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DOCUMENT RESUME
ED 282 246 CS 210 550
AUTHOR Gaziano, Cecilie; Coulson, David C.TITLE Effect of Newsroom Management Styles on Journalists:
A Case Study of Two Newspapers.PUB DATE 1 Aug 87NOTE 27p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the
Association for Education in Journalism and MassCommunication (70th, San Antonio, TX, August 1-4,1987).
PUB TYPE Reports - Research/Technical (143) --Speeches/Conference Papers (150)
EDRS PRICE MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage.DESCRIPTORS Case Studies; Editors; *Employee Attitudes; *Employer
Employee Relationship; Interpersonal Communication;Job Satisfaction; Media Research; *Newspapers;*Participative Decision Making; Work Environment
IDENTIFIERS *Journalists; *Management Styles
ABSTRACTA case study of two metropolitan newspapers examined
whether there was a relationship between type of newsroom managementstyle--"authoritarian" or "democratic"--and journalists' perceptionsof management style and leadership, editors' roles, career goals andjob satisfaction, readers' news source contact, and communitycloseness. The study also examined whether management style isperceived differently by journalists with different personal andattitudinal characteristics. Subjects, 125 journalists (mostlyreporters) at a morning and an evening newspaper, completed a 12-pagequestionnaire on perceptions and attitudes. The results indicatedthat the evening paper tended to be perceived as authoritarian whilethe morning paper was perceived as a blend of democratic andauthoritarian styles. Journalists at both papers endorsedjournalists' participation in decision making as important toimproving the work environment, but the morning paper workers were nomore likely than the evening paper workers to share in newsdecisions. Relationships among editors and between editors andreporters were more satisfactory at the evening paper. Differences inmanagement style did not appear to increase the journalists' sense ofcloseness to their audience. (Tables of data and 27 footnotes areincluded.) (WM)
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EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATIONCENTER (ERIC)
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Newspaper Division:Focus on Newspaper Research
EFFECT OF NEWSROOM MANAGEMENT STYLES ON JOURNALISTS:
A CASE STUDY OF TWO NEWSPAPERS
Cecilie GazianoResearch AnalystMORI Research, Inc.7901 Xerxes Ave. So., Suite 102Minneapolis, MN 55431
Ph. (612) 881-6909 or 881-2380
David C. CoulsonReynolds School of JournalismUniversity of Nevada-RenoReno, NV 89557-0040
Ph. (702) 784-6898
"PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THISMATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY
David C. Coulson
TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCESINFORMATION CENTER (ERIC)."
Presented to the 75th Annual Conventionof the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication,
San Antonio, Texas, August 1, 1987.
2
Cecilie Gaziano and David-CoulsonNewspaper Division: Focus on Newspaper ResearchSaturday, August 1, 1987, 1:30-3 p.m.Association for Education ia Journalism and Mass CommunicationSan Antonio, Texas
ABSTRACT:
EFFECT OF NEWSROOM MANAGEMENT STYLES ON JOURNALISTS:
A CASE STUDY OF TWO NEWSPAPERS
This case study of the "Morning Sun" and the "Evening Star," owned by
"Mainstreet Newspapers," sought to determine if there was a relationship
between type of newsroom management style, "authoritarian" or "democratic,"
and journalists' perceptions of management style, leadership, editors'
roles, environment and treatment, career goals and job satisfaction,
readers, news source contact and community closeness. The study also
sought to determine if management style is perceived differently by
journalists with differing personal and attitudinal characteristics.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors gratefully acknowledge the support of "Mainstreet
Newspapers," the support of The Donald W. Reynolds School of Journalism,
University of Nevada-Reno and Dean Travis Linn. They especially appreciate
the help of the journalists at the "Morning Sun" and the "Evening Star" who
participated in the survey. They also thank Dr. Emanuel P. Gaziano, of
Abbott Northwestern Hospital Perinatal Center, Minneapolis, MN, for comments
on the manuscript and Lee Kaplan, research manager, MORI Research,
Minneapolis, for comments on questionnaire construction.
3
EFFECT OF NEWSROOM' MANAGEMENT STYLES ON JOURNALISTS:A CASE STUDY OF TWO NEWSPAPERS
Management theorists largely agree that managers have their own sets
of concepts, whether or not articulated, which guide their organizational
behavior and actions. More specifically, each newspaper newsroom manager has
his or her own management theory.
Differing theories of newsroom managers may have dissimilar
influences on the attitudes and behavior of journalists. Some newspapers
have work settings which appear to restrict journalists while others are
less restrictive.
Most journalists appear to prefer a blend of authoritarian and
democratic management styles. Newsrooms are divided about what works best.
At newspapers where an authoritarian managemtnt style prevails, many
journalists want greater autonomy. The opposite holds true in newsrooms
perceived to be operating more democratically.
The research problem is to determine if there is a relationship
between type of newsroom administration -- "authoritarian" or "democratic" --
and journalists' work attitudes, perceptions of job performance and
perceptions of communication networks. "Authoritarian" means the extent to
which power and authority are held by those at the upper levels of a
newspaper's hierarchy, while "democratic" means the extent to which power
and authority are extended down through the newspaper hierarchy.
Literature and research in the newspaper management field are
limited. An exhaustive review of the literature uncovered no studies
specifically concerned with the relationship between newsroom management
style and journalists' work attitudes and job satisfaction. Therefore, such
an assessment may be of particular value.
Research has shown journalists have high need for participation and for
autonomy -- independence of decision-making authority and a sense of control
over one's work and ideas. Because of these characteristics journalists at
newspapers where management is perceived as authoritarian might show greater
job dissatisfaction than journalists at newspapers where management is seen
as more decentralized.
A newspaper's degree 07 centralization or decentralization may be
determined primarily by its organizational structure. An increase in
centralization and bureaucratization, often a result of medi concentration
and monopolization, has bred job dissatisfaction because of diminished2
autonomy.
Nevertheless, some observers believe trends in the newspaper industry
show management is generally curbing reporters' autonomy; control may be a3
key issue in the newsroom. Case study and organizational theory show that
in journalist-news leadership relationships there are "sufficient
mechanisms . . . to enable the newspaper hierarchies to exert meaningful4
control over reportorial performance. Control is defined by the power of5
authority to guide or manage.
Even within newspapers of the same general size there is disagreement
6as to how closely newsroom managers should supervise journalists.
Determination of the desirable level of supervision is a management
decision, but understanding the relationship between supervision and work
attitudes in the newsroom may give an indication of the suitable amount.
Burgoon, Burgoon and Atkin report clear directives from supervisors and job
autonomy together to be their strongest predictor of job satisfaction among7
journalists.
The perceived atmosphere of the newsroom is related to the level of
participation on a newspaper and whether management attempts to give
2
5
8reporters information important to them. If employees are given a greater
voice in their organization's affairs, motivation is increased, their
willingness to accept change is increased and a greater sense of teamwork9
and morale is developed. In addition, the ways journalists comprehend their
particular jobs may influence their general attitudes about the field and10
commitment to the profession.
Weaver and Wilhoit found in 1983 that the most important predictors of
job satisfaction -- esteem for the organization's performance, frequent
communication with supervisors and perceived job autonomy -- seemed
unchanged since the Johnstone study a dozen years earlier. The type of
ownership of news organizations, the region of the country where employed,
educational background and myriad other factors did not affect how11
journalists assess various job attributes.
Individual characteristics of journalists also influence job
satisfaction. Reporters tend to be young and highly educated, which may
contribute to various levels of acceptance or rejection of management
styles. Whereas older journalists tend to focus more on economic factors,
their younger colleagues stress personal development as factors of job12
satisfaction.
A 1985 Associated Press Managing Editors Association study revealed
journalists' relationships to their communities were related to job
satisfaction, career goals and attitudes toward Ole media and journalists'13
roles. Therefore, questions which would allow comparison with the national
sample on these characteristics were included in the present study.
The impetus for the investigation was one author's experience as a
management consultant and writing coach for two metropolitan newspapers --
the "Morning Sun" and the "Evening Star, owned by "Mainstreet
3
6
Newspapers" -- during the summer of 1985. He hypothesized that the papers'
newsroom management styles influenced journalists' professional attitudes
14and performance. This research is a case study of the two large dailies.
The Morning Sun has a circulation of more than 138,000, and the Evening Star
circulation is more than 112,000, according to the 1986 Editor & Publisher
Yearbook.
The following research questions were tested:
1) Does newsroom management style affect journalists' work attitudes,job satisfaction, career goals and perceptions of ability to perform theirjobs well?
2) Does newsroom management style affect perceptions of the generalnewsroom environment, such as communication and control over newswork?
3) Is newsroom management style perceived differently by journalistswith dissimilar personal and attitudinal characteristics?
4) Does newsroom management style affect the way journalists perceivetheir communities and readers?
Method
Twelve-page questionnaires were distributed to journalists at the
Morning Sun and the Evening Star during the first week of July 1986.
Completed questionnaires were mailed to the investigators by the first week
of August. Nine open-ended questions were coded, for which the co-efficient15
of inter-rater reliability was .93.
One hundred four iournalists at the Morning Sun were eligible for the
survey, and 62 took part, a 60% completion rate. Sixty-three of 85
eligible journalists at the Evening Star participated, a 74%
completion rate. The total was 125 for an overall completion rate
of 66%. Respondents represented the two papers equally.
The definition of "journalist" matched that in the APME survey (except
that the APME survey included photographers and this survey did not).
Respondents were all full-time newsroom personnel involved in preparation of
4
7
news (gathering, writing, editing, and graphics), including reporters,
16writers, columnists, copy editors, supervising editors and artists.
Results
Table 1 summarizes the characteristics of the Mainstreet Newspaper17
journalists. The majority of journalists responding were reporters. All but
eight of the editors represented in the survey held management-level
positions (excluding copy editors). Tenure was balanced at both papers, with
about one-third being relative newcomers to to the newspapers and another one-
third being long-term employees. Two-thirds were seasoned journalists, while
only one-eighth entered journalism recently.
In comparison with the nejonal APME sample, journalists at Mainstreet
Newspapers were slightly more likely to be male and somewhat more likely to be
older and better educated. They were also more likely to be reporters, to
have more journalism experience, and to have longer tenure at their papers.
On the whole, journalists in "Mainstreet City" were more rooted in their
community than APME respondents were.
Typology of Journalists. Because age and community ties appeared to
account for the greatest differences among APME respondents, a four-fold18
typology based on these characteristics was developed:
Proportion of
Proportion ofMainstreetNewspaperJournalist Type Ties to Community Age APME Sample Journalists
Younger transients Weak or moderate Under 35 38% 22%
Younger natives Strong Under 35 15% 12%
Older transients Weak or moderate 35 or older 22% 31%
Older natives Strong 35 or older 25% 35%
Journalists surveyed at Mainstreet Newspapers were more likely to
represent "older natives" and "older transients" than those in the national
5
8
APME sample. However, "younger natives" were over-represented at the Evening
Star (17%) and under-represented atthe Morning Sun (7%). "Older transients"
also were disproportionately represented (38% at the Sun and 24% at the Star).
"Younger transients" and "younger natives" in Mainstreet City were less
likely than their national counterparts to include women. "Older transients"
and "older natives" in Mainstreet City were more educated than their
corresponding members in the APME survey.
Ma ,agement Style. Almost half of journalists at the Evening Star
perceived their paper as "authoritarian." This group tended to characterize
the Star as "authoritarian, but about right" somewhat more often than to call19it "too authoritarian." Very few said the Evening Star is "democratic."
Most Morning Sun staffers perceived their newspaper either as halfway
between democratic and authoritarian (26%) or as varying in these characteristics,
depending on th- issue (34%). Editors and reporters were about equally
likely to view their papers as authoritarian, but they tended to vary as to
whether this was "about right" (editors) or "toe authoritarian" (reporters).
Among the four journalist groups, "younger *natives" and "older natives"
were the most likely to view their papers as authoritarian. "Younger
transients" were much more likely than the others to view their papers as
"democratic," and they tended to call them "too democratic."
Leadership/Guidance and Editors' Roles. A plurality of journalists
wanted a moderate amount of guidance from supervisors, and about one-third of
those on either paper wanted little or no guidance (Table 2). Edito.s and
reporters did not vary much from each other in this respect, nor was there
much difference among the four journalist groups, except that "younger
transients" were less likely than the others to desire little or no guidance.
Journalists at both papers showed an overwhelming desire to have a great
deal of freedom to plan and organize their work (more than 8 in 10 at either
6
9
paper), and this varied little by job title or journalist group. Freedom from
supervision was rated highly as a career goal, and a larger proportion of
journalists (61%) at the Sun than at the Star (45%) said they could achieve
this goal well at their newspapers (Table 2).
About 6 in 10 Morning Sun staffers and 5 in 10 Evening Star staffers said
they received little or no guidance from supervisors. Only 1 in 10 from
either paper said they got a great deal. Reporters were about twice as likely
as editors to say they receive little or no guidance from supervisors.
"Younger transients" (74%) and "older natives" (57%) were especially likely to
report little guidance. "Younger transients" were more likely to report this
if they worked at the Morning Sun.
Evening Star staffers ter,!ed somewhat more than Morning Sun staffers to
agree that "editors understand the importance of their teaching role at my
newspaper." In both cases, editors were about twice as likely as reporters
to agree with these statements.
The majority of journalists said they expected a great deal of leadership
from their supervisors, but only a minority said they received a great deal
(Table 2). More than half at the Morning Sun and one-third at the Evening
Star said they received little or no leadership.
When asked what they considered their papers' greatest weaknesses to be,
"poor communication/poor leadership/poor planning" was mentioned frequently20
at both papers (Star, 41%; Sun, 34%). Scarcely anyone cited strong
21management or strong leadership among their papers' greatest strengths.
Staffers at the Star were more likely than Sun staffers to perceive that
top editors at their paper maintained direct control of newsroom operations;
however, about half at the Star said that their paper maintained control of
newsroom operations mainly through lower-level Oitors (Table 2). Journalists
lower in the hierarchy at either paper were more likely to perceive indirect
7
control, and those at higher levels tended to perceive direct control.
However, only one-third of journalists at either paper agreed that "lower-
level editors have very little influence at my paper." More editors (54%)
then reporters (34%) disagreed with this statement.
Three-fourths cf Sun staffers reported that top editors meet with
lower-level editors to discuss news play and policy five times a week or
more. Fewer Star staffers reported meetings this often. Those at the Star
were much more likely than those at the Sun to say meeting frequency was
"about right."
Journalists at the Evening Star were more likely than those at the
Morning Sun to say that they can get subjects covered frequently when they
have a good idea for a topic that deserves coverage. Reporters tended much
more than editors to report this.
Almost all Mainstreet Newspapers journalists agreed that "journalists'
participation in decision-making is an important factor in improving the
work environment"; however, only about one-third at each paper said that
they had a great deal of voice in decisions in their departments. As expected,
editors reported more voice in decisions than did reporters (Table 4).
Journalists at both newspapers tended to feel only somewhat well-informed
about newsroom decisions (Table 4). Reporters were especially likely to feel
uninformed -- half rated themselves as not well informed. "Younger transients"
were twice as likely as "younger natives" to feel poorly informed.
Forty-four percent of Morning Sun staff members reported little or no
dialogue between editors and reporters, while Evening Star journalists tended
to rate the amount of reporter-editor dialogue somewhat higher (Table 4).
Again, reporters tended to perceive significantly less dialogue between
editors arid reporters than editors did.
8
11
Results for feedback from supervisors showed a somewhat similar pattern.
Specifically, "younger transients" and "older transients" tended to feel
especially isolated from supervisor feedback. Patterns of discussion of
stories with co-workers were similar for both papers.
Environment and Treatment. The vast majority of Mainstreet Newspaper
journalists perceived that "people are treated well at my newspaper" when
asked to choose between two opposing statements. The other was: "My
newspaper treats people as if they were not adults."
More than three-fourths of staffers at both papers agreed that "the most
important goal of a good newspaper manager is to foster a thoughtful and
caring attitude in relationships with employees." The only journalist group
to choose the opposing statement in any great numbers was the "older natives."
About one-fourth of this group agreed instead that "good managers at newspapers
must carry out tasks without paying too much attention to people's feelings."
Three-fourths of journalists at both paperF agreed that "when people make
errors at my newspaper, the errors are pointed out to them in private." Only
about one-fifth of people at either paper agreed that "there is a general
atmosphere of punishment rather than reward at my newspaper."
Not surprisingly, journalists at the afternoon Star, with its tighter
deadlines characteristic of afternoon dailies, were twice as likely as those
at the Sun to feel negative effects of deadline pressure on their work.
Sloppiness, decreased accuracy and decreased creativity were mentioned most
often among negative effects. About one-fifth of journalists at either
paper said that deadline pressure had a positive effect on their work, such
as increasing productivity or sharpening focus.
Despite such pressures, those at the Evening Star were no more likely
than those at the Morning Sun to agree that "the work load and demands placed
on me are often too heavy." Only one-third at either r-ner took this view.
9
12
Career Goals and Job Satisfaction. Overall levels of job satisfaction
tended to be relatively high at both newspapers. About 79% of Star
journalists were very or fairly satisfied with their jobs, compared with 70%
of Sun journalists. Job satisfaction varied by job title, with 84% of
editors and 65% of reporters being very or fairly satisfied.
The "younger natives" had the highest level of satisfaction, and the
"younger transients" had the lowest level of satisfaction (Table 5). "Older
transients" and "older natives" were similar in reporting high levels of job
satisfaction. Commitment to jobs was lowest in "older transients," however,
and next lowest in "younger transients."
Overall levels of job satisfaction were almost identical in the Mainstreet
and APME surveys; however, there wf,..e differences among the four groups (Table 5).
Job satisfaction among the most disaffected group in the national survey, the
"younger transients," was even lower among their Mainstreet counterparts.
The overwhelming majority of staff members said their newspapers promote
from within (one added, "to a fault"). Reporters were more likely than
editors (54% versus 21%) to rate their chances for advancement at their
newspapers as low (1 or 2 on a 5-point scale).
Perceptions of Readers, News Source Contact, and Community Closeness.
Nearly twice as many journalists at the Morning Sun as at the Evening Star'
said the reporters and editors at their paper stereotype the reader a lot
(Table 6). Those at the Morning Sun also tended to hear more often from
readers (Table 6); however, only a minority said they received reader
comments and reactions very often. Reporters and editors were about equally
likely to hear from readers. "Older transients" and "older natives" had
greater reader contact than "younger transients" and "younger natives" did.
All Mainstreet journalists received far less reader feedback than
journalists nationally.
10
13
Journalists at the Sun tended to hear from news sources more often than
journalists did at the Star (Table 6). As might be expected, reporters were
in contact with news sources more often than editors were.
Eight journalists in 10 agreed that "it's important for people who work
for newspapers to know a lot of people in the community," but only 2 in 10
agreed that "it's important for people who work for newspapers to be involved
in community organizations" (Table 6). These results were similar to those
in the APME study. Mainstreet journalists were more likely than respondents
in the APME survey to support journalistic involvement in community
organizations.
Journalists at Mainstreet Newspapers were like journalists surveyed
nationally in their low level of identification with readers' values. Only
30% of those in Mainstreet City (and 36% of journalists nationally) agreed
that "generally, the readers of the newspaper I work for share my values"
(Table 6).
Only the "older natives" in Mainstreet City were similar to their
national counterparts in perception of congruence of readers' values with
their own. Even "younger natives" at Mainstreet Newspapers felt distant from
readers' values.
Discussion and Conclusions
The Evening Star tended to be perceived as authoritarian by its
employees, but only a minority called this "too authoritarian." This
minority tended to include reporters much more often than editors. Morning
Sun employees tended to perceive their paper as a blend of democratic and
authoritarian styles. A central assumption of this study was that the Star
had an authoritarian style and that the Sun had a democratic style. This
assumption is not wholly accurate for the Star, and it receives little
support from the data for the Sun.
11
14
Journalists at both papers almost universally endorsed
journalists' participation in decision making as an important
factor in improving the work environment. However, managers at
the Morning Sun do not operate in a democratic style, if
"democratic" is defined as extenaing power and authority down
through the organizational hierarchy. Sun journalists were no
more likely than Star journalists to perceive that they have
much voice in news decisions in their departments or that they
can get topics covered when they have good ideas for stories.
If "authoritarian" is defined as decision making at top
levels, this word characterizes the Star better than "democratic"
characterizes the Sun. Decision making at top levels, however,
does not ensure leadership. Its effectiveness is an issue at
both papers, and upper-level editors appear to be least aware of
dissatisfaction with leadership.
Upper and lower-level editors were perceived to meet more
frequently to discuss news play and policy at the morning paper.
Frequency of meetings for such discussions are not related to
feeling well informed or to frequency of dialogue between editors
and reporters. Lack of communication, especially between
editors and reporters, as well as a sense of isolation,are problems
shared by both papers.
Relationships among editors, as well as between editors and
reporters, appear to be more satisfactory at the evening paper.
More cohesiveness at the Star does not appear to be impeded by
the perception of greater deadline pressure at that paper.
12
15
Further research could show whether management style affects
journalists' attitudes toward colleagues in the newsroom.
Some job dissatisfaction at both papers is due to discontent-
ment among people at lower-level jobs. This discontentment is to
be expected since people who have not achieved career goals tend
to have lower job satisfaction. Study is needed to show how job
satisfaction relates to perceptions of chances for advancement in
newsrooms.
Further research is also required to determine whether certain
newsroom management styles foster leadership and participation in
decision making or result in bureaucracy, such as excess meetings
among supervisors which interfere with running the newspaper.
Additionally unknown is whether management styles will change the
nature of the newsroom, workers' attitudes and job perceptions within
it, or whether a certain management style will merely enhance the
existing environment.
Differences in management style did not appear to influence the
journalists' attitudes toward their audience. Although journalists
at the Star were a more cohesive group, they did not feel much closer
to their community and readers. In fact, journalists at the Sun
had more frequent communication with readers, although their level
of reader communication was below the national APME average. Other
research has shown journalists as a group to feel fairly isolated
from readers and their communities. This isolation is especially pro-
nounced at Mainstreet Newspapers.
13
16
The typology of journalists developed in the APME survey was
very useful in the Mainstreet Newspapers survey because the typology
reflects differences among journalists which are related to at least
four major variables -- age, community ties, and indirectly, job title
and experience in journalism. The Mainstreet Newspapers survey showed22
that the APME typology could be replicated and extended.
"Younger natives" were more likely to work at the Star, and "older
transients" were more likely to work at the Sun. The difference in
management philosophies at the two papers may lead somewhat to diff2r-
entials in personality types chosen for employment.
"Younger transients" were an especially disaffected group in the
APME survey, and they were an even more alienated group at Mainstreet
Newspapers. They were the most likely of the four groups to feel remote
from their newspapers, their readers and their community. Surprisingly,
"younger natives" also felt a sense of distance from their newspapers
and their readers which needs to be bridged. Although "younger natives"
felt close to their communities, they did not identify much with their
readers.
Other research suggests that perceptions of distance derive from
a constellation of characteristics which sets journalists apart from thea.
general population -- their greater education, higher incomes, greater
tendency to be white and male, greater liberalism, lower religiosity,23
greater cynicism and greater sophistication. These differences are some-24
times related to condescending perceptions of readers. Frequently, news-
paper journalists believe that the public holds very critical views of25
them, although, in general, the public has positive views of them.
Other research has shown lack of community involvement to be a.source
of distance, and that community involvement, as well as friendships with a
broader range of people, tends to increase with upward movement in news-
26paper management hierarchies.
Many newspapers appear to have characteristics which augment27
journalists' perceptions of distance. How this occurs and how communi-
cation in newspaper organizations can be facilitated remain questions
for further research.
Are there differences in personality development and childhood
environment which contribute to differences between "transients" and
"natives," and, if so, can these differences ever be ameliorated by
newspaper work environments or management styles?
The question of whether "younger transients" ever develop into
"younger natives" or if these are very different groups to begin with
also invites additional research. Can "older transients" be converted
to "older natives"? Why do "older transients" often fIll much more es-
tranged from their newspapers and their communities than "older natives"
do?
Are the differences among the four journalist groups related simply
to age? Will "younger transients" change their attitudes as they age?
Or are their differences "cohort effects," and if so, are they a some-
what different cohort than "younger natives" are? Or are their differ-
ences "period effects," that is, differences due to the historical period
in which they grew up? Perhaps two or all three potential sources of
differences are at work. Only longitudinal research will help to disentang
the effects of age, cohort, and period.
15
18
NOTES
1
Judee K. Burgoon, Michael Burgoon and Charles K. Atkin, "PreliminaryReport on The World of the Working Journalist" (Newspaper ReadershipProject, The American Society of Newspaper Editors, Washington, D.C., May1982)-.
2
Sharon H. Polansky and Douglas W.W. Hughes, "Managerial Innovations inNewspaper Organizations," Newspaper Research Journal, 8:3 (1986).
3
James Boylan, "Newspeople," The Wilson Quarterly, special issue, 1982,pp. 71-85.
4
Lee Sigelman, "Reporting the News: An Organizational Analysis,"American Journal of Sociology, 79:132-151 (1973).
5
W.R. Scott, S.M. Dornbusch, B.C. Busching and J.D. Laing,"Organizational Evaluation and Authority," Administrative Science Quarterly,12:93-117 (1967).
6
Edward J. Trayes, "Managing Editors and Their Newsrooms: A Survey of208 APME Members," Journalism Quarterly, 55:745 (1978).
7
Judee K. Burgoon, Michael Burgoon and Charles K. Atkin, The World ofthe Working Journalist (Newspaper Readership Project, NewspaperAdvertising Bureau, New York, September 1982), p. 60.
8
Gilbert L. Fowler and John Martin Shipman, "Pennsylvania Editors'Perceptions of Communication in the Newsroom," Journalism Quarterly, 61:826(1984).
9
Warren H. Schmidt and Robert Tannenbaum, "How To Choose a LeadershipPattern," Harvard Business Review, 51:(163)168 (1973).
10
Lee B. Becker, Idowu A. Sobowale and Robin E. Cobbey, "Reporters andTheir Professional and Organizational Commitment," Journalism Quarterly,56:755 (1979).
11
David H. Weaver and G. Cleveland Wilhoit, The American Journalist(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), pp. 92, 95.
12
Ibid., p. 95.
13
Associated Press Managing Editors Association, Journalists andReaders: Bridging the Credibility Gap. Conducted by MORI Research (SanBernardino, CA: The Sun, 1985).
14
The APME survey defined large newspapers as having more than 100,000circulation. This definition of "large" is used by Editor & PublisherYearbook, as well as by Philip Meyer, Editors, Publishers and NewspaperEgia: A Report to the American Society of Newspaper Editors (Washington,TET:775NE Newspaper Center, 1983).
15
The formula was: 2(C + C agreement)1 2
C + C1 2
16
Associated Press Managing Editors Assuciatiln, op. cit.
17
The journalists in this survey represent a population, not a sample;therefore, chi-square analysis (which assumes randomly sampled data) is notappropriate. However, the argument can be made that chi-square analyses canbe applied legitimately to determine if real differences among sub-groupsexist or not. For this reason chi-square tests have been used in the tablesaccompanying this paper. For an argument supporting this decision, see:Robert F. Winch and Donald T. Campbell, "Proof? No. Evidence? Yes. TheSignificance of Tests of Significance," The American Sociologist, 4:140-143(1969).
18
Cecilie Gaziano and Kristin McGrath, "Newspaper Credibility andRelationships of Newspaper Journalists to Their Communities," JournalismQuarterly, (in press, 1987).
19
When journalists compared the management style of their papers to othersfor which they have worked, Evening Star staffers were most likely to sayeither "too authoritarian" (20%) or "about the'saws -- fairly authoritarian"(28%). Twenty-seven percent had not worked for other newspapers. No dominanttendency emerged among Sun staffers, however. Fiftecn percent said theMorning Sun was "too democratic," compared to other employers, 10% said itwas "about the same/fairly authoritarian," 15% said it was "about thesame/in the middle," and 16% were not sure. About 31% had worked for noother newspapers.
20
Other weaknesses mentioned were poor editing, poor writing, and problemswith certain kinds of coverage. The morning paper was criticized more oftenfor editing and the afternoon paper was criticized more often for writing andcoverage. Editors were more likely than reporters to be negative aboutwriting, and reporters were more likely to critize editing.
17
21
Skilled writers and good writing were cited most frequently as theirnewspapers' greatest strengths (with reporters mentioning this more often thaneditors). Good coverage of various specific types of news was mentionedsecond most often as a strength, although those from the Evening Star saidthis about twice as often as those from the Morning Sun.
22
Additional data from a proprietary survey of journalists who work fortwo newspapers owned by a different group in a different market, conducted byMORI Research before the study reported here was carried out, alsoillustrated the value of the typology in studying journalists and formulatingstrategies to use the results.
23
APME, op. cit.; Weaver and Wilhoit, op. cit.; Los Angeles Times Poll,"The Media Poll," No. 94, I. A. Lewis, director, Times Mirror; William Schneiderand I. A. Lewis, "Views on the News," Public Opinion, 8(4):6-1I, 58-59.
24
Charles K. Atkin, Judee K. Burgoon, and Michael Burgoon, "HowJournalists Perceive the Reading Audience," Newspaper Research Journal,4(1):51-63 (1983); Judee K. Burgoon, Michael Burgoon, David B. Buller, andCharles K. Atkin, "Communication Practices of Journalists: Insularity fromthe Public and Interaction with Other Journalists," unpublished paper,Michigan State University (October 1983).
25
Los Angeles Times Poll, op. cit.
26
Meyer, op. cit.; APME, op. c:t.
27
APME, Ibid.
TABLE 1: CHARACTERISTICS OF JOURNALISTS AT MAINSTREET NEWSPAPERS
NEWSPAPER JOB TITLE
Morning Sun Evening Star Reporter Editor TOTALJOB TITLE
Reporter 57% 59% 100% --% 58%Editor 39 35 100 37Other 3 6 5
SEX
Male 73 73 68 83* 73Female 27 27 32 17 27
AGE
18-34 31 40 43 17*** 3535-44 36 32 34 35 3445 or older 34 29 23 48 31
EDUCATION
Some college 15 5 6 13 10College graduate 48 49 49 46 49Graduate work
a37 46 45 41 41
COLLEGE MAJOR
Journalism 39 40 39 43 40English 27 32 36 24 30Other 34 27 25 33 31
TIME IN JOURNALISM
5 years or less 11 14 17 2*** 136-10 years 21 22 26 13 2211-20 years 32 38 38 35 3521 years or more 35 25 19 50 30
YEAR HIRED
1980-1986 29 35 35 26** 321970-1979 34 38 40 26 36Before 1970 37 27 25 48 32
COMMUNITY TIES
Weak (1-3 on scale) 13 16 15 16 15Medium (4-7 on scale) 44 30 40 36 37Strong (8-10/scale) 43 54 44 49 48
a Those listed under "Journaitcm" and "English" include double majors
*p / .10 analysis)**p 7 .05 analysis) -- see note 17 regarding statistical analyses***p 7 .01 X2 analysis)
19 22
TABLE 2: LEACVISHIP AND GUIDANCE
NEWSPAPER JOB TITLE
Morning SunHow much leadership do youexpect from your supervisors?
Little or none (1-2 on scale) 13%Moderate amount (3 on scale) 26A great deal (4-5 on scale) 61
How much leadership do you feel thatyou mq from your supervisors?
Little or none (1-2 on scale) 53Moderate amount (3 on scale) 34A great deal (4-5 on scale) 13
How much guidance do You wantfrom your supervisors?
Little or none (1-2 on scale) 34Moderate amount (3 on scale) 44A great deal (4-5 on scale) 23
How much guidance do you letfrom your supervisors?
Little or none (1-2 on scale) 60Moderate amount (3 on scale) 29A great deal (4-5 on scale) 11
Do top editors at your papermaintain control of newsroomoperations themselves directlyor do they work mainly
through lower-level editors?
Direct controlMainly through lower-
level editorsNot sure
How well can you achieve thiscareer goal at your newspaper?FREEDOM FROM SUPERVISION
18
6815
Cannot achieve well (1-2) 13Neutral (3 on scale) 26Can achieve well (4-5/scale) 61
BASE: (62)
Evening Star Reporter Editor TOTAL
3%* 7% 11% 8%38 31 26 3259 61 63 60
35 54 35* 4444 34 41 3921 13 24 17
33 36 28 3446 43 50 4521 21 22 22
49 69 37**** 5441 28 41 3510 3 22 10
34 20 39** 26
52 61 54 6015 20 7 15
12 11 17 1343 38 31 3545 51 51 53
(63) (72) (46) (125)
*p /-.0-(12 analysis) ****p / .001 (X2 analysis)
20
23
TABLE 3: EDITORS' ROLES IN LEADERSHIP
NEWSPAPER JOB TITLE
Morning Sun Evening Star Reporter Editor TOTAL
38%2438
The managing editur sets thetone and pace of work here.
a
Agree 31%Feel neutral 26Disagree 44
46%2232
36%2242
41%2633
The copydesk at my newspaperis recognized as an integralpart of the editing process.
Agree 40 48 32 61*** 44Feel neutral 21 10 19 7 15Disagree 39 43 49 33 41
The relationship between the citydesk and the copydesk is usuallyvery good at my newspaper.
Agree 21 39** 17 47*** 30Feel neutral 31 34 42 18 33Disagree 48 27 41 36 37
Editors understand theimportance of their teach-ing role at my newspaper.
Agree 91 30* 15 39** 26Feel neutral 5 17 8 15 11Disagree 74 52 76 46 63
Editors seldom discuss thecontent of various storieswith reporters.
Agree 51 33 55 22*** 42Feel neutral 13 22 13 26 18Disagree 36 44 32 52 40
BASE: (62) (63) (72) (46) (125)
a "Strongly" and "somewhat" categories combined for agree and disagree items.
*P / .10**p 7 .05 IP analysis***p 7 .01 analysis
21
24
TABLE 4: COMMUNICATION
NEWSPAPER
Morning Sun Evening Star
JOB TITLE
Reporter Editor TOTALHow well informed do youfeel about newsroomdecisions and policies?
Well informed 23% 15% 8% 35%**** 19%Somewhat well informed 42 50 41 50 46Not very well informed 3E, 35 51 15 35
How often do you getreactions or comments on yourwork from news sources?
Very seldom (1-2 on scale) 35 45* 28 57 40Somewhat often (3 on scale) 28 35 34 30 32Quite often (4-5 on scale) 37 19 38 14 28
How often do you getreactions or comments on yourwork from supervisors?
Very seldom (1-2 on scale) 50 34 51 35*** 42Somewhat often (3 on scale)-1
40 39 30 36Quite often (4-5 on scale) 18 26 10 35 22
How much of a voice would yousay you have in newsdecisions in your department?
Little or none (1-2 on scale) 44 37 51 22**** 40Moderate (3 on scale) 24 30 28 24 27A great deal (4-5 on scale) 32 33 21 54 33
How much dialogue would you saythere is between editors and reporters?
Little or none (1-2 on scale) 44 19*** 42 17** 31Moderate amount (3 on scale) 35 45 35 48 40A great deal (4-5 on scale) 21 35 23 35 28
How much positive criticismdo editors offer?
Little or none (1-2 on scale) 56 37* 60 29**** 47Moderate amount (3 on scale) 26 44 33 40 35A great deal (4-5 on scale) 18 19 7 31 19
BASE: (62) (63) (72) (46) (125)
*P / .10 (X2 analysis) ***p / .01 (X2 analysis)**p 7 .05 (FC2 analysis) ****p 7 .001 TV analysis)
22
9
TABLE 5: JOB SATISFACTION (BY TYPOLOGY OF JOURNALISTS)
YoungerTransients
JOB SATISFACTION:Very satisfied 12%Fairly satisfied 38Somewhat dissatisfied 38Very dissatisfied 12
Where would you most like to beworking in five years -- inthe news media or somewhere else?
In the news media 78Somewhere else 11Will be retired by then --Deii't know 11
Do you hope to be working forthe same newspaper five yearsfrom now, or would you preferto be working somewhere else?
Same newspaper 4Somewhere else 59Will be retired by then --Don't know 37
Opportunities foradvancement are not goodat this newspaper.
a
Agree 67Neutral 22Disagree 11
Please rate how well you thinkyou can achieve this careergoal at your newspaper ona 5-point scale:CHANCES FOR ADVANCEMENT
Cannot achieve well (1-2) 62Can achieve somewhat well (3) 27Can achieve well (4-5) 12
BASE: (27)
YoungerNatives
20%73
--
7
OlderTransients
27%4919
5
OlderNatives
31%*50
19......
TOTAL
25%49
20
6
80 65 73 737 8 7 8
-- -- 5 213 27 15 17
47 49 67**** 4613 22 7 23-- -- 5 240 30 21 30
27 35 29** 3933 24 29 2640 41 41 35
54 29 30 4015 42 40 3331 29 30 27
(15) (37) (42) (125)
a "Strongly" and "somewhat" categories combined for agree and disagree items.*p / .10 (X2 analysis)**p 7 .05 (K2 analysis)
****p / .001 TV analysis)
23
TABLE 6: PERCEPTIONS OF THE AUDIENCE AND CLOSENESS TO THE COMMUNITY
NEWSPAPER
Morning Sun Evening StarHow much do reporters andeditors stereotype the reader?
Not very much (1-2 on scale) 18% 37%**Moderate amount (3 on scale) 35 37A great deal (4-5 on scale) 47 26
Generally, the readers of thenewspaper I work for share myvalues.
a
Agree 32 29Feel neutral 45 42Disagree 23 29
How often do you getreactions or comments on yourwork from readers?
Very seldom (1-2 on scale) 48 55**Somewhat often (3 on scale) 26 35Quite often (4-5 on scale) 26 10
It's important for people whowork for newspapers to know a
lot of people in the community.a
Agree 84 81Feel neutral 8 6Disagree 8 13
It's important for people who workfor newspapers to be involvedin community organizations.
a
Agree 18 25Feel neutral 29 17Disagree 53 57
BASE: (62) (63)
JOB TITLE
Reporter Editor TOTAL
24% 35% 27%34 39 3642 26 36
28 32 3044 43 4328 25 26
52 47 5128 36 3120 18 18
79 85 8210 4 7
11 11 10
17 26 2226 17 2357 57 55
(72) (46) (125)
a "Strongly" and "somewhat" categories combined for agree and disagree items.
**p / .05 (X2 analysis)
24
27