness of the issues, or they have a family of their own.

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The distribution of the white Irish population

Figure 2. Distribution of the white Irish population in England and England’s regions (as a percentage of the whole population)

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With the recorded white Irish population for the whole of England at 1.3%, the proportion for individual regions is at its highest in London (3.1%) and falls to 0.4% in the North East. It is important to remember that the distribution of Irish people in regions is based on two main issues – the first is where Irish migrants to Britain first settled (such as Liverpool as a port and ferry destination), the second is where Irish people have moved to since initial migration in search of work. Place of birth of white Irish people Figure 3. Proportion of population of England born on the island of Ireland7

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Born in NorthernIreland

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0.9% of the population of England was born in the Republic of Ireland and 0.4% were born in Northern Ireland. This equates to 459,662 and 215,124 people respectively. The last Census was in 1991. This found that 556,306 people in England were born in the Republic and 211,133 were born in Northern Ireland – 1.2% and 0.4% of the population of England respectively. In total there are 92,653 fewer Irish-born people in 2001 than in 1991. This is a fall of 12.1%. As the chart below illustrates, of those people who described themselves in the Census as white Irish, 65.9% were born in the Republic of Ireland and 9.0% were born in Northern Ireland. In total, 32.3% of those who described themselves as white Irish were born in the United Kingdom.

7 The term island of Ireland used here includes both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.

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Figure 4. Place of birth: white Irish people in England

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25.2% of those who defined as white Irish were not born on the island of Ireland and thus may be categorised as second or third generation Irish i.e. they have parents or grandparents who were born in Ireland but they were not born in Ireland themselves. As the above figure demonstrates, 22.6% of white Irish people were born in England; 0.4% were born in Scotland; and 0.3% were born in Wales. Additionally, 1.6% were born outside Europe. Figure 5. Ethnicity of people born in the Republic of Ireland who did not define as white Irish

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Of those people born in the Republic of Ireland, 89.4% defined themselves as white Irish. Not all of those born in the Republic of Ireland defined themselves as white Irish. As the graph above shows, 9.6% defined themselves as white British. Less than 1% of people born in the Republic of Ireland, defined themselves as either white other; mixed white and Black or Asian; or Asian, Black or Chinese. Additionally, of those born in Northern Ireland, 26.1% defined as white Irish and 71.8% defined as white British. 1.06% of those born in Northern Ireland defined as ‘white other’, 0.26% defined as being in one of the ‘mixed’ categories (mixed white and Asian, mixed white and Black African or mixed white and Black Caribbean) and 0.60% defined as Black, Asian or Chinese. Thus, as with those born in the Republic of Ireland, less than 1% of those born in Northern Ireland defined as either white other; mixed white and Black or Asian; or Asian, Black or Chinese. This compares with 10.31% of the population of England as a whole (see figure 1).

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Figure 6. Place of residence of people born in the Republic of Ireland (as a percentage of whole population)

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Born in the Rep of IrelandTotal population

459,662 people in England were recorded as having been born in the Republic of Ireland. The above chart illustrates the region of residence of these people at the time of the Census in comparison with the proportion of the population of England and Wales as a whole living in each region. If the distribution of people born in the Republic of Ireland reflected the distribution of the population of England and Wales as a whole, the ‘born in the Republic of Ireland’ and ‘total population’ columns would be the same height in each region. However, a third of those born in Ireland lived in London at the time of the Census – more than double the proportion of the population of England and Wales as a whole who live there. The West Midlands also has a slightly higher proportion of people born in the Republic of Ireland than the population of England as a whole. Conversely, the proportion of people who are white Irish in North East England, Yorkshire and the Humber, the East Midlands, South West England and Wales is smaller than the proportion of white Irish people in England. As discussed in reference to figure 2, people migrating to England and Wales from Ireland may settle in the first place they go to after arriving in the country; but they may also move after first settling. Finding work is inevitably a motivating factor in settling. For all migrants, the most popular initial destinations are the capital city of the country of destination and the places at which their chosen mode of transport ends. In terms of migrating from Ireland to England, this means London, and ports such as Liverpool. This explains the high proportion of Irish-born population living in London (33.5%), relative to the proportion of the whole population living in London (14.2%). Hickman and Walter (1997) find that there have been significant changes in settlement patterns over time. In the nineteenth century, clustering was greatest in North West England. In the 50s, it was greatest in the Midlands. They note that London has been the prime destination of young Irish male migrants during the 1980s. Most importantly, Hickman and Walter find a tendency of Irish people to cluster in specific urban areas. The regional figures thus mask significant differences in distribution within each area.

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Gender distribution in the population of England Figure 7. Proportion of the population of England that is female

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The proportion of a population that is female has a bearing on a number of other factors – such as economic activity, health and so forth – because of the differing characteristics of a female population to a male one. In any population, we expect that there would be slightly more female members than male members because of the longer life expectancy of women. The chart above illustrates the Census finding that the white Irish population has a higher proportion of women than the population of England as a whole. 52.9% of the white Irish population of England is female, in comparison with 51.3% of the white British population. In fact, only two of the minority ethnic populations listed have a higher proportion of women than the white Irish population – the ‘white other’ population (53.5%) and the Black Caribbean population (53.7%). Possible factors in gender differences include:

1. Different patterns of migration e.g. more men leave England; or fewer men migrate to England in the first place.

2. Different patterns of longevity e.g. women live longer thus, as a population ages, more men than women die.

3. Different death rates i.e. more men than women die at one or more points in the life cycle.

4. Differences in how genders perceive and declare their ethnicity. For example, are women more likely to adopt their husband’s ethnic identity than vice versa?

The Census enables us to consider the degree to which the gender balance of white Irish in Figure 7 is a result of the gender balance amongst those born in Ireland. This hypothesis is tested in the figure below.

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Figure 8. Place of birth of white Irish people in England – by gender

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Republic ofIreland

NorthernIreland

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femalemale

The chart above very clearly demonstrates that much of the gender difference in those who define as white Irish in England emerges from the difference between the proportion of Irish women born in the Republic of Ireland in comparison with the proportion of Irish men born in the Republic of Ireland. 68.8% of white Irish women and 62.4% of white Irish men were born in the Republic of Ireland. In contrast, 20.3% of white Irish women and 25.1% of white Irish men were born in England. In absolute terms, there are 43,715 more white Irish women in England who were born in the Republic of Ireland than there are white Irish men. This is slightly offset by a larger number of white Irish men born both in Northern Ireland and England but the overall gender difference remains. Figure 9. Proportion of white Irish population that is female – by English region

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In the graph above, the percentage of women in England’s population as a whole is illustrated as a comparison to the figures for the white Irish population. Only the female Irish populations in Yorkshire and the Humber, the North East, the East Midlands and the West Midlands are similar to the proportion of women in the population as a whole. All other English regions have a higher female white Irish population than exists in the population of England as a whole. Figures 10 and 12 below illustrate the older nature of the white Irish population. As women live longer than men this, along with the evidence of figure 8 above, is a significant factor in the gender differences between populations.

17

Age distribution of the population of England Figure 10. The age distribution of the white Irish population in England

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0-15 16 - 24 24 - 49 50 - 59 60 - 64 65 - 74 75 andolder

white Irishall people

The younger age ranges show a lower proportion of white Irish people in comparison with the whole population of England. However, the largest economically active age group – the 25 to 49 years olds - has parity between the white Irish population and the whole population. In each of the age groups over 49 years, there is a greater proportion of white Irish people than in the population as a whole. In fact, 24.9% of white Irish people are aged over 64 years in comparison with 15.9% of the whole population. At the other extreme, 5.9% of white Irish people are aged under 16 in comparison with 20.2% of the population as a whole. Hickman and Walter (1997) suggest that there is likely to be an under-representation of younger Irish people completing the Census and there is also an issue of second and third generation Irish people who did not define as Irish8 in the Census. This would have an impact on the proportion of younger white Irish people counted in the Census. However, the issue of under-enumeration would not apply to those aged under 169 who are very poorly represented in the age distribution illustrated above. From the data the Census provides, it is not possible to say to what extent the skewed age profile above is the result of the under-count and to what extent there actually is a skewed age profile in the white Irish population. The following three charts look at the anomalies in the youngest and older age groups in greater detail. 8 This is discussed more fully under figure 1 of this report. 9 A significant feature of the age distribution of white Irish people, is the very small proportion who are aged 0 to 15 – far smaller than in any other of England’s white British or minority ethnic populations. One can assume that, in most cases, parents or guardians will have completed Census forms on behalf of children of this age. It is thus the parents, in the main, who are making decisions about their children’s declared ethnicity. Most of the parents of the children of this age, will themselves be in the 24 to 49 age group in figure 10 – an age group of similar proportion in the white Irish population to the population of England as a whole. This begs the question of whether this is a question of fewer Irish children being born; a low proportion of Irish parents recording their children as white Irish, or a mixture of both factors.

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Figure 11. Proportion of England’s population aged 0 to 15 by ethnic group

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With only 5.9% of its members aged under 16, the white Irish community is markedly different from all other ethnic groups, particularly those groups that are ‘mixed’ Black (57.8% of the white and Black Caribbean and 45.6% of the white and Black African populations are aged under 16) or white and Asian (47.5%). Figure 12. Proportion of the population of England aged 65 and older

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24.9% of the white Irish population is aged 65 or older in comparison with the relatively young populations of all other ethnic groups in England. The lowest proportion is in the white and Black African population in which just 2.2% are aged 65 or older. In the population as a whole, 15.9% of the population is aged 65 or older. Just this one factor alone – the proportion of older people – suggests very different characteristics between the white Irish population and other minority ethnic populations.

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Figure 13. Proportion of the white Irish population aged 65 and older – by region

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White IrishAll populaton

31.9% of the white Irish population of the West Midlands are aged 65 or older – 7% higher than in England’s white Irish population (24.9%), and double that of the total population of the West Midlands (16.0%). The region with the lowest proportion of older white Irish people is London (20.2%), but this remains a high proportion relative to London’s general population of which only 12.4% is aged 65 or older. It is interesting to note that, as well as having the lowest proportion of older white Irish people, London is also the region with the highest proportion of white Irish people in its population (figure 2) and the highest proportion of people born in the Republic of Ireland (figure 7). Figure 14. Age distribution of England’s ethnic groups

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white Irish white British Indian Pakistani Black Caribbean Chinese

There is no other (majority or minority) ethnic group in England which is structured in the same way as the white Irish population in terms of the age of its members. A relatively low proportion of under-25s is mirrored by a relatively high proportion in each age group over 50. 53.9% of the white Irish population is in the potentially economically active 25 to 59 age group, more than other ethnic groups such as white British (48.1%), Pakistani (39.1%), and Black Caribbean (52.7%). As the above series of graphs illustrates, in comparison with the other minority ethnic groups listed, the white Irish population is an ageing population – a larger proportion of the population is older (over 64) than is younger (under 24). A population of this structure will shrink as the numbers who die are not matched by those born, unless

20

migration patterns change the general trend, or unless there are changes in how sections of the population perceive their ethnicity10. Additionally, an aging population will have very different characteristics and needs in comparison to those with a younger population – more people will be retired and no longer economically active; care needs may be different and levels of ill-health and disability tend to be higher in populations which are older, for example. _____________________________________________________________________ In summary This section found that the 1.3% of England’s population reported as white Irish is likely to be an under-representation of those who could potentially be described as Irish. Self-declared ethnicity is a complicated issue – the white Irish population could be as high as 4.1% of the population. The English region with the highest reported proportion of white Irish people is London, the region with the smallest proportion is the North East. There has been a significant fall in the number of Irish-born people in England since 1991. Relative to other majority and minority ethnic groups in England, the white Irish population has a large proportion of women. This is most pronounced in London, the East and the South East. The reported white Irish population in England has a relatively small number of people who are aged under 25 and a relatively large number of people who are aged 50 and older.

10 Commentators have suggested that for a variety of reasons covered in this report (such as the complexities of ethnicity and identity, a confusion between ethnicity and nationality, and the construction of the ethnic group question in the Census) a substantial number of people born on the island of Ireland and second and third generation Irish people, may not have taken the option of identifying as white Irish in the 2001 Census. This will have skewed the figures above.

21

Section 2. Economic activity _____________________________________________________________________ Any population has a bearing on the economy of the place in which it lives. This section examines the levels of economic activity of the white Irish population of England in comparison with the rest of England’s population. Economic activity, as an indicator, is a count of the number of individuals who are either working or are available to work. To aid our understanding, this section also looks at what the Census has to say about economic inactivity. The first figures in this section look at those people aged between 16 and 24. The later figures look at the older age group – those aged between 25 and 74. Figure 15. Economic activity and inactivity amongst 16 to 24 year old men

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In England 60.7% of white Irish 16 to 24 year olds are economically active. Only the white British population has a higher level of economic activity (68.9%). What is particularly interesting about young white Irish men is the proportion in full-time education – 43.7%, in comparison with 36.3% of young white British men. A number of factors can influence the size of a student population. These include:

- the achievement of appropriate qualifications earlier in life (see the section on ‘qualifications’);

- a community ethos which values and encourages education; - migration specifically to attend further or higher education establishments (the

Census data does not indicate what proportion of full-time students have come to England specifically for their education and, importantly, what proportion are planning to return to their home country once that education is complete).

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Figure 16. Economic activity and inactivity amongst 16 to 24 year old women

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As the chart above illustrates, young white Irish women are also most likely to be in full-time education than their white British counterparts – 46.7% of young white Irish women are full-time students – along with 39.3% of white British women. Levels of unemployment, retirement and not working due to sickness or disability are at very similar levels amongst both white Irish and white British women. Figure 17. Proportion of England’s population aged between 25 and 74 which is economically active11

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66.2% of white Irish men between the ages of 25 and 74 are economically active. This is the lowest level of economic activity of all the ethnic groups listed, the highest being found amongst Indian men – 79.8%.

11 Economically active is defined as the state of being available for work or working. Thus, someone who is unemployed is still defined as economically active. Someone who is retired, for example, is not defined as economically active.

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54.2% of white Irish women of the same age are economically active. While Bangladeshi and Pakistani women have much lower levels of economic activity (18.4% and 24.9% respectively), women in all the other ethnic groups listed have a higher level of economic activity than white Irish women. It is useful to note that, while economic activity amongst 27 to 74 year old white Irish people is low, the proportional size of the economically active population (those aged 25 to 59) is not low (figure 14) i.e. the cause of the low levels of economic activity is not related to the size of the population aged between 25 and 59. Those who are aged 65 and older are more likely to be retired than those who are younger. Figure 18. Economic activity and inactivity amongst 25 to 74 year old men

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Economic activity levels amongst white Irish men aged between 25 and 74 stands at 66.2%. Amongst white British men, it stands at 75.3%. So what is the root of the difference between the two populations? From the chart above, it is clear to see where the shortfall lies in terms of economic activity – the much lower level of full-time employment amongst white Irish men. However, in terms of inactivity, the chart illustrates that a greater proportion of white Irish men than white British men are retired (17.5% in comparison with 14.4% - no doubt due to the relative age of the Irish population), and the level of permanent sickness/disability is higher amongst white Irish men. 10.8% of white Irish men are not working because of permanent sickness or disability – along with 6.8% of white British men. Sickness levels and health more generally are discussed to a greater degree in Section 8: Health. Amongst white Irish men (aged 24 to 75) unemployment is at 4.20%. For white British men it is at 3.39%. For women (shown in the figure below), the differences are smaller – unemployment is at 1.91% for white British women and 1.99% for white Irish women.

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Figure 19. Economic activity and inactivity amongst 25 to 74 year old women

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54.2% of white Irish women are economically active. This compares with 59.9% of white British women. The above chart illustrates that, despite there being a lower proportion of white Irish women not working because they are looking after family and/or home, a larger proportion are retired or are not working because of being incapacitated permanently. 23.6% of white Irish women are retired in comparison with 19.2% of white British women – reflecting the relative ages of the two populations. Additionally, 7.1% of white Irish women are not working because of permanent sickness or disability in comparison with 5.4% of British women. Again, age could be a factor in this as well as other factors discussed more fully in Section 8: Health. Levels of self-employment are slightly lower amongst white Irish women than for white British women. 4.1% of white Irish women and 5.0% of white British women are self-employed. As figure 16 illustrates, there is also little difference between the two populations when looking at men although overall levels of self-employment are higher (14.4% for white Irish men and 14.1% for white British men). Figure 20. Economic activity amongst 25 to 74 year olds – in England and English regions

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Interestingly, the pattern of economic activity amongst the white Irish population does not follow exactly the same pattern as the population in general. For example, the lowest levels of economic activity amongst white Irish people are in the West Midlands (52.9%) and the North West (53.1%). Amongst the general population, the lowest levels are in the North East (61.1%) and the North West (63.9%). It is perhaps

25

of no surprise that the highest levels of economic activity are to be found in London and the South East for all people, including white Irish people. Figure 21. Proportion of people in England who are long-term unemployed or who have never worked

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3.6% of white Irish men and 8.0% of white Irish women are long-term unemployed or have never worked. In the population of England overall, 2.9% of men and 9.7% of women are in the same category. With the exception of the Black Caribbean population in which there is parity, there are generally higher levels of long-term unemployment (including those who have never worked) amongst women than amongst men. This gender difference may be as much related to family structure as it is to the structure of employment in which men are perhaps more able to find appropriate work. As the graph above clearly illustrates, the gender differences are most extreme in the Pakistani and Bangladeshi populations. In the Bangladeshi population, for example, long-term unemployment (including those who have never worked) is at 48.7% amongst women and 8.1% amongst men. _____________________________________________________________________ In summary This section looked at economic activity and found a relatively low level of economic activity amongst the largest age group – 25 to 74 year olds. In the same age group, there were relatively high levels of white Irish people who were retired and people who were not working because of permanent sickness or disability. In the 16 to 24 age group, the most notable feature is the relatively high proportion of white Irish people who were in full-time education. In terms of unemployment, figures for the white Irish population are very similar to those for the white British population.

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Section 3. Types of work _____________________________________________________________________ Having examined overall levels of economic activity in the previous section, this section concentrates on what the Census reveals about the nature of work undertaken by the population. Do different ethnic minority groups tend to do different types of work? Figure 22. Occupations amongst men in employment aged 16 to 74

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managers professional assoc. professional & technicaladmin/secretarial skilled trades personal servicessales/customer service process/plant/machine elementary

The above chart shows how similar the pattern of occupations is between white Irish men and white British men. The only difference being in the larger proportion of the Irish population in ‘professional occupations’. 19.6% of white Irish men are managers according to the above data. Only three of the minority groups listed above have a greater proportion of male members who are managers – white other (23.8%), Indian (20.7%) and Chinese (20.0%). In terms of the skilled trades, 17.3% of white Irish men are working in skilled trades. This is 2.9% lower than the proportion of white British men working in the skilled trades and the fifth highest level of all the majority and minority ethnic groups listed. At the other end of the occupations ‘spectrum’, there are 12.3% of white Irish men working in elementary-type jobs. Five of the minority ethnic groups listed have a smaller proportion of men in elementary fields – white British men (11.7%), mixed white and Asian (11.0%), Chinese (10.6%), other white (10.4%), and Indian (10.1%). Some of the more recently migrated minority ethnic groups have higher levels – such as Black African men (19.6%) and Bangladeshi men (22.8%).

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Figure 23. Occupations amongst women in employment aged 16 to 74

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A larger proportion of white Irish women are in the managerial, professional and technical occupations than the white British population. In fact, in terms of occupation, the female white Irish population shares most characteristics with the mixed white and Asian population – only a third being in the sales, process/plant/machine and elementary occupations. In terms of managerial-type work, white Irish men had one of the highest proportions of all the minority ethnic groups listed. For white Irish women, the picture is similar. 13.2% of the working white Irish population of England is in managerial work. Only two of the groups listed have higher proportions in management – white other women (13.4%) and Chinese (13.9%). 11.2% of white British women are in management. Looking at elementary work, this occupies 11.3% of white Irish women. Only five of the minority ethnic groups listed have a higher proportion of women in elementary work – white and Black African women (11.7%), white British women (12.0%), Black African women (12.0%) white and Black Caribbean women (12.3%), and Chinese women (13.3%). The figures 22 and 23 illustrate that the working white Irish population have a relatively high proportion of members in managerial occupations (in comparison with the white British population and minority ethnic groups). The following graphs look at types of employment in greater detail.

28

The following figure looks at employment in terms of what has become known as NS-SEC. NS-SEC (National Statistics Socio-Economic Classification) is an attempt to look at social classification by occupation but, instead of being solely an examination of jobs, the NS-SEC is constructed using three pieces of information: occupation, employment status and the size of the establishment in which the person works. To this end, the 2001 Census form asked for a significant amount of information about each respondent’s job, place of work, role and level. The picture created by the following figure will thus differ in some respects from the previous figures which were looking solely at occupation. Figure 24. Men in England aged between 16 and 74 – by NS-SEC (excluding those who are unemployed or in full-time education)

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

Higher managerial and professional Lower managerial and professionalIntermediate Small employers and own account workersLower supervisory and technical Semi routine

The definitions of these NS-SEC categories are as follows12: Classification title 1 Higher managerial and professional occupations 2 Lower managerial and professional occupations

Description This includes employers in large organisations, managerial professions and higher professional occupations. Higher managerial professions are those which involve general planning and supervision of operations on behalf of an employer. This includes lower professional and higher technical occupations, lower managerial occupations and higher supervisory occupations.

Examples of occupations Doctors Lawyers Dentists Professors Professional engineers School teachers Nurses Journalists Actors Police sergeants

12 Hull C (2006) A picture of the United Kingdom using the National Statistics Socio-economic classification. Office for National Statistics - Population Trends 125.

29

3 Intermediate occupations 4 Small employers and own account workers 5 Lower supervisory and technical occupations 6 Semi-routine occupations 7 Routine occupations

These are positions in clerical, sales and intermediate technical occupations that do not involve general planning or supervisory powers. Small employers are those, other than higher or lower professionals, who employ others and so assume some degree of control over them. These employers carry out all or most of the entrepreneurial and managerial functions of the enterprise. Own account workers are self-employed people engaged in any (non-professional) trade, personal service or semi-routine, routine or other occupation but have no employees other than family workers. Lower supervisory occupations have titles such as ‘foreman’ and ‘supervisor’ and have formal and immediate supervision over those in classes 6 and 7. The work involved requires at least some element of employee discretion / decision-making. Positions with a basic labour contract, in which employees are paid for their specific service. Employee discretion / decision making less relevant here.

Airline cabin crew Secretaries Photographers Firemen Auxiliary nurses Non-professionals with fewer than 25 employees e.g. self-employed builders, hairdressers, fishermen or Shopkeepers – own own shop Train drivers Employed plumbers or electricians Foremen Supervisors Shop assistants Postmen Security guards Call centre workers Care assistants Bus drivers Waitresses Cleaners Car park attendants Refuse collectors

One of the most interesting features of the overleaf graph is that, in comparison with the white British population, the proportion of white Irish men at the managerial level is high and the proportion in routine jobs is low. 18.5% of white Irish men are in higher managerial or professional roles – as are 15.9% of white British men. White Irish men have the sixth highest proportion in higher managerial jobs (of those minority ethnic groups listed) – after white other; Chinese; Indian; white and Asian and Black African. 11.4% of the white Irish male population is classified as small employers and own account workers. This compares with 10.3% of the equivalent white British population. The proportion of small employers and small account workers is highest in the Pakistani (13.3%) and Chinese (15.3%) populations. In terms of jobs categorised as routine, 10.2% of white Irish men are employed. This compares with 10.8% of the male working population of England as a whole. As with higher managerial roles, the proportion of white Irish men working in routine jobs is the sixth highest of those minority ethnic groups listed, behind white and Black Caribbean men; Black Caribbean men; Pakistani men; Bangladeshi men and white British men.

30

Figure 25. Men in employment aged 16 to 74 – by industry

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, hun

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White Irish White British

While in most of the industry types listed there is little difference between white Irish and the white British uptake of posts, in construction and manufacturing the difference is marked. 21.8% of the white British population and 13.8% of the white Irish population is involved in manufacturing. By contrast, 11.8% of the white British population and 20.2% of the white Irish population works in construction. In retail, there is also a noticeable difference as it involves 10.3% of white Irish men and 16% of white British men. The following graph looks at manufacturing and construction in greater detail. Fig 26. Men aged 16 to 74 – in manufacturing and construction

0%

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35%

white I

rish

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manufacturing construction

No other ethnic group has as high a proportion of men in construction as the white Irish population. It is important to bear in mind that a relatively high proportion of the Irish population are in managerial, professional and technical roles whatever industry they are in, thus not all those in figure 26 will be involved in the manual side of construction work, nor indeed manufacturing. 20.2% of white Irish men are in construction. The next highest level is to be found amongst white British men with a proportion more than 8% lower (11.8%), followed by white and Black Caribbean men (10.5%) and Black Caribbean men (8.8%).

31

While direct comparisons cannot be made between the findings of the 1991 Census13 and the 2001 Census (because of the change in classification of ‘Irish’), however, the data suggests that a quarter of Irish men were involved in construction in 1991. This suggests a fall to the 2001 figure of 20.2%. There are consequences to working in the construction industry as a Mind report of 200314 has found: “A major disadvantage of a lifetime of work in the construction industry is that many Irish men are in poor physical health and unable to work. They have not paid insurance contributions and end up without pensions in their old age or when ill.” In the light of this, it is interesting to return to figure 16 which illustrates that 10.8% of men aged between 25 and 74 are not working because of permanent sickness or disability. This is a high proportion of men, particularly when looked at in comparison with the male white British population in which 6.8% are not working because of permanent sickness or disability. We will return to this topic in Section 8: Health. It is interesting that, as figure 24 illustrates, the proportion of men who are categorised as small employers and own account workers is no higher than 11.4%. Given that this type of employment structure is a particular feature of the construction industry, we might have expected it to be more prevalent in male white Irish workers. Figure 27. Women in employment aged 16 to 74 – by industry

0%

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10%

15%

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25%

30%

agric

, hun

ting,

fores

tryfis

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mining

manufa

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socia

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er White IrishWhite British

As the above graph illustrates, the main industry area for white Irish women (i.e. the one which employs the largest proportion of Irish women) is health and social work. 26.7% of Irish women work in the field, along with 18.6% of white British women. The industry type employing the next highest proportion of white Irish women is real estate, followed by education, and retail. Retail is of interest because, while it employs the fourth highest proportion of white Irish women, there is a marked difference between white Irish women and white British women. 11.7% of white Irish women in England are employed in retail in comparison with 18.1% (very nearly a fifth) of white British women.

13 Office of National Statistics – 1991 Census. 14 Mind: Mental health of Irish-born people in Britain, 2003.

32

The following chart looks at health and social work as a job in greater detail. Fig 28. Women aged 16 to 74 – health and social work

0%

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angla

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The above graph illustrates that white Irish women have one of the highest proportions of people working in health and social work – with the exceptions of the Black Caribbean and Black African women. 26.7% of white Irish women are working in this area, as are 32.1% of Black African women and 28.8% of Black Caribbean women. Amongst the female population of England as a whole, the proportion working in health and social work is 18.8%. Health and social work (also referred to as health and social care within the Census outputs) will include medicine, nursing, auxiliary nursing, care work, social work etc. Some of these jobs will be highly qualified and well paid roles such as doctors, whilst others will require no qualifications and may well be low paid. _____________________________________________________________________ In summary This section suggests that there is an Irish population which presents two pictures. The first presents a picture of a population which has a relatively high proportion in managerial positions and professional positions. The second presents a picture of a population in which a very high proportion of men are working in construction and a very high proportion of women are working in health and social care. These types of work can have significant effects on a population’s health, well-being and (current and future) financial well-being. Looking at elementary work and routine posts (NS-SEC), the white Irish population is approximately in the mid-way position when looking at it in comparison with the British and minority ethnic populations of England.

33

Section 4. Unpaid carers _____________________________________________________________________ Previous sections have examined work as well as retirement and full-time education. However, a significant form of unpaid work has so far been omitted from our discussion – caring for other people. Section 1 outlined the older nature of the white Irish population. Section 8 will look at the relatively high levels of ill health associated with this. This section examines whether these factors impact on the level of unpaid caring carried out by the white Irish population. The Census divides unpaid care into three different levels depending on the hours an individual devotes to it:

a. between 1 and 19 hours a week b. between 20 and 49 hours a week c. 50 or more hours a week

People providing the very highest level of care are unlikely to be able to work at the same time which impacts on their own life as well as on the lives of their dependents. However, even the lowest level of care-giving may restrict full-time and even part-time employment opportunities. Those providing only a low level of care may not be able to work if they have, in addition, their own children to care for. Employment opportunities may also be reduced if the care has to take place at particular hours of the day. Even care which has to be given at anti-social hours (such as through the night) may impede a carer’s ability to work as they don’t have an opportunity to sleep. The Census form defines care as being ‘any help or support [given] to family members, friends, neighbours or others because of long-term physical or mental ill-health or disability; or problems related to old-age’. To get a greater understanding of levels of unpaid care, it is important to look at different elements of the population – men, women, younger people, people of pensionable age – as each has a very different picture of care. a. Between 1 and 19 hours a week of unpaid care To weave our way through this complex picture, we will take each level of care in turn, starting with those providing between 1 and 19 hours a week below. Figure 29 looks at the working age carers and figure 30 looks at the pensionable age carers.

34

Figure 29. Proportion of people aged between 16 and pensionable age providing 1 to 19 hours a week of unpaid care

0%

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8%

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12%

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menwomen

6.3% of white Irish men and 8.6% of white Irish women provide between 1 and 19 hours of unpaid care each – whether for a relative or someone else. This is a relatively low proportion in comparison with the population as a whole (men – 7.7%, women – 9.9%), the white British population (men – 8.6%, women – 10.4%) and the Indian (men – 8.6%, women – 8.5%), Pakistani (men – 7.8%, women – 7.7%) and Bangladeshi (men – 7.7%, women – 7.3%) populations. However, five of the minority ethnic groups listed have a lower proportion of their populations involved in care at this level. The level of care amongst white Irish women of working age is the second highest amongst those listed, and for white Irish men of working age it is the fifth highest listed. The figures suggest relatively high levels of care amongst white Irish people in comparison with other minority ethnic groups. The following chart looks at the same data – but in relation to people of pensionable age.

35

Figure 30. Proportion of people of pensionable age providing between 1 and 19 hours a week of unpaid care

0%1%2%3%4%5%6%7%8%

Total

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menwomen

When looking at people of pensionable age, a significantly lower proportion of white Irish people are providing between 1 and 19 hours of care a week in comparison with the population as a whole. Thus, while in England’s whole pensionable age population 7.0% of men and 7.0% of women are providing this level of care, the levels are 4.8% and 5.9% respectively in the white Irish population. For men of pensionable age, only three minority ethnic groups demonstrated lower levels of care than white Irish men (Black Caribbean men – 4.8%; Black African men – 4.3% and Chinese men – 3.8%). The level of care provision amongst white Irish women of pensionable age is the sixth highest amongst those listed, and for white Irish men of pensionable age it is the eighth highest listed. The figures suggest relatively low levels of care amongst white Irish people in comparison with other minority ethnic groups – particularly amongst men. These two graphs have looked at relatively low levels of care – between 1 and 19 hours a week (less than 3 hours a day). The following two charts look at the medium level of care – between 20 and 49 hours a week – between 3 and 7 hours a day. b. Between 20 and 49 hours a week of unpaid care This level of care may have a significant impact on the carer’s life and the life of their family. Giving up to 7 hours a day of care, 7 days a week may mean that the individual cannot work or undertake other activities. The first chart looks at carers of working age, the second looks at carers of pensionable age.

36

Figure 31. Proportion of people aged between 16 and pensionable age providing 20 to 49 hours a week of unpaid care

0.0%

0.5%

1.0%

1.5%

2.0%

2.5%

3.0%

3.5%

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As the level of care increases to between 20 and 49 hours a week, the proportion of people involved falls on average by 7% - to just 1.0% for men and 1.6% for women – in comparison to the 1 to 19 hours of care illustrated in figures 29 and 30. Levels of care in the white Irish population are very similar to those in the population generally. 1% of white Irish men of working age are providing care at this level, as are 1.5% of white Irish women. The equivalent figures for the population of England as a whole are 1% and 1.6%. Those populations with the largest proportion of carers are the Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi populations. The level of care amongst white Irish women of working age is the sixth highest amongst those listed, and for white Irish men of working age it is also the sixth highest listed. The figures suggest relatively low levels of care amongst white Irish people in comparison with other minority ethnic groups. However, the proportion of people affected is very small for all the populations concerned (3.3% is the highest). The following chart looks at the same data but in terms of people who are of pensionable age.

37

Figure 32. Proportion of people of pensionable age providing between 20 and 49 hours a week of unpaid care

0.0%

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1.0%

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What is interesting about the white and Chinese populations providing care at this mid level (20 to 49 hours a week) is that there is parity between the genders – approximately the same proportion of men as women are involved. In the other minority ethnic groups listed, women are the main care providers. 1.3% of white Irish men of pensionable age and 1.4% of white Irish women of pensionable age are providing care at this medium level. As with the working age population, this is a very small proportion of the population. For the population of England as a whole, 1.4% of men and 1.3% of women are involved – figures almost identical to the white Irish population. It is interesting that even though we are discussing people of pensionable age who may be retired and thus arguably have more time to care for others (and may well have older partners who are in need of care), levels of care are relatively low amongst all the populations listed. The level of care amongst white Irish women of pensionable age is the eighth highest amongst those listed, and for white Irish men of pensionable age it is the ninth highest listed. These figures suggest relatively low levels of care amongst white Irish people of pensionable age in comparison with other minority ethnic groups.

38

c. More than 50 hours a week of unpaid care A level of care of 50 hours a week or more, suggests more than 7 hours a day (every day). This is a far greater commitment than a full-time job and will have very significant effects on the person’s life. It is unlikely, for example, that they would be able to do a full-time (or a even a part-time) job at the same time. It may mean that they are caring for one person who is very dependent on their care or, perhaps, for more than one person who each require less commitment in terms of hours in the day. Figures 33 and 34 below look at this level of care-giving, first by people of working age and secondly by people of pensionable age. Figure 33. Proportion of people aged between 16 and pensionable age providing more than 50 hours a week of unpaid care

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At this very high level of care-giving, 1.7% of white Irish men and 2.5% of white Irish women aged between 16 and pensionable age are involved. Again, these figures are almost the same as the England average (1.6% of men and 2.6% of women). The level of care amongst white Irish women of working age is the fifth highest amongst those listed, and for white Irish men of working age it is the third highest listed. These figures suggest relatively high levels of care amongst white Irish people of working age in comparison with other minority ethnic groups – particularly amongst men. However, the proportions of the population involved are relatively small. The following chart looks at the same level of care-giving in terms of carers of pensionable age.

39

Figure 34. Proportion of people of pensionable age providing 50 hours or more a week of unpaid care

0%

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The proportion of people of pensionable age providing this high level of care (50 hours a week or more) is higher than those providing between 20 and 49 hours a week (illustrated in figure 32). It is also higher than the proportion of people of working age providing 50 or more hours a week of care. 4.0% of white Irish men of pensionable age and 3.6% of white Irish women of pensionable age are providing this high level of care. It is interesting that more men than women at this level are involved in care. These levels are slightly lower than in the pensionable age population as a whole – 4.6% of men in England and 3.9% of women are carers at this level. The level of care amongst white Irish women of pensionable age is the sixth highest amongst those listed, and for white Irish men of pensionable age it is the third highest listed. These figures suggest relatively low levels of care amongst white Irish women and relatively high levels of care amongst white Irish men. The data from this section indicates that there are relatively high levels of care in the white Irish population (in comparison with the other populations listed) in the following population groups: - Working age women – 1 to 19 hours a week of care 8.6% - Working age men – 50+ hours a week of care 1.7% - Pensionable age men – 50+ hours a week of care 4.0% _____________________________________________________________________ In summary Providing care for another family member or other person can have a significant impact not only on the person caring but also on the dependents of the carer as the time devoted to caring may mean that taking on employment is not possible. In terms of the white Irish population, those providing more care are not always women – the traditional carers. What is needed to understand the complex patterns better, is an assessment of the economic and health impacts of care provision as well as the support needs of those who are caring.

40

Section 5. Qualifications _____________________________________________________________________ This section looks at educational achievement as measured by the attainment of qualifications. While there is a whole range of educational attainment, this section examines the topics by two means – the attainment of no qualifications at all, and the attainment of the highest levels of qualifications. Figure 35. Proportion of 16 to 24 year olds with no qualifications

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No qua

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In England, 12.3% of the white Irish population aged between 16 and 24 have no qualifications. This amounts to 4,830 individuals. This compares very favourably with other minority ethnic groups. Of those listed, only the Chinese population (8.8%) and the Indian population (10.6%) have lower proportions with no qualifications. 700,530 white British individuals (15.9%) of white British people of this age have no qualifications. Figure 36. Proportion of 16 to 24 years with qualifications at level 4/5

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n Briti

sh - B

angla

desh

i

Black o

r Blac

k Briti

sh - B

lack C

aribb

ean

Black o

r Blac

k Briti

sh - B

lack A

frican

Chines

e or O

ther E

thnic

Group -

Chin

ese

41

As with the proportion of the population achieving no qualifications, the young white Irish population compares favourably with other minority ethnic groups in terms of the achievement of high-level qualifications15. As a whole 11.6% of England’s young population achieved levels 4/5. In contrast, 21.9% of young white Irish people achieved qualifications at this level. Figures 19 and 20 (in Section 2: Economic activity and inactivity) look at the proportion of people aged 16 to 24 who were in full-time education at the time of the Census. 43.7% of young white Irish men and 46.7% of young white Irish women were in full-time education – much higher proportions than is found in the equivalent white British population. Given these figures, the high level of high qualification attainment in the white Irish population is perhaps of no surprise. Figure 37. The proportion of the population with no qualifications

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

16 - 24 25 - 34 35 - 49 50 - 59 60 - 64 65 - 74

white Irishwhite Britishall popn

The chart above clearly indicates how the older generations have a far greater proportion of people with no qualifications than the younger generations, reflecting changes in education. Whereas 12.3% of 16 to 24 year old white Irish people had no qualifications, this rises to 69.5% of those aged between 65 and 74. However, there are also other patterns in existence. In the 16 to 24 and the 25 to 34 age groups, a lesser proportion of the white Irish population than the white British population have no qualifications. In all other age groups, the pattern is reversed. In the 50 to 59 age group, for example, 48.3% of white Irish people have no qualifications in comparison with 39.4% of the white British population.

15 Level 4/5 equates to a first degree, higher degree, NVQ levels 4-5, HNC, HND, qualified teacher status, qualified medical doctor, qualified dentist, qualified nurse, midwife, health visitor or equivalents.

42

Figure 38. The proportion of the population with qualifications at levels 4 or 5

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

50%

16 - 24 25 - 34 35 - 49 50 - 59 60 - 64 65 - 74

white Irishwhite Britishall popn

With the exception of the 16 to 24 age group, many members of which may not have had time to reach higher levels of qualifications thus far, the general trend is downward as the older generations have fewer individuals with higher levels of qualifications. However, it is apparent that more of the white Irish population are achieving these higher levels of qualifications than the rest of the population. For example, 45.7% of the white Irish population aged between 25 and 34 have high levels of qualifications in comparison with 26.0% of the white British population. In section 3, looking at the types of work undertaken by populations in England, figures 22 and 23 show that a high proportion (relative to the rest of the population) of white Irish men (19.6%) and white Irish women (13.2%) were in the highest level of occupation – managerial. The high level of qualifications attained will have a part to play in this. Hickman and Walter (1997)16 notice the trend for a high proportion of the Irish population to have high level qualifications and term it a ‘brain drain’ – a tendency for some migrants to be highly qualified. They also recognise the tendency for other migrants to be ‘on the other end of the scale’ and have no qualifications at all. They create a picture of two extremes. To ‘test’ this theory in terms of the 2001 white Irish population, the following chart shows the proportion of white Irish people with mid-level qualifications in comparison with the population of England as a whole.

16 Hickman MJ and Walter B (1997) Discrimination and the Irish Community in Britain, The Commission for Racial Equality.

43

Figure 39. The proportion of people with mid-range qualifications

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

16-24 25-34 35-49 50-59 60-64 65-74

white IrishAll population

If the theory is true and Irish people are a population of extremes in terms of qualifications, one would expect the proportion of people with mid-range qualifications (levels 1 to 3 inclusive) to be smaller than that of the general population. The above chart suggests that this is indeed the case – in all age groups except the 50 to 59 age group.

In the 60 to 64 age group, the difference is most marked – 24.4% of white Irish people have mid-range qualifications in comparison with 40.1% of the general population of England. To understand this pattern, and particularly to understand the anomaly in people in their 50s, a close examination of the qualification level of Irish migrants on arrival in England would be needed. _____________________________________________________________________ In summary Hickman and Walter (ibid) found a dual picture of Irish people in Britain. A high proportion of Irish people with high level qualifications and a high proportion of people with low level qualifications. However, in terms of the younger sections of the white Irish population, there is a relatively small proportion of people with no qualifications at all.

44

Section 6. Home tenure and accommodation type _____________________________________________________________________ The type of housing in which a community lives can say much about its position in society and about the impact of other community characteristics such as economic activity and income. Type and nature of housing can also impact on a community and affect how it functions in terms of, for example, health and well-being. This section looks at type of housing in broad terms – such as ownership and whether it is shared. Figure 40. Proportion of the population of England who own their own home

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

Owns ho

me: tot

al

Whit

e - B

ritish

Whit

e - Iri

sh

Whit

e - O

ther W

hite

Mixed -

Whit

e and

Blac

k Cari

bbea

n

Mixed -

Whit

e and

Blac

k Afric

an

Mixed -

Whit

e and

Asia

n

Asian o

r Asia

n Briti

sh - I

ndian

Asian o

r Asia

n Briti

sh - P

akist

ani

Asian o

r Asia

n Briti

sh - B

angla

desh

i

Black o

r Blac

k Briti

sh - B

lack C

aribb

ean

Black o

r Blac

k Briti

sh - B

lack A

frican

Chines

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thnic

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Chin

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Overall, 69.3% of England’s population own their own home (including those who own it with the support of a mortgage or other loan). The three ethnic groups with the highest rate of ownership are Indian (79.1%), white British (71.3%) and Pakistani (70.3%). The white Irish group has the fourth highest rate of ownership with 62.8%. The lowest rate of ownership is amongst the Black African population with 24.8%. These figures include people who own their own home outright (have no further payments to make on it) and those who own it with the help of a mortgage or other loan. The following chart gives this breakdown.

45

Figure 41. Proportion of the population of England who own their own home – outright ownership and ownership with the aid of a mortgage

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

Totals

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Whit

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Mixed -

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e and

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an

Mixed -

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Asia

n

Asian o

r Asia

n Briti

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ndian

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n Briti

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Asian o

r Asia

n Briti

sh - B

angla

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r Blac

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sh - B

lack C

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ean

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r Blac

k Briti

sh - B

lack A

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Group -

Chin

ese

outright ownershipmortgaged

While the extent of home ownership is lower amongst the white Irish population than in the white British population, the extent of outright ownership is slightly higher – 25.9% in comparison with 24.9%. 36.9% of the white Irish population of England own their own home with the aid of a mortgage or other loan. This compares with 46.5% of the white British population. It may be thought that outright home ownership is related to the older age profile of a population – older people may have had longer to pay off any mortgage or loan associated with their original house purchase. This is not the case, however, with the Indian and Pakistani populations who have the highest levels of outright ownership but also a relatively young age profile. Conversely, the white Irish population has an older age profile but a relatively low level of outright home ownership.

46

Figure 42. Proportion of the population of England living in rented housing

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

Total

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Mixed -

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an

Mixed -

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n

Asian o

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n Briti

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ndian

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n Briti

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ani

Asian o

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n Briti

sh - B

angla

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r Blac

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k Briti

sh - B

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Private rentSocial housing

While an average of 17.6% of England’s population is in socially rented accommodation (rented from the council and other forms of social rent), there is enormous disparity between the different ethnic groups from 7.7% of the Indian population to 50.3% of the Black African population. The white Irish population has the sixth highest level of social renting at 21.2%. In terms of privately rented accommodation, 10.9% of the white Irish population falls into this category in comparison with 9.0% of the population of England as a whole. Interestingly, the highest level of private renting is amongst the population categorised as ‘white other’ (28.7%). The white other population will include very recent migrants such as those from Eastern Europe who, by 2001, are likely not to have had time to settle sufficiently to have a house and a mortgage. Figure 43. Proportion of the population of England and the English regions living in social rented accommodation

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

Englan

d

North E

ast

North W

est

Yorks/H

umb

East M

idlan

ds

Wes

t Midl

ands Eas

t

Lond

on

South

East

South

Wes

t

White - IrishWhite - British

Although the proportion of white Irish people living in socially rented accommodation varies between regions (from 27.1% in London to 14.4% in the South West) there is a less than 5% difference in each region between the white Irish population and the white British population. However, it is interesting to note that in all regions except North East England and the West Midlands, the proportion of white Irish people living

47

in socially rented accommodation is greater than that found in the white British population. In the North East region and the West Midlands, there is a lesser proportion of the white Irish population living in socially rented accommodation than is to be found amongst the regional white British population. Figure 44. Proportion of the population of England and the English regions living in private rented accommodation

0%

2%

4%

6%

8%

10%

12%

14%

16%

Englan

d

North E

ast

North W

est

Yorks/H

umb

East M

idlan

ds

Wes

t Midl

ands Eas

t

Lond

on

South

East

South

Wes

t

White - IrishWhite - British

10.9% of white Irish people in England are in accommodation which is privately rented – this compares with 8.0% of the white British population. The difference between the white Irish population and the white British population is most marked in the North East as the figure above illustrates. In the North East 13.7% of the white Irish population is in private rented accommodation in comparison with 6.3% of the white British population. The region in which there is the highest level of private renting is London, where 13.7% of white Irish people and 12.1% of white British people are renting privately. Figure 45. Proportion of the population of England living in communal establishments

0%1%2%3%4%5%6%7%8%9%

10%

Totals

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n Briti

sh - B

angla

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r Blac

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r Blac

k Briti

sh - B

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Group -

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othermedical / care

48

In total, 1.8% of England’s population lives in communal establishments - 0.9% in medical and care establishments, 1.0% in other types of communal establishments. The graph above very clearly shows the high proportion of Chinese residents in communal establishments relative to the rest of England’s population – 8.7%. The white Irish population has the fourth highest proportion of people living in communal establishments after the Chinese population, the ‘white other’ population (4%) and the white and Black African population (2.7%). The Black African population and the white Irish population have, in fact, the same proportion of people living in communal establishments – 2.6%. 1.2% (7,533 individuals) of the white Irish population lives in medical and care establishments, the remaining 1.4% lives in other types of communal establishment (9,104 individuals). Figure 46a. Proportion of the male population in England in key examples of communal establishments (not including staff members) – by establishment type (whole numbers are given in parenthesis) White Irish

population White British population

Whole population

Psychiatric hospitals and homes

0.08% (208)

0.04% (7,934)

0.04%

(10,410)

Nursing homes

0.23% (624)

0.15%

(31,025)

0.17%

(38,107)

Residential care homes

0.39% (1,010)

0.25%

(52,947)

0.27%

(63,150)

Prison service establishments

0.55% (1,120)

0.16%

(32,609)

0.19%

(42,872)

Probation/bail hostels

0.01% (26)

0.01% (1015)

0.01% (1,215)

Figure 46b. Proportion of the female population in England in key examples of communal establishments (not including staff members) - by establishment type (whole numbers are given in parenthesis) White Irish

population White British population

Whole population

Psychiatric hospitals and homes

0.05% (151)

0.03% (6,137)

0.03% (7,736)

Nursing homes

0.48% (1,386)

0.38%

(83,780)

0.42%

(101,543)

Residential care homes

0.73% (2,082)

0.62%

(137,707)

0.64%

(159,059)

49

Prison service establishments

0.03% (55)

0.01% (1,708)

0.01% (2,612)

Probation/bail hostels

0.00%

(6)

0.00% (113)

0.00% (137)

Figure 46 above lists the proportion of people in specific communal establishments. The proportions given are all relatively small in comparison to the population as a whole. However, it is interesting to note that there is a larger proportion of both the male white Irish population and the female white Irish population in psychiatric hospitals and homes, nursing homes, residential care homes and prison service establishments than the population of England as a whole and the white British population of England. In terms of residential care homes and nursing homes, this is likely to be related to the relative age of the male white Irish population in comparison with the rest of the population (see figure 12 in section 1). However, there is no other data from the Census which can offer explanations for the proportion of the white Irish population in psychiatric hospitals and prison. Discussion surrounding a high proportion of Black Caribbean people in prisons and in psychiatric units suggests that direct and indirect racism17 has a significant role. This was the similar finding of Bracken et al 199818 in terms of hospital admissions for mental health issues for Irish people. They found that the neglect of the Irish community in this regard is untenable. Figure 47. Proportion of households comprising a lone pensioner, or two or more related pensioners

0%2%4%6%8%

10%12%14%16%18%20%

Totals

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e - B

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Whit

e - Iri

sh

Whit

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Mixed -

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k Cari

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Mixed -

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e and

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k Afric

an

Mixed -

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Asia

n

Asian o

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n Briti

sh - I

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n Briti

sh - B

angla

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sh - B

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lone pensionertwo or more pensioners

It is clear from the above chart that the proportion of households comprising of pensioners living alone is higher amongst the white Irish population than any other. 17.8% of households where the household is headed by a declared white Irish person comprise a pensioner living alone. This is in comparison with 15.2% of white British households and 2.5% of Pakistani households.

17 Direct racism is where a person is directly refused a service or receives physical abuse because of racism. Indirect racism is where a condition is imposed on a service which consequently means that an individual cannot achieve it. 18 Bracken P, Greenslade L, Griffin B, Smyth M, 1998, Mental health and ethnicity: an Irish dimension. British Journal of Psychiatry Vol 172 pp103-105.

50

In terms of households which have just one family made up of pensioners (i.e. a couple, both of whom are retired), white Irish households (8.5%) are second only to the white British households (9.6%). In total, 26.4% of white Irish-headed households comprise of one or two pensioners. This compares with 24.8% of white British households. 24.9% of England’s white Irish population is aged 65 or older (and thus of pensionable age) (figure 12)). This is a higher proportion than in any other ethnic population listed. The 17.8% of white Irish households which are made up of one pensioner is thus of no surprise. However, while the white British population has a far lower proportion of people aged 65 or older, it has a higher proportion of pensioners living in households with two or more pensioners. Figure 46 illustrates that, while there is a slightly higher proportion of white Irish people than white British people living in nursing and residential care homes, the overall proportions for both populations is small. This, in itself, would not account for the relatively smaller proportion of white Irish households which comprise solely of two or more pensioners. _____________________________________________________________________ In summary Housing can be very important in terms of a person’s health and well-being. The analysis of the relevant data in this section suggest that the white Irish population in England has a relatively high level of home ownership and, in comparison with the white British populations, a relatively high proportion living in rented accommodation (both social and private). A relatively high proportion of Irish people live in medical and care establishments including nursing homes, residential care homes, prison and psychiatric homes.

51

Section 7. Amenities _____________________________________________________________________ There are certain measures which are used by researchers to assess the quality of life of households. In the Census these include central heating, overcrowding, bathroom sharing and car ownership. These are discussed in the following charts. Figure 48. Proportion of the population of England living without central heating

0%2%4%6%8%

10%12%14%16%18%20%

No cen

tral h

eatin

g: tot

al

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Asian o

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n Briti

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In England, 8.3% of the white Irish population has no central heating in comparison with 7.3% of the population as a whole. Populations in England with the highest proportion of people having no central heating are the Pakistani population (17.9%), the Bangladeshi population (9.0%), and the white and Black Caribbean population (8.3%). Interestingly, in England, the white British population has the sixth highest proportion of people without central heating (7.2%). The white Irish population has the fourth highest proportion of people living without central heating. Figure 49. Proportion of the population of England and English regions living without central heating – by region

0%2%4%6%8%

10%12%14%16%18%

Englan

d

North E

ast E

nglan

d

North W

est E

nglan

d

Yorksh

ire &

Hum

ber

East M

idlan

ds

Wes

t Midl

ands

Easter

n Eng

land

Lond

on

South

East E

nglan

d

South

Wes

t Eng

land

white IrishAll popn

The highest proportion of individuals without central heating is to be found in the Yorkshire and the Humber region, both in terms of the white Irish population (12.0%) and the population as a whole (15.7%). The lowest levels are to be found in the North

52

East of England. In seven regions, the West Midlands, East Midlands, Yorkshire and the Humber, London, South East England, South West England, Eastern England and the North East of England, the white Irish population has a higher proportion of individuals without central heating than in the population as a whole. There are a number of factors which may have an impact on the different levels of central heating in the white Irish and white British populations. These include:

- Expense Central heating is an expensive investment. Economic activity is comparatively low amongst both white Irish men and white Irish women (figure 17). This leaves a relatively high proportion of the white Irish population living on forms of income other than earnings – pensions, benefits etc. In such situations, affording central heating may not be possible. - Home ownership Tenants may have no say in the type of heating provided by a landlord (private or otherwise). It is only when a home is owned by the occupier that they can make their own decisions about heating adaptations. There is a relatively high proportion of the white Irish population living in homes that they own (figure 40) but there is also a high proportion of white Irish people living in private rented accommodation (figure 43) in which tenants are likely to have little or no say in any heating adaptations.

Figure 50. Proportion of households in England with an occupancy rating of –119 or less

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

Total

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An occupancy rating of –1 or less suggests that there is overcrowding in the household. In England, 8.9% of all households are experiencing overcrowding in their home. This ranges from 6.4% amongst the white British population to 52.5% in the Bangladeshi population. In the white Irish population, the proportion of households which are overcrowded is relatively low - 11.2% - but high in comparison with the white British population (6.4%). This is interesting given that there is a large proportion of single pensioner households in the white Irish population (17.8%) which will offset overcrowding levels.

19 The occupancy rating in the Census assumes that every household, including one-person households, requires a minimum of two common rooms (excluding bathrooms). An occupancy rating of –1 implies that there is one room too few and that there is thus overcrowding in the household.

53

Figure 51. Proportion of the population living in households without sole use of shower/bath and toilet

0.0%

0.2%

0.4%

0.6%

0.8%

1.0%

1.2%

1.4%

Total

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ritish

Whit

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sh

Whit

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In England, 0.2% of the population as a whole is in households without sole use of a bath/shower and toilet. In the Black African community, this rises to 1.3%. The white Irish community stands at 0.3%. It is important to remember that, with such low percentages, relatively small numbers of people are affected. Figure 52. Proportion of the population living in households without sole use of shower/bath and toilet – by region

0.00%

0.10%

0.20%

0.30%

0.40%

0.50%

0.60%

Englan

d

North E

ast E

nglan

d

North W

est E

nglan

d

Yorksh

ire &

Hum

ber

East M

idlan

ds

Wes

t Midl

ands

Easter

n Eng

land

Lond

on

South

East E

nglan

d

South

Wes

t Eng

land

white IrishAll popn

In terms of the sole use of basic bathroom amenities, the white Irish population bucks the trend ordinarily suggested by the ‘north-south divide’. It is the South East which has the highest proportion of individuals without sole access to bath/shower and toilet (0.44%) and the North East (0%) with the lowest level. In terms of the population of England as a whole, London has the highest proportion of individuals without sole access (0.48%) and the lowest proportion is, again, found in the North East (0.12%).

54

Figure 53. The proportion of England’s households which does not own a car or van

0%5%

10%15%20%25%30%35%40%45%50%

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Chin

ese

The proportion of white Irish households with no car (39.8%), is higher than white British households, ‘white other’ households, Indian households, Pakistani households, mixed white and Asian households and Chinese households. 25.7% of white British households do not have a car. One factor in the relatively low level of car ownership in the white Irish population could be expense – with low levels of economic activity (figure 15) leaving a proportion of the population reliant on forms of income other than a salary. Hickman and Walter 1997) suggest that, in large part, such issues as car ownership could be dependent on the tendency of the Irish population to ‘cluster’ in urban areas.

_____________________________________________________________________ In summary Like housing tenure, the picture provided by the Census data on amenities is a complex one. This section illustrates that the white Irish population has a relatively high proportion of the population living without central heating (particularly in Yorkshire and the Humber and the West Midlands); a low proportion of people without sole use of bathroom facilities and a high proportion of people living in overcrowded accommodation in comparison with the white British population, although a relatively low proportion in comparison with other minority ethnic populations. A relatively high proportion of white Irish households are without a car. Each of these high proportions of ‘doing without’ may point, at least in part, towards relative poverty, although other factors may also play a part.

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Section 8. Health _____________________________________________________________________ This section looks at the health of the population. This is not based on medical records or hospital admissions but on questions in the Census about how people rated their own health. There are two questions – whether people have limiting long-term illness and whether people feel themselves to be in good or poor health. Respondents were asked, in the Census form, whether they had ‘any long-term illness, health problem or disability which limits your daily activities or the work you can do’. The illnesses or disabilities that people were thinking of when answering this question must inevitably cover a very wide range of health issues including both physical and mental complaints. The key issue that the question presents is that of the long-lasting nature of the health issue or disability. The other question relating to people’s own analysis of their own health, relates only to the previous twelve months. We will return to this issue with figures 59 and 60. The following figures look at the proportion of the population that said yes, they did have a limiting long-term illness. Figure 54. Proportion of 0 to 15 year olds with limiting long-term illness

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3.6% of girls and 4.9% of boys aged under 16 have limiting long-term illness in England. The highest levels are to be found in the white and Black Caribbean population and the Black Caribbean population. The proportions in the white Irish population are fractionally higher than those in the population as a whole – 3.8% for girls and 5.1% for boys.

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Figure 55. Proportion of 16 to 49 year olds with limiting long-term illness

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Amongst men in this middle age group, limiting long-term illness rises dramatically to 9.6% but reduces amongst women to just 1.1%. In the white Irish population, the percentage is 11.8% - the second highest proportion of all the ethnic groups listed (coming behind the white and Black Caribbean population at 12.5%). It may not be unreasonable to suggest at least a partial link between this high level and the high proportion of white Irish men working in the construction industry as it includes many hazardous roles. The next figure looks in greater detail at the issue of men experiencing limiting long-term illness (specifically a regional analysis) before returning, in figure 57, to the proportion of the population of England as a whole experiencing limiting long-term illness. Figure 56. Proportion of 16 to 49 year old men with limiting long-term illness – by region

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Only in the North East is the proportion of white British men with limiting long-term illness higher than that of white Irish men. In all other regions there is a larger proportion of white Irish men with limiting long-term illness. The region where this differential is greatest is in the West Midlands where there is a 4% difference between the two. The region in which there is the largest proportion of white Irish men with limiting long-term illness is the North West, where it affects 15.0% of men of this age.

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Figure 57. Proportion of 50 to 64 year olds with limiting long-term illness

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Taking the age group in question up to 50 to 64, the proportion of people with long-term limiting illness increases significantly – to 25.8% of women and 26.3% of men. The Pakistani and Bangladeshi populations are most affected by limiting illness (53.1% and 52.8% of men respectively). In the white Irish population, levels are slightly higher than in the general population and the white British population as 29.1% of women and 33.4% of men are affected. Levels amongst white Irish men are lower than in the Pakistani and Bangladeshi populations and, amongst white Irish women, they are lower than in all the ethnic groups listed other than the white British, white other and Chinese populations. Figure 58. Proportion of people in England aged 65 or over with limiting long-term illness

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Taking this oldest age group – those aged 65 and over in the white Irish population, levels of limiting illness are slightly lower than they are amongst the majority of other ethnic groups listed. 49.0% of white Irish men and 48.9% of white Irish women aged over 65 have long-term limiting illness. As 25.6% of England’s white Irish population is aged over 65, this means that a large proportion of the population is affected in this way. This is

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more so than in other minority ethnic populations in which there is a higher proportion of limiting long-term illness amongst the over 65s but a lower proportion of over 65s in the population. Overall, 25.5% of the white Irish population of all ages, and both genders, have a limiting long-term illness in comparison with 17.9% of the population of England as a whole. This is the highest proportion found in any of the ethnic groups listed (the next highest after the white Irish population being the white British population at 18.5%). The high proportion amongst the white Irish population when looking at all ages and both genders lies, at least in part, in the large proportion of the white Irish population who are aged 65 and over where limiting long-term illnesses are more common, regardless of ethnic group. Extrapolating generally from the limiting long-term-illness or disability figures given in this section, there is a pattern of working age and pre-working white Irish men having a higher incidence of limiting long-term illness than white British men. This matches with the data in figure 18 ( Section 2: Economic activity and inactivity) in which a relatively high 10.8% of white Irish men are not working because of permanent sickness or disability. On the subject of health, the Census form also asked if, over the previous 12 months, respondents would say that their health had been good, fairly good or not good. As health can fluctuate in a 12 month period, it is the responsibility of the respondent to find some form of average or overall feeling of health which may, of course, be affected by how the respondent was feeling, health-wise, at the time of completing the Census form. For under 16 year olds, it may be that parents are completing their Census details on their behalf which means that the health rating is likely to be the parent’s assessment rather than the child’s own assessment. The following two figures look at those respondents who rated their health as being not good. Figure 59. The proportion of women in England who rated their health as not good

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It is clear from the data that being in ‘not good health’ increases with age, as we would expect. What is interesting is that there is greater experience of being in not good health amongst white Irish women between the ages of 16 and 64 – working age. 25.1% of white Irish women and 19.5% of white British women aged between 16 and 64 are in not good health.

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Figure 60. Proportion of men in England who rated their health as being not good

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The pattern is repeated amongst the men although it is clear that there is a greater disparity between the proportion of the white Irish population and the proportion of the white British population experiencing not good health. 29.1% of white Irish men aged between 16 and 64 are in not good health along with 19.8% of white British men. Also unlike the women the disparity continues into the 65 and over age group. In which 24.9% of white Irish men and 21.6% of white British men are in not good health. The health of a population is a complex issue with many inter-linked factors at play. Relatively high rates of long-term illness amongst Irish people are discussed at some length by Hickman and Walter (1997) as well as other commentators. What is clear is that there is no single answer to the matter of why there are relatively high levels of ill-health (and mortality) amongst Irish populations in England. The following are some of those factors which could be at play: Poverty and housing As established earlier in this report, the white Irish population has a comparatively low level of economic activity (figure 15) which implies reliance on other forms of income such as pensions and benefits. Likewise, a relatively high proportion of the white Irish population is living in social housing and private rented accommodation (figure 42). Both of these factors may have an impact on the health of individuals. Socio-economic status As well as practical issues related to class, people of lower social classes may also view their own health differently bringing about reporting differences. Changes brought about by the act of migration Living in a rural setting in Ireland and moving to an inner-city area of Birmingham, for example, can represent a significant change in a person’s life which may impact on their health. Negative experiences of host country and racism Many commentators have documented racism and discrimination experienced by Irish people in England both in the past and currently. Lifestyle factors The links between excessive alcohol consumption, smoking and poor diet and poor health are now clearly established and need to be taken into consideration when looking at any population experiencing poor health. Genetics In any discussion of health, genetics may play a factor. Certain illnesses (e.g. cancers) have strong genetic components. In a single community of people this may impact on the incidence of those illnesses.

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Occupation It has been established that a relatively high proportion of white Irish men work in construction (figure 26) and an even higher proportion of white Irish women work in health and social care (figure 28). While the Census data does not indicate the type of work undertaken in these broad fields, we know that construction includes many roles which are dangerous or cause ill-health and that many roles in health and social care involve long, anti-social hours, lifting and stress. _____________________________________________________________________ In summary The data in this section suggests that health is a particular issue for white Irish people in England. This relates particularly to white Irish men of working age who are experiencing relatively high levels of limiting long-term illness. It also relates to men and women of working age who rate their own health as being not good.

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APPENDIX 1 A comparative analysis of data relating to ‘born in the Republic of Ireland’, ‘born in Northern Ireland’, ‘born in England’ and ‘white Irish’ populations under key topics The 2001 Census asked people to define their ethnic background, one option was ‘white Irish’. As with the options ‘Pakistani’ or Bangladeshi’, a person would not necessarily have to be born in Pakistan, or Bangladesh, or Ireland, to define themselves as having that particular ethnic background. Not all white Irish people were born in Ireland – in England 65.9% of those who described themselves as white Irish were born in the Republic of Ireland, 9.0% were born in Northern Ireland. Similarly, not all people who were born in the Republic of Ireland described themselves as white Irish in the Census. In the Census, 0.9% of the respondents living in England said that they were born in the Republic of Ireland. This equates to 459,662 people. 89.4% described themselves as white Irish. A further 9.6% said that they were white British20. Thus, those born in the Republic of Ireland are not simply a sub-group of the white Irish population examined in the Irish Dimension reports but a separate group which overlaps the white Irish population. The population born in Northern Ireland also overlaps the white Irish population. 0.4% of the population of England was born in Northern Ireland (amounting to 215,124 individuals). 26.1% of these people defined as white Irish and 71.8% defined as white British. This appendix examines the populations of people born on the island of Ireland and makes comparisons with the population born in England and the population defining as white Irish. Figure App 1 a. The gender of Census respondents born in Ireland, Northern Ireland and England:

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Born in Rep. of Ireland Born in Northern Ireland Born in England

51.2% of people living in England who were born in England are female. In contrast, 55.6% of those people who were born in the Republic of Ireland are female. Of those people living in England who were born in Northern Ireland, 51.9% are female.

20 Further details of the ‘born in the Republic of Ireland’ and the ‘born in Northern Ireland’ populations can be found in figures 4 and 5 above and in the associated text.

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Figure App 1 b. The age of the male population – by country of birth and white Irish identity

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The above chart compares the age distribution of men born in the Republic of Ireland and in Northern Ireland and compares that information with data on those born in England and with those who described themselves in the Census as white Irish (regardless of where they were born). 2.3% of men born in the Republic of Ireland were aged under 16 at the time of Census. This is in sharp contrast to the 23.1% of those born in England. At the other end of the age scale, 30.6% of those born in the Republic of Ireland were aged over 64 - in comparison with 13.5% of those born in England. The age distribution of white Irish men forms a less sharp age pyramid but nonetheless, is nothing like that of those born in England – 6.4% were aged under 16 and 22.3% were aged over 64. Arguably, the relationship between the ‘white Irish’ data and the ‘born in England’ data mirrors the relationship between the ‘born in the Northern Ireland’ data and the ‘born in the Republic of Ireland’ data. Figure App 1 c. The age of the female population – by country of birth and white Irish identity

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Republic of Ireland is a more extreme picture than that of their male counterparts. 46.6% of those born in the Republic of Ireland are aged 59 or older with 1.7% aged under 16. In contrast, 22.7% of those born in England were aged older than 59 and 21.0% were aged under 16. As with the men, the picture provided by those who described themselves as white Irish mimics that of those who were born in the Republic of Ireland and those born in Northern Ireland, but in a less extreme form. 36.1% of white Irish women were aged older than 59 and 5.4% were aged under 16. The large proportion of men aged over 64 and women aged over 59 has, of course, economic consequences – these people are likely to be retired – and health consequences – people of pensionable age are more likely to be in poor health and have limiting illness. Both of these consequences have significant impact not only on the individuals and their immediate family but also on the wider community. Figure App 1 d. Education levels attained by people born in the Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland and England:

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The chart above illustrates that there is some difference in terms of the higher level of education achieved by those born in the Republic of Ireland and those born in England. 54.1% of those born in the Republic of Ireland reached education at less than secondary level and no higher. In comparison 39.3% of those born in England reached the same level as did 46.1% of those born in Northern Ireland. Interestingly, when looking at those who reached a level of education which was higher than secondary, there is a degree of parity between those born in the Republic of Ireland, those born in Northern Ireland and those born in England – approximately a fifth of each population reached higher than secondary education. More precisely, 20.8% of those born in the Republic of Ireland, 19.3% of those born in Northern Ireland and 19.5% of those born in England reached a level of education higher than secondary. What is pertinent when looking at these figures is the relative age of the populations involved. 30.6% of men and 46.6% of women born in the Republic of Ireland are of pensionable age or older. For those born in Northern Ireland, 18.3% of men and 36.1% of women are of pensionable age or older and in England, the figure is 13.5% of men and 22.7% of women. Given that there is an accepted relationship between age and education, not least because education itself has changed so much in past decades, one might have expected that there would be a much greater difference in education levels attained between those born in the Republic of Ireland and people born in England.

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Figure App 1 e. Social grade / occupation for men – by country of birth and white Irish identity

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Legend AB: Higher and intermediate managerial/administrative/professional C1: Supervisory; clerical; junior managerial /administrative /professional C2: Skilled manual workers D: Semi-skilled and unskilled manual workers E: On state benefit; unemployed; lowest grade workers 28.2% of men born in the Republic of Ireland are in the AB bracket (higher and intermediate managerial/administrative/professional occupations) – this compares with 36.3% of white Irish men born in England. Taking all white Irish men as a whole, 32.2% are in an AB occupation. In comparison, just 26.3% of men born in England are in the AB bracket. The population of men with the highest proportion in the AB bracket is those born in Northern Ireland – 39.0%. In the C1 bracket (supervisory; clerical; junior managerial/administrative/professional occupations), the difference between the groups of men listed reduces to one or two percentage points. Taking semi-skilled and unskilled manual workers, the picture changes. The population of men with the highest proportion in this D bracket is those born in the Republic of Ireland (22.1%), followed by those born in England (20.9%). 15.7% of men born in Northern Ireland are in the D bracket. The population with the smallest proportion in this D bracket is white Irish men born in England (15.0%). The equivalent proportion of all white Irish men is 19.1%.

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Figure App 1 f. Social grade / occupation for women – by country of birth and white Irish identity

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Legend AB: Higher and intermediate managerial/administrative/professional C1: Supervisory; clerical; junior managerial /administrative /professional C2: Skilled manual workers D: Semi-skilled and unskilled manual workers E: On state benefit; unemployed; lowest grade workers Unlike the men of the Census, the women of the Census are more likely to be in C1 occupations than AB (Higher and intermediate managerial/ administrative/ professional) occupations and less than 10% are skilled manual workers (C2). 24.0% of women born in the Republic of Ireland are in AB occupations – in comparison with a 3.3% higher 27.3% of white Irish women. The population of women with the highest proportion in the AB bracket is white Irish women born in England (31.6%). The population with the lowest is all women born in England (17.8%). The greatest differentials are found in D occupations – semi-skilled and unskilled manual workers. 28.2% of women born in the Republic of Ireland are in D occupations in comparison with 23.9% of white Irish women. What is noticeable is that only 14.4% of white Irish women born in England are in these D occupations in comparison with 28.6% of all women born in England.

Figure App 1 g. Men working in construction – by country of birth and white Irish identity

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One of the most striking differences between the white Irish population of England and its regions and the white British population lay in the proportion of men working in construction. It has been mooted that this could be a factor in the poor health of white Irish men. The chart above suggests that while a larger proportion of men who are born in the Republic of Ireland work in construction (23.5%), there is evidence that this is a trend continuing, albeit to a reduced extent, amongst second (and third) generation white Irish men. 15.3% of white Irish men born in England work in construction – a lower proportion than those born in the Republic of Ireland, but a higher proportion than those born in England (12.1%). The population of men with the smallest proportion working in construction is those born in Northern Ireland – 10.3% Figure App 1 h. Women working in health and social care – by country of birth and white Irish identity

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While a significant proportion of white Irish men work in construction, the 2001 Census revealed that the most common industry area for white Irish women is health and social care. In some English regions, a third of white Irish women are in this field. In England, 29.2% of women born in the Republic of Ireland work in health and social care. This compares with just 18.5% of women born in England. As with men working in construction, second (or third) generation white Irish women tread a mid-way path between those born in the Republic of Ireland and women born in England – 20.6% of white Irish women born in England work in health and social care, in comparison with 26.7% of all white Irish women. 23.4% of women born in Northern Ireland work in health and social care.

Looking back at 1991 The last Census in England and Wales was the 1991 Census. While this Census did not ask people if they were Irish, it did ask about country of birth. This data enabled David Owen21 to carry out a detailed study of Irish-born people22. Looking at the 1991 data, Owen came to a number of conclusions about the Irish-born population which relate to the analysis above:

Age Irish-born people are distinctive in being much older on average than the rest of the

population. 21 David Owen, Irish born people in Great Britain: Settlement patterns and socio-economic circumstances 1991 Census Statistical Paper 9. 22 Owen’s Study was based on people living in Britain, and not England alone.

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Republic-born people have an even older age distribution than people born in Northern Ireland.

Education A large percentage of the Irish-born are highly qualified. This percentage is even

larger for the Northern Ireland-born than the Republic-born. The highly qualified Northern Ireland-born fare even better in the labour market than white people as a whole, but the Republic-born do less well. Employment Northern Ireland-born and Irish Republic-born men tend to work in very different

industries. The former mainly work in the service sector, while nearly a third of Republic-born men work in the construction industry. People born in Northern Ireland are more likely to work in white-collar jobs than

those born in the Republic, for whom less skilled jobs account for a larger share of employment. Nursing jobs are an important source of employment for women from both parts of Ireland. Looking at Owen’s findings, it is easy to come to the conclusion that the Irish-born population has not changed dramatically in the intervening 10 years. In fact, the Irish-born population has aged in comparison to the English-born population largely, it can be assumed, because the 1991 and 2001 Irish-born respondents are, in fact, mostly the same people, the large-scale migration to Britain during the post-war years having seriously declined in the 1990s. This leaves the Irish-born population as a small, and declining, population as evidenced by the small proportion of Irish-born children. The 2001 Census enabled an examination of white Irish people not afforded to Owen during his work on the 1991 Census. The 2001 Census suggested a white Irish population which treads a path midway between that of those born in the Republic of Ireland and those born in England in key areas illustrated above, such as age distribution, social grade and occupation type.

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FIS exists to represent and develop our members and our community

This report, one of a suite of twenty four, is an outcome of a research project on the Irish data in the 2001 Census. The data and commentaries in the suite of reports are presented in a comparative context at national, regional and selected local levels, and on the basis of the full sixteen categories from the 2001 Census Ethnic Group Question.

... there are sections of the Irish population who have multiple needs, are marginalised, and have information, support and service needs ... to be addressed.

We have been disappointed by the structuring of much of the analysis of ethnicity data from the 2001 Census published todate, particularly the use of various “combined ethnic group categories” and the failure to disaggregate the White ”combined group” data. Increasingly, micro-decisions about delivery of services take place at a local level. ... Those with local responsibility under the Race Relations Acts for addressing inequalities must have the best possible local data on all significant communities (including minority ethnic communities) at their disposal, and must use it in an inclusive way to inform their policies. Dr Mary Tilki Chair, Federation of Irish Societies

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