ED 321 956

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RC 017 685

Clifton, James A.; And Other.,People of the Three Fires: The Ottawa, Potawatomi,and Ojibway of Michigan. Workbook and Teacher'sGuide .

INSTITUTION Grand Rapids Inter-Tribal Council, MI.SPONS AGENCY Department of Commerce, Washington, D.C.; Dyer-Ives

Foundation, Grand Rapids, MI.; Michigan Council forthe Humanities, East Lansing.; National Endowment forthe Humanities (NFAH), Washington, D.C.

REPORT NO ISBN-0-9617707-0-8PUB DATE 86NOTE 225p.; Some photographs may not reproduce ;4011.AVAILABLE FROM Michigan Indian Press, 45 Lexington N. W., Grand

Rapids, MI 49504.PUB TYPE Books (010) -- Guides - Classroom Use - Guides '.For

Teachers) (052) -- Guides - Classroom Use - Materials(For Learner) (051)

EDRS PRICE MFU1 /PC09 Plus Postage.DESCRIPTORS *American Indian Culture; *American Indian History;

American Indians; *American Indian Studies;Environmental Influences; Federal IndianRelationship; Political Influences; SecondaryEducation; *Sociix- Change; Sociocultural Patterns;Socioeconomic Influences

IDENTIFIERS Chippewa (Tribe); *Michigan; Ojibway (Tribe); Ottawa(Tribe); Potawatomi (Tribe)

ABSTRACT

This book accompanied by a student workbook andteacher's guide, was written to help secondary school students toexplore the history, culture, and dynamics of Michigan's indigenouspeoples, the American Indians. Three chapters on the Ottawa,Potawatomi, and Ojibway (or Chippewa) peoples follow an introductionon the prehistoric roots of Michigan Indians. Each chapter reflectsthe integration of cultural and historical information about theIndians. The chapter on the Potawatomi stresses the politicalactivities and economic forces affecting the tribe in southwesternMichigan. It includes biographical information on 19th centuryPotawatomi leaders. The second chapter focuses on the subsistencepatterns and indigenous environmental relations of the Ojibway, whiletouching on the spiritual connotations of their existence. It is ageneric treatment of Ojibway life, customs, beliefs, and thesubsequent federal policies affecting them. The chapter on the Ottawaprovides an extended discussion of their contact with European powersand explores the Indians' responses and adaptations to changingenvironmental and sociopolitical circumstances. This book containsmany historical Dhotographs and a five-page bibliography. (TES)

************************************************************************ Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made ** from the original document. *

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.0 THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCESINFORMATION CENTER (ERIC)." BEST COPY V AA_

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The portraits of Indians that appear throughout thisbook and on its cover were first published in three port-folios in 1836 by Thomas Loraine Mc Kenney, IndianSuperintendent under Presidents Madison, Monroe,A dams, and Jefferson. The original portraits, all paintedduring the 1830s by Charles Bird King, James Otto Lewisand other American artists, were exhibited at theSmithsonian Institution until a fire destroyed them in 1865.

Title page designs taken from Indian decorative art, andreproduced by Terri Bussey of the Grand Rapids Inter-Tribal Council.

Ottawa panther design on woven fiber bag. (Chandler-Pohrt Collection, Detroit Institute of Art)

Potawatomi geometric patterns and stylized maple leaveson woven beadwork sash. (Cranbrook Institute ofScience Collection)

Ojibway floral-pattern beadwork design on decoratedsaddle. (Science Museum of Minnesota Collection)

About the cover: This portrait is an artist's representa-tion of a "Chippeway Widow." According to ThomasMcKenney in The History of the Indian Tribes ofNorth America (Washington, D.C.: Boston, Estes,Laurat, 1868), "A Chippeway widow, on the death ofher hueband, selects from his scanty wardrobe, a com-plete suit of his best clothes, which she makes up into abundle. This is...carried with her wherever she goes.She calls it her husband. ..and would be considered asdisgracing herself and treating his memory withdisrespect, if she was to part with it for even amoment." At the end of this period of mourning, whichlasted for a year, the widow gave up the bundle and wasfree to remarry.

PEOPLE OF

THE THREE FIRES

TheOttawa, Potawatomi

and Ojibwayof

Michigan

byJames A. CliftonGeorge L. Cornell

James M. McClurken

published byThe Michigan Indian Press

Grand Rapids Inter-Tribal Council

i 4

The publication of this book has been made possible by grants from theMichigan Council for the Humanities, the U.S. Dersanent of Commerceand the Dyer-Ives Foundation.Part of the research by James A. Clifton for the Potawatomi section andJames McClurken for the Ottawa section was accomplished with theassistance of a basic research grant from the National Endowment for theHumanities.

ISBN 0-9617707-0-8

©Copyright 1986 by Grand Rapids Inter-Tribal Coun-cil. All rights reserved. No portion of this book maybe reproduced in any form without permission inwriting from the publisher.

Second printing April, 1988

Printed by West Michigan Printing, Inc.,840 Ottawa Ave. N.W., Grand Rapids, Michigan.

CONTENTS

Preface page i

Introduction page iiiby Dr. George L. Cornell

Ottawa page 1by James M. McClurken

Potawatomi page 39by Dr. James A. Clifton

Ojibway page 75by Dr. George L. Cornell

Bibliography page 109

Index page 115

c

MIGWETCH

Migwetch means "Thank You," and there aremany people to whom we wish to say

"Migwetch" for their help in producing this book.Most important are the members of the GrandRapids Inter-Tribal Council's board of directorsand their president, George Martin. They gave theproject their enthusiastic support from the verybeginning. For the Potawatomi chapter we receivedadditiGnal encouragement and advice from thePokagon Band Council and the Huron Band Council;the Saginaw Band Council, the Grand TraverseBand Council and Joe "Buddy" Raphael did thesame for the Ottawa.

Several people read the completed manuscriptsand provided helpful suggestions. They areCatherine Baldwin; Philip Alexis; SueMaturkanich, Julia Shananaquet, Dawn Andersonand Chris Shomin of the Grand Rapids Inter-TribalCouncil staff; members of the Grand Rapids PublicSchool's curriculum development staff; and WesAndrews.

We would also like to thank the following in-dividuals and institutions for providing historicphotographs and drawings: Philip Alexis; CatherineBaldwin; Bentley Historical Library, University ofMichigan; British Library, London, England; BurtonHistorical Collection, Detroit Public Library; RobertBushewicz; Clarke Historical Library, CentralMichigan University; Michigan and Family HistoryDepartment, Grand Rapids Public Library; HolyChildhood Boarding School, Harbor Springs;Kingman Museum, Battle Creek; James Levan-dowski; Northern Indiana Historical Society, SouthBend, Indiana; Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa;

State Archives, Bureau of Michigan History,Department of State, Lansing.

Michael Connolly served as project coordinatorduring the initial research and writing stages, andJeremy Thomas Connolly was responsible fortaking most of the contemporary photographs :,.tdmaking copies of many of the historical hoto-graphs. Terri Bussey of the Grand Rapids Inter-Tribal Council produced the traditional designsthat grace the title pages for each chapter. Themaps in each chapter were produced by NancyTomboulian. The book was edited and designed byEllen Arlinsky and MargEd Kwapil of Editorial Con-sultants. Grand Rapids City Historian GordonOlson served as photograph editor for the bookand guided it through the publication process.Skilled staff members at West Michigan Printingand Dekker Bookbinders completed the publicationproccss.

Finally, we are pleased to state that People ofthe Three Fires is the first of a series of publica-tions planned for the Michigan Indian Press.Thanks to a Community Business grant from theMichigan Commission on Indian Affairs, the GrandRapid, Inter-Tribal Council will be able to produceother books and audiovisual materials by and aboutMichigan's Indian people.

For this important financial assistance, and to allthe people who worked so hard to make our firstbook a success, we humbly say, "Migwetch."

J. Wagner WheelerExecutive DirectorGrand Rapids Inter-Tribal Council

PREFACE

In the preparation and publication of any hook,numerous people and organizations must

cooperate. So it was in the development of thisbook on Michigan Indians. The project was initi-ated by the Grand Rapids Inter-Tribal Council;which sought and obtained funding from theMichigan Council for the Humanities. The col-laboration of the three authors soon followed, andthe document you hold in your hands is the resultof research, administration, editorial comments,and most importantly, writing and continuousrevision.

The text has been intentionally constructed andwritten in a manner which allows it to be used inMichigan's s,condary schools. This is not a hookwhich has been prepared for scholarly colleagues;rather it is a book for young readers who are justbeginning to explore the history, culture, anddynamics of Michigan's indigenous peoples, theAmerican Indians.

Each of the respective chapters on the Ottawa,Potawatomi, and Ojibway (also called Chippewa)reflects the integration of cultural and historical in-formation pertaining to Michigan Indians. Thechapters have been structured so that each of theunits has a particular emphasis.

Dr. James A. Clifton has stressed in his chapteron the Potawatomi the political activities andeconomic forces which affected Potawatomi life insouthwestern Michigan, and has included excellentbiographical information on nineteenth-centuryPotawatomi leaders. Dr. Clifton, who received hisPh.D. in anthropology from the University ofChicago, is currently the Frankenthal Professor ofAnthropology at the University of Wisconsin,Green Bay. He has written extensively about thePotawatomi, Las served as an expert witness onbehalf of Michigan Potawatomi communities, andhas long contributed to the scholarship onAmerican Indian populations. Most recently, Pro-fessor Clifton testified in federal court on behalf ofMichigan Indian tribes who were involved in thefishing rights litigation.

Dr. George L. Cornell, the author of the Ojibwaychapter, is currently an assistant professor ofEnglish/American Studies at Michigan State Univer-sity. He also serves as director of the NativeAmerican Institute, MSU, which is charged withproviding technical assistance to Michigan Indiantribes and organizations. Prefessot Cornell haswritten numerous articles on Michigan Indians andhas thoroughly researched the state's fishing con-troversy. His Ojibway chapter focuses on sub-sistence patterns and indigenous environmentalrelations, while touching on the spiritual connota-tions of Ojibway existence. This chapter is ageneric treatment of Ojibwa), life, customs, andbeliefs and the subsequent federal policies whichhad an impact on Ojibway life in lower Michigan.

James M. McClurken, currently a Ph.D. candidatein the Department of Anthropology at MichiganState University, is in the process of completing hisdoctoral dissertation on the Ottawa of lowerMichigan. Mr. McClurken has for some years beenactively involved in research on Michigan Indiansand has a particular interest in the environmentalfactors which shaped Ottawa life. His chapter pro-vides an extended discussion of Ottawa contactwith European powers and explores Ottawaresponses and adaptations to changing environ-mental and socio-political circumstances.

All three authors have attempted, by cooperatingand dividing the necessary labor, to reduce theduplication of effort. Each of the three chapterswill overlap on certain historical events andpolicies, but the interpretation of these incidentsrests upon how they affected each of the threetribes. The chapters complement each other, andthe similarities among the tribes of the Three FiresConfederacy become clear as key points arereiterated from differing perspectives in eachchapter.

The book contains an excellent bibliographywhich will assist those so inclined to pursue fur-ther study. Most of the resources are available inregional public and university libraries, and many

8

can be ordered directly from t:te publisher.The photographs which grace the pages of this

book also serve as resources and reminders toreaders. All too frequently, people read and inter-pret history in the absence of the visual stimulationprovided by pictures and graphics. The photo-graphs will remind each and every one ofyou that cultural contact did not occur in avacuum and that federal policy decisions had REAL,implications for Michigan's Indian nopulation. Therange and diversity of the photographs will serveas a valuable aid to understanding the AmericanIndian experience.

It is important to keep in mind that AmericanIndian populations in Michigan are not relics ofhistory; rather they are groups of citizens workingtogether to insure their social and economicfuture. Currently, there are over sixty thousandAmerican Indians living in Michigan, most of themeither Ottawa Potawatomi, or Ojibway. Membersof these groups are dispersed throughout the state,living on reservations and in urban and rural areas.They work in diverse professions and occupationsand are joined through numerous tribes andorganizations which are progressively helping toshape their future.

We hope that the young people who read thisbook will gain valuable insights into historical pro-cesses and particular events. They will, mostassuredly, learn something which will enhancetheir perception of Michigan's indigenous peoples.They will also formulate personal judgments anddraw their own conclusions about the course ofhistory and the treatment of native peoples. All ofthese activities represent individual growth and theage-old process of reflection and contemplation.Aided by some interpretation from teachers,students will be allowed to draw their own conclu-sions regarding the experience of the Ottawa,Potawatomi, and Ojibway.

We encourage and challenge young people tocontinue exploring the culture, heritage, andhistory of Michigan's In -Ilan populations. It is avital process, and a great deal of work remains tobe initiated in the field. The contributors to thisbook sincerely hope we have provided one vehicleto assist oung learners in opening doors to thefuture while examining the past.

ii

INTRODUCTION

The Prehistoric Roots of Michigan Indians

Like all other civilizations around the world,the Ottawa, Potawatomi, and Ojibway peoples

of the Great Lakes represent a continuum ofhistoricai evolution and change. Relativelatecomers to the Great Lakes region, the Ottawa,Potawatomi, and Ojibway were inheritors of thelands formerly occupied by obscure NativeAmerican civilizations about whom very little isknown.

Because no written records exist, the story ofthese prehistoric ancestral poprlations has beenpieced together by archeologists and anthro-pologists working with artifacts and other scien-tific findings. Their efforts have helped in datingthe presence and describing the lifeways of theearliest known inhabitants of the Great Lakes. Butthe story of these people is still incomplete. Manyinterpretations of artifacts and cultural patternscontinue to be seriously debated, and knowledgein the field is always expanding. The historic datesassigned to Native American civilizations are con-stantly being revised, and American Indian in-

fluence on the North American continent is nowthought to have been more pervasive and mucholder than previously believed.

The Paleo-IndiansPaleo-Indians, the first identified group of in-

digenous peoples living in the Great Lakes basin,are believed to have migrated into the region fromthe south, following the recession of the greatglaciers of the Ice Age. which had earlier coveredmuch of what is now the state of Michigan. Paleo-Indian occupancy in the region has been datedfrom 12,000 B.C.. to 8,000 B.C. At the time, theland was covered with spruce and fir forests, andthe Paleo-Indians, organized in small, mobilegroups of perhaps ten to twenty-five individuals,lived by hunting and gathering. Using spears whichwere tipped with fluted stone points, they huntedlarge mammals, including the mastodon, as well asthe smaller game which was abundant in the area.The Paleo-Indians first occupied the southern areasof Michigan's lower peninsula and readily adapted

iii 1 0

to the lands that were being naturally reclaimed asthe glaciers moved north. As climatic conditionscontinued to change, the Pa leo-Indian culturesgave rise to new environmental adaptations.

The Archaic Period

Over time, the climate of the Great Lakes regiongrew warmer and drier. New plants and animalsbecame available as hardwood forests began togrow and mammal populations migrated into thearea. Occurring over seven thousand years, thesechanges mark the Archaic period, which in turn isdivided into three sub-periods.

In the Early Archaic period, from 8,000 B.C.until 6,000 B.C., the hardwood forests started toappear. With large game animals like the mastodonon their way to extinction, the native peoples ofthe Early Archaic period began to hunt moose,caribou, deer, and bear for subsistence. The refine-ment of hunting weapons reflects the changes thatwere taking place; projectile points became smallerand were designed to be more effective in killingsmaller, faster-moving game.

During the Middle Archaic period, from 6,000B.C. to 3,000 B.C., hardwood trees replaced theconifer (pine) forests of southern Michigan, andnative peoples began to use acorns as a foodsource. They also gathered hickory nuts as well asother fruits and berries, and fish became an impor-tant part of their diet. Stone tools were made moreefficient, and pestles for grinding plant foods cameinto use. It was also during the Middle Archaicperiod that groups of people became more settledand formed permanent villages along the shores ofLake Michigan. These groups increased in size andlevels of technological sophistication, and even-tually their contributions ushered in the LateArchaic period.

During the years of the Late Archaic period,from 3,000 B.C. to 1,000 B.C., important changesoccurred. With the abundance of plant and animalfoods, the size of communities increased, andvillages became more sable. Extensive trade withother groups of native peoples became a way oflife. Copper was mined and worked into tools andutensils. Manufactured copper implements fromMichigan's Keewenaw Peninsula were tradedthroughout the midwest, and shell products fromthe Gulf of Mexico made their way into the GreatLakes region.

iv

Scholars believe that the Late Archaic period alsowitnessed an increase in ritual and ceremonial ac-tivity. As group subsistence required less time andeffort, more energy could be devoted to social in-teraction and group cohesiveness. The increase inthe amount of "free time" also alloy.-ed for thegrowth of art and decorative adutnme.;, 15 peoplecreated personal ornaments and beautified every-day tools and implements.

It was also during the Late Archaic period thatregional responses to environmental conditionsbegat. to occur. The native peoples of the northernareas, who occupied territories with a cold climateand a short growing season, continued to relyheavily on hunting and fishing for subsistence,while s hern populations began to use more ef-fectively for foodstuffs the local plants which werenot numerous in the north. This reliance on plantfocds eventually gave rise to the development ofagriculture in the southern reaches of the GreatLakes.

The Woodland Indians

The Woodland period, which followed theArchaic period, lasted from 1,000 B.C. until Euro-pean contact in A.D. 1650. It was during thisperiod that new plant species made their ap-pearance in the region and indigenous peoplesbegan to grow plants for food. Native peoples inthe southern Great Lakes cultivated squash andsunflowers and learned to make ceramic pots inwhich to store their food. Trade continued to in-crease, and sometime around 300 B.C. corn wasintroduced into the region. The new agriculturalcrops, along with pottery storage vessels that weremore effective than the earlier baskets and animal-skin containers, provided a firm base for nativepopulation growth.

As populations increased, villages became larger,and new cultural patterns arose. During the MiddleWoodland period, which lasted from 300 B.C. toA.D. 500, the culture of the mound buildersbecame widespread. The mound builders, todayknown as the Hopewell, began moving into thesouthern reaches of lower Michigan from areassouth of the Great Lakes in about 100 B.C. Theybrought their distinctive culture with them, andmany of the earthen burial mounds they con-structed over the graves of their honored dead arestill preserved in southern Michigan.

11

Between A.D. 1000 and 1650, the influence ofthe Hopewell cultures seems to have diminished,and the cultural patterns characteristic of theOttawa, Potawatomi, and Ojibway became firmlyestablished. Northern populations, living in small,mobile villages, continued to rely on hunting andfishing for most of their food. They supplementedthese food sources by gathering such naturally oc-curring plants as wild rice, one of the staples oftheir diet, and by growing produce in small gardenplots.

In the south, on the other hand, agriculture wasa primary source of food. Southern peoples livedin large villages and grew corn, beans, squash, andsunflowers on their nearby fields. They supple-mented what they grew by hunting, fishing, andgathering wild plants.

The early native Laltures in Michigan designedand manufactured whatever they needed for theirown subsistence pottery, baskets, ceramic pipes,snowshoes, toboggans, bows and arrows, rope,fish nets, harpoons, woodworking tools, andcanoes. They lived in homes built of saplings,bark, and rush mats, and they were warm andsecure in these dwellings.

At some time in the distant past, according totheir own oral traditions, the Ottawa, Potawatomi,and Ojibway were residents of lands on the Atlan-tic seaboard far to the east. In a journey that begannearly a thousand years ago, they migrated slowlytoward the Great Lakes and eventually, during theWoodland period, settled in the upper and lowerpeninsulas of Michigan where they assumed thelifeways of earlier Native American civilizations.Referring to themselves collectively as heAnishnabeg, members of the Ottawa, Potawatomi,and Ojibway groups spoke similar dialects of thesame Algonquian language and shared manycultural be. iefs. Loosely organized as the ThreeFires Confederacy, these three groups expressedtheir relationship to one another in family terms.

The Ojibwa), were the elder brother, the Ottawawere the next older brother, and the Potawatomiwere the younger brother and the "people of theplace of the fire."

The cooperation and kin relat!,:nships among theOttawa, Potawatomi, and Ojibway served them wellin the years hefore the European powers began toexplore the Great Lakes. The existence of theThree Fires Confederacy assured territorial controland protection from other groups of indigenouspeople who sought holdings in the region.

By 1620, the era of European contact was aboutto begin, setting the stage for the eventual changeswhich would occur in the Great Lakes region asthe result of French, British, and, finally, Americanincursions. Those dramatic changes in the nature,and future of Ottawa, Potawatomi, and Ojibwaylife are the subject of the following chapters,which focus on the interaction of the Thtee FiresConfederacy with the European powers.

A Note on Indigenous PrehistoryThe existence of Native American populations in

the Americas has always been of interest to Euro-pean and contemporary scholars. It should beclearly stated, however, that native peoples do notalways subscribe to academic interpretations oftheir respective histories and beliefs. For centuries,scholars have been attempting to theoretically ex-plain the origins of American Indians. In contrast,it should be remembered that native peoples haveformalized traditions which describe their ex-istence in diverse regions. American Indians ex-plain their life and past as an act of creation ratherthan as a stage in evolutionary theory. All peopleshave the undeniable right to spiritual interpreta-tions of life and purpose. These beliefs are thevery core of Native American societies and must beconsidered as viable alternatives to continuouslychanging "scientific" explanations.

The Ottawa

The Great Lakes region has long been thehc:ne of the Ottawa people, its forests and

waters providing ample resources for theirsustenance. Centuries before the first Europeanserne to North America, the ancestors of modernOttawa people fished, 1 aised crops, and huntedwith specialized methods develu1,ed by the genera-tions who came before them in the Paleolithic, Ar-chaic, and Woodland cultures. The Ottawa liveddirectly from the resources of the land anddeveloped special knowledge of the plants,animals, and landforms in their environment. Theirreligion invested the elements of their world withpecial meaning and powers, and they developed

values which preserved the resources for futuregenerations.

The Ottawa's lifestyle provided them with thesurest chances of survival in an environment whichcould be unyielding and dangerous. Theirs was anintimate, personal knowledge oc the environmentwhich allowed them to maintain a balance be-tween the number and kind of resources availableand the number of people who used them, assur-ing all Ottawa people a share of food and materialgoods and minimizing the potential threat of star-vation. Survival depended or. precise knowledge ofthe ways of animals, the cycle of the seasons, theproperties and uses of plants, and how to turn theresources of the land into useful tools, food,clothing, and shelter. Because the Ottawa relied soheavily on the land and its resources, it is difficultto understand their culture and history without

2

fi..st considering their relationship to the land as itwas from the earliest days and how it changedafter the Europeans ..!came part of the social en-vironment in the Great Lakes region.

Ottawa history since the coming of the Euro-peans is the tale of a native people adjusting tochange in their social environn .:nt. It is the storyof their attempt to hold onto their f;asic values andtraditional ways despite the efforts of others tochange their culture and separate them from theirland. The land and its resources remained centralto the Ottawa way of life until the 1930s whenmany Ottawa left rural homes for life in Michigancities, learning new skills for surviva' in the landof their ancestors.

The Ottawa and Their EnvironmentWhen Europeans first came to the Great Lakes in

the early 1600s, one of the first peoples they en-countered were the ancestors of the modern Ot-tawa, who lived in what is now Ontario, Canada,along the Georgian Bay, on the Bruce Peninsula,and on Manitoulin Island. The Ottawa, who didnot see themselves as a tribe or a nation as we usethe terms today, were organized into four, orpossibly more, larg_ families (clans) who thoughtof each other as relatives. The four groups spoke acommon language, held the same beliefs andcustoms, and made their living in similar ways.Their close cooperation in trade, rituals, andpolitical activities led the French and others toview them as a single, politically united group.

The Ottawa and their neighbors, like all NativeAmericans who lived in the Great Lakes regionbefore the coming of the Europeans, drew all theirfood and material goods directly from theresources of their own lands. The climate, soilconditions, vegetation, and animal life in theregion played a major role in defining the shape oftheir society.

The importance of domesticated crops, espe-cially corn, to the lifeways of the Ottawa, and theirChippewa and Huron neighbors, cannot beoverstated. Life could be precarious when peoplerelied for their food on hunting, fishing, andgathering wild plants alone. From late springthrough early winter, a stable food supply wasgenerally assured. But by late winter, game wasnot always available or easy to catch, and the plantand fish foods preserved earlier in the year wereoften spoiled or eaten before spring came. Toavert possible starvation, Michigan Indians neededan abundant food source which could be preservedthrough the lean months of the year. Corn met therequirement.

As a result, the single most important en-vironmental factor whit.h shaped cultures in the

14

Great Lakes was the length of the growing season.Chippewa peoples, for example, who lived inMichigan's upper peninsula and northward, had agrowing season of only 80 to 120 frost-free days.They could not be sure that the time and effort in-vested in planting would yield a harvest. Soilswere rather infertile, and the conifer forests pro-vided few food-yielding plants. Only sap fromstands of maple trees added substantially to theirfood supplies. Like their Archaic and Woodlandancestors, the Chippewa lived by hunting andfishing.

The Chippewa way of life demanded mobility.To survive on their land, the people spent most ofthe year living in small family groups, huntinggame and gathering wild plants. Only during thefishing season, late summer or early fall, was thereenough food in one location to feed large numbersof people. During these months, the family groupslived together in large villages on the lakeshoresnear their fisheries. In the fall, when all the fishwas stored, the large villages once again dividedinto smaller family groups for the winter hunt.

The Potawatomi and Iroquois-speaking Huron tothe south of Ottawa territory lived in a regionwith 140 to 180 frost-free growing days. Theirsoils were rich, sandy loams well suited to cropproduction. The near certainty of a successfulharvest encouraged these people to devote timeand energy to cultivating crops. Food grown in the

3

The Ottawa called theirrespected leaders ()gem.The portrait of these twoOgema from Mackinac,wearing clothing made fromtrade cloth, silver orna-ments, and traditional hides,was painted about 1815 bySir Joshua Jebb. Birch barkcanoes, such as the one inthe background, enabled theOttawa to travel great dis-tances. (G114384, PublicArchives, Canada)

warmer months, along with the richer sources ofwild foods provided by their prairies and hard-wood forests, sustained large villages for thegreater part of every year.

The Ottawa people in their Ontario home, onthe other hand, Eyed in a transitional ecologicalzone between the mild climate and hardwoodforests to the south and the colder conifer foreststo the north. In this environment, they built a flex-ible culture which in some respects resembled thehighly fluid ways of their Chippewa neighbors tothe north and those of the more settled Potawatomiand Iroquois-speaking people to the south.

The Ottawa way of life was based on growingcrops, fishing, and, to a lesser extent, gatheringwild foods and hunting. Their Canadian home wastoo far north to assure a certain corn harvest, butthey recognized the importance of corn as astorable food crop. The Ottawa located theirvillages and fields along the western shores of LakeHuron where the warmth of the : ver usually ex-tended the growing season long et ough for theircrops to mature. Most years, a successful corn cropyielded a surplus to be stored for leaner timesahead. This pattc.n of corn growing and methodof land use were so central to their lives that whenthe Ottawa moved into Michigan's lower peninsulain the 1700s, they again sought lakeshore lands,settling in areas where the warmth of LakeMichigan's waters would aid them in the raising of

15

The Ottawa

During their summers innorthern Michigan. the Ot-tawa lived in temporaryvillages in conical hark-oered tepees. (British

Library)

their crops. Fish were also important in the Ot-tawa diet, and extensive fishing with nets and har-poons in the waters of Lake Huron and the Straitsof Mackinac added still more storable food to the

trplus. The Ottawa also tapped maple trees forsap in the early spring and gathered other wildfoods in the summer and fall.

By relying on a variety of foods, Ottawa societywould not be threatened as severely if one foodsource failed. When the corn crop was damagedby bad weather, they could rely on fishing andhunting. When those sources failed, the Ottawahad reserves of corn. It was this stability which theOttawa sought to preserve and enhance throughouttheir history.

Ottawa Village LifeMuch of Ottawa life centered around their semi-

permanent villages. In the 1600s and early 1700s,each village was comprised of numerous long-houses, which were rectangular structures toppedwith barrel-shaped roofs. Constructed of woodframes covered with birch or elm bark, eachbuilding was large enough to house as many asnine families. At times, some Ottawa villages mayhave been home to as many as three hundred orfour hundred people. But when the soil of thefields was exhausted or when there was danger ofan enemy attack, the Ottawa abandoned their long-houses and built villages in new locations.

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Each family in the village was represented by aleader who was chosen by consent of ali of hisfamily members. Responsible for expressing theopinions and protecting the interests of theirfamilies, leaders were chosen for their ability todeal with outsiders and for their generosity tofamily members and friends. When several familieslived in a village, the leaders appointed a headspeaker to represent them in dealings with otheroutside groups. In matters of importance, such aswarfare with a neighboring group, moving villagesto new locations, or threats to peaceful relationswithin the village itself, the village leaders assem-bled in council to decide on a course of action.Decisions were not reached by majority vote, butby the agreement of all members of the col ncil,and most often, by the agreement of the entirefamily who supported the leader.

Leaders did not rule the village. They could notcommand anyone to do their will. But since theproper course of action was determined by theagreement of all the people, the decisions of thecouncils were almost always carried out. Althoughevery vil' ,e, large or small, was a separatepolitical unit, villages could and often did jointogether for mutual protection in times of trouble.

Villages served as bases for food gathering, hunt-ing, fishing, and trade. Within the village each per-son had an important role in procuring food andassuring the well-being of the group. Even childrenassumed responsibility at an early age as they im-itated their parents and learned the skills necessaryfor survival. Young boys learned how to hunt andfish and make tools; girls learned farming and howto make clothing and other material goods.

Women were responsible for all activities whichdirectly affected the material well-being of theirfamilies. Ottawa women, along with men too oldto hunt, p; .nted and tended crops of squash,beans, and corn in the fields surrounding thevillage. They gathered and dried wild strawberries,blueberries, raspberries, and nuts. They harvestedand dried the cultivated crops, processed them forstorage, and prepared the daily meals. Along withclothing and other items essential for survival, theymade many goods for trade. These included rushmats woven and dyed in symmetrical designs,baskets, birch bark boxes, and leather bags.Women worked hard at these tasks. By producingmore than was required for immediate Ilse, womencould give the surplus to others and so gainrespect and prestige for their families.

Men had different but equally important roles inproviding for the village. As warriors they pro-tected village territory and attacked the villages oftheir enemies. In summer they left the villages onlong excursions to hunt, fish, and trade. The

Straits of Mackinac were a favored fishing ground,and the lower peninsula, which became the Ot-tawa's permanent home in the mid-1700s, was aregularly used hunting territory. During the winter,groups of eight to ten men would travel longdistances to hunt deer, bear, and beaver, usingbows and arrows, wooden clubs, or complex trapsof their own design. While the men were away,they lived in conical or dome-shaped temporaryshelters covered with portable rush mats. Becausethe men were responsible for protecting the mainvillage, not all of them were away at any one time.

Not all Ottawa families lived in the large centralvillages. Sometimes, extended families chose to livein smaller villages in other parts of Ottawa ter-ritory where there were better fields or richerfishing and hunting grounds. A family might alsochoose to live closer to relatives who had marriedinto other villages. This gave them the opportunityto strengthen their alliances to people in more dis-tant locations. It also helped assure their survivalby allowing them to draw on the other village'sresources when supplies in their own region werescarce.

Ottawa Values

The first rule in Ottawa society was respect forthe individual. No one person could determine thefate of another. Each person was respected becauseof individual powers and achievements. Personalactions were the result of personal decisions, butproper behavior benefited all members of thevillage or family group. Decisions which affectedthe entire group were arrived at by mutual con-sent. Ottawa leaders did not command; theyrepresented.

The second rule was that all members of thegroup must share their material wealth, labor, andfood. The natural forces of the Ottawa world wereuncertain, and survival depended on supportingand being supported by kin. Any number ofnatural events could disrupt the process of gettingfood. Yet when food was scarce, the more freely itwas given. Sharing was the social security of theday.

The value of trading and gift giving was not onlyin acquiring goods for oneself, but in the social actof giving. By giving, individuals and families gainedprestige and respect. A rich person did not haveany more goods than his kinsmen; he simply gavemore of what he had. The exchange of gifts wasgoverned by a set of rules which bound giver andreceiver. Each gift required some form of returnand extended obligations of reciprocity acrossfamily lines to other tribes as well. The emphasison sharing was so strong in Ottawa society thatalmost no interaction could be carried on without it.

5 17

The Ottawa

The third concept was the interconnected rela-tionship of human beings with their natural world.All things and beings in the world were created fora special purpose in the cycle of life and nature.Humans took from the animals and plants of theearth what they needed for survival and observedthe required ceremonial obligations in return.Every being in the Ottawa world possessed an un-seen power or spirit (manitou) which was separatefrom its physical form, and life depended on aproper relationship with all the powers of thenatural environment. Every being was treated asthough it were a member of the family, and theOttawa even addressed the more important animalsand resources as "mother," "father," "brother,"or "sister."

These principles were taught to children fromtheir earliest years by the example of peoplearound them and in the tales of Nanabozho.Nanabozho was a legendary being who was both abuffoon and a hero, and whose actions, like theforces of nature, might help or harm the Ottawa.Nanabozho's pranks making rivers flow in thewrong direction, for example caused great harm.Yet his actions could also be noble as they werewhen he created the earth and everything o. it.

Some tales of Nanabozho begin with his birth onMackinac Island. Like human children, Nanabozhobegan his life as an uneducated being. He madeevery possible mistake and broke every rule ofbehavior until, in the end, he learned what itmeant to be human and to be Ottawa. He passedthis knowledge on to the Ottawa people. To beOttawa did not depend on the accident of birthalone. Many people born outside of Ottawafamilies were adopted into their society. To be anOttawa meant behaving in accordance with tradi-tional Ottawa principles.

In the small society of the Ottawa, violence wasan ever-present danger to the well-being of thegroup. Because each person was so important inproducing food, shelter, and clothing, the Ottawasystem depended on cooperation, not competition.If one person or family attempted to assume toomuch power or wealth, there was a danger for the

6

whole village. Families whose goals conflicted withthose of their fellow Ottawa sometimes movedaway and formed their own centers of operation.Individuals who violated the rules faced exile; inextreme cases, such as murder, those who brokethe rules risked execution.

Ottawa KinshipNo person could survive alone in the Ottawa

world; survival depended on belonging to a largerfamily group whose members worked coopera-tively to meet each other's needs. The family wasthe most important social and political unit in-Ottawa culture. But the family was more thanmother, father, and children. Family relationshipswere defined by a complex set of rules which,when extended to their farthest conceptual limits,linked all people in terms of kinship. To the Ot-tawa, for example, the Chippewa were known as"older brother," a term which recognized thecommon origins of both groups and the specialresponsibility which existed between them to shareand to protect each other in times of war. ThePotawatomi were the "younger brother" andshared in the same familial duties as did the Ot-tawa and the Chippewa.

In Ottawa society, a person was linked to afamily by birth, and families were joined togetherby ritual beliefs. According to the Ottawa versionof the creation, the earth was once covered by theGreat Water. Nanabozho created the land from agrain of sand brought by Otter from the bottom ofthe Great Water to make more room for theanimals to multiply and spread. When the firstanimals died, Nanabozho created human beingsfrom their bodies.

Human groups who claimed descent from thesame animal were seen as being related by kinship,and they demonstrated their shared relationshipthrough use of a common Ododem, an Ottawaword which means "I have him for my familymark." The Ododem (totem mark) was a represen-tation of the animal from which each Ottawagroup was descended. This method of countingkinship assured that all people in a village werelinked in meaningful ways.

The use of totem marks by the Ottawa may haveindicated the existence of a formal clan system.Many different Indian groups had clans, but theirimportance and form varied from group to group.In some societies, such as the Potawatomi and theHuron, the clan controlled hunting territories,property, or ritual knowledge. Out of such controlgrew the clan's power to regulate day-to-day inter-personal relationships and to decide, for example,whom individuals might marry, where marriedcouples could live, and who performed the essen-

18

tial tasks in everyday life. In other societies, likethe Chippewa, clans were less formal. Memberswere simply obliged to offer hospitality to theirkin, and clan membership defined who could becalled upon for aid in times of crisis such as waror famine.

Indian groups in the Great Lakes traced theirclan relationships and descent in two waysthrough the mother (matrilineal) or through thefather (patrilineal). Matrilineal kinship systemsusually operated in agricultural societies like thatof the Ottawa's southern neighbors, the Huron. InHuron society, men were traders who spent muchof the year away from their large home villages.Women were the main food producers, and Huronkinship ties linked them with strong bonds. Huronwomen owned the houses, and property was handeddown through the wife's rather than the husband'sfamily. Newlyweds lived with the bride's family sothat the wife could continue working in the fieldswith her female relatives. This matrilineal kinship

Flexible and easy to repair,birch bark canoes, like theone under constructionhere, were the perfect ve-hicle for travelingMichigan's streams andlakes. The Ottawa usedthem to transport hundredsof tons of furs to the Britishand French colonies in theseventeenth and eighteenthcenturies. (Michigan StateArchives)

system and strong clan organization gave Huronsociety stability. Even in villages with populationsof hundreds, all persons knew their proper rela-tionship to the other people around them and thebehavior that was expected of them.

The Chippewa peoples to the north were apatrilineal society. Men were the important foodproducers in a hunting and fishing economy. Theirclans were not as strong as those of the Huronbecause Chippewa villages were smaller and lesspermanent, and Chippewa lifeways did not requirestrong clans as a means of binding individualfamilies into larger groupings. Families had to besmall and mobile to hunt successfully in the hard,cold, northern winters. When the fall fishery atSault Ste. Marie ended, two or more nuclearfamilies (mother, father, and children), oftenheaded by brothers, would strike out on their ownfor the winter hunt and would not rejoin thelarger group until maple sugar time in the spring.

The Ottawa, before their contact with Euro-

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7 19

The Ottawa

This family scene,photographed about 1860,illustrates a traditional Ot-tawa bark-housing style.(Michigan State Archives)

peans, were probably flexible in the way theyreckoned their kinship and clan identification. Asfarmers who lived in large, year-round villages,they may have tended toward a stronger socialsystem like that of the Huron. An early report ofAntoine de La Mothe Cadillac, founder of Detroitin 1701, went so far as to say that the Ottawa, likethe Huron, had a matrilineal clan organization. Butunlike the Huron, the Ottawa could easily live inthe fashion of their Chippewa "big brother"breaking villages down into their constituentfamilies, living in small groups, and emphasizingthe male line in determining kinship all withoutdestroying their Ottawa group identity. In theircentral location between matrilineal and patrilinealpeoples, and with their emphasis upon trade alonglines of kinship created by intermarriage with theirtrade partners, the Ottawa probably maintained aset of social rules which accommodated any situa-tion they encountered, allowing them comfortablyto marry into both of their neighboring groups.

In some Indian societies, every village was aseparate clan. In other societies, several clans livedin the same village. Each Chippewa village wasoriginally composed of a single clan; large Huronvillages were made up of several clans. In the caseof the Ottawa, the families living in each largevillage could have been loosely linked into clans.Two of the four major villages which formed theOttawa Confederacy the Kiskakon, or cut tails,a name which refers to the bear, and the Sinago,or black squirrels were identified by the animalsfrom which their inhabitants claimed descent.Other family groups took their names from ageographic feature of their home territory. Thename Sable, for example, meant sand, andNaussaukeuton meant river fork, a referenceperhaps to a river fork near their major village orto a homeland along Green Bay. It is also possiblethat other groups associated with the four mainOttawa divisions in the late 1600s and early 1700s,including the Keinouche, Kinouchepirini, and

Amikwa, may have been separate clans who hadmarried into the larger Ottawa confederation. Bythe late 1700s there were many Ottawa clan sym-bols created as small family groups split fromlarger villages and adopted new animals as theirtotems.

Manitos

The religious beliefs of the Ottawa centeredabout the natural world, the universal supernaturalpower which shaped it, and their relationship toits forms and forces. Ottawa be'iefs defined the ac-ceptable ways to interact with the elements oftheir world, and worship was not separated fromdaily life. Everywhere the Ottawa went, and eachtask they performed, required an understanding ofa realm beyond their physical surroundings.

Every element in the Ottawa world, from rocksand trees to animals and human beings, was madeup of two basic parts, the body and the manitou(spirit). Manitos were spirit beings who inhabitedthe Ottawa world and directly influenced many ofthe events that took place there. Because the bodyand spirit were never permanently linked in anybeing, manitos could change form. Animals couldbecome human and humans could become animals.Forces for good when they were treated respect-fully, manitos were capable of doing harm if notdealt with in the proper manner. They requiredthe same respect accorded to the humans in one'sown family. Not every tiny pebble, blade of grass,or stick thrown on the fire embodied a manitou,but each one carried the potential. The wise per-son took no chances and tried to treat all beings inthe land, living or otherwise, as though they werekin. The Ottawa used the resources around themand in return offered songs and prayers and othergifts to perpetuate their close personal relationshipwith the spirit beings.

Some manitos were more powerful than othersand played a mon; prominent role in daily Ottawa

8 20

life. The sun and the moon were always good.Their power was essential if the corn was to grow.Thunder and lightning had the power to bring therain vital for a successful crop. But should thunderand lightning send destruction instead of rain,there would be no food in late winter. Deer,beaver, bear, and fish were essential to Ottawa sur-vival. But these animals could change their forms,or worse, could refuse to give themselves to thehunters. And the underwater serpent who lived inthe lakes was capable of capsizing the canoes ofOttawa fishermen and traders. Because all suchmisfortunes arose from a disruption in the relationsbetween manitos and humans, the manitos had tobe honored with their own songs and dances orappeased with the proper offerings.

Powers

Daily life held many dangers, and every Ottawa,beginning in childhood, needed a manitou whowould be a special, personal protector and lend itspower to help control the uncertain forces ofnature. After each Ottawa child of the proper ageobserved a special ceremony of fasting and prayer,his or her manitou appeared in a vision in theform of an animal or bird. From then on, themanitou could be summoned to give extra strengthin times of crisis or danger, to show the hunterwhere to find game, or to protect against thehazards of everyday existence.

The power of the manitou who had appeared inthe vision was often embodied in a special objectcarried as an amulet to ward off evil or to bringgood fortune. The amulet could be a bird's feather(if the manitou had taken the form of a bird), asquirrel's paw, a stone which resembled themanitou's animal shape, an image etched in birchbark, or even herb medicines. The Ottawa oftenkept these powerful objects in what are today calledmerlicine bundles, animal pelts taken in a singlepiece so that they formed a bag.

The Ottawa believed that some individuals wereendowed with special powers such as the powerto heal or the power to foresee the future. AJessakid had the power to summon spirits to aspecial lodge in order to determine the source ofthe problems which had befallen individuals or thevillage as a whole. The lodge shook when thespirits entered, and the Jessakid waited to hearwhich feasts, rituals, or ceremonies should be per-formed to restore proper relations between the Ot-tawa and the spirit world.

the Wabano (fire walkers) were men with thepower to walk on hot coals or handle burningtorches with their bare hands. The Wabano couldheal sickness, make hunting magic and lovecharms, and influence manitos. They displayed

9

In the late nineteenth cen-tury, many Ottawa menearned needed income byspending their winters cut-ting timber in a loggingcamp (Catherine BaldwinCollection)

2 ii

The Ottawa

their powers at ceremonies of feasting, singing,and dancing. Little is known about Wabanos, theirpower and how it was used, but their ceremonieswere usually held in conjunction with a third kindof ceremony, the Midewiwin.

The Midewiwin priesthood was the most impor-tant of the special forms of power, and membersof the Midewiwin lodge held extremely prestigiouspositions in Ottawa society. Those already initiatedinto the lodge's secrets carefully selected newmembers to join and learn the songs, dances,stories, and herbal treatments that would enablethem to become priests and share in the powers ofthe lodge. Each member paid a fee to learn thesecrets of the society, and the process of learningwas long and expensive. The Midewiwin was im-portant in unifying the Ottawa throughout theirterritory. Because men and women from all Ot-tawa villages could participate in the meetings, theMidewiwin tended to draw them together into asingle group.

The Ottawa had many ceremonies before theFrench and the Jesuit priests arrived in the GreatLakes region. Bu, during the seventeenth century,the Ottawa created formal societies, like theMidewiwin, which borrowed some of the trappingsof the missionary priesthood and some of therituals of Catholic religious services. TheMidewiwin society incorporated a larger body ofnative beliefs into a single ritual which reenactedthe Ottawa story of creation and Nanabozho's giftof the megis shell with its power to combat theevil forces of the world. Through song and ritual,the ceremony portrayed Midewiwin priestsjourneying through a world of evil manitos whotempted them to stray from the proper path."Shot" with the sacred shell, they died, werereborn, and reached a new level of power withgreater gifts given by the sacred manitos.

The Ottawa believed that the ceremony renewedand increased the powers of all who participated.But even in this complex ceremonial setting,power remained an individual matter. Each partici-pant received only as much power as the manitos

10

Naumke-Ching-Um-le, born along theGrand River around 1800, was oneof the first Michigan Indians to posefor a photographer. His clothingdemonstrates Indian willingness toincorporate American and Europeanstyles while retaining pieces ofnative dress. (Grand Rapids PO licMuseum)

allowed. The power itself was neither good norevil but could be used for both. There were fourlevels of priesthood, each with its own knowledgeand power. Priests at the fourth and highest levelhad so much power that they could becomedangerous. Able to change their forms to Windigos(bearwalkers), they could misuse their gifts to harmrather than help others. Individuals suspected ofusing their power to harm their kin broke Ottawarules of respect for others and disturbed thebalance of proper relationships. They wereostracized from the village or even executed.

Ceremonies and the Cycle of SeasonsOttawa life depended directly on the forces of

nature, and each ceremony had to be held at itsproper time in the seasonal cycle. Ceremonieswere intended to influence the manitos, but theyalso helped to draw the Ottawa together and unitetheir society. Ceremonies and religion were notmarginal to Ottawa life; they were essential parts

22

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4

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Mitchell Wagigekik at hishouse in Middle Village nearGood Heart in EmmetCounty. (Grand RapidsPublic' Library)

of all activities. It is impossible to identify all ofthe ceremonies connected with everyday Ottawalife before the Europeans came to the Great Lakes.We do, however, have some idea of their probabletiming in the seasonal cycle.

In the spring, when the maple trees were readyto be tapped, the Ottawa, dressed in their bestgarments, gathered for feasting, dancing, and sing-ing. Spring was also the occasion for the Wabano,Jessakid, and Midewiwin priests to reestablish thestrength of their powers and deal with the prob-lems of their people.

With the coming of warmer weather, Ottawamen were free to travel for hunting, trading, andwarfare. Elaborate ceremonies were held through-out the warm season to recruit and prepare war-riors, to inspire them to success, and to celebratetheir victories.

The sun ceremony took place during the summerwhen food was most plentiful. The largest feast ofthe year, the summer ceremonial was held to givethanks for what had been received from the

11

manitos and to enlist the spirits' continued bless-ings. There may also have been smaller ceremoniesof thanksgiving for the harvest of the first fruits ofimportant foods.

The Ottawa gathered for the Feast of the Dead,in the fall, every three years. This was a longceremony, complete with athletic contests, songs,dances, feasts, and offerings. At its end, the bonesof those who had died since the last feast wereburied with elaborate ceremonies in a commongray':. The ritual united the spirits of the dead andsymbolized the friendship of the living. In theyears between these larger feasts, Midewiwin lodgeceremonies may have been held before the comingof the winter. In the winter, no large groupceremonies occurred.

Like the seasons, human life was conceived of asa cycle, and each important division of that cyclewas marked with special observances by familymembers. Ceremonies took place at the naming ofa child, after the manitos revealed the child'sspecial power, at a boy's first killing of game, dur-ing courtship, and at times of illness and curing.Death was likewiSe a ceremonial occasion, bringingfriends and relatives to a funeral gathering thatlasted for days. At its conclusion, the body of thedeceased was buried in a temporary grave to awaitfinal interment at the Feast of `.he Dead. At thesecritical times in an Ottawa's life, as in all other ac-tivities, reliance on close personal and family rela-tionships was of primary importance.

The French and the Fur TradeTrading relationships were also essential to the

Ottawa way of life, and the word -"Ota'wa',," infact, means "to trade." Ottawa men traveled theentire Great Lakes region in birch bark canoes, act-ing as middlemen for the Chippewa to the northand the Huron u- the south. The Ottawa suppliedthe Chippewa with their own and the Huron'ssurplus corn and received in return the furs thatthey traded to the Huron. Each Ottawa familyowned its own trade route, which was both ageographical path or waterway and a set of rela-tionships with trading partners along the way. Soimportant were these trade relationships that mar-riages were often arranged to turn trading partnersinto family members and so extend kinship ties.The trade routes could be used only by the familywho pioneered them and who maintained the gift-exchange and kinship ties which assured safepassage for the traders and a supply of goodswhen they reached their destination. Members ofthe kin group who owned the route used it onlywith the permission of the family leader, usuallythe same man who represented them in counciland was respected for his personal powers.

The Ottawa

Trespassers along the trade route could be chargeda toll of furs, grain, or other native trade goods, ormight even be killed for their trespass.

In the 1600s a new element was added to theOttawa's social environment: the French. TheFrench had come to North America as early as1523 when Giovanni de Verrazano, in the employof the king of France, explored the land stretchingfrom Newfoundland to Virginia. French interests inthe New World at the time were singularly nar-row, concentrated solely upon finding a waterroute across North America to reach the riches ofthe Orient. The discovery of such an all-waterroute, so the French hoped, would fill the royalcoffers with precious metals just as Hernando Cor-tes' expedition to Mexico, culminating in the con-quest of Mexico City in 1521, had done for Spain.

In 1534, Jacques Cartier sailed up the St.Lawrence River and visited the Iroquois village ofStadocona near modern-day Quebec. He attemptedto build a fort there, but the deaths of many of hismen from starvation, scurvy, and exposure forcedhim to return to France. His second attempt toplant a colony in the same location in 1541 wasno more successful than the first. A harsh winterand Iro luois harassment persuaded him to returnto France, a failure in his attempts to find greatriches.

Samuel de Champlain was the next explorer toreach the St. Lawrence valley and the first French-man to have direct contact with the Ottawa. Hecame to North America as a cartographer, but waslater commissioned to explore the St. Lawrence.Champlain and other early French explorers beganlaying the groundwork for what they hoped wouldbecome a powerful French colony in the NewWorld, and they named the territory New France.

In 1608, Champlain foundf!ll a settlement nearCartier's deserted outpost, and from there beganestablishing trade relations with the native peoplesalong the water routes to the Great Lakes. Hisearliest trading partners were the Huron, whoseterritory, called Huronia, was a forty-by-twenty-

"t-

12

mile section of Ontario that lay between Lake Siin-coe and Matchedash and Nottawasaga bays nearthe Bruce Peninsula. The Huron had me:ed to thisterritory after raids by the Iroquois had driventhem from their previous home in the St.Lawrence valley.

The Huron and the Iroquois remained enemies,and Champlain involved himself in the conflict onthe Huron side, deciding that if he was to maintaina profitable trade with the Huron and their allies,he would have to aid them in their raids againstthe Iroquois. In 1609 and again in 1610,Champlain joined the Huron alliance to defeat Iro-quois forces. In 1615, on his way to Huronia toplan another offensive, he met a party of threehundred Ottawa men near the French River. Toldthe unlikely story that the men were on a blue-berry-picking expedition, Champlain continued onhis way. For the next twenty-five years the Frenchcontinued to concentrate on trade with the '1uronto support their new colony, and no further men-tion of the Ottawa was made in French documentsof the time.

The paths which eventually brought the Ottawaand the French together in a permanent relation-ship -vere the routes of the trade. The Frenchcame to the Great Lakes region seeking great richesin gold, silver, and spices from the Orient, butthey soon came to realize that the most immediatesource of vealth was to be found in something theOttawa had traded for centuries beaver pelts.

Felt hats were the height of fashion in Europe atthe time, and the beaver pelts were needed to pro-duce the felt. Because the French were too few innumber and too weak militarily to take control ofthe fur trade, they had established trading partner-ships with the Huron who lived southeast of Ot-tawa territory. These partnerships, however, didnot interfere with the long-established Ottawa-Chippewa-Huron trade relationships. The Ottawacontinued to exchange their corn and other goodsfor Chippewa furs and to trade the furs for Hurongoods. The Huron, in turn, brought the furs to theFrench on the St. Lawrence River.

Although the Ottawa had little direct contactwith the French in those early years, they did seeevidence of the European presence. When theHu:on traded north, their native crops and craftswere accompanied by metal tools, kettles, beads,and other European manufactured goods. Thesenew goods were highly prized by the Ottawa andtheir neighbors, but had little impact on the waypeople lived.

For twenty years, the Huron greatly benefitedfrom the trade in fur and European goods. Theirtowns grew in size, wealth, and prestige. Astrading partners of the Huron, the Ottawa nodoubt benefited, too.

24

The Iroquois WarsAs more and more Europeans came to the New

World during the early decades of the seventeenthcentury, trade in furs assumed increasing impor-tance to North America's native peoples. The Iro-quois of New York and Pennsylvania traded firstwith the Dutch and then the British, offering fursin exchange for European knives, kettles, axes, andguns. Needing greater access to the northern furswith which they :ould purchase European goods,the Iroquois found themselves in competition withthe Huron and their allies in southern Ontario. En-couraged by European traders who stood to gainor lose fortunes, the Iroquois went to war in the1640s to destroy the trading networks of theirHuron rivals.

At first, the Iroquois were content just to raidHuron villages for furs, corn, and trade goods. Butas the Iroquois Wars progressed, the goal becamethe destruction of the Huron. Over the years be-tween 1640 and 1649, Iroquois war partiesdestroyed Huron fields and kept the Huron on themove with continuous raids in Huronia. At thesame time, a series of smallpox epidemics drasti-cally reduced the Huron population. These disasters.along with the activities of French missionaries,raised Huron doubts about their traditional values,created divisions in their political organization, andsowed the seeds of conflict and dissension amongthem. Divided, demoralized, and weakened, theHuron were forced to flee their Canadian home.

The Iroquois Wars severely disrupted the north-ern trading networks. By 1650, Huron society wasdestroyed, and Huron trading partnerships werebroken. But the French traders still sought theirfortunes in furs, and the Ottawa and their Huronneighbors had new needs that could be satisfiedonly through trade.

European manufactured goods had begun tohave an impact on the Ottawa way of life. Euro-pean hoes, knives, axes, sewing needles, and metalkettles were sturdier than the traditional tools ofbone, flint, wood, and clay, and made lighter workof daily chores. Without guns and ammunition, theOttawa were easy prey for enemies such as theIroquois, and over time, they came to value thegun over the how and arrow for hunting as well.But the Ottawa had no gunsmiths to repair theirweapons, nor did they manufacture their ownpowder or shot. Increasing Ottawa reliance onEuropean goods and firearms meant increaseddependence on European trade.

In 1650, a large group of Huron who hadescaped the Iroquois took advantage of theirtrading-partner relationship with the Ottawa andmoved to Ottawa villages for protection. But withthe Huron destroyed as a military power, the Ot-

tawa themselves were no longer safe in their Cana-dian home. Seeking to avoid their Iroquoisenemies, whom they called Nadowe (the snakes),the Ottawa and Huron moved into northernMichigan and Wisconsin. In 1653, the Ottawa andChippewa united to defeat their enemy in a battlenear Sault Ste. Marie, at a place called IroquoisPoint, and so secured a place to live in the north-ern Great Lakes while the Iroquois Wars dragged on.

The Huron were without their own crops totrade for northern furs and had too few men totransport the furs to French towns on the St.Lawrence. They cGuld no longer trade with theFrench by themselves. The Ottawa, however,already owned their own northern trade routesand had many other trading partners with whomto exchange goods. The Huron introduced the Ot-tawa to the French, and for the next fifty years Ot-tawa men traded directly with the French. Theybrought furs into Quebec and Montreal and tookhack the European manufactured goods that theirNative American neighbors were so eager to have.Between 1650 and 1700 the Ottawa became thebest known and most successful traders in theGreat Lakes region, possessing greater wealth andprestige than they'd ever had before.

During the years of the Iroquois threat, the Ot-tawa were dispersed but not destroyed. Some Ot-tawa families moved briefly into their old huntingand fishing territories at Mackinac, Saginaw Bay,and Thunder Bay. The Kiskakon and Sinago clans,along with some Huron, went to Green Bay,Wisconsin. In the 1650s, they moved as far westas Lake Pepin near the Mississippi River, only to bedriven back east by the Sioux who lived there. By1660, Ottawa groups were living at ChequamegonBay on Lake Superior and the Keewenaw Peninsulanear the present-day L'Ance reservation.

Wherever they moved, the Ottawa had tradingpartners who willingly shared their hospitality andwho, in many cases, were kinsmen related by mar-riage. The flexibility of their political organizationand their varied sulisistence techniques allowed theOttawa to live in small groups or large villages,hunting and fishing in the northern climates, andfarming in the warmer regions to the south.Although the times were not easy for them theOttawa adapted to a variety of new locationswithout sacrificing their cultuul identity or losingtheir strength.

In the 1670s, after peace was finally made withthe Iroquois, the Ottawa once again formed theirlarge villages near the Straits of Mackinac. Seekingsoil, climate, plants, and game similar to thosethey had left behind in Canada, the Ottawa builttheir villages on the banks of rivers flowing intoLake Michigan and Lake Huron, and on the

2513

The Ottawa

lakeshores as well. In 1670 and 1671, some Ot-tawa people, primarily the ,Sables, returned fromwestern locations to settle on Manitoulin Island.By 1695, the Kiskakons and members of theSinago, Sable: and Naussaukeuton clans had settledwith the Huron at Father Marquette's St. Ignacemission at the Straits of Mackinac, a locationwhich helped secure Ottawa control over their ex-panded trade networks. In those days, the bestway to travel north was by canoe. All Ottawatrade routes passed throbgh the straits, and no onecould retch the rich, fur-producing grounds northand west of the Great Lakes without traveiing Ot-tawa routes. Because the Ottawa charged a toll forthe use of their waterways, other Great Lakes In-dians vere discouraged from trading directly withthe French. Control of the straits gave the Ottawaa virtual monopoly over the profitable fur trade.

The Ottawa-French PartnershipThe French population in North America grew

slowly between 1615 and 1762s. In 1666, only3.200 Frenchmen lived in New France; by 1673there were 6,700; by 1759 the number had grownto 76,000. In the opening years of the fur trade,few Ottawa ever saw a Frenchman, but when theOttawa became leading traders, direct contact in-evitably increased.

Late nineteenth-century Ottawa village in northernMichigan. (Grand Rapids Public Library)

In the seventeenth century, the French wereclearly outnumbered by the native peoples inNorth America. They could not force the Indianto adopt French customs. but carried on the essen-tial business of the fur trade on native terms. TheFrench learned that the first rule in trade and in allsocial relationships was gift giving between kin.and they carefully followed the custom. ManyFrench traders learned the Ottawa bnguage. andsome even became family members by marriage,,further cementing the trading relationship. Thiswas trade on Ottawa terms, a personal relationshipgoverned by rules of gift giving and kinship.

As more Europeans made their way to the NewWorld and the Great Lakes. European conflictsover territory and colonial empires spilled over in-to North America. and the relationship betweentht French and the Ottawa slowly changed. TheBritish. who were competing with France forpower and territory on other continents, were in-Lilt on extending their influence in NorthAmerica. seeking territory that the French con-trolled. French and British competition for a NorthAmerican empire intensified. and the Ottawa fourdthemselves in continually shifting political relation-ships with the European powers and the nativepeoples around them. affected by events of whichthey had no knowledge and decisions in whichthey had little say.

The fur trade was important to both the Frenchand the British as a principal means of supportingtheir empires. Both sides wished to expand theirshare of the income and strengthen their claim totheir New World territories. Until the late 1600s,the French relied heavily on the Ottawa to bringthem furs. But from the French perspective. suchreliance was potentially dangerous; the Ottawacould shift their loyalties at any time, sell their fursto the British, and cripple the French economy inNorth America.

The French wanted to assume direct controlover the fur supply. Instead of using the Ottawa asmiddlemen. they sent their own traders to ex-change goods with the Great Lakes Indians. As thenumber of French in the region increased. the Ot-tawa's importance as fur traders declined. By1700, the Ottawa no longer controlled French ac-cess to furs and were no longer the sole suppliersof French manufactured goods to their NativeAmerican neighbors.

Ottawa 'omen at Petoskey.Michigan, washing clothesand grinding corn in thelate nineteenth century.(Michigan State Archives)

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T.': 4 'CV

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15 27

The Ottawa

The change in trade relations did not mean thatthe French dominated the Ottawa socially,politically, or culturally. The Ottawa-French part-nership, in fact,. remained important to both sides.The Ottawa were able to create wealth and con-vert it to prestige by growing corn, fishing, cuttingwood, and doing other jobs that the French didnot do for themselves. They also began to huntand trap more than they had before so that theycould continue to buy the European tools, guns,and other goods that had become important totheir way of life.

The French and Indian WarsThe Ottawa and the French also had a military

partnership. The Ottawa fought in many of thewar parties led by the French against the Britishand their allies in a long series of conflicts nowknown as the French and Indian Wars. Throughoutthe late 1600s and well into the 1700s, the Euro-pean powers were locked in a struggle for empireand for political and economic control of NorthAmerica. The French and Indian Wars is thegeneral name for this 80-year conflict which in-cluded a series of skirmishes in the 1680s; KingWilliam's War, from 1689 to 1697; Queen Anne'sWar, 1702-1713; King George's War, 1740-1748;and the French and Indian War, 1754-1763.

Although there was never a complete peace dur-ing the long years of conflict the Ottawa did notlive in a constant state of war. Recruited liy theFrench for guerrilla warfare, the Ottawa struckagainst the British and their Indian allies in a seriesof hit-and-run raids. The main strategy of Indianwarfare was to surprise the enemy, do as muchdamage as possible, take hostages and goods, andthen quickly slip away. For the most part,. fightingtook place in summer when the men could hespared from their other responsibilities. At othertimes of the year, Ottawa men were needed bytheir villages to hunt, fish, and engage in trade.

Despite their military alliance with the Ottawa.the French were more determined than ever toassume direct control of the fur trade. In the1700s, the rulers of France and the officials of

1.

16

New France tried to persuade the Great Lakes In-dians not to trade with the independent Frenchtraders who either visited or lived in Indianvillages. What the French wanted instead was forthe Indians to live together near French towns andto trade only with individuals who were licensedby the French government, an arrangement designedto create trading monopolies which nould greatlyenrich a few government officials. In 1701, An-toine Cadillac, French colonial governor, foundeda French town at what is now Detroit, and he in-vited the Ottawa, Huron, Potawatomi, Chippewa,and other Indian groups to !h.,: there.

The Ottawa saw the benefits of moving theirvillages into the lower peninsula of Michigan. Be-ing near the Detroit settlement would allow themto continue their comfortable life as traders, sup-plying corn, meat, canoes, and other needed goodsto the French. Moving into their old huntinggrounds, they thought, would strengthen theirclaim to the territory. Some Ottawa moved toDora,:, in 1701. By 1712 there were again OttawaNill..Aes on Saginaw Bay, and by 1730 Ottawafamilies were living on the St. Joseph River. The1740s saw Ottawa villages on the Grand River andat Grand Traverse Bay. Some Ottawa made L'ArbreCroche on Little Traverse Bay a permanent homein 1742, and Ottawa settled on Beaver Islandshortly thereafter.

The relationship between th.: Ottawa and theFrench was not always harmonious. As traders,both sides competed for profits. The Frenchsought to limit the Ottawa's contact with Britishtrader tnd to create a monopoly over Great Lakesfurs. For the most part, the Ottawa limited theirtrade to the French. Shrewd Ottawa traders,however, were not always willing to pass up theopportunity to get better goods at lower prices. Inthe 1740s and 1750s, some Ottawa settled on theMaumee and Cuyahoga rivers in Ohio to be nearerthe British. Ottawa leaders used their traditionalskills in dealing with outsiders to make the bestpossible deals for themselves and their people.Courted by both the French and the British fortheir ability to sway the balance of power in theGreat Lakes, Ottawa leaders chose to support thosewho met Ottawa interests.

Ottawa Culture in the French EraAs a result of their century-long partnership with

the French, the Ottawa greatly expanded their ter-ritory. power, and prestige, moving south and oc-cupying much of Michigan's lower peninsula.There were other, more subtle changes as well.

In almost all of their moves, the Ottawa chose tolive in places that closely resembled their originalCanadian home. The only exceptions were thiamin..

28

Ottam who moved to Ohio to he near the Englishtraders, and another group A ho settled w ith thePotawatomi south and west of Lake Michigan. Liv-ing in their traditional, mixed-resource environ-ment allowed the Ottawa to continue a traditionalway of life based on agriculture, fishing, hunting,and trade. The primary difference in the Frenchera was an increased use of European manufac-tured goods.

The village continued to he the center of OttawaOver the years, the Ottawa's many moves and

lifting alliances among families brought Sinago,KtAakon, Sable, and Naussaukueton clans togetherin the Ottawa villages or in pan-tribal settlementsaround French missions and trading posts. By1760, with political and economic interests linhingthese groups more closely than before, the separateOttawa families and villages began thinking ofthemselves as members of the Ottawa tribe At thesame time there was a proliferation of new villagesas families separated from larger settlements toform new homes along waterways in the lowerpeninsula.

Kinship remained important to the Ottawa, andpersons of the same totem, as always, were obligedto provide each other with food, aid, shelter, andhospitality when they met. As the Ottawa traveledand hunted throughout their large Michigan ter-ritory, they could he sure that hospitality would heoffered whenever a kinsman was found.

Marriage remained an important way of formingkinship and political ties, and the Ottawa extendedthis practice by marrying French as well as Indianneighbors. When the number of marriages outsidetheir own group increased, the Ottawa revisedtheir criteria for determining who was and was notOttawa. With the older political order changing,being Ottawa depended more heavily on speakingthe Ottawa language and behaving in accord withOttawa values than upon position by birth. BeingOttawa also included having a sense of sharedidentity from the time of the creation. At the endof the French period, the Ottawa traced their de-scent through the father's family as did the cnip-pewa. Despite the efforts of French missionaries,the Ottawa retained their traditional values andtheir relationship with the manitos. Strong familyties and the sharing of resources to assure the sur-vival of the group remained the most importantaspect of their daily lives.

Gift giving, in the Ottawa tradition, hound giverand receiver into a relationship of personal obliga-tions. Trade with the French did not affect thattradition, but it did alter the Ottawa view of ex-change. The Ottawa began to recognize goods ashaving value in themselves apart from the relation-ship formed by their exchange They knew what

17

their own goods were w orth and what they shouldreceive in return, and the sought the best possibledeals when trading with outsiders. They did not,however, become a people of unlimited wants.They worked only hard enough and long enoughto meet the needs of their kin groups. Within theirown families goods were still given freely, sharedto hell, all family members survive.

The British

The French and Indian War of 1754 to 1763marked the end of France's North American em-pire and a turning point in Ottawa history.Michigan Indians had fought well in actions againstthe British in Pennsylvania and New York. Charlesde Langlade, for example, whose mother was anOttawa, led Ottawa warriors against the BritishGeneral Braddock and his aide, GeorgeWashington, at Fort Duquesne, later named FortPitt. Braddock was defeated and more than a hun-dred British soldiers died in the battle, while theFrench and Indians lost fewer than thirty men.Despite Ottawa support, France lost the war whenQuebec fell to the British in 1759 and Montrealsurrendered in 1760. The Treaty of Paris, signed in1763, placed all of French Canada and the strategicwestern forts under British control.

British victory in the French and Indian Warushered in a period of crisis for the Ottawa andput Indian leadership to a severe test. Accustomedto being treated as allies and kin by the French,the Ottawa expected similar consideration fromthe British. The British, however, had other ideas.

Each year the French had I iven to the Ottawagifts of clothing, goods, weapons, and ammunitionon which they had come to rely for their ownprovision and which they demanded as a symbolof alliance. The British, however, who were tryingto cut the cost of colonial administration, saw noneed for the Ottawa to have weapons, and theydiscontinued the practice of annual gifts. Not onlywere arms and ammunition soon in short supply asa result, but without The customary annual gifts,the Ottawa were forced to trade for all theirneeds. Trade rates rose under the British, andhigher prices took an increasing portion of the Ot-tawa's valuable furs.

To the British, the Indians were a conqueredpeople, an obstacle to he overcome before controlof the Great Lakes could he secured. The Ottawa,Chippewa, and Potawatomi, however, did not con-sider themselves defeated. All of the battles hadbeen fought outside their territory; and unlike theirformer French allies, they had not been beaten.The land, they believed, was still theirs, and theyhad no intention of surrendering their in-dependence to British rule.

2

The Ottawa

Kanipima (AugustinHamelin, Jr.), Ottawa lewderfrom northern Michigan,pictured here with his wife,was the nephew ofApakosigan (a name whichmeans a ,smoking mixturemade of the inner bark ofthe red dogwood), the mostimportant Ogema on LittleTraverse Bay in the 1830s.Educated in non-Indianschools in Cincinnati, Ohio,and Rome, Italy, Kanipimaserved as spokesman for hispeople on many occasions.(Burton Collection, DetrcitPublic Library)

Pontiac's Rebellion

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4

In the summer of 1763, heeding the call of theOttawa leader Pontiac, the Indians rebelled againstBritish policies. Insisting that the Indians must giveup European-made goods and return to their self-sufficient native ways, Pontiac recruited warriorsto take up arms against the British. The Ottawaand members of other tribes including the Chip-pewa, Potawatomi, Seneca, Delaware, Shawnee,and Wyandot pledged to strike the British anddrive them out of the Great Lakes and the Ohiovalley. Pontiac's strategy was to take Britishstrongholds in Ohio, Indiana, Pennsylvania, andMichigan by surprise.

At Michilimackinac, the Chippewa underMinevavana set the stage for a surprise attack byengaging the British stationed at the fort in a gameof baggatiway, a form of lacrosse. On signal, oneof the Indian players hurled the ball into the fort.As the players rushed into the fort to retrieve it,they were handed guns by their women who werestanding near the palisade with the weapons con-cealed under their blankets. The Chippewa killedhalf of the garrison that day and took the resthostage. It was only through the intercession ofthe Ottawa of L'Arbre Croche on Little TraversBay that any British soldiers survived. The Lamawere angry that they had not been invited to take

18

part in the attack. As restitution for this Chippewaoversight, the Ottawa demanded the remainingprisoners as part of the spoils and ransomed themat Montreal.

Forts St. Joseph, Miami, and Ouiatenon were alsotaken by ruse, but the remaining forts in the North-west Territory were overcome by direct attack.Between May 16 and June 26, Pontiac's warriorscaptured Forts Sandusky in Ohio, St. Joseph andMichilimackinac in Michigan, Miami and Ouiatenonin Indiana, and Presque Isle, Venago, and LeBoeufin Pennsylvania. In all these places they killedtroops and took hostages. In less than six weeks,the British had suffered a stunning defeat; of allthe western strongholds, only Fort Pitt in Penn-sylvania and Fort Detroit in Michigan remained inBritish hands.

On May 7, Pontiac and his men had attemptedto enter Fort Detroit by ruse. He armed his war-riors with sawed-off muskets which they hid undertheir blankets, and then asked Major Gladwyn, thefort's commanding officer, for a conference. ButGladwyn had been forewarned. When Pontiacentered the fort, he and his men faced a fullyarmed garrison ready for the attack.

Unable to surprise the Detroit garrison, :he In-dians held it under siege. But by November 1, withtheir supply of ammunition dwindling, the Indianswere becoming wezry and disillusioned. The

-3 0

Shawnee and Delaware in Pennsylvania, who hadbeen deliberately infeetcd ith smallpox fromblankets sent to them by the commanding officerat Fort Pitt, were unable to fight. Men had toreturn home for the winter hunt or their familieswould he left without food. A rumor was cir-culating in the Indian camps that a large con-tingent of British reinforcements would soon ar-rive. Finally, no military aid was forthcoming fromthe French. Although the rebellion had been en-couraged by the French civilians still living inMichigan, the French and British governmentswere officially at peace. Without guns and am-munition, the Indians could not continue their ef-forts. Betrayed by his old allies, Pontiac had nooption but to end both the siege of Fort Detroitand the war.

The New Alliance

Although Pontiac's rebellion failed, the uprisingdrastically changed Indian and British relations.The Indians' victories had demonstrated their realpower in the Great Lakes, and British policiesbecame less overtly arrogant and more con-ciliatory. To keep settlers out of Indian territory,King George III of England closed all lands west ofthe Allegheny Mountains to settlement. Only agentsof the British government were allowed to pur-chase land, a licensed trading system was established,and the practice of giving annual gifts was resumed.The former enemies had become allies of conven-ience, one supporting the other so long as eachside's own best interests were served.

During the American Revolution, 1776-1783,many Ottawa regarded the British as the lesser oftwo evils because British government policyrestricted European settlement on Indian land. TheAmerican colonists, on the other hand, wanted un-checked settlement west of the Alleghenies. Butbecause the Ottawa, in their northern location, hadnot yet felt the pressure of settlers on their land,they saw little reason to fight on the British side.Sympathetic to the British who were supplyingthem with goods, they nevertheless maintained tiesto their French relatives and traders who sup-ported the American cause.

With wartime provisions in short supply, the Ot-tawa protected their own interests by diplomacyand by trading with both the British and the resi-dent French supporters of the Americans. Ottawapolicy throughout the American Revolution wasone of ambiguous neutrality. When the Britishgovernor of Detroit called upon the Ottawa of theGrand River in 1778 to help stop General GeorgeRogers Clark's advance through Illinois, they ex-cused themselves, saying that they could not leavetheir womer and children without provisions in

19

their winter camp. The governor sent Charles deLanglade with gifts to persuade the Ottawa t'help, but again the chiefs said they could not heready until spring. When they heard that Clark haddefeated the British in Illinois, they decided not tofight at all.

Bs' 1783, the Americans had won their fight forindependence, and a peace agreement, the Treatyof Paris, was signed. Although the British lost theirjurisdiction over Ottawa land in Michigan, they re-tained their forts at Detroit and Mackinac. Still incontrol of Canada; they continued to maintain aweak alliance with the Ottawa well afterAmericans has assumed control of Michiganterritory.

Meeting the AmericansThe American government in 1784 was an in-

stitution with big ideas and little power. The newnation, made up of thirteen former colonies perchedon the edge of North America, had little money,no strong standing.army, and a vast new territorynorth of the Ohio River and west of the AlleghenyMountains to assert its clairn over. The Americanshad won nominal control over this western land atthe Treaty of Paris in 1783, but they did not havethe power to enforce that control. The British con-tinued to hold the major military positions in theterritory, including Detroit and Mackinac. The In-dians, meanwhile, disputed not only Americanownership of the western lands, but the right ofthe British to have transferred that ownership atall. From the Indians' perspective, they had neverbeen defeated in battle nor had they ever trans-ferred the land or the right to it to the British.

For the next twenty-five years the dispute overthe land was the key issue in relations between tieIndians and the American government. SomeAmericans wanted the territory open to settlementdespite Indian opposition and British possession ofimportant military posts in the area. But the newfederal government realized that the United Statescould not afford war with the Indians living westof its borders, and Congress passed the Ordinanceof 1785. Pledging fair treatment of the Indians, theordinance gave the federal government the right tobuy, but not to seize, Indian land. It promised toset up a boundary line between American land andIndian territory which no settlers could cross.Hoping to weaken Indian trading alliances with theBritish, the ordinance also allowed Americans andIndians to trade.

The Ottawa and their neighbors saw clearly thatthe American desire for their land and resourceswas a threat to their way of life. At the Treaty ofFort Stanwick in 1784, the Americans had attemptedto establish a boundary between Indian lands and

31

The Ottawa

their own by persuading the Iroquois to deny theirprevious claims to land south and west of the OhioRiver and to reduce their holdings in New York.In 1785, some groups of Chippewa, Ottawa,Delaware, and Wyandot signed the Treaty of FortMcIntosh, giving up the land they occupied ineastern Ohio. These two treaties were disputed byIndians in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, andWisconsin. The Fort Stanwick treaty deprived theShawnee and Delaware of lands in New York andKentucky that they had used for many years andspurred their hostilities. The Fort McIntosh treatywas not recognized as valid by most groupsnecause it was not negotiated by authorized Indianleaders.

Despite agreements with the Indians, the govern-ment could not stop the flow of illegal settlers,land speculators, and traders across the boundaryinto Indian land in southern and eastern Ohio. Forfive years following the treaties, the frontier wasin a perpetual state of tension which threatened toerupt in renewed warfare between the Indians andthe American government. Americans who settledthe frontier had little respect for Indian propertyrights and settled wherever they wished. Theydrove off game; manufactured and to!d alcohol toIndians for high prices, causing many deaths frontbrawls, and in some instances took it uponthemselves to kill Indians directly. The Indians, onthe other hand, did not distinguish between thosesettlers who actually did them harm and thosewho did not. The Indians raided any settlementson land which they considered theirs and took thelives of innocent people. Each side sought revengefor wrongs committed and perpetuated the bloodycycle of raids and retaliation.

By 1790, the tension on the frontier had grownunbearable for the Indians. In 1791, the Shawneewar chief, Blue Jacket, and the Miami war chief,Little Turtle, led a group of warriors from theGreat Lakes tribes, including the Ottawa, againstthe American General Josiah Harmar. Sent byGeorge Washington to punish the Indians for raidsthey had made two years earlier, Harmar lost 183men in battle. In 1792, General Arthur St. Clair did

20

battle with Ohio valley and Great Lakes Indians.Out of 2,000 soldiers, he lost 683, nearly a thirdof his total force. After these defeats the untrained,undisciplined American troops retreated from thefrontier. Settlers continued moving onto Indianlands, and the Indians continued to fight to holdonto their territory.

Three years later, Indians faced Americans at theBattle of Fallen Timbers in Ohio, south of Toledo.Commanded by General Anthony Wayne, theAmerican troops were carefully trained for frontierfighting. The Indian forces, on the other hand,were heavily outnumbered and lacked a goodsource of supply. Wayne bided his time, waitingbefore launching his attack until five hundred In-dians left the battlefield in search of supplies. Out-numbered and with no reserve troops, the remain-ing Indians were forced to flee to Fort Miami, butthe British, unwilling to provoke the Americans,refused their old allies entrance and locked thegates. The battle was over, and Wayne claimedvictory.

Although casualties on either side were relativelyfew, thf.: battle was a turning point in American-Indian relations. Having lost faith in their Britishallies and having been defeated on the field of bat-tle, the Indians had no choice but to submit toAmerican peace demands.

The Treaty of Greenville, signed in 1795,established the terms of the peace. In this treaty,which became the pattern for subsequent treatieswith the Michigan tribes, the Indians acceptedAmerican control over their territories byacknowledging the United States as the soverignpower in the Great Lakes. In return for ceded In-dian lands, the United States recognized tribalownership of the remaining lands and agreed topay for land cessions with cash or services. Thetreaty defined the land left for Indian habitationand allowed Indians to continue using ceded landuntil it was needed by the United States. Represen-tatives of all the Michigan tribes, including the Ot-tawa, signed this document.

The Treaty of Greenville, which establishedAmerican political power over Indian territory, didnot end Indian resistance to American occupationof their lands. Following the example set by Pon-tiac in 1763, the Shawnee chief, Tecumseh, at-tempted to unite Indians from all over the UnitedStates and its territories to stop the violation ofagreements and the trespasses on Indian land. In1807, he began building an alliance of Indian tribesfrom Michigan to the Gulf of Mexico. Tecumseh'smilitary movement was built around the teachingsof his half-brother, Tenskwatawa, the ShawneeProphet. Tenskwatawa had received a vision whichforetold the future. He taught that only those peo-

32

ple who gave up the ways of the Americans, in-cluding guns and other trade goods, all forms ofChristianity, and even hunting dogs, could be con-tent in the future world. To a people who weresuffering privation as the result of American usur-pation of game and other resources, the spiritualcomponent of Tecumseh's movement was a power-ful incentive to restore a world in which the In-dian fully controlled his own destiny.

The British also encouraged Tecumseh's efforts.With the surrender of military posts in Detroit,Mackinac, and Sault Ste. Mark to the Americans in1796, British influence in the United States and itsterritories was waning. But the British wanted theIndians as allies who could help protect Canada ifthe need arose, and so sought to maintain friendlyrelations by supporting Tecumseh and his causewith supplies of food and ammunition as well asmilitary advice.

Tecumseh's large following, including many Ot-tawa, camped at Prophetstown on the TippecanoeRiver in Indiana. The number of warriors gatheredthere at any one time varied from fewer than onethousand to more than three thousand, and thetown was a thorn in the Americans' side. In 1811,with Tecumseh away from Prophetstown seekingto win additional support, Governor WilliamHenry Harrison of Indiana decided to marchtroops and break up the settlement with a show offorce. Tecumseh had left Tenskwatawa in chargeof Prophetstown and specifically instructed himnot to fight the Americans, but the Potawatomiand Winnebago persuaded their fellow warriors toattack. Harrison counterattacked, destroyingProphetstown and driving the Indians away.

Scattered but not beaten, Michigan Indians onceagain rallied around Tecumseh to join the War of1812 on the British side. Relations between theUnited States and Britain, which had never beenany more than lukewarm, had seriouslydeteriorated in the early years of the nineteenthcentury. Following the revolution, the UnitedStates was continually angered by the Britishrefusal to place the western forts under Americancontrol, by their continued dealings with the tribesof the Great Lakes region, and by their general un-willingness to treat United States citizens in a man-ner befitting America's status as an independentnation.

The opening of the nineteenth century was atime of war in Europe as Britain and France con-tested for the expansion of their empires andtrade. To man their seven hunched-ship navy, theBritish stopped American ships on the sea and im-pressed (kidnapped) American sailors for theirfleet. Between 1809 and 1812 some 6,057 in-stances of man stealing were recorded. The

American government was also convinced that theBritish were the sole cause behind the Indian prob-lems in the Great Lakes and that Tecumseh wasmerely one of their agents. These irritations, alongwith the desire of some Americans to captureCanada and add it to the Union, led Congress todeclare war against Great Britain in 1812.

Tecumseh and the Great Lakes Indians fought onthe British side to defend Canada from Americaninvasion and to disrupt American supply lines. In-dian forces took Detroit, Mackinac, and Fort Dear-born from the Americans and for a time controlledthe upper Great Lakes. Through much of 1813, theMichigan Indians fought successfully in raids andmajor battles, but on September 10 of that year,Lieutenant Oliver Perry defeated a British fleet onLake Erie and cut the supply routes to Detroit.Knowing they could not hold Michigan, the Britishretreated to Canada.

Protecting the withdrawing British forces wereecumseh and some of his staunchest supporters

among them the Ottawa Chiefs Nawequageezhig(Noonday), and Sagima, from the Grand River; andKewaycooshcum, who lived on Little Traverse Bayat the time and later settled near the present-daycity of Lowell. On October 5, Tecumseh shamedthe fleeing British into making a final stand atMoraviantown, Ontario. He was killed in the ensu-ing battle, taking Indian hopes of militaryresistance with him. Noonday said that Tecumsehwas killed by a bullet wound in the chest and wascarried from the field by his followers. When hefell, the Indians stopped fighting, and the battleended as they mourned his death. With Tecumsehdead and the British defeated, the Ottawa wouldnever again be able to protect their interests bymilitary force.

Facing American Rule

Victorious in the War of 1812, the Americansmoved to strengthen their hold on Indian land andestablish policies for governing Indian peoples. Asit had done since 1783, the federal governmentsought to purchase tribal lands through the stan-dard mechanism for dealing with foreign nations

treaties. The treaties, on paper at least, recog-nized the Indians' claim to ownership of the landand stipulated that the government must acquireIndian land by purchase rather than conquest.These documents demonstrated, in the govern-ment's point of view, its own just treatment ofAmerican's niti-ve peoples. And, when the Indianswere still a military force to be reckoned with, of-ficial policy was to prevent settlers from movingonto unceded Indian lands. But high ideals atentook second place to economic interests; settlersand government alike wanted Indian lands opt:n to

jr)21

The Ottawa

settlement, and one by one the treaty agreementswere broken.

Indian land cessions created another dilemma forthe government:. what to do with the Indians whowere being displaced. Americans saw Indians ingeneral as a problem, an obstacle standing in theway of settlement. Americans also believed thattheir own way of life was the finest ever conceived;if cultural changes were to be made, it was the In-dians who must make them.

In the early 1800s, the Americans attempted tosolve the Indian problem with what was called the"civilization" policy. This policy was based on thepremise that once the Indians were made aware thattheir own culture was inferior, they would will-ingly adopt a new way of life, becoming Christianfarmers, blacksmiths, and craftsmen, even marryingAmericans Ind blending into American society. Thework of civilizing the Indians was usually financedby the federal government and assigned to mis-sionaries who soon learned that Indians did notwant to give up their identity or change theirtraditional ways. The plan was destined -I fail.

While some Americans were trying to civilize theIndians, others wholeheartedly supported theremoval of Indians from settled lands. In somecases, the desire for removal stemmed from racistattitudes and the belief that Indians were a men-tally and physically inferior people who could neverbe part of American society because of theirlimited capacity to learn American ways. Othersargued that unless Indians were moved away fromAmericans who robbed, killed, cheated, or cor-rupted them, they would vanish as a people. Stillothers simply coveted Indian land. Whatever thejustification, the desire for Indian removal wasultimately enacted into law.

The idea of moving Indians away from settlerswas not new. Thomas Jefferson suggested it, infact, as early as 1803. In 1825, President JamesMonroe encouraged the Indians living east of theMississippi to move voluntarily to lands west ofthe Mississippi and Missouri rivers. Despite con-flicts with their American neighbors and the grow-ing difficulty in making a living as game disap-

peared from their diminishing estates, the Indians,with few exceptions, chose to stay. Five yearslater, with Andrew Jackson in the White House,that choice was no longer legally theirs to make.

In Jackson's view, the Indians were conquered,dependent peoples fully subject to regulations im-posed by Congress. In 1830, at Jackson's urging,Congress passed the Indian Removal Act. The newlaw required Indians to leave their lands in theeast and remove to territory west of the Missis-s;ppi. In the west, they would be protected fromundesirable settlers and encouraged to form theirown self-governing Indian territory. This policy ef-fectively removed almost all Indians from Ohio, In-diana, Illinois, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. Italso posed a great potential danger to the Ottawa.

The Treaty Era Meeting the ChallengeThe years of the treaty era were difficult for the

Ottawa people. One by one, a series of treatiesmarked the cession of their lands, :oncentratingthem in progressively smaller territories, limitingaccess to the natural resources on which their wayof life depended, and bringing them one stepcloser to removal. For the Ottawa, the treaty erabegan with the Treaty of Greenville in 1795 andended with the Treaty of Detroit in 1855. Thechallenge of the treaty era was to maintain use of asufficient portion of land and resources to providethem a living, to remain in Michigan despite thegovernment's removal policy, and to retain theircultural identity while Americans deliberatelysought to alter their way of life.

By 1820 the Ottawa lived in four major concen-trations on the Maumee River in Ohio; on theC:and River and between Little Traverse Bay andMackinac in Michigan; and on Manitoulin Island inCanada. Small Ottawa villages were also locatedbetween the Grand River and Grand Traverse Bay,as well as among the Potawatomi and Chippewa ofIllinois and Wisconsin. The latter groups werepolitically linked by kinship and joint interests andbecame known as the United Bands of Chippewa,Ottawa, and Potawatonii.

The Ottawa in southern locations were the firstto come under intense pressure to remove. Theirswas rich land with a growing season well suited tointensive agriculture and was more highly valuedby American farmers than was the land of themore northerly Ottawa. The treaties of 1817 and1831 had reduced the lands of the Ottawa of theMaumee to only a few small reservations and evethese were coveted by American settlers. For manyyears the Ottawa of the Maumee had lived separ-ately from the Michigan Ottawa. The political andsocial bonds of kinship between the two groupswere weak, and when their land was sold the Ohio

22 34

Traver8a

.:

coie''SjV.

coo

LakeSt.

Clair

c\*

0 50miles

.),,-^raokilemeters nrt

Michigan Ottawa villages. Shaded area indicates therange of Ottawa territory after the War of 1812. Cross-hatched areas are hunting and fishing territories sharedwith the Chippewa.

Between 1812 and 1836, the Ottawa inhabited thefollowing large, permanent villages between Mackinacand the south shore of Little Trav'rsc Bay: a. CrossVillage (Ah-numa-wau-tink-unmig, or Pray Tree Place); b.Middle Village (Ahp-tun-wa-ing, or Half Way Place) c.Harbor Springs (Wee-kwkon-sing, or Bay Place); d.Petoskey (Bee-dahss-ah-ga-ing, or Approaching LightPlace); e. Cheboygan Village, later called Burt Lake Village.

23

Southern Ottawa villages were: f. White River Village;g. Muskegon River Vilkge; h. Fort Village;i. Mackatosha's (Blackskin's) Village; j. Bowting (Rapids);k. Nongee's (or Thornapple River) Village; 1. Cobmoosa's(or Flat River) Village; m. Maple River Village; n. MiddleVillage (also called Shingobeeng); o. Misheminikoning(Apple Place or Orchard); p. Prairie Village.

The above villages were places of permanentresidence. The Ottawa inhabited many other seasonalsites for collecting maple sugar, fishing, and hunting.(After McClurken 1986: 50. Ottawa names and transla-tions by Wesley Andrews.)

35

The Ottawa

olo*A.:.

0

LittleTraverseBay

17951807 alto

St.

1815Clair

1817Er'.

t.co

0 50miles

0 50kilometers

Michigan treaties. Between 1795 and 1836, treaties withthe United States government opened Michigan toAmerican settlement and restricted its Indian populationto a few special reservations.

24

36

Ottawa could not rely upon the hospitality of dieMichigan Ottawa. They had no choice but to movewest. In 1833 they made a final treaty with theUnited States and agreed to move to Kansas. TheOttawa of Illinois and Wisconsin, along with theirChippewa and Potawatomi kinsmen, negotiatedtreaties which removed them first to a reservationat Council Bluffs, Iowa, and later to Kansas.

The Ottawa of Manitoulin Island lived in Britishterritory and were in no danger of removal. Main-taining their old policy of friendship with theMichigan Indians, the British continued the prac-tice of annual gifts as payment for the Indians' partI- the War of 1812 and invited their old allies tomove permanently to Canada. Manitoulin remaineda refuge for those southern Ottawa andPotawatomi who wished to leave American ter-ritory rather than move west.

The many treaties concluded between 1795 and1833 with other Indian groups did not seriouslydisrupt the daily lives of the Michigan Ottawa.Although the Chicago Treaty of 1821 had takenthe hunting grounds between the Kalamazoo andGrand rivers that they had shared with thePotawatomi, the Ottawa still held important fishinggrounds, fields, and hunting territories north of theGrand River. Their traditional tasks and Skills pro-vided them with an adequate living, while their an-nuities (yearly cash payments from the federalgovernment for ceded lands) gave them anothersource of income. Treaties with other tribes inOhio, Indiana, and Illinois had given the UnitedStates enough land to sat:sfy temporarily the set-tlers' demands, and the government did not movequickly to treat with the Michigan Ottawa. But thegovernment policy of removal was a continuingthreat, and the economic and cultural pressuresagainst the Ottawa intensified.

The Ottawa were in frequent contact withAmerican traders. Years of hunting had taken theirtoll on Michigan's animal populations, but in theearly 1800s there was still a profit to be made infurs. The traders knew thE overhunting woulddrive many animals to extinction, but profit was amore important consideration than the preserva-tion of the Ottawa's food sources. The Ottawaneeded and wanted the goods the traders offered.Requiring furs as commodities for trade, they hadno choice but to hunt and trap. As the fur supplydwindled, the Ottawa were largely without themeans of paying for the goods the traders sup-plied. The traders, however, allowed or encouraged them to run up large debts, expecting to bepaid when the Ottawa sold their land.

Government officials attached to the Office ofIndian Affairs, a federal agency, were charged withprotecting the Ottawa and their neighbors from

4 t;25

abuse by traders and with keeping settlers fromtaking unceded Indian lands. At the same time,however, these agents often sought to purchase asmuch land as the Indians were willing to sell. Suchpurchases would give the United States room togrow and would force the Indians to becomeChristian farmers by reducing the number ofresources they could use to make a living. Thispolicy and course of action were designed to com-pletely transform Ottawa culture as quickly aspossible by upsetting the Ottawa's relationshipwith the environment and by teaching them to liveas other Americans did.

Traditional religious beliefs and values were alsovulnerable to the pressures of missionaries intenton converting the Ottawa to Christianity and to anew way of life as well. Missionaries wanted themen to give up hunting and to live on individuallyowned family farms, doing the work that womenhad done for centuries. They wanted the Ottawato send their children to school to be taught a newlanguage and jobs that were foreign to Ottawaculture. Although the missionaries had little successin changing Ottawa beliefs, their activities oftencaused divisions in Ottawa villages. Many Ottawa,who did not wish to change their way of life, op-posed the missionaries. Others adopted Christianreligious practices in exchange for the materialgoods the missionaries offered.

Every Ottawa band faced unique pressures forchange. However, the story of the Gr..nd River Ot-tawa illustrates the way innovations were acceptedor rejected and their impact on Ottawa culture. In1821, the Unitcd States government hired the Bap-tist missionary Isaac McCoy to establish permanentrelations with the Ottawa of the Grand River andto open a combined mission, school, model farm,and blacksmith shop somewhere near present-dayGrand Haven. Before McCoy could launch hisoperation, he received an invitation from thepowerful Ottawa leader Nawequageezhik to locatehis proposed mission among the Ottawa at therapids of the Grand River. Oppositioi. from aneighboring Ottawa village led by Blackskin put ahalt to these plans, but Nawequageezhik persisted.

Three years later, McCoy visited the rapids atNawequageezhik's invitation and was again urgedto establish a mission there despite Blackskin's op-position. Nawequageezhik probably saw tile mis-sion as a way of increasing his own prestige. Mis-sionaries brought with them not only religion, butcattle, metal tools, oxen and plows to clear theland, government-supplied provisions, and othermaterial goods. The prestige of an Ottawa chiefrested on the resources at his disposal and thegenerous redistribution of this wealth among hispeople. To Nawequageezhik, the coming of the

37

The Ottawa

missionaries may have represented an opportunityto gain access to and control over mission andgovernment resources while preparing for a futuredominated by Americans.

What Nawequageezhik saw as a benefit,Blackskin's band read as trouble. For one thing, arise in Nawequageezhik's prestige would limit theinfluence of neighboring leaders. Moreover, theseopponents of McCoy's mission had been affiliatedfor years with the French Catholics amu did notwish to invite the Baptists into their lands. Manyof them, in fact, did no want any contact withAmericans at all. Nor did the French traders in thearea support the coming of Protestant missionarieswho opposed their primary means of making aprofitthe sale of whiskey to the Indians.

In 1826, McCoy finally succeeded despite theopposition and a failed attempt on his life inestablishing a Baptist mission on the west bank ofthe Grand River near the rapids. The new missionmade an impressive start By 1827, the 160-acrecompound boasted several log houses, some withplank floors and glass windows, a sawmill financedwith treaty funds, a farm, agricultural tools, andfenced pastures for the fifty-five head of cattle sup-plied by the government to begin Ottawa herds.Living on the premises were farmers to teach theOttawa American-style agriculture, carpenters tobuild their houses, and a missionary, LeonardSlater, to minister to their spiritual needs andsupervise mission operations.

In the eyes of the American government, the Ot-tawa were making significant strides toward theAmerican ideal of civilization. The Ottawa, forthe!: part, accepted the changes, but on their ownterms. Many Ottawa liked the goods offered by themissionaries and had no objection to using them.The Americans interpreted the wearing ofEuropean-style clothing as a sign of civilization; theOttawa saw it as adjusting to fashion. Long ac-customed to living in large, stable, agriculturalvillages, they had little difficulty in adjusting tomission life. The government-built log houses re-quired less maintenance than their traditional birchbark and cattail lodges, and agricultural tools made

26

women's work lighter.To receive these benefits, the Ottawa had to pro-

fess Christian beliefs. Since all church serviceswere held in English, with occasional crude trans-lation into Ottawa, the concepts of Christianity re-mained vague. Compliance meant attending chapeland receiving a good dunking at the pond of bap-tism, acts the Catholics had introduced in themid-1600s with little impact. To a people whoseown religious ceremonies involved dancing, sing-ing, and feasting, church services were often bor-ing and tiresome. But they were a time of socialgathering, and most Ottawa could tolerate them inreturn for the goods and services the missionariessupplied. The Ottawa, however, did not acceptChristians teachings. They incorporated Ottawameaning into Christian forms, and they preservedthe essential concepts of their own religion.

While the Ottawa were adjusting to mission life,the population around the mission grew. TraderLouis Campau and several other French-speakingindividuals moved to land on the east side of theriver opposite the mission in 1827. Their relationswith the Ottawa were not always harmonious. TheOttawa expected these newcomers to share theirwealth in the Ottawa tradition. But what the Ot-tawa saw as sharing the French regarded as steal-ing, and violence occasionally ensutd. The newsettlers also aggravated an already tense situationby supporting one side or the other in factionaldisputes.

The Baptist mission itself was a continuingsource of friction among the Grand River Ottawa.Some Ottawa were dissatisfied at the way Slaterdivided their government-provided goods and ser-vices. Some opposed Nawequageezhik, and otherspreferred the less dictatorial Catholic way of life.Then, in 1833, the French-speaking inhabitants ofthe area invited Father Frederic Baraga to found aCatholic mission in the Ottawa village just south ofthe Baptist mission. By 1835, Baraga had con-structed a church, houses, and other buildings onthe site and had begun ministering to the Ottawawho lived in the village of Kewaycooshcum andMegisinini. Resulting tensions between Catholicand Protestant Ottawa weakened the bonds oftraditional Ottawa cooperation and lessened theirability to deal with other problems as a unifiedgroup.

Baptist mission founder Isaac McCoy himselfcame to regard his work as a failure. McCoy hadhoped to turn the Indians into carbon copies ofvirtuous Americans. Instead, he had challengedtraditional cultural values and helped to open thefrontier to less-than-righteous individuals whomade their livings selling whiskey to the Indians.The combination of alcohol dependency and fac-

38

tional strife tore at the fabric of Ottawa society.Without realizing his own role in creating seriousdivisions in the Ottawa community, McCoy blamedtraders and frontier ruffians for hindering Indianadvancement toward "civilization." He came tobelieve that the only way to save the Indians wasto remove them from evil influence by resettlingthem west of the Mississippi Rh ..T.

A Divided SocietyBy 1833, as the result of government treaties '

with the Chippewa and Potawatomi, the Ottawawere surrounded on the south and east by settlerseager for more Indian land. When steamboatsbegan making trips across Lake Huron and LakeMichigan, a good deal of the wood burned to pro-duce the steam was cut from Ottawa land. In time,Americans and their boats began competing forlake fish, another major Ottawa resource. The Ot-tawa on the Grand River had the most troublewith settlers who cut their forests, drove awaytheir game, and even robbed them of their per-sonal possessions.

Solutions to these problems did not come easilyto the Ottawa. Politically dominated by the power-ful institutions of the United States government,the various bands were often unable to agreeamong themselves which course of action bestsuited their needs. Traditionally, each Ottawa familyand each Ottawa village acted in its own best in-terests, arriving at decisions by consensus. Familyand village leaders, in turn, carried out the wishesof their people. Although every Ottawa village wasa separate political unit, villages did often act inconcert when their interests coincided.

Land cession treaties, begin-ning with the Treaty ofGreenville in 1795, calledfor Indians to receive an-nuity payments for manyyears in return for the landthey gave up. Althoughtheir final annuity paymentwas made in 1870, thisgroup of Ottawa and Chip-pewa gathered in TraverseCity in 1910 to receive onelast payment due them fromthe 1855 Treaty of Detroit.(Catherine BaldwinCollection)

In the centuries before the Europeans arrived,traditional Ottawa political organization workedwell. Its flexibility allowed the Ottawa to makegood use of the resources in their environment.But by the nineteenth century the problems facingthe Ottawa were becoming more and more complex.Consensus within families and villages was increas-ingly difficult to reach, and individual villageswere no longer as closely allied as they had beenin the days of the French. The interference of mis-sionaries and traders, with their own interests toprotect, combined with an assortment of economicproblems to create serious divisions among theseveral Ottawa factions. Some Ottawa livingaround L'Arbre Croche, for example, were willingto cede land in exchange for annuities; the GrandRiver Ottawa were not. Beset by a wide range ofeconomic problems, divided as to the solutions,the Ottawa found it difficult to act as a unitedpolitical force to meet the challenge of theAmericans and their policies.

In 1835 a smallpox epidemic swept through theGrand River valley. The Ottawa had no immunityto this often-fatal European disease. Some fled in itswake, abandoning whole villages to the sick anddying, and carrying the devastating virus to othersof their kinfolk who took them in. There are noaccurate counts of how many Ottawa died in theepidemic, but the Chippewa of Saginaw werereduced by more than one-third as the diseasespread west in 1837.

In a society where each person had a specificand important role in food production, losses ofthis kind could cripple an entire population. Sinceinfectious diseases take a higher toll on children

27 3

The Ottawa

and the aged, the Ottawa no doubt lost many oftheir most influential leaders, the very leaders theyneeded to unite them politically and pass the tradi-tional values on to the young. Native healers,whose power was the basis of their influence insocial and political matters, were unable to cure orprotect their people against the ravages of thedisease. Their loss of credibility and respectrepresented another serious challenge to fun-damental Ottawa lifeways.

When it came tr' dealing with the Americans,however, the Ottawa possessed several importantadvantages that other native peoples did not have.For one thing, the traditional Ottawa homeland inthe northern transition forest was not the mostfavorable place for farming and American settle-ment. Because lands in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinoiswere preferred by farmers for their rich soils andlong growing season, the Ottawa were able to holdonto their territories longer than were thePotawatomi, Wyandot, Shawnee, Delaware, andother Indian groups. The Michigan Ottawa usedthe additional time to develop strategies for copingwith the Americans.

Also in their favor was the fact that, unlike theirn)rthern Chippewa neighbors, the Ottawa neverlived strictly by hunting. Relying as they did on acombination of fishing, hunting, and crop raisingfor food and trade, the Gttawa did not require asmuch territory or mobility as the Chippewa did.By the 1820s, many of the game animals used forfood were depleted, and hunting peoples oftenstarved. The Ottawa's mixed economy did nottotally prevent hunger and hardship, but it didprovide a source of food when other peoples werewithout. Because the Michigan Ottawa maintainedmajor features of their traditional way of life in afamiliar environment, their cultural beliefs retainedmore integrity and force in their daily lives than didthe beliefs of those many peoples who left theirwoodland homes for the prairies of Kansas, Iowa,and Oklahoma. The Ottawa's successful use oftheir environment provided a way to make a livingand the basis for a changing but continuing senseof distinct Ottawa cultural values. !t was those

''.';' 28

values which united the Ottawa against theAmerican policy of removal from their Michiganhomes.

The Treaty of 1836By the mid-1830s, pressure on the Ottawa to

cede their land was mounting from all sides. Manytraders were anxious to recoup their cash for In-dian debts and wanted a treaty which would paythem. Settlers tere pouring into southernMichigan, encroaching on Ottawa fields anddestroying Ottawa forests. The Territory ofMichigan was about to become a state and wantedclear title to Ottawa land so that settlement couldcontinue. In 1835, the Ottawa met in councils toconsider a land sale. Tempted to sell their landsand use the cash to purchase needed food andclothing, they were nevertheless united in their op-position to removal west of the Mississippi.

In the winter of 1835, a delegation of Ottawafrom L'Arbre Croche went to Washington preparedto sell only their title to Drummond Island andsome upper peninsula land they claimed jointlywith the Chippewa. The annuities received fromthe sale of these marginal lands, they hoped,world see them through hard times.

Michigan Indian agent Henry Schoolcraft saw theproposed sale as an ideal opportunity to approachthe rest of the Michigan Ottawa about selling theirlands and moving west, but the Grand RiverOttawa rejected his offer of a treaty. Instead, theysent to Washington a delegation charged with stop-ping the L'Arbrt. Croche Ottawa from selling theirlands. Although the young men chosen for thedelegation had no authority to act as treatynegotiators, their trip to Washington played rightinto Schoolcraft's hands.

Schoolcraft told Secretary of War Lewis Cassthat the Ottawa had come to Washington to sellmuch of their Michigan land. Cass ordered him toassemble as soon as possible a delegation of chiefsauthorized to negotiate . treaty and to purchasefor a just price as much land as the Indians werewilling to sell, Because the Chippewa wererecognized as joint owners of land at such placesas Grand Traverse and the eastern part of the up-per peninsula, they were to be invited as well.

Schoolcraft, who had underestimated thestrength of the Ottawa's desire to remain in theirhomes, had a difficult time gathering enoughOttawa leaders to make a treaty. He even enlistedthe aid of traders in persuading the chiefs to at-tend the treaty negotiations. It took weeks of con-siderable pressure before the delegation wasformed. Even then, for those leaders who finallydid join the delegation and go to Washington, thepurpose was less to sell land than it was to avoid

'4 0

the possibility of being moved west. The Ottawawere not anxious to sell their land in the firstplace, and they w ere encouraged both by mis-sionaries and traders not to do so until the agree-ment included terms %A hick pro% ided funds forfuture mission work and generous payments forOttawa trading debts.

The treaty negotiations lasted for wc ks as thedelegates were wined, dined, and coun ..le<1 in thenation's capital. Every gracious effort was made byLewis Cass, his friend Henry Schoolcraft, andPresident Andrew Jackson's representatives to per-suade the Ottawa to cede all of their land in thelower peninsula and the land in the upper penin-sula east of the Chocolate River. Only twenty-oneof the more than one hundred recognized Ottawaand Chippewa chiefs signed the treaty.

The Treaty of 1836, as it was originallynegotiated, made the best possible agreementunder the circumstances. Lands north of the GrandRiver and along the Manistee River and LittleTraverse Bay were set aside as Indian reservations,and the Ottawa retained the right to continueusing ceded land until it was needed by theAmericans. The treaty paid Ottawa debts and gavethem yearly annuities along with agriculturalequipment, missions, schools, black iths, fish bar-rels and other need goods. Most important ofall, the agreement preserves: their fields and fishinggrounds and did not require them to move west.

The United States Senate did not approve thetreaty until a provision was added stipulating thatthe Ottawa and Chippewa could remain on theirreservations for only five years. At the end of thatperiod, the reservations were to he sold to theUnited States unle3s the government gave the'radians permission to stay longer. The Senate alsoadded a provision calling for Ottawa and Chip-pewa removal to land west of the Missis 'Lppi whenand if they chose to go.

After many councils the 01 , 'a reluctantlydecided to sign the treaty. Anticipating thatAmerican settlers would not want rl,eir northernlands for farming, they believed tt at the ceded ter-ritory would be theirs to use for many years tocome. The wording of the removal clause said theywere to move west only .. they desired, and theydid not. Government annuities would supply themwith needed cash, and the five-year clause wouldgive them time to make new plans andadjustments.

Immediate adjustments were necessary for theGrand River Ottawa. Because their lands were tooclose to the settlement line to have been reservedby .he 1836 treaty, the Ottawa of the rapids werepromptly required to leave their homes and im-provements behind. A number of Grand Rapids set-

tiers inherited ready-made houses, farms, and aworking sawmill, all at Ottawa expense.

Other Ottawa from other locations had to makeadjustments, too. Those who chose to live in theirold manner moved to Manitoulin Island in Canada.The rest would stay to form a new lationshipwith the : environment and the Americans in it.

Shaping the FutureAfter the Treaty of 1836 was signed, the Ottawa

did not sit idly by and allow others to run theiraffairs. Instead, they actively worked to make aplace for tnemselves in Michigan and to prevent,once and for all, the possibil.ty of removal. Theirfirst tactic was to adapt their skills in crop grow-ing, fishing, food gathering, and crafts to theAmerican economy, producing goods to sell to theAmericans who were moving into the s tt:. Theyalso used their annuity money to purchase land inthe vicinity of their villages as it came on themarket for public sale. As Indians they were stillsubject to treaty provisions, including the removalclause, but as landowners they also had inviolablerights to enjoy the use of their property. That im-plied the right to remain in Michigan.

Ottawa people understood very well the processof making allies for their own benefit. As part oftheir camp:...q,n to remain in Michigan, they madeallies of those missional I, ,, who opposed removaland supported Ottawa efforts to purchase land. Inthe process, they learned that so long a they at-tended church services, the missionaries wouldhelp them build farms and supply them with food,clothing, and medicine. Some Ottawa adults evenwent to the missionary schools to learn to readand write so they could conduct their own affairsin American society.

The Ottawa also developed friendships andbusiness relationships with people who could helpthem transact their land purchases. Some of theseallies were Aerie:ins married to Ottawa and soobligated by bonds of kinship. Others aided theOttawa because they were oppo -d to the policyof removal or because they perceived the injusticeof takini; Indian land without helping the Ottawaadjust to a new way of life. Traders aided theOttawa, often becau..t_ of the annuities paid by thegovernment in return for ceded land. The Ottawahad become valuable cash customers whom thetraders did not want to lose. The Ottawa, in turn,needed the traders' political connections to helpthem stay in Michigan.

Sonic: of the first Ottawa land purchases weretransacted by missionaries for the people who at-tended their church services or who lived invillages near the mission stations. The Ottawa pro-vided the missionaries with cash from their an-

" 41

The Ottawa

--

* . -'+ s ,

1"14."-;446064?"*Al....%-

17-

ri

Many fittawa elders living today were educated and schooled in Catholicism at Holy Childhood School in HarborSprings. (Holy Childhood School)

nuities and the missionaries registered their claimsat the Ionia land office. Seval Ottawa familiesfrom the Grand Rapids area who had no reserva-tions in the south and did not wish to me to thenorthern reservations gave the Bapt:st missionaryLeonard Slater cash to buy land on their behalf inBarry Counts' near Bradley. Others settled on theBlack River near Lake Macatawa in Allegan Countyon land purchased for them by a Congregationalmissionary named George Smith. Purchases of landnear missions were also made by the Presbyteriansat Grano Traverse Bay and hy the Catholics atL'Arbre Croche.

Family groups ft'n i the Grand River to L'ArbreCroche who were not connected to missions fre-quently pooled their annuity payments and pur-chased land, often in the names of their leas' :s.Some of these groups lived as extended families,sharing the land and its resources much as theyhad always done. Others chose to conform to the

30

American systPm, living in small, immediate-familygroups made up of husband, wife, and children.Some Ottawa congregated on reservations onGrand Traverse and L:ftle Traverse bays. Stillothers remained on ceded lands without makingpurchases. These people were most vulnerable tothe pressures of settlers and to the threat ofremoval.

The government's first serious attempt toremove the Ottawa from Michigan came in 1838when Henry Schoolcraft sought to begin theremoval process. Schoolcraft's plan was to as-semble an exploring party made up of Indianleaders most likely to approve the plans of govern-ment officials. The delegates v ere to visit Kansasin the spring when the prairie plants were green,return with a favorable report. and i.rge their peo-ple to remove there. Schoolcraft, however, wasbarely able to assemble a delegation. He finallypersuaded twenty-four men to go. Of this group.

42

there were only five chiefs, and then only onewho had signed the 1836 treaty. The Chippewarefused to send any representatives at all, and theOttawa of L'Arhre Croche consented only afterSchoolcraft applied considerable pressure.

Those who went to view the Kansas lands werenot impressed. They reported that there were nostreams good for fishing, no sugar maples, and theclimate was unhealthy bitter cold in winter andtoo hot in summer. Nor were they anxious toengage plains tribes like the Sioux in warfare as thePotawatomi who had gone west were forced to do.

A nearly united front against the initial exploringparty gave the Ottawa more time to purchase landand remain in their Michigan homes. Some Ottawa,however, panicked by the very rumor of plannedremovals, fled to Canada in 1839 and 1840, andfor good reason. Removal to Kansas was a veryreal possibility. In 1840, acting under federalorders, General Hugh Brady attempted a round upof the Ottawa's near neighbors, the Potawatomi insouthern Michigan. He captured several familiesand sent them to Kansas under armed guard. ThePokagon band of Potawatomi hired an attorneywho successfully sought a court injunction whichput a halt to the removal attempt.

Henry Schoolcraft never completed his plans toremove the Ottawa west. In 1841, Robert Stuartbecame the new Indian agent in Michigan. Unlikehis predecessor, Stuart was opposed to removaland favored Ottawa attempts to become farmers inthe American fashion. Some Ottawa made rapidprogress toward Stuart's goal, building log housesand barns, raising livestock, and expanding theirfields to grow new crops including potatoes, tur-nips, and wheat. The natural environment con-tinued to supply them with fish and maple sugar,two commodities which found ready marketsamong the Americans.

The one remaining problem for many Ottawawas their uncertain political status in Michigan andtheir tenure on the reservations. According to theterms of the Treaty of 1836, the Ottawa could notremain on their reservations after 1841 withoutthe permission of the government. If they investedtime and effort in turning their reservation landson Grand Traverse and Little Traverse bays intofarms, they had no guarantees that the farmswould not he placed on the market by the govern-ment to be claimed and purchased by squatters.The Ottawa continued to purchase smaller parcelsof their ceded homelands as they were surveyedand released to the land office, but they tookanother approach as well, turning tc the Michiganlegislature for support.

Eighteen forty-one was an important }ar inAmerican national politics. The Wi.ig party, which

31

had long opposed the policies of Andrew Jacksonand his successor; Martin Van Buren, saw its can-didate Zachary Taylor elected president With theWhigs in power; Michigan legislators who sup-ported Ottawa efforts to remain in the state couldvoice that support without offending party leadersand jeopardizing their own positions.

In 1841 the Ottawa petitioned the Michiganlegislature to aid them in their attempts to remain inthe state and grant them citizenship status. Citi- en-ship, they argued, would give them stronger legalrights and guarantee that they could not beforcibly remoN ed. The legislature, in turn; peti-tioned the United States government to grantcitizenship to Indians who had farms, saying thatthe state had joined the Ottawa and Chippewa inopposition to removal.

The Ottawa petitioned again for citizenship in1843 and 1844. The Michigan legislatureunanimously supported thur efforts as ;:id manyAmerican settlers who had come to recognize thebenefits in having the Ottawa remain. ManyOttawa were now farmers, and others werebecoming wage laborers in commercial fishingenterprises which operated throughout the GreatLakes in the 1840s. With a support group amongthe Michigan citizenry, the Ottawa were finally im-mune to removal pressure.

In 1850, the Michigan constitution granted theOttawa citizenship and the right to vote, but onlyon condition that they renounce their tribal affilia-tion. This was another effort to turn the Ottawainto Christian farmers, and in effect called on themto give up their cultural and political identity.

Changing Values

The period between 1836 and 1855 was a timeof difficult choices for the Ottawa. Basic culturalvalues and traditional practices which had beenhanded down since prehistoric times were beingchallenged and subject to change. Individuals andfamilies had to choose between the old ways andthe new, keeping the traditional ways they valuedmost and adjusting their way of life to fit intoAmerican society.

American-style farming was something new forthe Ottawa. Growing crops was certainly basic tothe traditional Ottawa way of life, but farming hadalways been primarily the work of women. Whilethe women worked in the fields and gathered wildfoods the men spent much of the year away fromthe main villages, hunting, fishing, and tradingover a large territory and maintaining contact withkinsmen in other locales. The American way offarming and keeping livestock demanded that mengive up their role as traveling hunters andfishermen to become tillers of the earth who re-

o 3

The Ottawa

mained in ont place all year long. Some Ottawafound this adjustment difficult. Even more difficultwas the change from sharing among kin to the in-dividual accumulation of wealth necessary to buildsuccessful farms. This change was one mostOttawa were unwilling or unable to make. Familiesmost often continued to live near each other andwork cooperatively on their properties.

The Ottawa's religious beliefs had long servedthem well, explaining the forces of the naturalworld around them and establishing a pattern fortheir relationship to that world. But even thesemost fundamental beliefs were shaken by theepidemics that reduced the Ottawa's number:, bythe economic and political problems with whichthey were ill equipped to deal, and by the attemptsof missionaries to convert them to Christianity.

Some Ottawa did indeed accept the teachings ofthe missionaries; others simply attended churchservices and accepted goods from the missionariesalong with help in building farms, buying land,and dealing with the Americans. Christianity, bydemanding the surrender of the traditionalreligious beliefs, ceremonies, dances, and ritualswhich helped to unite the Ottawa, introduced adisruptive element to Ottawa society, creating divi-sions among those who accepted the teachings andothers who remained traditionalists.

Ottawa parents also had to decide whether ornot to send their children to the mission schools.Sending children to learn to read and write was amore difficult decision than it appearel on the sur-face. Traditionally, teaching was the responsibilityof every family member. Children hunted, fished,and farmed alongside their elders, acquiring theskills they would need as adults and learning thevalues that had been handed down through genera-tions. Rarely subject to physical punishment,Ottawa children had the freedom to learn by ex-perience. But formal schooling made it necessary forchildren to spend time away from their families,often with missionaries who did not understandtheir beliefs and who disparaged the ways of the rancestors.

As long as the Ottawa were secure on their land

32

and could practice their traditional lifeways, theychose to keep their old culture and ways of doingthings. But by the end of the teaty era, the extentto which Ottawa people could maintain theirprevious way of life and values was severelylimited. On a political level, they were mergedinto a broader American system as voting citizens.Reduction of their land base required them tomake a living in much the same fashion as did theAmericans who came to their land. Cult..rally,however, the Ottawa remained ethnically distinct.They were separated from their neighbors by theirskin color, their language, and, in many instances,by their continued belief in the virtue of i ecipro-city among kin at the expense of individually ac-cumulated wealth. The old value of per'onal tiesand relationships continued to unit e. a dispersingpopulation. Those Ottawa people who sought tobreak away from this traditional value systemfound the task difficult if not impossible.

The Treaty of 1855In 1855, the Ottawa made their final treaty with

the United States. The treaty legally ended thethreat of removal aad made provisions for theallotment of Ian First, reservations wereestablished in Mason and Oceana counties and onGrand Traverse and .ittle Traverse bays. Next, thereserved land was to be divided among individualOttawa. Each head of a family was entitled toreceive eihty acres; each person over the age oftwenty-one but not the head of a family receivedforty acres; and each family of orphaned childrenunder the age of twenty-one also receive' forty

-res. The Indians had five years in which to selecttheir iactividuat p...rcels and file their claims. Theland would then be held in trust by the federalgovernment for tcn years. During that time itcould not be taxed; nor could it be sold withoutthe permission of the President of the UnitedStates. When the ten years were up, the deedswould pass from the government to the individualOttawa landholders.

Under this and other treaties negotiated between1854 and 1855 by the United rates with theOttawa and Chippewa of Michigan, 776,320 acresof land near their homes on Lakes Michigan andSuperior were set aside to be divided amongIndian people. Eligibility to receive this land underthe articles of the treaties was determined by theIndian agent, who was to submit a list of prospec-tive landholders to the newly formed federalBureau of Indian Affairs no later than July 1 1856.Anybody not recorded by that time was not en-titled to patent (register) a claim at the governmentland office. When the Indian agent completed hislist, the Indians were to select the lands of their

44

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Now prized by collectors, baskets were woven from black ash wood splints and sold to supplement meager familyincomes. (Catherine Baldwin Collection)

choice, provided there were no Americans alreadyliving on them, and that the land was not includedin any federally protected areas.

The location, quality, and resources of the landswere important factors in the Ottawa's selections.They chose locations well timbered witl pine, oak,ash, and, especially, sugar maple. The in portanceof the natural resources to the Ottawa is illustratedby the case of the Ottawa of the Grand River. In1856, two factions of Ottawa disputed the wisdomof moving to the lands their treaty makers hadreserved in Oceana County. One group refused tomove there, giving as a reason the lack of hard-woods and the poor, sandy soil, and stating itsdesire to live instead among the Chippewa atSaginaw. Although the Commissioner of Indian Af-fairs refused their request, many Grand Riverfamilies did settle, against his orders, on theChippewa reservation in Isabella County.

In the fall of 1857 some eight hundred Ottawaand Chippewa from the Grand River valley movedto their Oceana County reserves near the present-day town of Pentwater. Lacking the financialresources to pay for the move, they had petitionedthe government to hire transportation for them-selves, their possessions, and their livestock. The

33

government agreed to provide steamboats at GrandHaven. Indians today still recall stories of theirgrandparents and great-grandparents loading theirbelongings ;n canoes or driving their livestockalong the banks of the Grand River to assemble atGrand Haven and board the steamboats for thejourney to their new homes.

The Treaty of 1855, like the Treaty of 1836, wasa crucial document for the Ottawa. While theTreaty of 1836 took from them almost all theirlands, the agreement averted removal and pre-served Ottawa rights to hunt and fish on cededterritory, legal rights which the Treaty of 1855 didnot set aside. The Treaty of 1855 protectedOttawa ownership of individual parcels of land butdivided tribal holdings. Earlier treaties hadrecognized Indian tribes as politically sovereign, in-dependent groups, but the Treaty of 1855 di.-solved Ottawa tribal status. No longer wou'J landhe held under tribal ownership, and no longerwould tribal leaders he able to negotiate with thegovernment on behalf of their people as a singlepolitical -*it/. Each person was expected w pre-sent his . case and represent his own best in-terests in dealing with neighbors and with thefederal and state governments. This loss of

45

The Ottawa

political status made it difficult for the Ottawa todefend themselves against those Americans whosought to abuse them.

Loss of the LandMuch of the land set aside for the Ottawa under

the Treaty of 1855 never made its way into Indianhands. At Grand Traverse, for example, more than25,640 acres of the 87,000 reserved acres were ex-cluded from Indian settlement by federal lawsbefore the Indians began to select land. Selectionsmade between 1856 and 1857 were not registeredwith the federal government because ofbureaucratic mix-ups. When they finally wereregistered with tne proper office, many of the bet-ter parcels chosen by the Ottawa were no longeravailable, having been claimed by American settlersunder preemption laws. These laws basically saidthat any settler who had moved onto Indian landand made 'improvements" ny clearing the land forfarming and constructing buildings had first claimon that parcel when it was placed on the openmarket for sale. Eleven percent of the selectionsregistered by Indians were declared invalid becauseof errors in the certificates. In the end only 23percent of the reserved area at .rand Traverse wasin Indian possession.

Even when the Ottawa did receive title theyotter did not hold onto it for long. The averageOttawa family at Grand Traverse retained title forjust 6.3 years, and by !880, two-thirds of the allot-ted land at Grand Traverse had passed throughIndian hands. The reserved land at Huh_ TraverseBay and in Oceana and Mason counties was lost byat least the same rate and probably faster.

Traditional lifeways had not prepared the ma-jority of Ottawa people for participation in theAmerican land-tenure system. Nor did theagricultural skills and education they 11.,d receivedin the 1830s and 1840s prepare them for life in asociety which valued individual accumulation ofwealth, competition, and physical labor beyondthe limits necessary to meet the immediate needsof one's kin.

Quite simply, the Ottawa were neither ready nor

34

completely willing to accept American styles oflife. Accustomed to living as extended familieswhose members worked cooperatively to supportone another, they did not know what to do withthe small parcels of land which were often locatedsome distance apart from the land of other familymembers. As a result, they sold the land some75 percent of it freely and for less than it wasworth. On the average, the Ottawa received 53.53per acre for the sale of their land; Americansselling similar land received $6.95 per acre.

Some Ottawa fell prey to land speculators, mer-chants, and settlers who used a host of deceitfuland illegal means to separate them from their landat low prices. A few Ottawa themselves were in-volved in fraudulent dealings. More interested inprivate gain than group welfare, these Ottawaacted as middlemen, buying land cheaply fromtheir elderly and disabled kinsmen and selling it ata profit to speculators.

Unskilled in protecting their own interestsagainst sharp operators, some Ottawa were easilytaken advantage of. Dishonest speculators, for ex-ample, arranged to buy the timber on Ottawa landfor what appeared to he a fair price. After theIndians signed the documents allowing the timbersales, however, they found that they had actuallysigned quit-claim deeds relinquishing all title to theland, again, for far less than its actual worth.

Government officials did little to remedy thesituation, and even their own government repre-sentatives took part in defrauding the Ottawa. InMason County, for example,, the tax rate was set attwice the amount paid by American settlers, aprice the Ottawa could not always pay. Because ofsuch practices, more Indian land was confiscatedfor back taxes after the ten-year tax-exemptionperiod than was lost by Americans fornonpayment.

This is not to say that all Americans mistreatedor took advantage of the Ottawa at that time or atany other. The Ottawa stiti had friends and allieswho did all they could to protect Indian propertyand rights, but their efforts were often thwarted bymore powerful political and economic interests. Bythe 1860s, for example,, Michigan's increasinglypowerful lumber compank, And railroads hadestablished working relationships with state of-ficials who turned their heads as Ottawa land andtimber were taken.

Losing the land and its resources had an impacton Ottawa economics. Located on land of limitedquality, most Ottawa never succeeded in buildingfarms large enough to earn their livings fromagriculture alone. The) continued to raise gardensfor family use and earned only small incomes fromthe sale of their crops. To supplement their cash

4 6

supply, many adapted :heir traditional skills forliving in the forest to lumbering. Although cuttingvast quantities of timber was alien to traditionalOttawa practices, lumbering provided the Ottawawith desperately needed cash, and it was work atwhich the men excelled. Their families accom-panied them to the areas marked for cutting, andthere in the forest they lived something of a tradi-tional life. Until the great virgin stands of treeswere gone at the turn of the century, loggingprovided some degree of prosperity for Ottawafamilies.

As early as the 1830s the Ottawa had begunselling fish to American settlers. In the 1850s manyOttawa men continued to use their maritime skillsto harvest this resource. Fishing remained a profit-able occupation until the supply of lake fishbecame severely depleted around 1910.

Participation in these two early Michigan in-dustries changed the Ottawa from near self-sufficient workers to people who labored forothers to earn wages. This made them still moredependent upon the Americans around them thanthey had been at any time in their past. As lumber-ing and fishing employmrnt declined, the Ottawacould not go back to their former way of life anymore than their eighteenth-century leader Pontiacwas able, by rebellion, to turn the clock back tothe days before the arrival of the French traders.The Ottawa did farm work and took on odd jobsfor local farmers, mt.rchants, and anyone else whocould afford to pay. They continued to pick ber-ries and to make and sell baskets and quill boxes.These job earned income, but even by the stan-dards of that day, the pay was low.

Preparing for the FutureThe Americans and the Ottawa both came to see

education as the key to Indian survival in thefuture. In the second half of the nineteenth cen-tury no one knew better the value of writing andarithmetic than the Ottawa whose land was beingtaken. They saw education as a means of increas-ing their chances of survival and bettering theireconomic and political position in the state. Educa-tion, to their way of thinking, would provide themwith the skills needed to supplement and supportthe ways of their own culture. The Americans,however, saw education as a means of replacingOttawa culture by instilling Christian values andthe ideals of individual enterprise and hard labor,and even by changing the students' physical ap-pearance. At school boys were forced to cut theirlong hair, and only American-style clothing couldbe worn.

Ottawa leaders were dissatisfied with the mis-sionary boarding school education their children

During World War 1, manyyoung men like EnoMcSawby (Amiksuabi, or"underwater beaver"),shown here on the right.volunteered for U.S. militaryservice even though theirstatus as US citizens wascalled into question bysome Michigan residents andgovernment officials. (Cath-erine Baldwin Collection)

"re

35 -.4 7

The Ottawa

received in the late 1830s and 1840s. They arguedconvincingly with federal officials that for all thethousands of dollars reserved for Indian educationin the Treaty of 1836, few if any children could reador write, and that the money was actually used totrain American students and metis children (ofmixed American and Indian parentage) who hadcloser ties to their American kin than to theOttawa.

The Ottawa argument prevailed. As a result, theTreaty of 1855 removed control of Indian schoolsfrom the missionaries and placed the responsibilityfor Ottawa education firmly in the nands of thefederal government.

In 1857, the government agreed to close all mis-sion boarding schools and open day schools nearOttawa villages. The children attended school onweekday, to learn basic reading, writing, andarithmetic, then returned home on the weekendsto their parents and their own cultural environ-ment, an arrangement which pleased parents and...tildren alike. The Mackinac Agency, which servedthe Ottawa and Chippewa living in Michigan, wassingled out as a model for other Indian educationprograms in the United States. The agency chose toinvest large sums of cash in Ottawa and Chippewaschools because of the great progress comparedwith many other Native American groups thatthe Michigan Indians had made towards living in amanner similar to that of their Americanneighbors. The investment was also made becausethe Ottawa and Chippewa themselves saw educationas a means of reaching economic self-sufficiency inAmerican society and had requested such schools.

Of the country's forty-eight federally supportedIndian schools, twenty were in Michigan, locatedat Onawmececneville, Eagletown, Grove Hill, PineRiver, Bear River, Little Traverse, Middle Village,Cross Village, Cheboygan, Iroquois Point, SugarIsland, Garden Island, and in Isabella, Mason, andOceana counties. Schools were staffed with thebest people available because teachers were paidhigh salaries and competition for teaching posi-tions was strong. By the time of the Civil War, inthe 1860s, the Michigan Indim school system was

one of the finest in the country surpassing thequality of most public schools. Some schools evenprovided free lunches, hooks, and school supplies.More than one thousand Ottawa children wereenrolled in 1863, and 45 percent attended regu-larly, about the same percentage as Americanstudents attending public schools at that time. TheOttawa believed these schools were a greatsuccess.

The government, however, thought otherwise.Indian agents complained that students attendedtoo irregularly, that their parents kept them out ofschool for laming, trapping, harvesting, and berrypicking. Public schools did not show as high a rateof absenteeism primarily ,ecause they were openonly between October and March, while the Indianschools operated from September through June.According to American officials, the Ott wa,despite the education they were receiving, re-mained only partially civilized, continuing to holdonto their core values and to speak their ownlanguage. This was another indication to Americansthat the school system they had created was afailure.

The 1880s brought a change in governmentpolicy on Indian education. To remove Ottawachildren from the influence of their parents and toprom'Ott their adoption of American culture, thegovernment closed most day schools and openedboarding schools where all aspects of thechildren's lives could be strictly supervised.Federal officials contracted the services of HolyChildhood School and its staff at Harbor Springs,and founded the Indian industrial school at MountPleasant in 1893 to train Ottawa children inAmerican values, academic skills, and manuallabor. Perhaps no single effort to change Ottawaculture had as much impact as did the boardingschools.

Parents knew that the aim of the schools andtheir staffs was to change the values of theirchildren. They disapproved of the methods andthey objected to the aim, but they had no otherway to teach their children the academic skillsnecessary to live in American society. Young peo-ple were sent to the boarding schools at an earlyage. Away from their parents, verbally abused andphysically punished, they lived a life of militaryregimentation. Ottawa elders who attended theseschools have vivid memories of the loneliness theyfelt and the mistreatment they received. Althoughmany of the students knew no other language butOttawa, they were not allowed to speak it andwere punished when they were caught. Since allteaching was done in English, many students had adifficult time with their studies. When some ofthase same students became parents, they spoke

36 48

English at home rather than Ottawa to spare theirchildren the unhappy school experience they hadundergone. At school, the children were taughtthat Indian ways were inferior to those ofAmericans, and some never again lived in tradi-tional Ottawa fashion. The majority, however.drew comfort from knowing that they were Indiansgoing through the ordeal with other Indians. Nomatter how bad Indian schools were, they werebetter than facing the discrimination so widespreadin the public schools. When the Mount Pleasantschool closed in 1933, some Ottawa people regret-ted the loss of its services.

Industrial boarding schools often preparedstudents for nonexistent jobs in a society whichdid not allow them to participate equally in thejob market. Boys were taught such trades ascarpentry, mechanics, sign making, painting, andfarming, but rarely did they get jobs for whichthey were qualified, and when they did they wereoften paid less than they deserved. Girls spentmuch time learning social and technical skills thatwere drawn from and were more appropriate tomiddle-class American lives tL n to the lives theyled.

The upward mobility enjoyed by their Americanneighbors was often denied to Indian graduatesthroughout the second half of the nineteenth andwell into the twentieth century. And when Indianscould no longer earn a living by lumbering andfishing, there were few other occupations open tothem. Stereotypes of drunken Indians and lazyIndians blocked the Ottawa from many good-paying positions and forced their continuedreliance on harvesting and selling the naturalresources in areas where the vegetation and animalpopulations had not been destroyed.

Although their way of life changed in the twen-tieth century, the Ottawa accepted American wayson their own terms, infusing American institutionswith their own ideas and meanings. They listenedto Christian teaching, but interpreted the messagesin terms of Ottawa beliefs in the cycle of life. By1910, probably less than 10 percent of all Ottawapeople accepted the Christian belief in a singleGod. The Ottawa replaced their summerceremonial with camp meetings which allowed theIndians to come together, renew family ties. andemphasize their own identity. Other ceremonialswere replaced by pageants and powwows, wheresongs and dances which were once obligationswere reenacted as customs to he preserved andtaught to new generations.

Teaching the young and handing down tradi-tional beliefs and values remained the responsi-bility of elders. As the elders repeated the tales ofNanabozho, the young learned proper Ottawa be-

havior and were encouraged to act accordingly.More important, they learned that being Indianwas something to he proud of and that the pastcontinued to link all Ottawa with the bonds of ashared heritage.

Until the 1930s, most Michigan Ottawa con-tinued to live on small pieces of land aroundIndian settlements at such places as Pcshawbes-town in Leelanau County, Harbor Springs, CrossVillage, and Ethridge. But with the Great Depres-sion, jobs were increasingly difficult to find inrural areas, and many Ottawa began moving tolarger cities Detroit, Grand Rapids, Lansing,Muskegon, Saginaw, and Traverse City amongthem. Lacking experience and education, theOttawa were unable to find good-paying jobs inthe cities. Discrimination by teachers and studentsin city schools prompted many Ottawa teennersto drop out without learning the skills they neededif they were to compete successfully in the jobmarket: Even where discrimination was not a prob-lem, the lack of programs which understood ormet Indian needs also led man) students to leaveschool. Many Ottawa continued to work at jobswhich paid far less than they needed to livecomfortably.

Until the 1940s, few efforts were made to im-prove Indian living conditions, and these werebegun at the initiative of the Indian peoplethemselves. Working first in urban centers, theybegan organizing into a political force to presstheir demands for a greater share of the benefits ofAmerican society. In 1941, the Detroit NorthAmerican Indian Center was founded to provide asocial center for Indian people in the city. Sincethis beginning, the number of Michigan organiza-tions working directly to benefit Indian people hasgrown to more than thirty-eight. Those serving theOttawa include the Northern Michigan OttawaAssociation,. the Grand Rapids Inter-Tribal Council.the Leelanau Indians, Inc., and various other urbancenters throughout the ,tate.

Over thousands of years. the ancestot5 of toda)'sOttawa adjusted to changes in their social andnatural environment, preparing a future for each

437

The Ottawa

new generation. Today, the Ottawa arc working tomake a living in a new environment and to passthe legacy of their ances.:ns on to their children.Some descendants of the ancient Ottawa now usetheir skills to work in factories, offices, schools,and in many other modern occupations. Otherscontinue to farm and fish, using the skills of theirancestors daily and preserving a part of their in-

Michigan's Indian popula-tion is growing. As with allstate residents, the Indians'greatest assets are theirdreams for their children.(Jeremy Thomas Connolly,Grand Rapids Inter-TribalCouncil)

heritance from the past. They still face thepressures of poverty, discrimination, and the ig-norance of others, but the descendants of theSinago, Kiskakon, Sable, and Naussaukueton con-tinue to face the world in a manner distinct fromthat of their neighbors while preparing the way forthe next generation in the cycle of life.

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The Potawatomi

When the French first explored the westernGreat Lakes in the 1630s, they had already

been dealing for some years with the Ottawa, thosefamed long-distance traders whose homeland layalong the shores of Lake Huron. But as theytraveled the region, the French came upon otherIndian societies previously unknown to them.These included the many small bands of huntersand fishermen, later collectively known as theChippewa, who lived on both sides of the SaultSte. Marie rapids in the upper peninsula, and fourtribes in the lower peninsula, the Sauk, Fox,Kickapoo, and Mascouten.

Also living in the lower peninsula, on lands thatstretched along the eastern shore of Lake Michigan,from about Ludington to the St. Joseph River, wasan Indian society which Jean Nicolet, the firstFrench visitor to the western Great Lakes, learnedto call Potawatomi. After the Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo,and Mascouten, who figured large in Michigan'searly history, eventually migrated to resettle westof Lake Michigan by the 1750s, only the Ottawa,the Chippewa, and the Potawatomi remained aspermanent inhabitants of the state, always influen-tial in the history of its development down to thepresent day.

Centuries before Nie,.Iet arrived in the area, theChippewa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi had inhabiteda region north of Lakcs Huron and Superior. Inthis prehistoric era they lived as tiny bands ofhunters and fishermen, speaking dialects of onelanguage, very much alike in their cultural patternsand social life. But about A.D. 1450 thePotawatomi bands migrated south, moving into anarea with a different climate and an environmentthat offered them new opportunities. Once settledalong the streams draining into the lake they calledMitchigami (Great Lake), they began changing theirways. Their ianguage, while remaining similar tothe single language spoken by the Chippewa andthe Ottawa, eventually became unintelligible to

.4'

their northern kinfolk. For example, while thePotawatomi called themselves Neshnabck, the Ot-tawa and Chippewa used the word Anishinabeg. Intime, some of the basic patterns of Potawatomi lifewere transformed. But the Potawatomi never aban-doned all of the skills and knowledge they hadamassed in the north, and they have always main-tained a tradition of relationship and alliance withtheir old neighbors there.

The Potawatomi Pattern: A CulturalAdvantage

The changes in their way of life incorporatedold customs with some features that were new andsome that were borrowed. The combination gavethe Potawatomi a technological edge over both theOttawa and the Chippewa as well as their newneighbors in lower Michigan. The Potawatomi, forexample, retained their old skills at birch-barkcanoe construction and use. As we will see, oncethe French introduced the fur trade, thePotawatomi's bark canoes would give them adistinct advantage over the Sauk, Fox, Mascouten,and Kickapoo tribes, who, lacking the technology,traveled long distances on foot, carrying theirgoods on their backs.

Once settled in their new environment with itswarmer climate, the PotawInomi soon learnedfrom their new neighbors the skills of growingcrops, enabling them to improve the quality oftheir subsistence economy. Indeed, this possibilitymay well have encouraged them to move south inthe E ..t place. In any regard, they quickly becamewhat anthropologists call a horticultural society.Like other horticultural societies in Michigan andelsewhere, they grew corn, beans, and squash,crops anthropologists call the "Mexican Trinity,"after the place where they were first cultivated.

Horticulturalists use simple hand tools in largegarden plots that have been cleared and fertilizedby burning off the trees and brush. Because theyhave no domesticated animals strong enough tomove their farming equipment, horticultui2listshave to rely on human muscle power to till thesoil and plant and harvest crops. Among thePotawatomi, as in other horticultural societies,farming (actually large-scale, human-muscle-powered gardening) became the work of women.Tilling the sandy loam soils they cultivated alongthe river banks where the Potawatomi lived in-creased the importance of women and enlargedtheir roles in the Potawatomi economy andsociety.

As older cultural elements, especially bark canoeuse, combined with newer ones, particularly hor-ticulture, the Potawatomi economy expanded, andthe quality of their life was enriched. Few other

52

Indian tribes in the region possessed this exactcombi,,ation of elements which gave thePotawatomi their cultural advantage. And it wasbecause of this cultural advantage that thePotawatomi population and territory increased sodramatically during the next 150 years. For, whilefarming gave the Potawatomi a larger and moresecure food supply than fishing or foraging, as wellas foods that could be readily stored for longperiods of time, their canoe-using technology gavethem the capacity to transport large quantities ofgoods over very long distances.

In addition, their new, more southerly landscapeprovided access to the large herds of buffalo andelk that grazed the prairie lands of Indiana and Il-linois. Soon, the Potawatomi were not satisifiedunless their platters were heaped with red meat.The great numbers of large game animals enabledthe Potawatomi to move even further away fromdependence on fish and wild plant foods, althoughthese remained in their inventory as usefulsupplements.

Their new economic circumstances allowed thePotawatomi to establish larger, more permanentvillages, to expand their population, and todevelop new and more complex types of social in-stitutions which contributed to their later success.In the process, their social customs became morelike those of the Sauk, Kickapoo, Fox, andMascouten, and less like those of their oldneighbors and kin, the Ottawa and Chippewa.While they, too, expanded their population andterritories, the Ottawa and Chippewa remainedorganized as sets of small, independent bands whonever developed the kinds of social organizationthat promoted coordination among their widelyscattered villages.

The Potawatomi, in contrast, organized theirvillages into a larger whole, a single, cooperatingtribal society. This meant that in their dealingswith allies and rivals, the Potawatomi villagescould often present a well-united front, whether innegotiating trade relationships with the French,for instance, or in mobilizing warriors from manyvillages for their own defense or for offensive ac-tion against enemies.

Moreover, from the earliest contacts with theFrench through the end of the French regime andinto the American era, the leaders of diePotawatomi villages displayed remarkable politicalskills and steadfastness. Once the leaders of theseveral villages had met in council, debatedwhatever issues were before them, and achieved aconsensus position on some policy, they adheredto their positions and ag-tements in a way thatmade their alliances reliable and durable. TheFrench found the Potawatomi firm, highly valued

41

allies, and by the 1680s recognized them as theirstrongest friendsthe most favored tribe in thewestern Great Lakes region. And their rivals andenemies knew the Potawatomi to be formidable,dangerous adversaries.

Michigan Indians in the 1600sWhen the French, who founded their first per-

manent North American settlement in 1608, beganexploring the western Great Lakes, they hadalready met the Ottawa and some of the scatteredChippewa bands, but their knowledge of the tribesthen living on Michigan's lower peninsula wasboth faulty and scanty. 1 neir Iroquoian allies atthe timethe Huron, Neutrals, and Petuns ofwestern Ontariohad informed them that the landwest of Lake Huron (present-day Michigan) was in-habited by Indians called Asistagueronon, a termthe French translated as "Gens de Feu," the FirePeople. The French did not realize, however thatthe Iroquois applied the word Asistagueronon notto a single tribe, but to all the tribes in Michigan.For many years thereafter, the French continued tosearch unsuccessfully for the Indians who calledthemselves the Fire People. Their quest created ahistorical mystery, with first one and then anotherof the Michigan tribes wrongly identified as theelusiveand nonexistent Gens de Feu.

Further confusing the French (and later mapmakers and historians) was the fact that duringthe 1600s all of the Michigan tribes, including thePotawatomi, became refugees. These were theyears of fur-trading wit.- during which the power-ful Iroquois from th invaded the westernGreat Lakes in an attel..pt to gain control of theregion's beaver territories. Large war parties ofNeutrals and Petuns from Ontario, along with war-riors from the New York Iroquois tribes known asthe Fiv, Nations, rampaged through Michigan, at-tacking any tribe that stood in their way.

Defeated in battle and demoralized, their veryexistence threatened, the Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo,Mascouten, Miami, and Potawatomi took flightfrom Michigan, seeking protection by placing moredistance between themselves and the invaders fromthe east. By the late 1650s, only weeds grew inthe large, once-populous villages of the Michigantribes, and the entire lower peninsula was com-pletely depopulated.

For decades thereafter, these refugee trinesmingled and divided. Caught up in the fur-tradewars and the rivalries between France and GreatBritain that extended to North America, each tribeattempted to carve out its own place in the chang-ing political map of the Great Lakes ^egion.

The refugee Indians fled their Michigan ter-ritories in two directions. The Potawatomi, like

5 ')0

The Potawatomi

3

This drawing, based on archaeological evidence,reconstructs the appearance of a Potawatomi man ofDumaw Creek, Central Michigan, about 1600 (ChicagoNatural History Museum)

the Ottaw a . ' Chippewa, were master buildersand navigators of framed-up bark canoes. Theymigrated north across the Straits of Mackinac andthen west into northeastern Wisconsin. In 1641,near Mackinac, the French first met large numbersof Potawatomi who were on their way to safetyfurther west.

Lacking the bark-canoe technology of thePotawatomi and equipped only with unwieldydugouts .hat were unsafe in open water, theMiami, Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, and Mascouten fledby land. Traveling on foot, these "great pedestrians,"as they were called by the French, escaped theIroquois threat by moving south around the lowertip of Lake Michigan and 0 en north into centralWisconsin.

Once resettled in Wisconsin, the refugees beganbanding together to face the Iroquois who hadcontinued to pursue them. They also began form-ing alliances with the French, who desperatelyneeded trading partners and allies in the GreatLakes now that the Iroquois and other easterntribes had allied themselves with the British. BothFrance and Britain were seeking to expand theirinfluence in North America, and alliances with the

French would ultimately involve the Michigantribes in wars against the English.

Joining forces with their French allies and theWinnebago and Menominisocieties native toWisconsinthe refugee Michigan tribes repeatedlydefeated the Iroquois invaders in pitched battles.By the 1670s they had stopped the invasion andwere driving the Iroquois away. Soon some of therefugees began filtering back into Michigan. Atfirst, only small hunting and trapping groups oc-cupied land near Saginaw Bay, but within anotherdecade larger numbers of Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo,Miami, Mascouten, and Potawatomi hadreestablished their villages in southwestern andcentral Michigan.

Soon after 1701, when the French and their In-dian allies forced the Iroquois to accept peace, thereoccupation of Michigan by the refugee tribeswas complete. But within a half century, only the"canoe tribes"the Potawatomi, Ottawa, andChippewaremained in Michigan. By the end ofthe eighteenth century, all of the "pedestriantribes" had migrated elsewherethe Miami southinto Indiana, the Mascouten and Kickapoo into Il-linois, and the Sauk and Fox to western Wisconsinand Iowa.

A Rise to Power

While they lived in Wisconsin, the Potawatomi,displaying a remarkable grasp of what today wewould call political geography, establishedthemselves as a power in the Green Bay region.Decades later, with the defeat of the Iroquois andthe opportunity to return to Michigan, they onceagain displayed their acute sense of strategic loca-tion by rising w prominence in the St. JosephRiver valley and the Detroit region.

During the 1680s, many Potawatomi returned totheir old territory in the St. Joseph River valley,displacing the Miami who had resettled there a fewyears earlier and who now moved south to Indiana.Once Cadillac founded Detroit in 1701, otherPotawatomi migrated there to reinforce the newFrench presence in the region and to settle near thenew Detroit fort and trading post. Later, morePotawatomi moved south to settle along thedrainage of the Wabash River, while even moremoved into the Chicago-Illinois River area.These expanded settlements, made possible in partby a greatly increased population, also reflected anastute Potawatomi ability to _ ..k.ognize and take ad-vantage of the economic and political oppor-tunities that presented themselves. Besidesestablishing their settlements in areas rich in corn-fields, game, and other resources, the Potawatomioften located in places where their French allieswere establishing new trading posts, an arrange-

54

?tiring the 1830.s, thePotawatomi moved northto Grand Traverse Bayand to villages such :Sthe one skached herein response to an 1836treaty agreement. Ottawaresistance soon c.tusedthem to leave the arca.(Bela Hubbard Notebook,Bentley HistoricalSociety)

a

meat of benefit both.Canoe technology, important for local and long-

distance trade and transpoation, ma.le a furthersignifican contribution to tribal fortunes, for asthe Potawatomi increased in nun.hers and rose toinfluence in their new settlements, they gainedsubstantial control over the major avenues ofwater transportation in the entire region. Theseroutes were the major links in a great chain oftrade which stretched from Europe to the St.Lawrence and through the Great Lakes to the GulfCoast and the entire Mississippi valley.

The tribal leaders, displaying full understandingof the Lakes region's geography, also madewise use of their additional human capital. Increasedpopulation provit both the manpower for in-creased fur production and military action and thewomanpower for greater food production throughhorticulture and the processing of raw materials.All of these activities contributed to a rise in thetribe's living standar,' as well as its power andprestige.

We can see therefore, that a combination oftechnological, economic, political, geographic,and population advantages led to otawatomiascendancy in the seventeenth and eighteenth cen-turies. The fusion of canoe technology with themastery of key geographic locations favored theexpansion of Potawatomi influence while an in-creasing population provided the means. Strongalliances with the French, another essential ingre-dient in the Potawatomi rise to influence, werepromoted by effective Potawatomi politicalinstitutions.

And yet none of these factors would have worked

as well as they did without the Potawatomitribal institutions. For many &cad( s these institu-tions woe,ld provide a unity of identity and pur-pose and the means for a cooperative mobilizationof all resources required to achieve valued ends.Potawatomi tribal organization unified the separatehands and villages into one society and enabled thePotawatomi to withstand the challenges andthreats of a dramatically changing social, physical,and political environment which overwhelmednumerous oth( Indian communities.

The Tribal Design

A tribe is one of several types of social organiza-ConInd societies built on a tribal plan exist andthrive in special historical, environmental, andsocial circumstances. So it was with thePotawatomi. There was a time, in late prehistory.when the separate Potawatom communities wereorganized much like the Chippewa into dozens ofsmall; independent, separate bands. But at an im-portant period in their history, the Potawatomicoalesced into a tribal whole, developing the typeof social and political organization which en-couraged their expansion and allowed them toflourish.

At one level, the Potawatomi remained muchlike the Chippewa and Ottawa bands, with everyPotawatomi village or local hand retaining great in-dependence and the power to make decisions inmost matters But local Potawatomi groups weretied to one another in ways not characteristic ofthe Chippewa and Ottawa. Recognized by onename, they were tre,,ted as one societyby theFrench, British, and American governments and by

4 3 5 5

The Potawatomi

their Native American allies and enemies as well.And when it came to matters affecting all or manyPotawatomi from several or more communities,the tribal decision-making apparatus was mobi,ized.

One important example of this tribal decision-making process happened about 1668. ThePotawatomi refugees were then clustered aroundGreen Bay, and they had developed an ambition toa as commercial middlemen between French sup-pliers of goods in the east and Indian suppliers offurs in the west. This tribal policy, they quicklydiscovered, conflicted with the plans of their newallies, the French; who intended to monopolize thetrade themselves. At that moment, a potentiallydamaging controversy threatened. If they persistedin their original intentions, they ran the risk of be-ing bypassed by the French entirely.

Soon a great tribal council representing allPotawatomi villages was called, and the Wkamck(leaders) assembled and delxited the matter longand hard with t17.e. French diplomatic agent,Nicholas Perrot. Behind each Wkama (leader) satthe kinsmen he represented, checking on his

avior in council. Various alternative positionswere discussed until; in the end; a consensus wasreached, one fully acceptable to all /Wages andWkamek, elder and younger alike: The French

suppply them with valued goods importedfrom Europe in exchange for pelts. And in 'urnfor this economic arrangement, the Potawatomipledged their loyalty and military support in timesof war.

Once the decision had been neade, .a Speaker wasselected to rise and eloquently chant the words ofthe new agreement Then, one by one, from eldestto youngest in turn, all the leaders stood to singout their acceptance of the Speaker's proclamation.A consensus had been reached and publicly ac-cepted by all concerned. There was no dissentingminority, and no opposition was toleratedthereafter.

Similar kinds of public uncils and consensus-seeking public debate were egularl conductedlocally, on a smaller scale, about matters affectingthe local community, n the tribe as a whole. Int-

44

portant decisions affecting kin groups and villages,just like those involving the whole tribe, had to hethrashed out in public forums open to all. Sincesuch decisions were arrived at by consensus ratherthan by majority vote, there was little room leftfor dispute or frustration among a minority onany issue. The emphasis on public debate, on con-sensus, and on the sharing and decentralization ofpolitical power reflects the great value thePotawatomi placed on equality in both the politicaldecision-making process and the distribution ofeconomic resources. Like their Ottawa and Chip-pewa kindred, the Potawatomi had exceedingly lit-tle tolerance for inequalities of any kind. Theirswas a society without a single head, and onewithout social classes marked by inequities ofwealth.

These attitudes express ideal values, of course.Potawatomi people NN ere perfectly aware that in-dividual humans vary. Some men are more am-bitious than others, some fay more skilled asorators, some unusually have, some timid in bat-tle. Some are highly skilled as hunters, others ineptand unproductive. Although important politicalroles were restricted to men, women had parallelinstitutions, and sometimes an unusual woman didin fact assume a man's role as warrior and pro-vider. Ad these variations the Potawatomiunderstood, had traditional explanations for, andaccepted.

What they would not tolerate; however, wasviolence within the tribal communityin theirview the most evil of crimes. Nor would they ac-cept the concentration of power or wealth thehands of any individual or small clique. And whensuch potentially damaging events occurred, thePotawatomi had carefully worked out means fordealing with them.

Overly ambitious individuals, for example.might seek to obtain power by such impropermeans as secret negotiations with allies or rivals.WhLI, Jell persons were discovered and iden-tified, they were quickly disciplined. Generally,gossip and public censure were effective. But whenthese measures failed, individuals who persisted intheir misbehavior could be deposed from whateverresponsible position they held. If this was notenough they could he exiledsent off never toenjoy the aid and comfort of their kinfolk againa most serious punishment for people like thePotawatomi.

in the most extreme cases, when no other sanc-tion was adequate, a persistent transgressor couldbe executed. But such heavy penalties were rare,since by themselves they violated one of the mostsacred of Potawatomi ideals, the prohibition ofbloodshed within the community. Execution was

56

employed only in some cases of murder, where themurderer displayed neither remorse nor willingnessto compensate the family of his victim; or in casesof persistent witchcraft, when the perpetratorcould be discovered; or in the instance of extremepolitical misbehavior that threatened the welfare ofa whole community.

One often-used technique for resolving internalconflicts was of special importance, for alongwith calming internal tensions it contributed to theexpansion of Potawatomi tribal territory. When in-tense rivalries c'eveloped within a community or aclan, the smaller, dissident faction was generallyencouraged to split off from the community andresettle elsewhere. Many, in fact, did so. Frequent-ly, the migration was to locations nearby, just farenough away to allow recognition of the newvillage and scope for its new leaders to act outtheir aspirations.

Sometimes even larger unitsclusters of closelyassociated villages, for example would also breakaway from heavily settled and much exploitedareas to take up residence in distant locations.Migrations of larger parts of the whole societywere responsible for expanding the tribal estate in-to new regions such as Detroit and Chicago, whilethe resettlement of smaller parts of villages ex-panded the range of occupation and use of there"frontier" regions. Both forms of territorial expai.-sion were encouraged, of course, by the growth ofPotawatomi population.

Apparently there was an effective upper limit tothe size of Potawatomi N illages. Except when theymight temporarily be banded together for defen-sive purposes, as during the 1650s in northeasternWisconsin, Potawatomi vil!ages rarely exceededthree hundred persons and generally averagedfewer than one hundred.

There is an old legend which speaks of a timewhen the Neshnabek did dwell together in onelarge village as one people, but this must beunderstood as a poetic image. Told in the 1820sduring a time of grave social disintegration, whenthe tribal system was breaking down and when thePotawatomi could no longer effectively think andact in a cooperative manner, expressed only amythic longing for a happier and more harmonioustime.

In the end. the Potawatomi tribal organizationdid not survive. After the War of 1812, it "xcameAmerican policy to divide and dismember thewhole as a way of more rapidly acquiring ever-larger tracts of Potawatomi land. When thishappened, the tribal system broke down, theregional clusters of villages divided and went 'heirseparate ways, and the villages became smaller asthe Potawatomi scattered in an effort to cope with

their new situation in an American-controlledGreat Lakes region.

Clan, Community, and IndividualAlthough their tribal organization enabled the

Potawatomi to deal successfully with Europeansand other outsiders in the seventeenth and eigh-teenth centuries, to the individual Potawatomitribal membership meant relatively little. The bulkof an individual Potawatomi's life was spent inassociation with members of a family andhousehold, an extended family group, a clan, and avillage.

The core of each individual's personal identitycame not from being a Potawatomi, but from theclose, intimate relationships of everyday life. Near-ly all the day-to-day and season-to-season businessof being born, growing up, mastering and perform-ing an adult work role, marrying, having children,and dying was acted out in the context of family,clan, and community. For that matter, all the affairsof the tribe and regional clusters of communitieswere conducted by persons whose primaryloyalties lay in clans and villages. The Neshnabekhad no standing tribal "government," no organized"church," and no economic institutions separatefrom the organizations of kin and village members.

Americans today generally confuse Potawatomivillages with places, not appreciating the fact thatvillages were organized groups of people whoevery dozen years or so regularly movedthemselves, their wigwams, and their woven bagsfilled with property from one location to anotheras they exhausted the fertility of the soils informer localities.

The Potawatomi clan system is even more dif-ficult for modern-day Americans to understand,since there is nothing in our experience remotelysimilar to what the Potawatomi called Ototeman(clan). Our own word totem comes from thisPotawatomi expression, but its basic meaningclan emblemis different. The PotawatomiOtoteman signified a group of persons closelyrelated by virtue of descent through a line of maleancestors stretching many generations back to adistant founder. In addition to being the name ofthe clan organization, Ototeman was also the per-sonal name and identity of the founder.

Clan descent was always patrilineal. In otherwords, descent was traced , trough the male line.Some forty-two different Potawatomi Ototeman, orclans, have been identified, although there werecertainly more whose names were never recorded.

Before the great refugee mig-at ions of the 1640s,the Potawatomi clans in western Michigan prob-ably numbered few more than a dozen, and eachclan formed a separate village. Among the residents

57.45

,gaF

The Potawatomi

of such clan-villages were related adult malestogether with their sons and unmarried daughters,all members of the local clan. Also living in thevillage ',were the wives of the men, who were thegrandmothers and mothers of the younger people,but these adult women came from other clan-villages, for it was strictly enforced law thatmembers of one elan had to marry people born in-to others. When the women born into this clan -village married, they moved away to live withtheir husbands' people, but they never lost theiroriginal clan identity.

In later years, after the Potawatomi settled tem-porarily in Wisconsin as refugees, and during thesubsequent decades when they were rapidly c:,-panding their territory, this neat system grew morecomplex. By the early 1700s most larger villagescontained parts of two or more clans, and somehad many more.

The number of clans also grew as smaller fac-tions separated themselves from larger clan groupsin order to occupy new territory or to resolve in-ternal differences. For example, sometime before1668, a conflict within the large Golden SuckerOtoteman resulted in the creation of two smallersub-clansthe Red Suckers and the Black Suckerswhich split off from the original group.Whatever their earlier differences may have been,however, we sub-clans still retained much of theirloyalty to their original clan, for in that same yearyoung Red and Black Sucker warriors eagerly joinedwith their Golden Sucker brethren to settle adispute involving some rowdy French traders whohad abused a Golden Sucker elder.

The forty-two or more Potawatomi clans wereorganized into six larger divisions called phratriesby anthropologists. These were named the GreatLake (or Great Sea), Thunderbird (or Sky), Man (orHuman), Beat., Buffalo, and Wolf divisions (orphratries). Each of the phratries contained fromtwo to eleven clans who often cooperated, par-ticularly in arranging and conducting rituals, whichwas their chief responsibility. The clans withineach phratry had names and emblems which in-dicated their affiliation. The Great Lake phratry,

46

for instance, included the Kitchigumi (Great Lake),Gigos (Fish), Wasi (Bullhead), Name (Sturgeon),Mshike (Turtle), and Nmapena totems, as well asothers called Frog, Crab, Golden Sucker, BlackSucker, and Red Sucker.

The importance of clan membership was greatlystressed by the Potawatomi. Such association fixedthe identity of each individ it firmly in socialspace, as a clan member from whom aid and com-fort could always be sought and expected byothers, and to whom loyalty and service were owedthroughout the person's lifetime. A month or soafter birth, each child, in a ritual that symbolizedacceptance into his or her father's clan, was gig _na name selected from an inventory of names toatwas the clan's property. This personal clan namewas usually that of a deceased ancestor, and thePotawatomi believed th the child literally assumedtne identity and characteristics of his or hernamesake. In this fashion, memories of theancestors were kept alive, and the living weretightly bound to the clan's past.

Personal names usually revealed an individual'sclan (and phratry) membership. Rapids, Whirlpool,and the Bay, obviously, were of the Great Lakeclan; Yello,t, Thunder and Brings the Clouds wereof the Thunde,. clan; and Duck Hawk was of theEagle (or Thunderbird) totem. But the poetry ofPotawatomi naming was so rich in connotation-and allusions that sometimes we have to be toldthe exact reference and clan identity. -MUG, Stainsthe Snow (an allusion to urine) was a Wolf, WhiteHair an Eagle, and Walks Over the Earth a Buffaloclan name.

Women's names were either distinctively (atleast to the Potawatomi) feminine, or else theywere marked with a -kwe, the Potawatomifeminine cuffix. Kitsamo (Spotted Bitch), for in-stance, was born into the Wolf totem, Menisikwe(Swooping Down Woman) into the Eagle clan.

Each Potawatomi also had additional names, aris-ing from personal experiences or exploits, ormarking individual foibles or failings. Thesenicknames, rather than linking individuals to theirtotems, marked instead their distinctivepeculiarities and were often humorous if not mild-ly insulting. Pokagon, for example, the name bywhich one of the most important MichiganPotawatomi leaders of the early 1800s is bestknown, originally meant something like Mr.Ribs," a joke whose point is now obscure. Ills properclan name, however, was Sakikwinik (River'sMouth), indicating his membership in the powerfulKitchigumi totem.

Pokagon's life history also illustrates another im-portant feature of the Potawatomi clar. cystem.Unlike other Potawatomi, who acquired clan

58

Leopold Pokagon. (NorthernIndiana Historical Society,South Bend, Indiana)

membership by birth, Pokagon, born a Chippewa,gained his clan affiliation by adoption. As a youngman Pokagon was somehow assimilated into aPotawatomi village on the St. Joseph River. Howthis came to be is not entirely clear Much latertraditions say he was taken prisoner in battle, butthis is extremely unlikely since the Potawatomiand Chippewa were almost always closely allied.Whatever the circumstances, once Pokagon was ac-cepted as a potentially valuable member of thecommunity, he was adopted into the Great Seaclan and given an appropriate totem name identify-ing him with a respected ancestor.

Adoption was a favored method of recruitingnew members into a totem group. Often these newmembers were persons from other cultures entire-ly, and adoption was the means used by thePotawatomi to formally assimilate them. Adoption,in other words, was a type of naturalization pro-cess used by the Potawatomi to place former aliensinto a specific clan. The membership of adopted in-dividuals in the larger community and their identi-ty as Potawatomi arose from that placement andacceptance into a clan. If Irish-born immigrants toLansing first had to be adopted into a long-residentMichigan family before they could be naturalizedas United States citizens, American practice wouldbe similar to Potawatomi custom.

The instance of an alien such as Pokagon beingadopted into a clan and later rising to an impor-tant leadership role was by no means a rare thingfor strangers adopted as Potawatomi. Indeed, overthe course of their history a substantial number oftheir more prominent leaders were men with Sauk,Ottawa, or Shawnee roots. Why this should havebeen is interesting. Such immigrants tended to bepersons whose aspirations were thwarted in theirown native communities and who found the grassgreener on the Potawatomi side of tile river. Oncethese outsiders were accepted into a Potawatomiclan and village, they could begin their careers freeof all the accumulated obligations and jealousrivals that hampered younger, would be Wkamekhorn and bred there. Freer to act, these adoptedPotawatomi were often holder in their styles of

47

leadership than the established leaders whose manykinfolk and social debts constrained them.

Modern-day Americans tr,Ist often confuse thetraditional Potawatomi clan organization with theirunderstanding of our own family system. But thetwo are quite differtat. In the first place,Americans trace their kinship relations throughboth lines of descentmale and femalealmostequally, and American children can legally inheritproperty from both parents.

The Potawatomi clan system, in contrast, wasstrictly otrilineal. The Potawatomi handed downtheir property and traced then descent entirelythrough the male line. Kinship ties extended hackfrom the individual to his father and his father'sfather, and down through the generations to hisson's sons. The individual Potawatomi was alsolinked to tilt_ clans of his mother's male relativesher father, brothers, and their sonsbut not tothe clans of her sisters and their children.

While a vast multitude of families makes upAmerican society, Potawatomi clans were few, andall Potawatomi were lifelong members of just oneclan. Tit clans were neatly and clearly bounded,both by symbols and by strict requirements placedon the members. When a young Eagle totem

The Potawatomi

woman married she had to select a husband from adifferent clan (because all young Eagle males werelike brothers to her). She changed her place ofresidence but not her clan membership, and herchildren became members of her husband's clan. Ifshe died, her husband's clanmatesnot her ownclaimed her children. If her husband died, hisbrother, or a near relative, would likely marry herto reinforce the place of her children in theirfather's totem.

Unlike American families, the Potawatomi totemwas a corporation in the true sense of the word.Clans far outlasted the lifespan of any individual,and membership stretched fai back into the past toinclude long-dead ancestors as well as downthrough the future to embrace generations yet un-born. Clans had their own distinctive identities,their unique remembered histories, their ownheroes, their special symbols, their particularrituals. In clan religious ceremonies, Bear clanmembers would shamble and eat like bears; theWolf would be given gifts appropriate to hisnature; and Sky People would dance like Eagles orCranes

Each clan was a property-owning corporation,possessing its own distinctive set of personalname., as well as its own property and magicalpowers including rituals and spells. Traditionally,for example, only Great Sea totem men owned theright to build bark canoes, and only members ofthe Buffalo clan could claim the privilege oforganizing a communal hunt for their totemicnamesake.

But the clan system, like the tribal organizationitself, did not survive the nineteenth century. Bythe early twentieth century, even among the highlyconservative western Potawatomi, the clans wereremembered, but they no longer operated as themost critical units of social life in the community.Today, among some Potawatomi, only the customof assigning personal names remains of all themany rich features of the ancient clan system. InMichigan, on the other hand, not even this muchis still alive. Both traditional tribe and clan havelong since disappeared as the few small remaining

48

Michigan Potawatomi communities took on thefeatures of American society. How this came to beis one consequence of the Potawatomi history ofdealings with the French, British, and Americans.

The Fur Trade

By 1668, the Potay. atomi, then still assembled innortheastern Wisconsin, had established a firm,durable alliance with the French. Nut only werethey trading partners, they were also militaryallies, and the Potawatomi regularly fought on theside of the French against the British in the fre-quent colonial wars in North America. This F t rongpolitical and economic relationship lasted nearly acentury until the British conquered French Canadain 1760.

The French era was a period of great change forthe Potawatomi. The decades of French power inNorth America witnessed Potawatomi elevation toa position of much prestige and influence amongother Native American societies, a large increase intheir population, and a vast expansion of theirtribal estate. Although they tried to remain loyal tothe French even after the British conquest ofCanada, the Potawatomi's leaders soon found itnecessary to accommodate themselves to thechanged political reality and struck a fresh alliancewith the new imperial presence in the Great Lakesarea.

European contact introduced the Potawatomi toa new technology and to goods of Europeanmanufacturebrass, copper, and iron utensils, aswell as firearma, which the Potawatomi soonfound superior to traditional weapons for bothhunting and war. As they watched the French raisecattle and hogs for food and use horses and oxenfor trahsnortation, farming, and construction, thePotawatomi also became familiar for the first timewith domesticated animals other than the dog. Atthe same time, they were introduced to the con-sumption of fermented :tad distilled alcoholicbeverages.

Seeing these new products often led to wantingthem, and satisfaction of these wants required in-volvement in relationships which brought furthersocial changes. The French, and later the British,were mainly concerned with obtaining large quan-tities of furs from the Great Lakes region.Potawatomi ability to trap, process, and deliverthese furs involved them in one side of a comp'execonomic system that stretched from Lake Superiorand the upper Mississippi valley through Frenchtrading posts on the St. Lawrence to the marketsand consumers of Europe.

Involvement in the fur trade moved thePotawatomi and other tribes of the interior faraway from their traditional subsistence economy,

60

which had been supplemented with a modest tradein prestige goods with other societies much likethemselves. The fur trade placed them into a situa-tion where they became the suppliers of a type ofraw materialthe peltrywhich was shippedlong distances for final processing and sale. Thevalue of these beaver and mink pelts increaseddramatically the closer the furs came to the finalmarket place. But European tastes and fashionschanged. and the value of the finished productsrose and fell in ways that the Potawatomi couldneither understand nor control, although they ex-perienced the painful consequences of depressionsin the European fur market.

In return for the furs they supplied, thePotawatomi obtained products manufactured threethousand miles away, .nd the production andtransportation of these goods also helped to buildthe economies of Europe. Clearly the Potawatomiand their neighbors value:1 these new goodshighly, and they worked nard to gain access tothem. Indeed, they were at first amazed thatanyone would trade such treasures as 'A-ass kettles.loomed woolens, or steel knives for beaver pelts,which to them had never betn of much value.

The technological exchange, however, was byno means one way. Europeans quickly recognizedthe superiority of many item in the Potawatomiinventory of locally manufactured goods. Both thesnowshoe for winter land travel and theframed-up bark canoe for warm-season watertransportation were soon adopted as im-provements over anything previously known toEuropeans. Both could be quickly made fromreadily available local materials and were easily'waked. The Potawatomi style of housing 'hedome-shaped, simp:y framed hark or mat-sheathedwikwamwas also adopted and regulars, used b.'the French. particularly when traveling. For yearssome Potawatomi were employed, at least parttime, in constructing canoes and similar gear forthe use of French traders, while women also con-tributed surplus corn and nand-made footgear andclothing to this s:Je of the new economy.

The Impact of European TechnologyThe new economic relationship nourished, and

in a few brief years the Potawatomi and theirneighbors went from a Neolithic (late Stone Age)technology into the use of machine-made goods ofiron and steel. and from an economic system basedon local trade into a many-layered, capitalized, in-ternational marketplace. Along the way theybecame customers of the factories of Europe. Notonly was their economic status altered; in the longrun it was weakened. Underpaid primary pro-ducers of raw materials for an international

49

market. they became economically andtechnologically dependent. and the economic rolesof Potawatomi men and women grew morespecialized and limited than they had ever beenbefore.

In 1641, every adult Potawatomi male wascapable himself of creating and maintaining all thetools and implements he required; each womanwas able herself to fashion all the containez,, uten-sils, and implements she needed for her work. Ageneration later ti.t.. was no longer the case. Notonly could the Potawatomi not produce or forgeiron into new tools, nor fashion brass into cookingpots, nor weave textiles, they could not evenrepair the goods they did obtain from the Frenchand British. It was no accident, then, that amongthe numerous kinds of services provided by theFrench, those of a blacksmith-gunsmith were themost highly valued.

The different types of new goods from Europehad other ctnsequences for Potawatomi life.Neither the Neshnabek nor any other tribes of theregion had ever experienced the effects of alcoholon personal behavior, for example. They entirelylacked built-in cultural controls over the consump-tion and use of such mind-bending chemicals, andthe effects were sometimes disastrous to the peaceof clan and community.

The rapid, unregulated. excessive ingestion ofwines, brandies, and rums (all European-manufactured products) altered the states of con-science of Potawatomi men (less often women),releasing aggressive, assaultive behavior and violentattacks within clan and community of a kind d.'had previously been both forbidden and controed.And regular consumption by a few sometimescreated chemical dependence that caused a shardecline in economic effort, further contributing tosocial disorganization within clan and community.

The continuing efforts of French, British. andAmerican authorities to control the distribution ofalcoholic bevera^,,zs to the Potawat.mti and otherIndians had little success. Because the Neshnabekdemanded the alcoholic products they had learnedto consume,. and because traders were perfectlywilling to profit from their delivery, such efforts .0enforcing "prohibition were doomed from thestart. The French and British had no more successin controlling the deliver), of alcohol to Indiansthan do modern authorities in preventing the pro-duction and delivery of other mind-alteringsubstances to their citizens.

In their own communities the Potawatomi ex-perienced other consequences of this technologicalrevolution. With the growing availability of newkinds of materials and superior tools. there was aflowering of some arts and crafts, such as bead-

61

The Potawatomi

work and richly decorated tailored clothing. Therewas also, however, a loss of old skills. For in-stance, once Potawatomi women obtained regularsupplies of brass, copper, and iron containers, theysoon ceased making pottery vessels.

Nonetheless, Potawatomi culture retained mostof its traditional integrity, and Potawatomi societyflourished. By 1760 the population had expandednearly fourfold, from some 2,500 Potawatomi inthe 1660s to about 10,000 at the end of theFrench regime. Although they now dressed insomewhat different ways, and in spite of the factthat they used new types of weapons, they allspoke Potawatomi, believed in Potawatomi ways,and observed their old social customs.

Efforts of Jesuit missionaries to convert them toa new religion were largely unsuccessful. This wasparticularly true when they were still in Wisconsinand such notable figures as Claude Allouez andJacques Marquette labored to convince the Neshnabekof the value of Christian beliefs and such Europeancustoms as church-sanctified monogamous mar-riage. Many Potawatomi listened attentively. Fewsuccumbed. The Jesuits managed only to baptize afew elder, near death, some seriously ill persons,and occasional infants

The Potawatomi listened because they believedthe superiority of Euopean technology could be ex-plained only by the variety of supernatural powerthese newcomers possessed. However, they werenot then interested in wholesale, whole-heartedconversion to an entirely new faith. Instead, theypicked and chose among features of Catholicpractice that they saw as useful to them. And eachsuch feature was incorporated into Potawatomipractice, in Potawatomi style. Certain of their ownreligious specialists, for instance, were also physi-cians. When one of them watched Claude Alloueztreat a seriousk ill young Wkama by bloodletting,he soon adopti,' this treatment into his own prac-tice. Another elderly "convert" insisted on sayingthe Lord's Prayer in his own, distinctivelyPotawatomi fashion:"My Father Who is inHeaven." This elder understood, much to FatherAllouez's consternation, that the Christian God was

50

a new, privately owned Manido (a personal spirithelper) not to be shared with others.

Only later, after the Potawatomi had expandedinto the St. Joseph River valley and the DetroitRiver regions, did the Catholic missionaries therehave more substantial success. Both places werecenters of French economic, military, and mis-sionary activity and in each some Wkamekbecame converts, leading their clanmates andvillages into the Catholic fold. But even then theywere a minority, and most of them went on observ-ing traditional Potawatomi practices as well.

A Balancing ActThe roles of Potawatomi clan and village leaders

began changing during the French era. Traditionally,the tribe's numerous Wkamek each representedsome local group, which carefully observed andcontrolled its own leader's dealings withforeigners. Moreover, any decision reached had tobe based on a public consensus among all theWkamek, and between each Wkama and the kin-folk he represented.

Europeans, however, had vastly different expec-tations and understandings of Potawatomi leader.ship roles than did the Neshnabek themselves. TheFrench believed Potawatomi leaders were theirchosen agents, largely responsible to them, andwere convinced that a Wkama could and shouldmake authoritative decisions binding on his people.They also believed that Potawatomi leadershiproles were hereditary, like European titles passingautomatically from father to son. The Potawatomibelieved to the contrary. Leaders had no realpower, only influence won from an example set,regular successes, and the ability to persuade. Andthe office of Wkama was the property of a clan orvillage, who awarded it to the man of their choice.These conflicting beliefs were at the root of manylater problems.

During the French regime the role of Wkamabecame a balancing act of representing kinfolk onthe one hand while dealing with the French on theother. To maintain his influence among his clan-mates, a leader had to win concessions from theFrench. Moreover, he had to obtain from themgoods and services delivered to himself, which hecould then deliver to his people. To do thisregularly was evidence of his ability.

As the relationship with the Frcnch developed,no newly selected Wkama who aspired to largerinfluence and renown could expect to be suc-cessful without visiting French authorities at anearby post or in Montreal, there to seek approvalof his positiot At this formal visit, the Wkamawould receive recognition as well as presents inthe form of goods and supplies for his people and

62

Metes ("He Sulks' ), aPotawatomi Wkatna (leader)in the War of 1812, livedalong the St. Joseph Riveron the Michigan-Indianaborder. He was an influen-tial speaker at t.eaty con-ferences in 1821 and 1826.,'Mc Kenner, 1868)

such symbols of his French-approved role asmilitary uniforms, flags, and medals. By the end ofthe French era, this system had become a traditionthat was carried on through the British and intothe American eras as well.

Competition for Potawatomi leaders' loyaltiesamong the French themselves added new strains tothe balancing act. Different Catholic orders soughtto displace the Jesuits in the mission field. Traderswere in constant competition wi, one another forPotawatomi business. The highest Frenchauthorities were constantly wrangling amongthemselves and seeking to undo each other's in-fluence among the Indians. And missionaries,traders, and authorities had their own differenceswith one another. As each faction or religiousorder sought to establish its own favored Wkamain a position of power for its own purposes,Potawatomi leaders were regularly subjected toconflicting demands and to a variety of tempta-tions, blandishments, and pressures.

I'' this were not damaging enough, thePots. watomi became embroiled in the long and bit-ter struggle between France and Britain to expandtheir empires. The Potawatomi position as most-favored tribe with the French automatically madethem enemies of the British and their allies. It alsomade them targets fur British efforts to cause theirdisaffection from the French. Over the years, theNeshnabek's leaders became extraordinarily skilledat playing off these conflicting European interestsagainst one another for the short-run benefit oftheir own people.

Eventually, though, as the Potawatomi expandedtheir territory, and as local communities remotefrom one another began developing different con-cerns and interests, these, conflicting pressureshelped cause the dismemberment of the tribe.Potawatomi villages in eastern Michigan and In-diana, for example, were more exposed to attackfrom the English colon; :s and more likely to be

tempted by the promises and merchandise of NewYork and Pennsylvania traders than were thevillages in northeastern Wisconsin or the Chicagoarea. And, later on, it was these easternmostvillages that were first pressured by Americans tosell and abandon their lands.

Even early in the French era some Potawatomibecame aware of the advantage s of trade with theEnglish. In later years some of them occasionallycarried their furs to British posts on Lake Ontario.The lure was higher quality goods and lowerprices, an attraction the French were hard pressedto counter. Periodically, because of successfulBritish blockades of French ports in Europe, theFrench and their Indian allies were cut off foryears from needed supplies. These blockadescreated hard times for the Potawatomi and othertribes who had become dependent on firearms,powder, steel traps, and other goods. But althoughtheir Wkamek often protested their poverty indiplomatic exchanges with French authorities, theloyalty of the tribe never really .avered.

The French and Indian WarThrough the 1750s, as Great Britain and France

contended for imperial control of North Americain a struggle known as the French and Indian War,

6351

The Potawaton

Joseph Moguago led hishand of Potawatomi fromthe Nadowesippe to form anew settlement at Athens inthe 1840s. He continued tolead the group until hisdeath in 1863 (MichiganState Archives)

the Potawatomi remained loyal to the French.Substantial numbers of Potawatomi servedalongside regular French troops and the Quebecmilitia or as independent raiding parties scourgingthe English colonies along the Atlantic seaboard.Potawatomi warriors fought throughout NewEngland. in New York. and in western Penn-sylvania and Virginia. In r55, two hundredMichigan Potawatomi warriors were with the com-bined French-Indian force that ambushed and over-whelm(' General Edward Braddock's army inwestern Pennsylvania. a major del'eat which thenand there nearly ended the career of a young col-onel of the Virginia militia. George Washington.

But in 1759 Quebec fell to British forces: a yearlater Montreal surrendered. The French were final-

ly and decisively defeated, their power in NorthAmerica at an end.

Although the resulting peace agreement with theBritish greatly affected the Potawatomi and othertribes, the Indians were not so much as consulted.,much less included, in the treaty deliberations. Thepeace treaty concluded by Britain and Francebrought Potawatomi lands under British sovereigntyaria made the dotawatomi people subjects of theEnglish king. For their part. the Potawatomithemselves had never been defeated by English andcolonial forces and could not understand why theFrench had surrendered. And when Englishauthorities first arrived in Michigan to announcethe treaty terms, many Wkamek were greatlydisturbed.

52 64

The New Imperial PresenceIn their early dealings with the changed imperial

authorities, most Potawatomi were extremelycautious, anticipating punishment for their militaryrole in aid of the French. But they had for yearsbeen cut off from European supplies because of theBritish blockade, and kw could long resist thetemptation of English goods. In November 1760,the British representative, Major Robert Rogers, ar-rived in Detroit to begin negotiations with thetribe. Many Potawatomi leaders met yoth him, andthe process of creating a fresh relationshlp withthe English began.

Potawatomi acceptance of British dominion,however, was only partial. Unable to reach a con-sensus among all the scattered villages, thePotawatomi could no longer act effectively orjointly as a tribe in international affairs. Althoughthose in the Detroit region were quick to makepeace and engage in trade, the Potawatomi of theSt. Joseph valley were stubbornly resistant, andtheir kinsmen in northern Illinois and southernWisconsin long remained largely anti-British. Thisdivision was caused in part by the now widelyscattered locations of the numerous Potawatomivillages, which had growing problems of maintain-ing timely and effective communication with oneanother. It was also influenced by a major newtechnological development the use of horses.

A Transportation Revolution

For many years the Potawatomi had recognizedthe usefulness of horses for transportation. Theyunderstood that some southeastern tribes such asthe Chickasaw had become specialized horsebreeders, and they saw horses being used by du.I ibes of the western prairies, as well as by the

ench and English. But they had no horses oftheir own. Then in 1755,, the French and theirPotawatomi allies handed the British General Brad-dock and his troops a major defeat. The Englishforces retreated, abandoning most of their mountsand equipment to the victorious Potawatomi andother Indian warriors. The Michigan Potawatomirecut ed to their villages with several hundred cap-tured horses, all laden with the spoils of battle. Atransportation revolution had begun.

Within the next generation most Potawatomi en-tirely gave up the construction and use of theirfrail bark canoes. In truth,. the Potawatomi hadalways been wary sailors. frightened of the dangersof crossing open water or traveling streams strewnwith rapids. They wel .mied this new mode oftransportation, which 'as safer, usable duringlonger periods of the year, and less expensive. Bythe opening years of the American Revolution, fewPotawatomi could any longer make canoes, and

53

fewer still were willing to travel in them if theyhad horses.

The horse gave the Potawatomi a radically newform of transportation and motive power, one thatallowed them to travel long distances more quick-ly, carrying larger loads. The Potawatomi of theDetroit and St. Joseph areas adopted the use ofFrench- and English-style saddles and horse gear,and they used their animals mainly for thetransportation of goods. Some Potawatomi alsohitched horses to small, French-style, single-axle,high-wheeled carts, a few of which were still beingused in the 1830s in southeastern Michigan.Leopold Pokagon, the famous St. Joseph RiverWkama, was noted for his use of just such a vehi-cle, which American residents then thought quaintand peculiar.

The western Potawatomi villages soon adopted aprairie-style horse nomadism. Many Potawatomifrom Illinois and Wisconsin started moving westonto the high plains, hunting buffalo fromhorseback and raiding the tribes who lived thereThe Potawatomi of Michigan and Indiana, on theother hand, preferred to remain in their old ter-ritory, adjusting their economies to fit changingcircumstances there. They used their horses local-ly, for hunting, trade, and, eventually, farming. Aserious regional and cultural division was begin-ning to develop within the ranks of the once-unifiedPotawatomi tribe.

Pontiac':. a ninon'The Briti i conquest of Canada brought new op-

portunities for some Potawatomi, and grave threatsto many more. Relations with the French hadalways been tempered by the fact that there werefew French in the Great Lakes region. Because theFrench population, vven in Quebec itself; was verysmall, France's economic interests in the area didnot dictate rapid development of large agriculturalsettlements. On the other hand, the English col-onies on the Atlantic seaboard had rapidly growingpopulations to support, an I even in the 1760sEnglish colonists were pushing their frontier set-tlements westward toward Potawatomi territory.With the French defeated, moreover, thePotawatomi had lost one of their chief advantagesin the political contest for North America: Theywere no longer valued by the ruling power fortheir military prowess.

Impoverished by years of warfare; not consultedin the peace negotiations that followed, abandonedby but still faithful to the French, many NativeAmericans it tne Great Lakes area began takingserious stock of their situation. To the cast aprophet arose among the Delaware, a N isionarypreaching armed resistance to Europeans of all

65

The Potawatomi

kinds. The Delaware Prophet's message reachedthe ears of the Potawatomi and their tribal allies.Some began paying heed.

Then two events precipitated a crisis. The Britishconquest of French Canada released a flood ofunregulated small traders into the uppt GreatLakes from New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia.The Potawatomi called the English tradersKtchimokoman (Big Knives or Swordsmen) in con-trast to the French whom they called "HairyFaces." The sharp dealings of these unregulatedEnglish traders, and the reduced circumstances ofthe Potawatomi and their Ottawa and Chippewaallies, who had few furs to offer and little meansof acquiring them, caused much frustration andanger. Tempers were rising rapidly.

Next, the new British governor, Sir JeffreyAmherst, ordered to economize his administrmon,refused to allow hi new Indian allies the annual"presents" that had traditionally cementedalliances. The loss of annual gifts deprived thePotawatomi, Ottawa, Chippewa, and others of thebadly needed supplies that would have helped themrestart their fur-trapping enterprises. Of even moreimportance, this denial of annual gifts was seen asa serious indignity, signalling the Indians that theBritish regarded them as undeserving and unwor-thy. Political insult was added to economic injury,and a major anti-British uprising swept through theGreat Lakes region.

Known as Pontiac's Rebellion after its Ottawaleader and organizer, this frontier war in thespring of 1763 nearly drove the British from theinterior of North America. One British post afteranother was captured, from Green Bay toMackinac to St. Joseph, until only Detroit and Pitts-burgh were unconquered, and these were heavilybesieged by the ebellious allied tribes.

But the chances of a major victory were gone byearly winter. The Potawatomi and other insurgenttribes had no source of military supplies other thanwhat they cc Al capture. The hoped-for Frenchsupport did not materialize. The Indians lacked themilitary skills and equipment necessary to destroythe well-fortified British positions. Above all, they

were only part-time, temporary warriors, lackingthe capacity to sustain military operations seasonafter season. As winter approached, the warriorswere forced to return to their economic roles asproviders for their families, and Pontiac's supportevaporated. When the British mobilized theirforces and counterattacked, the tribal allies sooncapitulated and made peace.

Although Pontiac's supporters had not won afinal military victory, they made a profound im-pression on British :nilitary authorities, who heed-ed the militant message that had been delivered.Thereafter, private traders were brought understricter controls, and the British resumed thecustom of delivering annual presents to their In-dian allies, a practice that was continued into the1840s, much to the anger of the Americans.

Of even greater importance was the BritishCrown Proclamation of 1763 which established astrict boundary line along the crest of theAllegheny Mountains to protect Indian territory.West of that boundary, the British governmentproclaimed, no lands could be purchased or settledby colonials. The proclamation was issued becauseBritish colonial authorities wanted to keep peacein the interior, to sustain a large flow of furs totheir markets, and to limit the westward expansionof the American colonies as well.

The American RevolutionIf the king's ministers had accomplished their

plan, the whole Ohio valley and the Great Lakesregion would have long remained one vast Indianpreserve. But this restriction on their expansiononly further antagonized the American colonists,moving them more swiftly and certainly towardtheir own rebellion.

When the American Revolution came a decadelater, the Potawatomi again found themselves in afavorable positiontemporarily Once more theywere valued allies in battle, thi, time to serve onthe side of the British against the insurgentAmericans. But now the tribe was badly divided.Many villages, particularly those in Michigan andIndiana, were directly threatened by Americanagricultural expansion, and they eagerly served theBritish as a generation earlier they had the French.

Other villages, particularly those in Wisconsinand Illinois, were not so directly affected. Able togo down the Mississippi to trade, Illinois andWisconsin Potawatomi had built trade andpolitical relations with Spain, the new imperialmaster of the lower Mississippi valley. Since Franceand Spain soon allied themselves with theAmerican colonies against Britain, thePotawatomi's allegiances were split. WhileMichigan Potawatomi were raiding American set-tlements in Pennsylvania and Kentucky,Potawatomi Wkair from Illinois and Wisconsin

54 66

were welcoming and as ';ng George RogersClark's Virginians as they inva..'ed Illinois and In-diana to threaten the vital British post at Detroit

These internal divisions came to a head in 1781when Sikenak (Blackbird), an important Wkarnawho led the anti-British clans in Wisconsin, joinedwith Spanish troops and French traders from St.Louis in a raid on the British post at St. Joseph.Although the St. Joseph Potawatomi were more orless neutral, unlike those of the Detroit region whohad actively supported the British, the raid posed adanger of violence among the Pt awatomithemselves The threat was ave .ed when theraiders cautioned the St. Josepii Neshnabek tostand aside, later sharing the booty with them.

A tentative peace between British and Americanscame in 1783. Once again the Potawatomi werenot consulted in its terms, which saw their tribalestate transferred to the nominal sovereignty of wenew United States. But this time they were notabandoned by their allies, for the British hastenedto assure the tribes that they remained valued part-ners who could expect continued aid and supportfrom the king. Indeed, because the British refusedto surrender their posts in Michigan and Wisconsinfor another decade, Detroit,. Mackinac, and StJoseph reniained, substantially, British territory.For the next thirty years the Potawatomi-Britishalliance continued to grow in importance andstrength until the War of 1812 once and for alltime effectively brought the Neshnabek underAmerican control.

The AmericansThrou3hout the period between 1783 and 1815,

Great Britain and the newly established Americanrepublic remained at odds. For this reason alone,any antagonists of the United States NorthAmerica could be friends of the British. But theEnglish had two other major concerns in the GreatLakes-Ohio valley region. One was control of thefur trade, in which the support of ' tribes wasessential. The second was the defense of Canada,on which Americans regularly cast covetous eyes.Again the loyalties of the tribes were critical, asGreat Britain's first line of defense against thethreat of invasion by Americans and for militaryoperations on the American frontier if war came.

American authorities, meanwhile, were convincedthat the treaty of peace with the English hadgiven the United States full sovereignty over thewhole territory east of the Mississippi River andsouth of the Great Lakes. The tribes in theseregions, the Americans reasoned, were conqueredpeoples. But the Potawatomi believed otherwise.And British authorities assured them that they re-mailed independent societies whose true interests

55

lay in alliances with the king. The stage was set foranother frontier conflict.

Diplomatic missions from the new republicpressed American views in a series of treatieswhich sought recognition of American sovereigntyfrom the Ohio valley-Great Lakes tribes as well asthe sale of tribal lands in Ohio. Although thePotawatomi were invited to participate in thesenegotiations in 1784 and 1785, none did so active-!) . But they were perfectly aware of the growingmenace to their lands and their security.

Determined to stop American expansion, thePotawatomi soon joined forces with other tribeswhose lands were threatened. For the next tenyears, Americans and Indians waged war on thefrontier . Potawatomi warriors joined with suchallies as the Shawnee; Delaware, Wyandot, and Ot-tawa in regular raids against American frontier set-tlements. They also helped win two major vic-tories against invading American armies in 1790 and1791, but their post-battle celebrations w ere short-lived.

In 1792 President George Washington !maltyfound a general, Anthony Wa) ne, who understoodlow to conduct military operations against Indianforces. While General Wayne trained and assem-bled his troops into a properly equipped, highlydisciplined frontier army, American authoritiescontinued diplomatic negotiations to purchasetribal lands and to remove the British from theirwestern outposts in United States territory.

The turning point came in the fall of )4 whenWayne moved his army north to meet con-federated tribes in open battle at Falk Ambers,just south of present Toledo. Americ :tn tacticsprevailed, and the defeated tribesmen retreatednorth to seek aid from the British at Fort Miaminear the mouth .)f the Maumee River. There theyfound the gates to the fort closed against their ap-peals for help and the garrison under strict ordersto stay out of the conflict. Whatever earlier prom-ises had been made to the tribes, the British nowwanted peace with the Americans. The Potawatomiand allied tribes had again been abandoned.

The next year a great peace treaty was to henegotiated by General Wayne at Greenville, In-diana. Meanwhile, the United States and Britainfinal' reached an agreement called Jay's Treaty

ov the status of British posts in American ter-ritory. According to the terms of Jay's Treaty, theBritish would evacuate St. Joseph, Detroit, andMackinac in 1796, establishing new posts on theirown side of an international boundar; along themidline of the Great Lakes. Recognizing that theycould no longer expect much support from theEnglish, the Potawatomi and other tribes assembledat Greenville fully aware that they had to meet anddeal with American power in their neighborhood.

6"

The Potawatomi

The Treaty ProcessThe 1795 Greenville agreement was only the

first of more than forty such negotiations involvingthe Potawatomi, who signed far more treaties withthe United States than any other single tribe. Inspite of he American victory at Fallen Timbers,there was much give and take on both sides at theGreenville negotiations. The Americans, to beginwith, now publicly acknowledged that the tribeswere not conquered peoples and that the lands inthe Great Lakes-Ohio valley region were theirs tooccupy and use without interference until theUnited States government acquired them by treatyThe Indians, on the other hand, accepted thesovereignty of the United States, agreeing that onlyAmerican authorities could purchase their lands infuture treaty negotiations, which had to be approvedby the President and the Senate.

In addition, the Indians at Greenville agreed totransfer most of Ohio, a I Irge section of southernIndiana, the Detroit River area, and Mackinac to;',:nerican ownership. Thus began the cession ofthe Potawatomi's lands in Michigan and adjacentlocations, a process that ended forty years laterwhen the last remaining Potawatomi lands in Il-linois and Michigan were sold.

The next sixteen years brought increasedpressures for land cessions, a vastly increasedAmerican presence in the Great Lakes-Ohio valleyregion (now organized as the Northwest Territory ),stiffening resistance from the nibes, and a newoutbreak of frontier warfare that merged with theWar of 1812. The westward expansion of Americansettlements, which required one treaty after anotheras the colonists moved up to and penetratedIndian-field lands, was the key to these

elopmentsOhio became a separate territory in 1790 and a

state in 1803. Indiana Territory was fornr:d in1800 and Michigan Territory in 1805 followed byIllinois in 1809. Between 1803 and 1809 thePotawatomi placed their totem marks and Xs onsix treaties with the United States, approving thesale of lands in these areas.

Although not all of tl.e lands sold were reallypart of the Potawatomi's tribal estate (the 1805cession of northeast Ohio, for example), Wkamekfrom Michig^n and other locations participated inand profited from these transactions. Potawatomi!ea .ers were attracted to these Laportant negotia-tions because they received immediate materialrewards from them, and because participationdemonstrate' their influence with other tribes. In1807, at Detroit, a number of prominent MichiganWkamek (Topenibe, Keesis, and Wapsi from the St,Joseph River area; Wapmimi from south centralMichigan; and Mkwago and Noname from theDetroit River area) went on to cede more than halfthe Potawatomi's lands in Michigan the wholearea from present Jackson east to Lake Huron andLake Erie.

The treaty negotiations followed a common pat-tern. In exchange for the lands ceded to theUnited States, the tribes received rations, cashpayments, and quantities cf goods delivered im-mediately at the treaty grounds or soon thereafter,as well as further lump-sum cash payments, an-nuities payable for a fixed term of years or in-definitely; and services of various kinds. The latterincluded provisions for teachers, blacksmiths, andfarmers who were to help the Potawatomi masterAmerican-style, animal-powered agriculture. Treatyterms also reserved small tracts from the large ces-sions for the use of numerous Indian villages.

Land cessions brought about serious consequencesfor the tribes. The rapid growth of Americanagriculture at first reduced the supply of gameanimals. Conflicts arose between Indians andAmerican settlers as competition intensified foravailable resources. Because the Indians had in-creased income from annuities, and the very realpossibility of much more to come from futuretreaties, traders encouraged them to go deeper indebt. Debt, in turn, created a stimulus for furtherland sales which would provide additional cash tothe tribes cash that would soon pass into thehands of traders and others, including bootleggerswho stepped up the supply of alcohol to thetribes. In these stressful, disorganized times, toomany tribesmen turned to the jug or the keg forsolace and comfort, and there were frequent out-breaks of drunken aggression within communities.

Of greater importance, perhaps, was the growingconviction among the tribes that their ownpolitical processes had been subverted. Americanauthorities, hastening to rush through treatynegotiations favorable to their own interests, hadincreasingly been dealing with only a few triballeaders These much-favored, appointed "chiefs,-in turn, began making major decisions with littleor no consultation with their people; creating

6;

grave resentments. The stage was being set fordisruptive internal conflict, as well as for anotheropen war with the United Ste a.

The War of 1812An organ;7.ed intertribal effort to recover lost in-

dependence and to resist American expansion wasthe prelude to war. By 1807 a new, Indian prophethad arisen, preaching what Thon--s Jefferson calleda "budget of reform." He was Tenskwatawa, theShawnee Prophet, who provided the religiousleadership it a movement also headed by hisNetter -known brother, Tecumseh. While Tecumsehlabored to organize diplomatic, political, andmilitary cooperation among the tribes, aimed atcountering the American tactic of dealing withthem separely, the Prophet spoke of visions andsupernatural powers. Tcnskwatawa's message,which dazzled some new converts, appealed mainlyto younger, less well established men, including aminority of Potawatomi. Elder Wkamek and tradi-tional religious leaders were greatly threatened bythis Prophet's attempt to gather great power untohimself.

By 1809 organized small-scale violence on theGreat Lakes frontier was intensifying. Then, inNovember 1811, came open battle. William HenryHarrison, governor of Indiana, had assembled anarmy which marched to confront and over-awe thefollowers of the Shawnee brothers then concen-trated at Prophetstown, near Lafayette. Numerousyoung Potawatomi Michigan and nearby In-diana villages were fervent supporters, joining theProphet there. Seeing Harrison's military force as achallenge and an opportunity, Tenskwatawaprecipitously commanded his fohnwers to attack,trying to slay Harrison and destroy his army. Atthe time, Tecumseh, the proper military leader ofthese rebellious Indians, was absent. Otherwise,events might have developed differently, since theastute Tecumseh was well aware of the hazards ofopen warfare As it happcied, the Prophet's Lienwere unsuccessful and Harrison's troops prevailed.The wart' rs fled the area defeated but notde ,oralizel, carrying the battle to many scatteredlocations on the frontier.

This tribal resistance, organized to checkAmerican expansion and to protest the tactics usedto sennate the Indians from their land, was a properIndia ar rowing out of their own discon-tent. Altho ,,h some Briti h in Canada, particularlytraders and Indian agents, had encouraged therestive tribesmen, not until the War of 1812 didthe British obtain the tidal sanction of the king'sministers to aid the Indians actively.

British 4nd Indians soon joined forces and thePotawatomi were heavily engaged in wa' with the

57

United States, counseled and supplied by theBritish, often serving alongside British army andCanadian militia units. Their important successescame in 1812 at Detroit, Brownstown, and FortDearborn. 13.1 by 1813 the fortunes of war hadturned agair st them. The Americans had organizedtheir western armies, established their supplysystem, and found capable leaders. Thereafter, thePotawatomi witnessed one defeat after another.

The most critical of these came in the successfulAmerican defense of their important base nearpresent-day Toledo, followed by Lieutenant OliverPerry's major naval victory at Put-in-Bay on LakeErie. The victories established American control ofthe Great Lakes, and the British position along theDetroit River became untenable. Joined by weir In-dian allies, including many Potawatomi, the Britishretreated eastward, pursued by Americanregiments. Tecumseh argued vehtmently against thiswithdrawal, and insisted that the Indians andBritish make a final stand. The battle took place onOctobers :813, at Moraviantown on the ThamesRiver. Although the British General Henry Proctor,accompanied by the Shawnee Prophet, fled beforethe fighting began, Tecumseh stood and resisted tothe last, killed in the midst of this final major bat-tle in the west.

For the next two years, some Potawatomi half-heartedly aided the British in the defense ofCanada, although most quickly returned to theirhomes soon after Tecumseh's death. When peacecame in 1815, once again negotiations were car-ried out between Americans and the Britishwithout reference to the wishes of the tribes.Meanwhile, the Potawatomi of the St. Joseph Riverand Detroit areas had already begun their ownseparate treaty negotiations with their oldAmerican adversaries.

For the Potawatomi, the War of 1812 finallyended with several peace treaties signed with theUnited States in 1815 at Spring Wells near Detroitand in 1816 at St. I,ouis. At Spring Wells, oneyoung Michigan Wkama expressed the sentimentsof many. Years of war had bro'ight thePotawatomi no lasting benefits, he noted, and hadcaused misery for many womcm, and children. TheMaster of the Universe had placed Indians on theland, but their ancestors had parted with it, and,he said with feeling, "the scene was now changed."

His were wise words, for all the influence of allthe European imperial powersFrance, Spain, andBritainwas gone from American territory. Foranother thiro, years the British would annuallywelcome hundreds of Potawatomi from Michigarand elsewhere to their posts in Canada, there todeliver presents and reaffirm- alliances. Buteven this would prss. As the young leader had in-dicated, the Neshnabek truly faced a new scene

6

The Potawat.)mi

longer able to resist militarily, lacking allies oilwhom they could depend; the) had to find other

ays of coping with American power and thewants of American settlers, merchants, officials,and missionaries. They began by making a lastingpeace; 1815 was the last year Potawatomi warriorsengaged in battle with the forces of the UnitedStates.

Treaties and Land Cessions, 1816-1833After 1816, American settlement of the Great

Lakes region progressed rapidly. A network of newroads and canals the Erie Canal was completedin 1825 ptoviled cheap transportation for set-tlers coming from the east coast and made possiblethe low-cost shipment of their crops and productsto eastern markets from the 'treat Lakes frontier.Soon numerous sailing vessels and steamers wereplying the interior lakes and the major rivers. Thevalue that Americans placed on the new lands inthe Great Lakes region increased dramatically, asdid American p pulation in localities formerly oc-cupied by the Neshnabek.

The extent of American development of theregion depended on acquiring new land in largequantities from the tribes. According to establishedlaw, Indian lands first had to he ceded to and pur-e 1' by the federal government. Only then could

to government place these lands on the marketfor sale to s' :tticrs planning to occupy and use theproperty themselves or to s' eculators aiming forprofits from later resale. Land cessions from In-dians to the United States retp ed highly formalizedtreaty negotiations and the approval of all con-cerrfd parties, from councils of Indian leaders tothe government of the United States.

Between 1816 and 1833 the Potawatomi ofMichigan were involved in some thirty treatynegotiations with the United States and another sixwith British authorities in Canada. During theseyears, in contrast to negotiations held before 1812no treaty was ever approved by the Potawatomiwithout extensive debate and the participation notonly of many leaders but of most adult men andwomen tribe members as well.

58

Although outnumbered and outgunned, pushedhard in different directions by officials, traders,missionaries, speculators, and by their own dividedinterests, the Potawatomi did not easily succumbto the pressures being brought to hear. With greatskill they made the best of a weakened politicalposition, and it the endalthough they cededtheir lands--most Michigan Potawatomi never en-tirely accept, American dictates for their future.

Even before the War of 1812, land cessions hadbrought important changes to the lives ofMichigan s Potawatomi. The sale of the easternpart of the state in 1807, for instance, caused alarge emigration of Potawatomi from the ')etroitand Huron River areas to central and southwesternMichigan. These emigrants were later joined byother Potawatomi from northern Indiana. Themigration accelerated after the war as the result offurther cessions. The Neshnabek were adapting toAmerican growth by migrating to more isolatedparts of their old territory, places for the momentremote from American settlement, usually locationsthat wereat least temporarilyless valuable toAmerican farmers, town developers, and landspeculators.

By 1832, there were new Potawatomi villageslocated at the headwaters of the St. Joseph, PawPaw, Kalamazoo, and Grand rivers. These com-munities were smaller and more numerous thanthe Potawatomi villages of earlier years, sometimesconsisting of little more than one extended family.

Meanwhile, all remnants of tribal coop -ationhad disappeared Even regional clusters of villagesno longer stood together to deal with commonproblems. The Potawatomi were falling back onthe fundamentals of their ancient social organiza-tionkin group and small communityas ameans of adjusting to the changes they were ex-periencing. In the process, they began moving indifferent directionsnot only geographically, butsocially, religiously, and politically as well.Although still one in name, language, and identity,the Potawatomi were becoming culturally diverse.

"Civilizat....1" and RemovalDuring the 1820s. inleriCallti pursued two major

policies with respect to Indians within the bordersof the states and organized territories. The fir.t ofthese was a plan to "civilize" the Indians by turn-ing them into Christian farmers. The plan, it wasbelieved, would sharply reduce the Indian"hunter's" need for land, opening up a Nast surplusto American settlement. That surplus. of course,was to be transferredby treatyto ;de federalgovernment for later sale to settlers andspeculators. Also accompanying this polic) weremodest efforts to educate Indian children and to

70

encourage the practice of American-style farming.The second policy, NN :iich began developing

behind the scenes in 1803 but was not enacted in-to law until 1830, added an entirely new dimen-sion to Indian affairs. 1 ids was the increasinglypopular idea of Indian removal, a plan for acquir-'n all of each tribe's lands and removing alleastern Indians into a vast new "Indian Territory"located west of the Mississippi River

Several problems slowed development and full-scale application of this Indian removal plan. Manychurch groups and other Americans in the long-established northeastern states strongly opposedthe policy. So, too, did traders and others whose in-comes depended on having Indians nearby. At thesame time, when the issue was first being debated,the United States owned no lands in the west thatcould be used for the new Indian Territory. Thesefirst had to be acquired by treaties with tribessuch as the Osage and Kansa L,efore eastern Indianscould be resettled there. In tile rnea.itime, becausethe state of Missouri and the territory of Arkansashad been admitted to the Union, the boundaries ofthe proposed Indian Territory would have to beadjusted. Indian Territory would now lie west ofthe Mississippi River acid southwest of the MissouriRiver.

By December 1832, as a result of the govern-ment's "civilization" policy and the treaties ti,atfollowed, the huge, original Potawatomi estate hadbeen reduced to a small fraction of its former ex-tent. Andrew Jackson had just been reelected tothe presidency, Congress had passed an Indian

A gathering at the Indianchurch in Athens in theearly 1900s. Back rov7. fromleft: Church pastor StevenPamp, George Pamp,Phineas Pump, ThomasWezoo, Frank Pamp, AustinMandoka, Sam Mandoka,Frank Bailey. Front row,from left: Lucy Wezoo,Lucy Bailey, Emma Bailey.Mary Pamp, Sara Melne,Mrs. Thomas Bailey.(Michigan State Archives)

ilk

71

The Potawatomi

0 50111111

kllomtars50

Michigan Potawatomi villages occupied ca. 1820 to1900. Shaded areas indicate the range or Potawatomi ter-ritory prior to en1y-nineteenth-century American :witty-ment. a. nosh Lake: b. Paw Paw; c. Brush Creek.d. Silver Creek: e. Pokagon Reservation: 1. NilesNadoweippe Resei vation and Athens. (Alice Clifton.1984: 70)

60

72

Removal Bill two years earlier, and thePotawatomi in Michigan were coming under in-tense pressure to cede their remaining lands andmove westward into Kansas.

At the time, there were somewhere betweenthree thousand and four thousand Potawatomi inMichigan alone, with another eight thousand or soliving in Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin. Thevillages in central and western Michigan werewidely scattered, nearly all located on tractspreviously ceded to the United States. Under treatyterms, the Potawatomi were permitted to remainon ceded land until it was needed American set-tlers. But by 1832, much of the cted land hadalready been sold to private parties, while thebalance was ready to go on the auction block assouthern Michigan filled up with American farmersand deve,opers all eager to acquire land. As aresult, the Potawatomi of Michigan were in an ex-tremely vulnerable position. Only a minority ac-tually held title to the few small parcels of landthey still inhabited. The majority occupied tractswhich they no longer owned, and the Jackson ad-ministration was determined to arrange theremoval of all Michigan Indians from the area.

The lands still owned by the Potawatomi minori-ty consisted of several reservations created byearlier treaties. Orh. of these was the Nadowesippe(commonly spelled Nottawayseppe) reservation,established in 1821 when other Michigan and In-diana lands were sold. Nadowe was the oldPotawatomi name for their hated New York Iro-quois enemies; while -sippe means river or stream.Hence the reservation was located at a place calledthe Iroquois River, a tributary of the St. Jose

A second reservation, consisting of some 64,000acres adjacent to the slightly larger Nadowesippereservation, was created in 1827 especially for thePotawatomi of eastern Michigan, the so-calledHuron Bands, as well as for other scattered bandsof Neshnabek in southern Michigan. These groupswere sapposed to consolidate their villages on thenew reservation; a safe distance away from thenew Detroit-Chicago road.

South of Niles was a inuch smaller reservationoccupied by several villages long established in theSt. Joseph River valley and consisting of remnantsof lands ceded by treaties in 1821 and 1827 andby the Treaty of Tirpecanoe signed in 1832.

Hardly had the Tippecanoe treaty been approvedby the United States Senate, however, before amove was underway t purchase these few, small,remaining reservations and move the Potawatomiout of Michigan entirely and onto a new ieserva-don just west of the Missouri River But nearly allMichigan Nesheabek were strongly opposed tosuch removal, and most of th. n by one means or

61

another managed to evade the consequences ofthis policy.

The Chicago Treaty and Its AftermathIn September 1833 the thousands of Potawatomi

from the Lake Michigan area gathered at the tinyvillage of Chicago (from the Potawatomi wordGigak, or skunk) to negotiate their last major treatyfor lands in Michigan, Illinois, and Wisconsin. TheUnited ".1tes government treaty commissionerswere charged with two major responsibilities: first,to purchase all remain` 1g land owned by thePotawatomi in the Lake Michigan region; and sec-ond, to obtain Potawatom. consent to move awayfrom the area and into the western Indian Territory.

The many Potawatomi involved in this criticalnegotiation were now separated into severaldistinct interest groups, reflecting the various pathsthey had followed in adjusting to the changed faceof the Great Lakes landscape. Divided politically,religiously, geographically, and ecologically, theycould present no semblance of a united frontagainst the pressures exerted on them by theAmericans.

The Wisconsin Potawatomi from villages alongthe Lake Michigan shoreline north of Milwaukeewere mainly interested in redressing an injusticecaused by an 1831 treaty, when their lands weresold by the Menomini tribe without theirknowledge or consent. They had _to intention ofmigrating west permanently, and as it happenedthey never did. But they did not make an issue ofremoval during the negotiations at Chicago.

The more numerous "Prairie Bands" fromsouthern Wisconsin and northern Illinois indicatedno serious opposition to the plan of removal. Faroutnumbering the Potawatomi from northernWisconsin and long adapted to horse nomadism,the Prairie Bands were accustomed to an exisenceon prairie lands and were less threatened by theprospect of relocation than were others with dif-ferent economic and ecological patterns. Sincemost of the lands to be ceded were occupied bythese Neshnabek, the bulk of the treaty pro-ceedings was conducted with their leaders.

Most Michigan Potawatomi, in contrast to thosein V'',Lonsin and Illinois, strongly opposed migra-tion to the -vest. With so many of their numberdetermined to avoid removal by whatever meansavailable to them, the Michigan Potawatomitraveled to Chicago in September 1833 planning toresist any effort by the treaty commissioners orother Potawatomi to incorporate a removal provi-sion into the pending agreement. Indeed, so un-willing were some to relocate in the west thatseveral villages met beforehand in joint council toorganize their resistance. One American adviser

73

The Potawatomi

traveling with the Michigan Potawatomi reportedthat they appointed a committee to watch over thetreaty deliberations and to supervise tne Wkamekclosely; the committee was empowered toassassinate anyone who might violate the councilmembers' wishes.

But once in Chicago, the Michigan Potawatomifound they could not sustain a united front. Oneleader, the younger Topenibe, was hailed byAmerican negotiators as the true "principal chief"of all the St. Joseph River Neshnabek, and hecarelessly scratched his X on any document placedin front of him. Others, capitulating in the face ofgreat pressures and temptations, followed 1,:s lead.

One St. Joseph River Wkama, Leopold Pokagon,refused to yield, and emerged 1.s the mostargumentative and effective spokesman for onegroup of Potawatomi determined to remain inMichigan. Eloquently persuasive and skillful, heforcefully contrasted the situations and wants ofhis Michigan Potawatomi to th0,e of the PrairieBands, hinting at violence against any leader whomight consider signing a document &at ran con-trary to his group's interests. But Pokagon was notspeaking for all Michigan Potawatomi, and in theend he, his associates, and the treaty commis-sioners agreed co a compromise.

This compromise resulted in a treaty divided in-to two parts. The first, signed on September 26,1833, covered the Illinois and WisconsinPotawatomi, who ceded all their lands and agreedto move west within two years. In exchange, astheir future home, they were awarded a huge tractbetween the existing western boundary of the stateof Missouri and the Missouri River, north andsouth of present Kansas City. However, becauseMissouri officials and citizens were then lobbyingfor the annexation of this tract (called the PlattePurchase) to their state, the Prairie Bands even-tually agreed to a substitute territory just east of theMissouri River, but further north, in present Iowa.Within four years all the Potawatomi from Minoishad left that state, as had most of those fromsouthern Wisconsin.

On September 27 came the Michigan

. 62

Potawatomi's turn, and on that date they, too,ceded their remaining reservations to the federalgovernment and agree to remove within threeyears. But appended to the second document wasa supplementary article that gave a minority ofthem the right they and their spokesman, LeopoldPokagon, had fought so hard to obtainthe rightto remain in Michigan.

This supplementary agreement applied only to afraction of all Michigan's Potawatomithose whowere converted Catholics. Under the terms of theagreement, the Catholic Potawatomi were to handover their small reservations to the federal govern-ment. In return, they were allowed to resettleamong the Ottawa near L'Arbre Croche where theywould continue to receive their annuities andother treaty payments. Other non-CatholicMichigan Potawatomi from the vicinity of theNadowesippe reservation, who similarly opposedremoval, were not covered by this provision, andso the seeds were sown for later ceinflict andcontroversy.

At the time of the treaty, the CatholicPotawatomi included four widely scatteredvillages. The three in the St. Joseph River valleyone near Paw Paw,. another near Brush Creek, andone south of Nileswere led by Singowa, Wapsi,Pepeyawe, and Leopold Pokagon. The fourthvillage, near Nottawa on the Nadowesippe reserva-tion but originally from the Detroit River area, wasled by Mkwago, Wabimanido, and Ashkibi. All ofthese villages have since become known as thePokagon Band, but it is more accurate to recognizethem as the Catholic Potawatomi of southwesternMichigan, for at the time only a minority of themlived in the elder Pokagon's village south of Nilesand recognized his leadership.

The remaining Michigan Potawatomias manyas three thousand of themwere seeminglyobligated by the Chicago treaty to leave Michiganwithin three years after its signing; the deadlinewas September 27, 1836. The same deadline ap-plied to the Catholic- Potawatomi who, althoughspecifically exempted from emoval to the west,were required by the treaty to resettle among theOttawa in the north. This they were unable to do.In the first place, Indian agents who favoredremovalprincipally Henry R Schoolcraftac-tively worked to prevent their resettlement innorthern Michigan. Also, the United States did notprovide them with the transportation, rations andother assistance required by the Indian RemovalAct. Finally, in March 1836, the Chippewa and Ot-tawa of northern Michigan ceded all their ownestate to the United States and were themselvesbrought under intense pressure to leave MichiganTerritory, which was soon to become a state. Atthat moment there was no place in Michigan to

74

which the Catholic Potawatomi could relocate asspecified by the Chicago treaty.

Escaping and Evading RemovalIn many ways 1837 was the turning point for

Michigan's Potawatomi, a year of great threat totheir future well-being, but a year of opportunityas well. The threat was the prospect of removal.After much dispute in the Senate, which stalled theremoval process, the Chicago treaty had finallybeen ratified in 1835, and under its terms the timefor Potawatomi departure from Michigan had passed.The fact that Michigan had achieved statehood in1837 only in,:_eased the likelihood that thePotawatomi would have to leave. And, when agreat depression that same year settled on theAmerican economy, Michigan's Indians foundthemselves under eNii, greater pressu e to remove.

The business of Indian removal had turncd intoa great money-making machine. The salaries forthose Americans employed as removalsuperintendents, enrolling age:us, or teamsters, andthe substantial sums paid persons who contractedto manage and conduct removals or to deliver sup-plies and rations, provided rich opportunities forprofit. Moreover, in those depression years, thework of removal held a special attraction, for thegovernment paid its employees and contractors in

Athens Potawatomi resting after danc-ing at a county fair. Back row, fromleft: Sam Mandoka, unidentified manand woman, Frank Mandoka, unidenti-fied child, Mary Paul, Levi Pamp, un-identified man. Front row, from left:unidentified man, Thomas Wezoo, un-identified man, Peter Nottaway, un-identified man, Elizabeth Pamp, StevePamp, Joe Pamp, unidentified man andchild, Ida Rosette, unidentified woman.(Michan State Archives)

what was then considered real money gold andsilver coins. Otherwise in painfully short supply,these coins were much more valuable than thedepreciated paper hank notes then circulating. As aresult, eager job seekers and men speculating inremoval contracts joined for,.:, with local settlersand began clamolinA for Potawatomi ev'ction fromMichigan.

Then, in 1837: the Potawatomi were offered thech Ince for an entirely different type of future ifthey would move to British Canada. After :ears ofdiplomatic protests from the United States, GreatBritain had finally decided to end the old customof delivering annual presents to Indians crossing

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The Potawatomi

the border and visiting British posts in Canada forthis purpose. But the British tempered their deci-sion with an oiler that many American Indiansseized on as an opportunity to remain in the GreatLakes region, but outside the jurisdiction of theUnited States. Because the British felt an obligationto these Indians, some of whom were veterans ofthe War of 1812, and because the Indians werestill considered potentially useful allies in the eventof war, a blanket invitation was issued: Presentswould still be delivered, but only for another fouryears, and only to those Indians from the UnitedStates who would migrate into and settle per-manently in rianada.

This new British arrangement gave the Indians ofthe entire Great Lakes area, including thePotawatomi of Michigan, an escape route. As aresult, when American pressure for removal in-creased, numerous Potawatomi left Michigan, butthey did not migrate westward to Indian Territory.Instead, they fled into Canada where they even-tually settled on Chippewa and Ottawa reserves.British authorities wanted the Potawatomi toassemble on Manitoulin Is'and on Georgian Bay,but few found that barren, rocky landscapehospitable. Instead, traveling by canoe or morecommonly by horse, they made their way to avariety of locations stretching from near Sault Ste.Marie in the .,orth to Walpole Island on Lake St.Clair in the south.

No one will ever know exactly how manyMichigan Potawatomi emigrated to Canada. In the'first place, British Indian agents never kept carefulrecords, and there was some element of secrecy in-volved, since American authorities were none too'leased by this development. Moreover, for manyof the emigrants the move was not permanent.Sooner or later some returned to Michigan, unan-nounced and uncounted. The Hannahville IndianReservation near Menominee on the upper penin-sula, in fact, was created many decades later large-ly for Potawatomi wLo had returned to the UnitedStates. However, by tie best estimates available,between one thousand and fifteen hundredPotawatomi n.oved into Canada and remained

7f;

there. Today, while their descendants can befound on nearly every Canadian reserve along theeast shore of Lake Huron and the St. Clair andDetroit rivers, most of them live on WalpoleIsland, on the Sarnia reserve, on Kettle Point, andon Parry Island.

Many other Michigan Potawatomi, a thousand ormore, evaded the threat of removal by remainingon American territory, but in remote and unsettledareas or on the reserves of others. Like their north-ern Wisconsin cousins, these Potawatomi flednorthward but remained in their home state, takingup residence on land recently ceded by the north-ern tribes. There many of them remained, notentirely unnoticed, but at least unmolested, untilthe threat of removal had ended. Others, like theimmigrai to Canada, eventually assimilated intoOttawa and Chippewa communities, which hadkept the right to remain in the state.

Another twelve hundred or so MichiganPotawatomi did move west to join their Indianaand Illinois kindred on the Sugar Creek reservationin eastern Kansas. On these Potawatomi the ef-fects of the removal policy fell the hardest of all.There were the strains of the long journey wtst,the problems of adjusting to a new climate and en-vironment, and later pressure for additional reset-tlement elsewhere. Some of their descendants stilllive in Kansas, on the Prairie Band reservation nearTopeka, although in the 1860s most moved againto the new Citizens Band reservation in Oklahoma.

Not all the Michigan Potawatomi who wereoved west of the Mississippi remained there per-

manently. Many soon returned east, eithe" toWisconsin or to their old homes in southernMichigan. '1 he family of Singowa, a notable leaderof the Pokagon Band, was one such group whichmade its way back from the dry prairies of Kansasto the St. Joseph River valley.

And then there were the Potawatomi who byJne means or another remained near their oldvillages and cornfields in southwestern Michigan.Some of them took temporary refuge in out-of-the-way places, the marshes along the lower GalienRiver in Berrien County, for example, or theisolated headwaters of the Kalamazoo River. Butthere were othersthe Catholic Potawatomi,generally known as the Pokagonswho had intheir hands the hard-won treaty right to remainwhere they were. They exercised this right suc-cessfully, not by escape or evasion, but by directconfrontation and negotiation with Americanauthorities.

In the end, American determination to bringabout the removal of all Michigan's Potawatomiand to resettle them in the western Irdian Ter-ritory was largely unsuccessful. Fewer than one-third of the Michigan Potawatomi ever made that

trek As it happened, Americans discovere I thatwriting a plan for Indian removal was one thingBringing it about was something much more dif-ficult. Indeed, from the start it was an impossibili-ty. The Fotawatomi were far too skilled at evadingcapture, and they had other destinations a, 'illableto them, either temporarily or permanend; AndAmericans lacked both the major resources and theinclination necessary to engage in a massive roundup that, once and for all time, might have removedfrom the state all of its ancient native inhabitants

The Pokagons: Catholic Potawatomi of theSt. Joseph Valley

While most Michigan Potawatomi dispersedeastward into Canada; north to isolated parts ofrecently ceded Ottawa and Chippewa lands, orwest to Kansas, two groups remained in the heartof the old estate in southern Michigan. One ofthese, commonly known as the Pokagon Band, wasthe Catholic Potawatomi.

The Catholic Potawatomi had won the right tostay in Michigan at the Treaty of Chicago in 1833.But for them to enjoy that right in practice, theyhad to manage their affairs in such a manner thatAmerican officials would recognize and honor it

Of the several Wkamek associated with theCatholic Potawatomi villages, Leopold Pokagon istoday the best remembered. From 1830 until hisdeath in 1841 this elder leader was the most visi-ble, energetic, capable, and effective spokesmanfor the Catholic Potawatomi. r the yearsnumerous legends have grown about him;sometimes hastily written by 1o, tl historians toocareless of their facts. These legends were furtherembellished by Leopold's youngest son; SimonPokagon; who in the late nineteenth centurybecame a well known Indian celebrity.

The content of the legends and fanciful talesrevolved around a theme highly appealing toAmericans:, Leopold Pokagon was one of the last ofthe "Noble Savages," a symbol of the frontier nowdisappeared, a "'principal chief converted to thesuperior "white man's" ways. His real biography ismore complicated than that, and much moreineresting.

Contrary to the legends, Pokagon was not theadopted son and heir of Topenibe, the seniorWkama of the Bear clan. Nor was he Topenibe'ssuccessor as "principal chief' of the St. JosephRiver Potawatomi (this office was an American fic-tion). Neither was he a lifelong Catholic. He was.instead, an emigrant Chippewa who was adoptedas a youth into the Great Sea clan of the St. JosephRiver Potawatomi, and who, by the mid-;e20s,had become the Wkama of one modest-sizedvillage in southern Michigan.

At that time he was about fifty-three years old, aPotawatomi of no special prominence or renown,whose name appeared on no treaty until 1828One of numerous Wkamek of equal stature in theregion, he was a modest; culturally conservativeleader who observed traditional Potawatomireligious customs But within a few years heunderwent a transformation. Rather suddenly heemerged as an innovative leader and a highly effec-tive spokesman for several Potawatomi villages.Always aided and accompanied by the Wkamek ofthese villages, he was first among equals, a leaderin the traditional mold who regularly deferred tohis fellows. Because these village leaders hadselected Pokagon to act as their Kiktowenine(Speaker), an important Potawatomi political role,Americans mistakenly came to think of him as a"principal chief;" an office which in fact did notexist.

TN_ viewpoint most strongly voiced by Pokagonwas oppc,,,ition to the plan of removal. The ques-tion then facing him and his associates was how toaccomplish the goal they most desired. What didthey have to do to remain in Michigan? How mightthey counter American pressures to migratewestward? The rest of Leopold Pokagon's verysuccessful career cal. best he understood as asearch for the necessary steps that would allowthese Potawatomi to stay in the St. Joseph Rivervalley.

Until Andrew Jackson's election to the presiden-cy in 1828, American policy focused primarily on"civilizing" the Indians. In practice this meant thatif Indians were to 1-;:: accepted as neighbors andallowed to live undisturbed near American settle-ments, they must become Christians and they mustadopt American-style farming methods, workhabits, and the private ownership of land. Fullyunderstanding what was being demandedfor themet)sage was often N'themently pressed on them byIndian agent and missionary alikePokagon andhis fellow Wkamek set about accepting preciselythese customs. But they did so in their own timeand fashion.

During the mid-1820s, the only Christian mis-sionary available to Pokagon and his associates, theone they came to know well, was the ReverendIsaac McCoy, found and manager of the Bap-tists' Carey Mission south of Niles. For severalyears Pokagon and his fellow leaders visited oftenwith McCoy and his assistants, receiving help inpromoting agricultural development in theirvillages. But they quickly became aware of a gray edanger in 'associating with these Baptists.

Isaac McCoy, as Leopold Pokagon and the otherWkamek soon learned, was a fervent advocate ofPresident Jackson's plan of wholesale Indian

The Potawatomi

removal McCoy, in fact, led the first exploring par-ty of Michigan Ottawa and Potawatomi west to Kan-sas to examine the future homeland planned forthem, and by 1827 had become one of the most in-fluential promoters and orgati:zers of Indianremoval. When McCoy's position became obvious tothe Wkamek led by Pokagon, relations with theBaptists were severed.

Leopold Pokagon handled the breaking of therelationship with typical Potawatomi symbolism andaplomb. Purchasing a young Sioux captive from atraveling band of Sauk, he delivered the boy to IsaacMcCoy for conversion and education. What wassuitable for this released captive, Pokagon wasmaking plain, was not good enough for thePotawatomi. In ancient Potawatomi fashion, thecaptive boy was treated as a suitable gift, deliveredto the Baptists for services rendered. Pokagon andcompany then went searching elsewhere for a moreacceptable Christian religion.

They soon found it among the Catholic mis-sionaries working to reestablish their church Lisouthwestern Michigan after an absence dating hackto the Revolutionary War. Pokagon and his fellowsfound much that was attractive in these newly ar-rived missionaries. For one thing, most of themwere French or French-speaking Belgians, and theirlanguage was a reminder of the days of prestige andpower enjoyed by the Potawatomi during theFrench regime. In addition, there were among theolder Potawatomi of the area still a few who prac-ticed elemental, forms of the Catholic religion theyhad learned decades earlier in the old French mis-sion on the St. Joseph River. Further, the newCatholic missionaries represented a minorityreligion, one often strongly opposed by ft'nOamen-talist Protestants. So the Catholic missionaries andtheir superiors were often disposed to adopt policiescontrary to those supported by the dominantAmerican religious authorities of the region.

One such contrary position directly affected andstrongly appealed to the Potawatomi. While theBaptists and other Protestant denominations weretrying to move their operations and remove theirIndian converts west, the Catholic hierarchy wanted

to foster religious instruction by founding anddery lop:ng permanent mission stations in placewithin Michigan and northern Indiana. Each suchstation, set in the midst of an Indian agriculturalcommunity, was ,o consist of a chapel, a mis-sionary, and support prsonnel.

The plan offered advantages to both groups. ThePotawatomi, on the one hand, found in theCatholics new allies who spoke a familiar language,allies who would instruct them in Christianity, helpthem master American farming techniques, andofgreatest importance support their wish to remainin Michigan. From the missionaries' point of view,developing a relationship with the Potawatomiwould help them establish their church in the area.At the time, the Potawatomi (and to the south theMiami) were the missionaries' only potential con-verts. The work of "civilizing" these Indians,moreover, would provide the missionaries withneeded Income from the United States government,which appropriated funds payable to missionarygroups for this purpose.

However, because of the different needs and aimsof the Potawatomi and the priests, the potential forlater conflict was crtats.:1. For while the Potawatomisaw the Catholics as useful allies in their attempt toremain in Michigan and adjust to changed cir-cumstances there, the Church viewed the Indians asa first step toward establishing and funding its earlyoperations in the region. This latter aim requiredconcentrating the Potawatomi in a few religistris"communes," gaining control of a substantial shar,'of annuity and education funds earm iced by treatyand legislation for the Potawatomi, and managingthe behavior of the Wkamek for the Church's ownends. It was in the beginning a mutually satisfyingalliance, but it soon became an uncomfortable one.

In 1830, Leopold Pokagon and his fellowWkamek approached the priests, seeking instructionaild conversion. Soon the process of missiondevelopment among the Potawatomi was wellunderway. Leopold Pokagon quickly embraced theCatholic religion with fervent, sincere faith. and allavailable evidence indicates he under-- ent a profoundly ,wing and significant conversion ex-perienc. .'.nd the Pokagons, generation aftergeneration, have remaL,ed strong Catholics to thepresent day.

The St. Joseph River bands were determined torc sit the threat of removal. Becoming Christians,actively seeking formal education in missionschools, and working to learn American agriculturalmethods, they prepared themselves well for theI/3,3 Chicago treaty negotiations. There theydemanded and obtained tLe right to remain inMichigan at the same time that they lost their re-maining Michigan reservation lands.

78

By the terms of the Treaty of Chicago, theCatholic Potawatomi were obligated to evacuate theceded lands by September 1836 and resettle on Ot-tawa land at L'Arbre Croche. When land cessionsby the Ottawa made that step impossible, LeopoldPokagon and his associates adopted another tactic.Using funds obtained from the Chicago treaty andmoney saved from federal annuities, they beganpurchasing land from the federal land office inKalamazoo. By early spring of 1838 thePotawatomi had obtained title to 874 adjacentacres on Silver Creek, near present Dowagiac.

Next they abandoned their ceded reservation andmoved onto the newly purchased Silver Creek landwhere they set to work. While families wereassigned their own plots to till, the communityalso worked cooperatively at clearing fields,building simple log homes, and constructing achapel. Quickly these Potawatomi settled in,relatively undisturbed.

But 1840 and 1841 were years of crisis forthem. American efforts to persuade all the MichiganPotawatomi to move west had been mostly unsuc-cessful, and early in 1840 measures were adopted toarrange their final removal from their old homeland.Brigadier Genet al Hugh Brady, commanding artyunits based in Detroit, was ordered to bring aboutPotawatomi removal from Michigan and Indiana, us-in, whatever means were necessary. In summer, hese, about this work with only modest success, forthe majority of Michigan's Potawatomi easily evadedhis agents and troops, either by hiding temporarilyor by moving into Canada. Not so the CatholicPotawatomi. With a heavy investment in theirdeveloping community, they could not so easilyescape. Nor had they any wish to avoid removal b)other than legal means.

Leopold Pokagon was by then an elderly man infailing health. But when he heard of GeneralBrady's orders and plans he traveled to Detroit toseek out and consult with a new ally, looking for aweapon that would end the threat of forcibleremoval once and for all. From Judge EpaphroditusRanson, then associate justice of the MichiganSupreme Court, he got the ammunition he sourgently needed.

On August 17, Pokagon and the other CatholicWkamek met Brady near Silver Creek and handedthe general a written legal opinion from Ju'lge Ran-son. The opinion declared that the CatholicPotawatomia: Christian, tax-paying, land-owningfarmerswere under the jurisdic'ion of the state,ar..1 would be released on a writ of habeas corpusand returned to their homes if the army laid handson and attempted to move them west. Brady im-mediately agreed, writing out a "pass" guaranteeingthe Catholic Potawatomi the right to live in

Dressed in a fringedbuckskin shirt with a shellgorget around his neck.wearing a shawl turban, andclutching a small how andarrows. Little Smoke. an Il-linois Potawatomi. posedfor a photographer m theearly 1850s In dress andlifestyle. he was very muchhke the Potawatomi wholiveti nearby m Michigan.(Chicago Historical Society)

Michigan unmolested. Pokagon had won a signifi-cant victory while setting an important precedent:He confronted the authority of the fed( ral govern-ment with the nower of state law.

At that moment. more than a decade of work bythe Pokagons' leaders brought a rich harvest Ii onestroke, their right to remain in Michigan had beenfully recognized, both by state and federal

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authorities. Their Silver Creek community was freeto flourish, and the Catholic Potawatomi thoughtthemselves secure and unthreatened by outsideforces.

But flu. aged Pokagon's work was not yet done.His last days were marked by one more notable ef-fort to serve his people by confronting and dealingwith a problem that would face them after his pass-ingthe ownership of their land.

The 8'14 acres on S!Iver Creek were all titled inLeopold Pokagon's name The e:derly Wkama fullyappreciated the fact that Michigan inheritance lawrequired this title to pass to his sons and widowupon his death He foresaw the serious problemsthis would cause within the Catholic Potawatomicommunity, for most community members wereconvinced that they owned the lands in common.Nor, by Potawatomi tradition, could Pokagon's sonsautomatically inherit their father's role as villageWkama and speaker for other leaders. ManyPotawatomi, moreover, were opposed to con-tributing to the property taxes they were requiredby the state to pay on the Silver Creek lands.

In the year before his death; Pokagon tried toavoid some of these future problems by ransferringownership of small parcels of land to the otherWkamek and to the heads of families so that they

Potawatomi baby resting ina sling-type cradle. probablyat a fair or other socialgathering. (Michigan StateArchn es)

could set up small, independently owned farm-steads Some 160 acres had been deeded over toOnagosan, Bozeen, Singowa, Pc-ase, and Aherswhen,. on July 8, 1841; Leopold Pokagon suddenlydied.

Soon a disruptive controversy with the Churcherupted over ownership of the Pokagors' land.Leopold Pokagon had long expressed a desire "toassign forty acres to the Church to he used for achapel and school serving the Catholic Potawatomi.But in August 1840, eleven months before Pokagondied. Father Stanislaus A. Bernier quietly registereda deed in the Cass County Courthouse, not for theforty acres specified by Pokagon, but one whichtransferred 6'4 acres of Potawatomi land to thepriest's name. This "deed-of-sale," including almostall the land not already transferred by Pokagon tohis fellow leaders, was predated as of September1839. The Pokagon Band, however, did not becomeaware of the deed until after their elder leader'sdeath. They immediately protested, secured are at-torney, and took the matter to court. Meanwhile, inJanuary 1841, Father Bernier transferred his title tothe land to his superior, Celestine de la Hislander(orHailandiere), Bishop of Vincennes.

What Father Bernier and Bishop Hislander had inmind with their interference in Potawatomi affairs is

68 8 0

not entirely clear. But Bernier was also actively in-volved in removal efforts at the time, and his ac-tions did little to suggest that he was fully devotedto the welfare of the Catholic Potawatomi. Thesorry episode did little credit to Bernier, Hislander,and several other priests supposedly serving thePokagons' interests.

While the legal dispute with the Church overownership of the Pokagons' land was being workedout, a fresh controversy arose. Following Leopold'sdeath, his eldest son, Peter Pokagon, tried toestablish himself as the "principal chief" of allCatholic Potawatomi. He was encouraged in this ef-fort by his mother and brothers, who also claimedpersonal ownership of the land, denying that othershad any legitimate right to the property originallytitled in Leopold Pokagon's name.

Peter Pokagon was also actively supported by theChurch, which was trying to gain control overPotawatomi land and assert its authority over thePokagons' lives. Indeed, Father Edward Sorin oneof the senior missionaries then working with thePotawatomi a mail better known as the founder ofNotre Dame University claimed he had personall)selected and appointed Pe:er as"principal chief."

These biter disputes subjected the CatholicPotawatomi to several painful and disruptive strains.Leopold Pokagon's family was attempting toestablish itself as a type of elite class, one whichowned the land and had the authority to ruleCatholic Potawatomi affairs. At the same time, theChurch was also claiming ownership of the land andtrying to persuade all these Potawatomi converts tolive in one mission community under the manage-ment of the priests and "Chief" Peter Pokagon.

Living in one place under the authority of a rulingfamily on land they did not control was a situationthat strongly conflicted with traditional Potawatomivalues. A large majority loudly protested and flatlyrejected these new ways, unwilling to accept theidea that the Pokagon family had a hereditary rightto be "principal chiefs," and refusing to live at theproposed mission community. As the Potawatomi_tad been doing for centuries, this group resolvedthe internal conflict by subdivision and migration.Soon the dissident majority abandoned the SilverCreek lands and settled elsewhere, forming newvillages on Brush Creek and Rush Lake on landswhich they purchased for themselves, leaving thePokagon family and a minority behind.

Seven years elapsed before the Michigan SupremeCourt finally decided the case of the Pokagons'land. In the meantime, local citizens rallied aroundthe Potawatomi. Then, in 1848, the court held infavor of Leopold Pokagon's heirs, declaring thetransfer of Pokagon lands to the Church illegal, andfinding Father Bernier and Bishop His lander guiltyof fraud. But the 674 acres, through Michigan's in-

heritance laws, were now the exclusive property ofthe heirsPokagon's widow Kitisse and his sons.

While these disputes were being debated andresolved, the Catholic Neshnabek did not ignoretheir other common interests. In 1841 they beganworking to secure the treaty rights due them.Regaining the annual payments for ceded lands thathad been stopped by the Office of Indian Affairswas foremost in their minds. Under the leadershipof Singowa, whom the Wkarnek chose to replaceLeopold Pokagon as Speaker, they quicklydemonstrated that they were effective lobbyists,regularly approaching local, state, and federal of-ficials to plead their case. A partial success came in1843, when the Commissioner of Indian Affairsdecided they were due annuities But for reasonsunknown, the commissioner decided they wereeligible for a share of annuities from only one trea-ty; and he refused either to approve funds due fromother treaties or to authorize oelivery of unpaidback annuities.

Between 1843 and 1866, the CatholicPotawatomi gathered annually to receive themodest amounts allowed them by the Office ofIndian Affairs. These gatherings were of vital sym-bolic as well as financial importance to them,although the small payments were themselvessometimes the source of new disputes. ThePokagon family, for example, wanted the paymentsmade at Silver Creek only to actual residents ofhat small community. For years the Church

demanded and received its tithe, deducted beforetie fonds were paid out to the individualPotawatomi. Both practices were vehemently op-nosed by the Catholic Potawatomi majority livingin the other villages, and the matter was finallyresolved in their favor by the Commissioner ofIndian Affairs.

Throughout decades the Potawatomi con-tinued lobbv:ng for their additknal annuities andtreaty rights, enjoying another partial success in1866 when the Secretary of the Interior authorizeda "catch-up" payment. Prompted by Congress,however, he demanded that the Pokagons agreethat this distribution of treaty funds would be thefinal one, an obvious injustice which only impelledthe Catholic Pota atomi to another thirty-yearround of skillful, persistent lobbying. Served by asuccession of attorneys, they eventually persuadedCongress to grant them authority for further legalaction. In 1891, the United States Supreme Courtreviewed the case, finally approving a major pay-ment of back annuities due from all treaties.

During the second half of the nineteenth centurythe Catholic Potawatomi participated actively in allaspects of the transformation of southwesternMichigan into a booming agricultural and industrialregion. Politically,. they became astute, a..:tive par-

6961

The Potawatomi

ticipants in local and state government, and theywere also particularly effective in dealing withUnited States senators and representatives.Economically, they moved far away from theirroots as hunters, ga.-deners, and fur trappers toengage an a variety of pursuits. At first they beganworking as unskilled seasonal and part-timelaborers in agriculture and logging. But later, astheir educational attainments and experience in-creased, they moved into semi-skilled and skilledareas of the job market, while a few earned theirlivings by farming their own lands.

These economic and educational developmentsaccelerated in the twentieth century. Meanwhile,the Pokagons continued their lobbying efforts.Beginning in 1934, their leaders began concen-trating on restoring the Potawatomi to full recogni-tion b;' the United States government. Their aimwas to secure formal acknowledgment of theirtribal status under the Indian Reorganization Act,passed by Congress in 1934 to help Indian com-munities better organize and help themselves.Their efforts were unsuccessful, for the Bureau ofIndian Affairs had insufficient funds to apply thislegislation to all applicant', especially to groups assmall as the Catholic Potawatomi.

In 1954, still seeking the treaty rights due them,the Pokagons joined with other Potawatomi andbrought suit before the Indian Claims Commissionfor more equitable payments for the lands theyhad ceded in the early nineteenth century. Thislitigation was successful and a substantial awardwas approved for tLem. although as of 1985 nopayment had been made.

Since 1982 the Pokagons now organizedunder Michigan lam as the Potawatomi Nation ofIndians, Inc. have again been working to obtainformal recognition as an official Indian tribe. Thisrecognition by the United States would bring theCatholic 'otawatomi numerous advantages, in-cluding the routine protection of federal Indianlaw; normalized relationships with the Bureau ofIndian Affairs, and access to the numerous specialprograms ay tillable for federally recognized Indiancommunities.

70

By the end of 1985 the Secretary of the Interiorhad received the Potawatomi Nation's full applica-tion for tribal status, and there is little doubt thatthese Michigan Indians will once aga: have theirformal relationship to the United States restored.At that moment, southwestern Michigan will find alegally established Indian tribe located in the St.Joseph River valley for the first time since 1837.This will be no surprise to other citizens of theregion, who have long enjoyed cordial andcooperative relations with these Potawatomi, andwho nave regularly encouraged and aided them intheir various enterprises.

In adjusting to the changed Michiban landscapesince the 1870s, the Catholic Potawatomi havescattered widely. Although a majority still live inBerrien, Cass, St. Joseph, and Van Buren countie;,many live in other parts of Michigan as well asthroughout the United States. However, theirelected leaders and council meet regularly c theold Silver Creek Town Hall to conduct the band'sbusiness.

The Pokagons' general council -- consisting ofall adult members of the band meets annually toset policy and to elect a business committee whichmanages the community's day-to-day affairs. Carry-ing out responsibilities delegated by the generalcouncil, this executive committee has consistentlysought to improve the position of the CatholicPotawatomi in tneir dealings with the federalgovernment. Together, the Pokagons are activelypreparing for a future which will continue theirlong record of successful adaptation to the radical-ly altered social, economic, and political setting inwhich they live today.

The Huron BandThe history of the Huronsometimes called

the Nadowesippe Band of Potawatomi of St.Joseph and :::!houn counties reveals a set of prob-lems very different from those faced by theCatholic Potawatomi of Berrien and Cass counties.The Huron Potawatomi are, first of all, essentiallya composite population. Some are descendants ofthe Potawatomi who lived for many years on theupper St. Joseph River. Others are descended fromthe many eastern Michigan Potawatomi in-cluding the old Huron bands who ceded theirlands near the Detroit River and moved to thewestern part of the state after the War of 1812.Some of these emigrants from the east settled onthe 66,330-acre Nadowesippe reservation in St.Joseph County, but the majority scattered widelym south-central Michigan.

Like the Catholic Pokagons and other MichiganPotawatomi, the Huron Band also strongly opposedthe American plan of cession and removal in

82

the early 1830s Ii anything; their rejection of thispolicy was even more vehement than that of thePokaons. However, during negotiations for the1833 Chicago treaty their leaders were unsuc-cessful in winning for themselves the special rightto remain in Michigan obtained by LeopoldPot 'n and his fellows. Except for the smallnumber who were Catholics, the Chicago treaty re-quired the Huron Band to evacuate theNadowesippe reservation and relocate in the vest.

During the Chicago negotiations and afterward;the Hurons suffered far more internal conflict thanwas trG. of the Pokagont Repeated outbreaks fviolence erupted between leaders, several of . mwere murde7ed 1w their rivals, and there was afailure to achieve consensus or unanimity on whattactics to adopt in confronting Americannegotiators and agents. While some of theirWkamek signed the 1"33 concord, others pro-tested the treaty, denying that they were coveredby its provisions. These dissidents later undercuttheir own position when they agreed to accept thepayments provided for by the Tre;,ty of Ch'ago.Badly divided internally and lactung a coherent,

acceptahle policy of their own, theHumes had no choice but to cede theNadoysippe reservation. Wi.1.1 the loss of this lastremaining tract of federally protected land, theywere far nore vulnerable to the threat of removalthan were the Catholic Potawatomi.

At the time of the Chicago treaty, most of theHuron-Nadowesippe group lived away from theNadowesippe reservation, on 'Inds ceded byearlier treaties. With the great influx of Americansettlers to those lands in the late 1830s, they sooncame under into se pressure to leave. It was apressure they could not jointly or successfully resist.

When General Hugh Brady was dispatched toround up the southern Michigan Potawatomi in hesummer of 1840, he concern' ted on the Huron-Nadowesippe groups and the many others livingnearby. Finding and collecting them was no simpletask Once word spread of General Brady's orders,those Potawato.ni who .)pposed removal eitherhid themselves or fled elsewhe-e, some to northernMichigan, others to Canada. Neveitheless, inSeptemk.r 1840, Brady's agents collected 139 ofthese Potawatomi on the Nadowesippe Prairie andau:In? heir remova' fo the west. A month later,a great '..any mote were assembled at Kalamazooand were also transported to the new reservationsin Kansas.

Despite the difficulties involved, the process ofcollecting and organizing the parties of emigrantPotawatomi and starting them on their way westproved to he the easiest part of Brady's mi.,sion.Delivering them to and keeping them on the Kan-

sas resenatr n was an entirely different matter. Ofthose Potam atomi who started west, a good manydeserted the migrant stream and returned toMichigan. Others left the Osage River reservationsoon after arriving there, also to return east. Sincethe details of these var!, ilt,.r.lative path:, wetnever well doc.imented it is impossible to knall of the specifics of how many from N%hichgroups went where, or exactly when they left orhow they traveled. Willie evading removal agents,these Neshnabek left few tracks for historians tofollow.

By 1843 hundreds non-Catholic Potawatomihad returned to St. Joseph, Branch, Hillsdale,Calhoun, an,' tlamazoo counties. By thenpressure foi _hen removal had dissipated. Indeed,they found many supporters among local citizens,by that time secure in their ownership of the ced-ed Potawatomi lands The Hurons began settlir.gin, working out means of remaining permanentlyin the .ired, finding places to live and ways of earn-

their livelihood.Some of them, like the ?okagons a fey,' years

earlier, began buying land with funds from treatyand annuity payments In 1843 a group of HuronPotawatomi purchased eighty acres on Pine Creek,between Battle Creek and Athens .n CalnounCounty. By the 1890s the Pine Creek tract hadgrown to 120 acres, all of it registered in the coun-ty deed hooks in the name of a well - know' le "r,Phineas Pamtopee. Still occupied to this day 1),members of the Huron-Nadowesippe Band, thissmall plot of land has a unique and controversialstatus.

In 1815, two years after the original acreage waspurchased and deeded to Pamtopee, the HuronBand arranged for the deed to he transferred inperpetuity to the name of John S. Barry, thengovernor of Michigan, and to his successors in of-fice. Governor Barry agreed, on behalf of himselfand all succeeding governors, to hold the land inperpetual trust for the hand. Exactly how thiscame to be, precisely what the governor intendedby accepting the trust responAbility, and specifical-ly' which Nadowesippe had rights to these trustlands may never he known, for the relevant :-

tidal documents were destroyed in a fire maoyyears ago.

The status of the Pine Creek sta'e reservation"is curious, and ',ere are unresolvei -inflictingclaims about telt members of the Huron Bandhave th.: right to occupy and use this small,120-acre tract. The state if Michigan admits tosome limited t ast responsibility, but otherwise ex-ercises no jurisdiction over the "reservation" orThe Potawatomi, except to keep the land free ofstate and local property taxes. Unlike other Indian

,37 I 8

The Potawatomi

reservations in the coun y, this tract is not con-sidered by the I inited States as a responsibility ofthe Bureau of Indian Affairs

The controversy over rights to use and a.' upyparcels of the Huron "reservation" has not beenresolved. Basically, a small minority for manyyears has claimed and occupied twenty-acre tracts,one for each of six families, leaving no reservedland available for the common use of the manyother Huron Potawatomi. These families claim thetracts they live on are private, P:41ily-owned prop-erty., on the grounds that their ancestors con-tributed to the original purchase price of the"reservation. Other members of the Huron Banddispute this claim, but little can he done to settlzthe issue because of the confused legal status ofthe re, vation itself; since neither the state no..the federal government admits to h.ving full, clearjurisdiction over the land.

In some ways the history of the Huron "reserva-tion" is parallel to the dispute among the CatholicPotawatomi over the ownership of the Silver Creekland, which was claimed as private property by thePokagon family. tit both cases, a deep conflictarose between a small group claiming privateownership and a majority who believed in thetraditional Potawatomi values which stressed sharedownership of real estate. In both cases, the claimto private ownership caused internal disputes, andtensions were reduced only when most of thePr 'awatomi involved relocated, away from thedisputed land. The dissident Pokagon:' moved toland they purchased for themselves at Brush Creekand Rush Lake, members of the Huron Band, todaysome seven hundred strong, now live mainly inGrand Rapids and adjacent towns and villages.

A major difference between the two eases is thefact that the disputed Pokagon law was sold. In1848, the Michigan Supreme Court ruled that theSilver Creek land was the private property ofLeopold Pokagon's heirs. Exerwing their propertyrights, Pokagon's descendants in later ears soldthe land bit by bit, in effect elin'nating any lastingcontroversy over tribal versus private ownership ofthe tracts. In contrast, the Huron Band leaders

who persuaded Governor Barry to accept a trustresponsibility in perpetuity for the 120-acre PineCreek "reservation" effect', y blocked thepossibility of the land's ever being sold. Their ac-tion, intended to prevent the loss of the land, itselfunwittingly laid the foundation for a lastingdisput , since the Pine Creek "reservation" todayremains intact, held in trust for the Huron Baribut claimed and occupied only by a minority.

Whatevc 'leir other differences, underlyingmodern situation of both Catholic PokagonsMethodist-Episcopal Hurons is a problem chronical-ly troublesome to both the lack of land. Neithergroup of Potawaromi has enough land for its needsas an organized Indian community. American In-dian policy has stripped them of this criticalreso:ace. If the ownership status of the Pine Creek"reservation" is confused, at least the HuronPotawatomi have that much land left. ThePokagons, in contrast, really control only one acre,owned jointly by the membership and ow pied bythe old Silver Creek Township Hall, now used asthe business headquarters for regular meetings.

The Catholic Potawatomi have a record of con-tinuously active, organized self government, whichbetween the 1840s and today has worked at serv-ing the interests of the community in dealing withlocal, state, and federal units of government.

Although less persistent and not as successful inthe past as the Pokagons have been in khbyingfor their interests before Congress, the HuronPotawatomi are now similarly organized. Today,both the Catholic Pokagon Band and the ProtestantHurons are active, organized Potawatomi com-munities inhabi ing southwestern Michigan. With

84

Opposite page, upper right:Potawatomi council chair-man Mark A makingblack ash splints for baskets.seeks to preserve traditionalvalues while buildidg a bt-ter future tOr his people.Left: Alexis displays NOIll ofthe baskets made from tlsplints. (Pokagon 13and)Below: Gladys Sandsworked for nrmy years topreserve and teach suchtraditional crafts :IN blackash wood splint basketmaking. (Grand RapidsInterTribal Council)

i=1,

The Potawatomi

very limited resources and inadequate land of theirown, the memberships of both groups live in wide-ly scattered places. Like other citizens of Michigan,these Potawatomi have had to take their economicopportunities where they could find them. Today,the central goal of both Neshm..)ek communities isto obtain formal recognition by the United Statesas federally recognized tribes. Once this goal isachieved, both Pokagons and Hurons will be ableto further rnrich and develop their communitylife.

Recognizing the many hard problems thesePotawatomi have had to face over the past centuryand a half, the contrasts between the methods usedby th Pokagons and Hurons to survive seem fewand minor. They represent slight differences in thetactics employed by th-ce two groups ofPotawatomi to resist American efforts to dislodge

74

them from Michigan and to resettle them far to thes.est, beyond the muddy Missouri River on theparched Kansas prairies. And they represent smallvariations in the ways that they have adjustedthemselves to the changing race of Michigan sincethen.

What is important in the long view oftheir Iwtory is that they have endured. BothPokagons and Hurons have successfully avoidedthe full effects of one damaging American Indianpolicy after another. Their customs and ways havechanged in many visible respects, but they havealways remembered their own past. Although theyare a small, powerless minority, through the skillof their leaders and the persistence of young andold they have remained in their ancient Michiganlands, where they are today, as their ancestorswere in 1640, durably and visibly Neshnabek.

86

aID

tr

v

i

epozv..........

The Ojibway

In the beginning, there was only darkness.Kitche Manitou (tne Creator) began to fulfill a

vision of crimson sunsets and star-laden skies, a vi-sion of various forms of beings living together andsharing the bounty of the creation. Kitche Manitoumade rock, water, fire, and wind. From these fourbasic elements, the sun, earth, moon, and starswere formed. To complete the vision, KitcheManitou created the plant beings, and then theanimal beings. The last act of Kitche Maniton's vi-sion was the creation of man. And so, the worldof the Anishnabeg began.

The Long MigratieThe Anishnab commonly referred to as the Ojib-

wzy or the Cli.dpewa, ascribed their appearanceon this continent to an act of creation. Like manyother diverse cultures around the world, theAnishnabcg attributed their existence to divine ac-tion. They owed their allegiance to the spiritualrealm and saw beauty and purpose in all of theCreation. As a matter of fact, the word Anishnabegtranslates to "first" or "original man." This self-perception reinforced the Anishnabeg's sense ofobligation and duty, and dictated personal and en--ironmental behaviors.

The Anishnabeg did not originally inhabit theGreat Lakes region. Oral tradition states that theAnishnabeg migrated into the area from the "GreatSalt Sea" to the east. Most historians agree that theancestral homelands of the Anishnabeg were nearthe mouth of the St. Lawrence River on the easternseaboard. Oral tradition also states that theAnishnabeg migrat?d to the west, eventuallyfollowing the north shore of Lake Huron until theyreached the present site of Sault Ste. Marie Themigration occurred over many ycars, andnumerous settlements were occupied during therelocation. Anishnabeg traditions also state thatwhile on this journey, the people suffered extremehardships. The people were sick and tue trip un-doubtedly cost many their lives. Son-.. srholarsand _native peoples have surmised that the migra-tion began after A.D. 100. This bit of information,

76

when coupled with s. id historical evidence, mayprovide an explanation for the migration and lendcredibility to the oral traditions of the Anishnabeg.

In A.D. 986, Bjarni Herjolfson, a Norse merchantwho was sailing to Iceland, was blown off courseduring a severe storm. When the wea.ner cleared,Herjolfson became the first European to see theNorth American continent. He quickly set out forIceland and reported his find to Eirik Thorvaldsson(Erik the Red). By the year 1000, the Norse colonyon Iceland desperately needed wood for buildingmaterials. Eirik's son, Lief, was dispatched to thenewly discovered territoi ' to gather a supply ofwood, and the party landed at several locationsalong the Atlantic coast. The new lands were namedVinland, and in 1001 a number of houses werebuilt along the northeastern coastal region. Onecan almost be certain that the Norse introducedunknown diseases to the North American continentat the same time.

Native Americans had no immunity to highlycontagious European diseases such as smallpox,diphtheria, scarlet fever, measles, and tub,-^ulosis,and fell prey to the new illnesses that swept tileland. The death rate attributed to the newly in-troiticed diseases is almost too high to com-prehend. Historical evidence obtained from col-onial sources has confirmed that 70-80 percentmortality rates were no' uncommon for nativepeoples who initially came in contact withpreviously unknown diseases. In all likelihood, theVikings set loose an unintentional campaign ofgerm warfare which decimated native populationsin the northeast.

The Anishnabeg, who lived in the northeast at.ne time -if Norse contact, were probably one ofthe groups who experienced the most serious ef-fects of the new diseases. The impact of Europeandiseases was probably the primary reason for thebeginning of the Anishnabeg's western migration.Anishnabeg oral traditions recount that the move-ment of the people was accompanied by much ill-ness and famine. Obviously, these conditionswould be associ" ed with peoples who were stillsuffering the eft...As of diseases which were steadi-ly decreasing their numbers. Support for the in-troduction of European diseases befoi e. the colonialperiod in the early seventeenth century is providedby Frederick F. Cartwright in Disease and HistoryHe acknowledges the possibility that the Norse set-tlements were responsible for spreading diseaseswh:c1; "may have entirely altered the *iistory ofNorth America."

If, in fact, new diseases were introduceNative American communities by the Norsemen,the oral traditions of the Anishnabeg would bevalidated, and the historical coincidence of Viking

88

settlements and the r-igrations of native peopleswould be resolved. The notion that the movementof the Anishnabeg into the Great Lakes region waslinked to a search for new hunting territoriesseems to have little credibility in comparison Onehas only to examine the historically abundantnatural resources, both animal and plant, of thenortheastern seaboard to realize that some c..entmost have occurred to trigger the Anishnabegmigration. Most likely, that event was contact withunknown European diseases that would again killmillions of Native Americans beginning in the early1600s.

Clans and Kinship

The migration of the Anishnabeg into the GreatLakes region was accomplished over many yearsLike the lands they left behind, the Anishnabeg'snew territory was rich in plants and game. Thefreshwater lakes contained nut..erous fish, and un-doubtedly the Anishnabeg were familiar withtechniques that would efficiently harvest thesefood resources. By 1500, the Anishnabeg werefirmly settled in their new homes primarily in theupper peninsula of Michigan and the northernreaches of the lower peninsula. There were alsoAnishnabeg settlements to the north of LakeSuperior.

The Anishnabeg lived in villages that were com-posed of family groups and extended kin. The no-tion of kin (relations) in Anishnabeg society wasbased on the existence of clans. Clans were the"super-families" of the Anishnabeg and were n^inedafter animals. Tradition recounts that the clanswere formed long ago when six beings came outof the "Great Salt Sea" and entered the homes ofthe Anishnabeg. These visitors came in the guise ofhuman beings and diked with the assembledpeoples of the villages. One of the visitors fromthe sea did not want to look upon the Anishnabeg,and when this unknown being finally decided togaze on the people, instant death resulted for theunfor .unate recipient of the stare. The other fivevisitors demanded that the sixth member return tothe great sea. Once this was done, the talks l e-tween the mysterious visitors and tl,e Anishnabegcontinued. Flom this meeting the five originalclans of the Anishnabeg were formed.

These clans were the great fish clan, loot, clan,marten clan, crane clan, and bear clan. Theseanimals served as figureheads for the five greatfamilies of the Anishnabeg. Personal identity wastraced to one of these five cans, and all membersof the same clan were related and obligated to

'rve or assist other family members. Subsequentclan divisions of the Anishnabeg still trace their

.0, 1

77

-ancestry back to one of the five original clans i_.

all, there have been over twenty different clansidentified, but these are only subdivisions of theoriginal five clans.

It was the clan system. -along with spiritualbeliefs. that imposed order in Anishnabeg society.Membership in a specific clan was inherited from -achild's father. If a man was a member of the craneclan, all his children would be members of thatclan. All members of the same clan, regardless ofwhether they were "blood" relatives or not wereperceived as brothers and sisters. No two clanmembers of the opposite sex could ever marry.This would violate Anishnabeg laws prohibiting in-cest, so marriages were always arranged with otherclan members. It is important to examine the im-pact and benefit of marriages between clans.

Villages in the past were made up of people withdifferent clan affiliations. This was the outcome ofmarriages outside of their own clan. In almostevery village that existed in the historical past, amember of a particular clan was able to find arelative: a brother or sister of the same clan. Thisextended kinship system, as it is commonly re-ferred to, provided an atmosphere of security andwell-being, since no matter where the Anishnabegwent, they had relatives who were obligated toprovide assistance because of common identity(clan membership).

This perpetual system of accei ar, :. by clanmembers was coupled with the Anishnabeg valueof giving or sharing. The idea of simple giving iscalled reciprocity:. the reciprocal sharing or givingof gifts. The sharing of personal wealth, ratherthan the hoarding of goods, was a practical andgenerous facet of Anishnabeg society. In the con-text of a hunting, gathering, and agricultural socie-ty, it made z great deal of sense to insure thewelfare of all people rather than the well-Leing ofa few. If a hunter was fortunate enough to killthree deer, it made good sense to share this boun-ty with other clan members and those in thevillage w ho were in need or who had been lessfortunate in the hunt.

The rationale for this behavior is found in thespiritual beliefs of the Anishnabeg. Human life wasperceived as being frail. Because of thk, frailty,,misfortune could befall any member of a v'llage.There were times when a person woult: l'A ve goodluck, and times when things would n go nearlyas well. Recognizing the Auctuations human ex-perience. it was much smarter to insure a con-tinual redistribution of goods by giving to others,rather than risk the perils of privation.

The giving of gifts among the Anishnabeg wasnot a manipulative system as giving sometimes istoday Contemporai., some people give gifts

89

The Ojibwa y

because they want a specific article in exchai:gefor their gift. The idea of giving a person a pieceof jewelry in order to get a new red sweate inreturn would be an example c manipulative giv-ing. The Anishnabeg never gave goods in this way;rather they fulfilled a sense of personal obligationto their fellow villagers and clan members, knowingfull well that in their time of need, these samepeople would assist them.

Since marriages were between clans, a hi, andand wife were members of different super-families.This had the effect of providing a more complexnetwork of kinship ties and lessened the chancesof the couple not having enough relatives to helpthen if the need arose. A marriage betweenmembers of differing clans represented a marriagebetween two of the five possible clan identities. Inalmost any village, two out of every five (40 per-cent) of the occupants could be presumed to berelated to a newly married couple. There is littledoubt that this provided a buffer between the frail-ty of human existence and the survival of theAnishnabeg.

The notion of giving was dictated by spiritualperceptions and cemented Anishnabegocietytogether. The Anishnabeg were a ferventlyreligious people, and spiritual perceptions shapedand controlled all aspects of Oiibway life. TheAnishnabeg believed that everything they ex-perienced or interacted with was a part of theCreation. Everything, whetner it be a plant,animal, object, or mystery, had a spiritual essence.Over the years, many people have stated that theAnishnabeg believed in many different "gods."This is commonly called pantheism. But, in effect,the Anishnabeg simply believed that all things werea part of the Creation, and lhat in being so, they,like people, had a relationship with the Creator.This perception of universal relatedness tied theAnishnabeg to their environment aid accordinglydirected their actions.

The Relatedness of All ThingsThe way in which the Anishnabeg understood

their relationship to the Creation was unique and

78

promoted what we would today call conservationor environmentalism The sun, as a part of theCreation, was viewed as a father to the people.The earth, called Aki (that which is sacred) by theAnishmbeg, was the mother of the people and allother life forms. .t was the constant interactionbetween the sun and the earth that provided forthe needs of the Anishnabeg. The rains that fellfrom the sky nourished and impregnated the earthmother. The warm rays of the sun insured the newgtowth of spring and the renewal of theAnishnabeg's life after winter. In reality, the in-teraction between the sun and earth was seen as aperpetual love affair between the masculine andfeminine elements of the Creation. The Anishnabegwere the children of this cosmic union and werecared for by their generous mother.

The importance of this cyclic (seasonal) renewalwas formalized in their adherence to the sacredcircle. The Anisnnabeg, like other native peoples,believed that the circle represented the relatednessof all things nd symbolized the interaction offather and mother. Fa hers and mothers providefor the needs of their children, and so it was withthe Anishnabeg. Everything that was needed to in-sure a good life had been provided for in theCreation.

Along with this spiritual perception of the Crea-tion was the obligation of the Anishnabeg to con-sider carefully what effects their actions wouldhave on the earth. This careful consideration ofbehaviors dictated hunting practices, fishing ac-tivities, food gathering, and planting. It is impor-tant to remember that the Anishnabeg were ex-periential peoples who learned a great deal frompersonal interaction and experience. It is equallyimportant to remember that Anishnabeg ex-periences were formalized (institutionalized) viareligion. Every action in relation to the earth hadspiritr 11 connotations. For this reason, food gather-ing activities were taken very seriously, and 'heproducts of the Creation were viewed as giftrather than as commodities to which theAnishnabeg were entitled.

The Bounty of the CreationThe environment in which the Anishnabeg lived

was abundant with game, fish, and plant resources.As a matter of fact, the Anishnabeg never per-ceived these other beings as "resources," as peopledo today. The word resource tends to underminethe very personal relationship among differingparts of the Creation, and the Anishnabeg were in-timately tied to the earth. The areas that were oc-cupied by the Anishnabeg contained large popula-tions of moose, elk, woodland caribou, whitetaildeer, bear, beaver, muskrat, mink marten, squir-

9 0

Each winter. Ojibwa),families left their fall fishinggrounds and traveled insmall family groups to in-land hunting camps.(Drawing by RobertBushewicz)

rels, fox, wolves, rabbits, partridge, turkeys, ducks,geese, and other mammals.

The fresh waters of inland stre and lakesaround the Great I.akes ,:ontained sizeable popula-tions of lake trout, brook trout, sturgeon,whitefish, herring, suckers, pike, walleye, catfish,bass, perch, and assorted species of "panfish." Theagricultural crops that were planted in familygardens usually consisted of corn, sunflowers,tobacco, squash, beans, pumpkins, and potatoes. Inaddition to the plants that were cultivated, theknishnaber, utilized numerous naturally occurring

plants, among them wild rice, blackberries, acorns,stawberries, blueberries, wild onions, maple sapfor syrup and sugar, and various fruits. This is onlya partial list of the diverse foodstuffs that wereavailable to the Anishnabeg. It can be readilydiscerned tt't a large supply of 'nutritious foods in-sured good health to the Anishnabeg.

The hurting and fishing activities, as well as theplanting practices, of the Anishnabeg w; re con-trolled by spiritual perceptions. Deer and :noosewere not simply seen as "wildlife," but rather asliving beings with a spirit and purpose. Preparationto hunt or fish was always accompanied byritualized offerings, fasting, and prayer. The intentof these activities ww; w seek assistance in procur-ing animals and fish, and of course, this had to be

79

done in a manner that was not offensive to thespirits of animals. These ritualized behaviors servedas a "time out" phenomenon much like a "timeout" break in the classroom where a specif topicor behavior is discussed. By taking the time to stopand reflect on their actions, the Anishnabeg in-sured the proper utilization of animals, and the im-pact of hunting or fishing was considered on thewell -.ring of a particular species. This insured thecontinued relatedness of all things.

The spiritual perception of animals also providedthe setting for Anishnabeg conservation. The ideaof conservation, whereby natural resources are in-telligently utilized to promote the future well-beingof animals or plants, is a new concept to non-native peoples. Popular conservation was not prac-ticed by non-Indian peoples on the NorthAmerican continent until the latter part of thenineteenth century. In contrast, the Anishnabeg andother native peoples had internalized conservationpractices which were dictated by their view ofanimals and plants having a spirit. The Anishnahegregarded the killing of animals and the harvestingof plants as very serious business. The Anishnabegfully realized that taking life from the Creation was aform of tampering with the sacred circle therelatedness of all things. For this reason, animaland plant populations were continually assessed,

9i

The Ojibway

and Anishnabeg actions were directed at insuringthc continued existence and proliferation of thesebeings.

Since the relationship to plants and animals wascontrolled by the spiritual beliefs of theAnishnabeg, it was a highly formalized part ofAnishnabeg life. As a matter of fact, theAnishnabeg perception of illness was in many in-stances tied to the treatment and respect for otherbeings in the Creation. People became sick becausethey failed to use the spiritual code of conduct inrelation to hunting animals or gathering plants. Ofcourse, there were other beliefs regarding the onsetof illness, but most sickness was attributed to do-ing something wrong that was in conflict with thespiritual direction of the Creation.

After the necessary offerings and prayers hadbeen performed, the Anishnabeg efficiently huntedgame, secured fish, gathered naturally occurringfoods, and harvested garden produce. The ,marytools of the hunt were tine bow and arrow, thesnare, and various other forms of traps. TheAnishnabeg were treme dourly adept at killinggame with minimal effort. The snare, before theintroduction of wire from train: with Europeans,was made of sinew or nettle-stalk fiber and wasused primarily to capture deer and rabbits. A snareis a very efficient hunting technique because itworks all the time whether a hunter is present or

In the spring, Ojibwa),families made their way tomaple groves, where theygathered sap and boiled itto make sugar and candy fortheir own use and to sellfor needed cash. (Drawingby Robert Buaiiewicz)

not. A snare set lr a rabbit run or a deer trail willbe there day in and day out until it catchessomething.

The Anishnabeg hunter set numerous snares fordeer; the task of snaring re,bits was usually done bythe women and children of the village. The snareusually held or strangled the deer or rabbit, sincethese animale, have a habit, like most animals, offighting against something that is holding them.The snare becomes tignter and tighter around theirnecks until they collapse from exhaustion, stranglethemselves, or simply quit fighting the snare andlie down. The snares were checked frequently byAnishnabeg hunters, and the game taken trom thetraps wa transported back to the village for butch-ering. The use of snares allowed the Anishnabeghunter to be in many places at one time, iincenumerous deer trails could be "watched" by thesnare.

Snares, which only had to be periodicallychecked, also allowed the Anishnabeg hunter timeto hunt and trap other animals. Moose and elkwere too large to be Laken efficientlr in snares, sothee animals were hunted with bow and arrow.Deer were also frequently hunted with the bow,especially when they were extremely numerous.Birch bark torches were also used to hunt deerfrom carrle. The deer could usuall be locatedalong rives after dark, and the torch had the ef-

80 92

fect of holding the animal's attention so that aclose-range shot with the bow was afforded. TheAnishnabeg usually hunted moose from birch barkcanoes, since moose spend a great deal of time inor near the water eating aquatic plants and thebrowse that grows in low moist areas. Black bearswere either hunted or 'rapped by very large dead-falls made of heavy logs and rocks that would fallon the bear as it tried to take the bait from thetrap. The logs used in this type of trap were ex-tremely heavy and required more than one personto set in place.

Deer, moose, and elk were often lured to theirdeath by calls. The call of a fawn was reproducedby Anishnabeg hunters, and this caused both doesand bucks to respond. The elk and moose bothmake many vocalizations during the "rut" (thebreeding season), arid these calls were mimickedby the Anishnabeg hunter to attract them into bo vrange. Deer, moose, elk, and the woodland caribowere me primary meat sources for the Anishnabegfamily, and these animals were historically abun-dant in the lands occupied by Anishnabeg. Themoose and woodland caribou were morenumerous in the northern reaches of the territory,while the southern reaches had a higher concentra-tion of deer and elk. The black bear populatedboth northern and southern areas and served as asecondary meat source.

The Anishnabeg trapped beaver, or u..g them r atof their lodges in the winter. The beaver wasusually trapped by the deadfall method, similar tothe way that bears were trapped, although the trapwas much smaller. The beaver provided food forAnishnabeg families as well as luxurious robes thatkept the people warm even in the coldest ofw:.:ather. Other water mammals also provided foodand furs for Anishnabeg families. Muskrat, mink,and otter could be trapped in lets while they swamin rivers and lakes, but they, too were trapped bythe deadfall method. Historically, even wolves r,dfoxes were trapped, not only for their pelts, II . asa food source. All mammals were considered foodand were utilized to some extent.

The Anishnabeg relied on the high numbers offish that existed in the northern Great Lakes areafor a great deal of their protein. The consumptionof fish equalled, if not exceeded, the amount ofmeat that was eaten by a family or village.Anishnabeg fishing techniques, like their huntingpractices, were extremely efficient and providedlarge numbers of fish with little effort being ex-pended. The methods for catching fish includednetting, spearing, hook and line, and the construc-tion of a weir.

Nets were frequently constructed of nettle stalkfiber or basswood twine and were used as seines

81

or as gillnets. The seines were either hand held orpulled by a boat. When moved through the water,the seine entrapped large numbers of different-sized fish. When the seine was pulled towardshore, many fish grounded themselves in theshallows, where they became easy prey forchildren or family groups with spears. The gillnet,on the other hand, had a much larger mesh sizeand was usually set in one place in a lake or river.The gillnet could also be fished under the ire inthe winter. The net had to be anchored securely,and large fish would swim into the net andbecome caught by their gill covers. The fish socaught could not swim and pass water throughtheir gills, and they quickly suffoca-ed since theycould not eNtract the needed oxygen from thewater.

These two netting techniques pru ded an am-ple supply of fish to families or villages. Yet someof the larger species of fish, like the sturgeon andthe lake trout, could destroy a net in very shortorder. Sturgeon commonly reach six feet in lengthand weigh well over one hundred pounds, andlarge sturgeon are over eight feet long and weighthree hundred pounds. Lake trout were commonlycaught that weighed fifty pounds. Sturgeon andlake trout were most frequently caught on hookand line or speared. One of the most commonspearing techniques was to use a torch at night.The fish were attracted to the light and easilyspeared at close range Fish were also spearedunder the ice in winter. or this activity bait-fishdecoys were carved -Ind used to attract the largerpredator fish like the lake trout and the northernpike.

Of all the fishing techniques that were used bythe Anishnabeg, none was quite as efficient as aweir. Built of logs, saplings, and lengths of cord, aweir is an enclosure which prevents fish fromswimming upstream and funnels them into a verynarrow opening. Usually, a walkway 1.,as con-structed on the top of the weir, and there thefisherm n perched with nets and spears to harvestthe fish that could only pass upstream via theweir's small opening. The construction of a weirwas a cooperative venture, and the returns pro-duced by this fish trap more than offset the re-quied time and labor involved in its construction.

Migrating waterfowl provided another source offood for the Anishnaheg. Ducks and geese wereseasonally abundant in the Great I.akes, travelingalong what are now known as the Mississippi andAtlantic flyways. These birds were commonlyhunted, and decoys were used to attract them.Along with the use of decoys, the Anishnahegperfecter; the calls of the waterfowl and this en-abled the hunters to shoot at close range. Although

93

The Ojibway

today it is considered sporting to shoot at thesebirds on the wing, the Anishnabeg much preferredto shoot them on the ground or in the water. Thislessened the chance of losing arrows and also in-creased the number of birds killed. Hunting forsubsistence and livelihood was very different fromhunting or "sport."

Other birds also provided table fare for theAnishnabeg. Turkeys, partridge, ruffed grouse, andpassenger pigeons added a tasty flavor to stewsand soups. The Anishnabeg hunted and trappedturkeys and netted passenger pigeons as theymigrated north in the spring. The partridge inhistoric times was reported to be so tame that itcould be easily snared by children using a stick andsinew or twine. All of these birds could also hecaptured in trap!, which were fashioned by makingboxes out of small twigs and branches. Mast crops,such as acorns, were used to attract turkeys, whilepoplar buds and berries were used to bait the trapfor partridge.

The impact on these Animal populations byAnishnabeg hunters was minimal, and again thiswas dictated by Anishnabeg spiritual perceptionsof animals. At first contact between the French andthe Anishnabeg, all of these species were oresenton the land and flourishing. Since that time, thepassenger pigeon has become extinct, there arcfew sturgeon remaining in the Great Lakes, thewoodland caribou has i.-:en forced to retreat toCanada, and the elk herd in Michigan has had tohe reestablished after these animals had been exter-minated in the territory. The turkey also had to bereintroduc.d, and for years, a whitetail deerwasn't seen in portions of the state It should heclearly stated that thf: Anishnabeg peoples had littleto do with the histoAC overutilization of these.,pecics, most of which have disappeared or goneinto remission due to the market-hunting activitiesof later immigrants to the region.

The produce that was obtained from Anishnabeggardens and those wild foods that were gathers. atvarious times o; the year provided the remainingportion of Anishnabeg subsistence. The Arashnabegwere not a highly organized agricultural people;

82

rather they gardened to supplement their foodneeds. There is some evidence to indicate thatAnishnabeg gardeners used raised-bed techniques.In this tyr of garden, the planting beds wereusually raiset.; to a higher elevation than thepathways thro Igh the garden. The beds may havebeen raised t,,elve to fourteen inches higher thanthe walkways in the garden. The primary advan-tage of tfas type of garden is that crops can heplanted culler in the year, since the raised bedswarm up more quickly and are separated from theslowly thawing ground. Early planting, especiallycrops that are hot damaged by late frosts, can ex-tend the growing season by as much as two weeks.Of course, this was important to Anishnabeg livingin the northern reaches of Michigan The raisedbeds in the garden were extremely productive,since the use of walkways compacted the soilunder paths, but not under the areas where rootgrowth would be limited by highly compressedsoil. This created a very favorable environment forplant growth.

Besides growing garden produce, theAnishnabeg, in the early fall, harvested the wildrice that grew along stream banks and in lakes.Wild rice is not a true rice, but rather a grainwhich is very nutritious and can be stored foralmost indefinite periods of time. The rice wasgathered from birch bark canoes by poling thevessel through the shallow beds of rice anl bend-ing the rice over the canoe wi'n a stick. The plantstalks would then be struck will- another stick, andthe rice would fall to the bottom of the canoe.After the rice was husked and winnowed, It wasready for storage and later preparation.

The seasonal activities of the Anishnabeg weredirected toward the harvesting of animals andplants. Like the:- r-rception GI' the Creation, theAnishnabeg year was cyclic. In the spring, theAnishnabeg located their viEges near river systemswhere large runs of spawning fish would occurUsually located nearby was a good sugar bush(sugar maples) to make syrup and sugar from thesap. The sap begins to run when the daytim-temperatures soar above freezing while the nightsremain cold and frigid. After the sap was collected,it war boiled down to a thick syrup whichresembles sticky brown sugar. The syrup and sugarwere stored in birch bark containers or potteryand were used to flavor mealsr...id sweeten drinks.Usually, the spawning runs of fish occurred shortlyafter sap-gathering time, and the Anishnabegdirected their energies to harvesting large numbersof fish for their own use and for trade withneighboring groups. At the conclusion of the fishruns, the Anishnabeg moved short distances tosummer encampments.

94

These residences were initially occupied in latespring, in time to plant the family gardens. Hunt-ing and gathering active, -.!s occurred all summerlong, and fishing was also an important activity.With the approach of fall, families again movedshort distances to the rice beds to which they hada claim. These same territories were also goodareas to hunt migrating waterfowl. The Anishnabegfamily or family groups prepared for the onset ofthe colder months by storing large quantities offood that would enable them to weather the hard-ships of winter. They entered winter seasonwith a store of wild rice, dried berries and fruits,dried meat and fish, a supply of maple sugar andsyrup, and vegetable produce from their gardens.This insured their well-being in winter, which wasa time of hunting and trapping as well as fishingunder the ice. The coming of spring signaled theirreturn to the rivers, the reestablish nent of largervillages, and the renewal of life.

A Life of TranquilityIt is important to understand that subsistence for

Anishnabeg was not a hit-or-miss proposition.The tremendous diversity and large quantities ofanimal life and plant life insured a high quality oflife. The availability of food also allowed theAnishnabeg time to participate in festivals,ceremonies, and rituals which celebrated all lifeand the Creation. There was also time for dancing,singing, games, family activities, and the construc-tion of tools that were needed. Anishnabeg lifewas very optimistic and future oriented. In everyseason or facet of life there was purpose andreward for existence.

This is not to say that there wasn't a great dealof work involved with subsistence activities,because there was. It is hard work to trap, hunt,fish, and garden extensively. It is time consumingto dry food and store it for the upcoming months.Yet the rewards of these activities greatlyoutweighed the consequences of not beingprepared for the future. When subsistence activitieswere cooperatively undertaken, as they frequentlywere, the responsibility and work were spread outin an equal fashion. All members contributed tothe well-being of the family; and survival wasinsured.

It is also interesting to note that studies of"tribal" peoples ;uch as the Anishnabeg concludethat these cultures enjoy a great deal more leisuretime than do people in modern society. In otherwords, even though the Anishnabeg worked hard,they still had more time than we do today to en-joy each other and community recreationalactivities.

83

There is ample evidence to support the notionthat there was very little interpersonal conflictamong the Anishnabeg, and serious crimes werealmost unheard of Village life was usually tranquil,and if factionalism developed between families orrivals, the situation could be easily remedied byone family moving to a distant location or movinginto a new village setting. This ability to escape in-terpersonal conflict w as also aided by the fact thatopen quarreling and bickering among theAnishnabeg w ere regarded as socially unacceptablebehaviors. Children were trained from their earliestyears to avoid open conflict and criticism ofothers. This, of course, required a great deal ofdiscipline and control, which were highly valuedpersonal characteristics in Anishnabeg society.Conflict and %illage hostilities were seen as detract-ing from the well being of the group, and theseactivities were always avoided when possible.

Historic leadership among the Anishnabeg wasprovided by elders, usually men, who haddemonstrated to their village members that theylooked out for the best interests of the people.These ogima (leaders) were generous, and peoplefollowed them because they respected their judg-ment in civil and political matters. The ogima ofthe Anishnabeg were also articulate speakers whocould motivate the people to action or issue impas-sioned pleas on behalf of a fellow villager ifnecessary. They led by influence and examplerather than by controlling wealth and politicalmachines.

Since Anishnabeg society was an oral culture, us-ing the spoken word rather than writing as a vehi-cle for communict..ion, the art of public speakingwas practiced and perfected. It seems logical thatpeoples who use the spoken word for all com-muniques, other than %Try simple communications,would utilize language to accurately describe therange of human emotions and actions. TheAnishnabeg language is extremely descriptive, andthis enabled speakers to vividly recall events andcreate strong images with words. Of course, allAnishnabeg were good listeners. In the context ofan oral culture, listeners got few second chances ifthey didn't hear what was being said. It was im-polite not to listen, and children were constantlyreminded to sit and listen to speakers. Parents en-couraged their children to listen because theykne" that at some time in the future their childrenwere going to he responsible for the welfare of thepeople. The speeches given by Anishnabegspokesmen were eloquent and persuasive. Theability to speak well and convey exact meaningwas taught to children to prepare them for thechallenges of the future.

.95

The Ojibway

A Gift to AllChildren and their upbringing were important

elements of Anishnabeg society. Children wereperceived as a gift to all people rather than theproperty of their parents. For this reason, theywere cared for and disciplined, if necessary, by allmembers of the village. The chore of child rearingwas shared by the extended family, and everyonewas responsible for the security and protection ofthe young child.

Childbirth was not the agonizing experience thatit is contemporarily made out to be for the historicAnishnabeg. Childbirth was viewed as a naturalprocess, and women worked hard to keep theirbodies in good physical condition to facilitate aneasy delivery. When birth was imminent, womenretreated ",o a specially prepared wigwam (lodge).If time or circumstances didn't allow, the birthcould occur in the regular house, or in the bush ifnecessary. Women :ho worked as midwives inAnishnabeg society assisted in the delivery, but inreality it wasn't a delivery; it was supervisedassistance.

The birth of Anishnabeg children was a festiveoccasion and was celebrated by everyone. Feastingand laughter, as well as good-natured rivalry;usually took place shortly after the birth. The childremained unnamed, though, until a later date. Thenewborn child was fed and nurtured by his/hermother, and the relationship between the newbornand mother was perceived as being identical to therelationship of the Anishnabeg vo their mother, Aki(the earth). The child and mother were inseparablefor th first year of life because the child was be-ing breastted. The mother carried the child in acradleboard strapped to her back. an arrangementwhich afforded the infant protection and comfort.while allowing the mother freedom to use herhands and to perform her work. he child wasbound tightly before being places i thecradleboard, and this was thought to promotegc.od posture and well-formed limbs. The cradle-board was frequently hung up or leaned againstsomething solid so that the developing child could

84

savor the sights and sounds of village or wigwamlife.

The cradleboard was usually packed with cleanmoss, or cattail down, which served as diapers.These natural "Pampers®" were frequentlychanged, and the baby was often washed. Personalhygiene was important to the Anishnai'eg, andthese habits carried over into child care. As thechild grew and matured, periods of confinement inthe cradleboard were alternated with freedom toexplore. These extremes of movement were be-lieved to teach the young child discipline, for inlife nothing is all one way. No culture is all play,and no culture is total confinement and discipline.

The Anishnabeg child was never spanked or cor-porally punished. Desired behaviors were selec-tively rewarded and reinforced, which causedthem to occur more frequently. Unwantedbehaviors were usually ignored until the child wasold enough to understand the people's language.The Anishnabeg . .1ieved childhood was a time forplay and exploration, not a time for regimentationand forced compliance. They fully realized thatyoung children would grow up and work for therest of their lives, so childhood should be carefree

Michigan Ojibway villages. The smiled area in-dicates the range of Ojibway villages until the1820s. and cross-hatching shows lands sharedwith the Ottawa. As they followed tne sub-sistence cycle, the Ojibwa} moved their villagelocations more often than did the Ottawa andthe Potawatomi; the villages on this map in-dicate the general location of places of long-term occupation between 1800 and :330. a.Portage Lake Village; b. L'Ance/Baraga; c. CarpRiver Village (north): d. Bay de Nor (Little); e.Tahquamenon; f. Sault Ste. Marie; g SugarIsland: h. Drummond Island; i. 3raver Island; j.Bois Blanc (also includes villages at Mackinac.St. 1gnace and Round Island); k. and I. villageson the Cheboygan River; m. Thunder Bay; n.Platt River Village, o. Carp River Village (south);p. Ago.sa's Village; q. Eshagonaby's %'Wage: r.Augris River Village; s. Pine River Village; t.Black Bird's Re:seri-Won. u. Kakawlin Village; v.Nabobash Reservation; w. Saginaw Village. x.Ottuson Reservation; y. Big Rock Reservation; z.Reaum's Reserve; au. Black River and SwiinCreek Reservation. (Sources: Trgg. 1964: maps5. 12 13. 14; Farmer. 183 1; kappler. 19'1:155-56, 482. Henry Rowe Schoolcraft Papers. R.66:41828)

(3

0 . - - I50 Mlle,

0rn kilometers

50

9785

The Ojibway

and joyful. But as soon as the young child had agood grasp of language, u_wanted behaviors beganto be systematically eliminated. Children werepunished by being ridiculed for bad behaviors. If achild consistently failed to listen to a speaker afterbeing reminded to do so, an adult member of thefamily or village may have compared the youngchild's chatter to that of a noi,y goose.

Of course, no one likes to be singled out andverbally picked on, so the behavior would beeliminated by the child. Children would stop doingthings that resulted in verbal abuse and would dothings that brought praise and rewards. Acceptedbehaviors for the Anishnabeg were constantly

')deled by adults, and these were imitated by theyoung children. Historic Anishnabeg society wastruly one of "do as I do." Interestingly enough,these same child-rearing ideas are now calledpositive and negative reinforcement and werepopularized by the noted psychologist B.F. Skinnerin the twentieth century. The Anishnabeg knewand used these strategies centuries before modernpsychology developed.

knishnabeg children were usually named duringtheir first year of life by an elder of the village orby a respected acquaintance of the family. It was atremendous honor to be asked to name a couple'schild. It was an obligation that carried with it a tieto the family and, particularly, to the child. A feastwas usually held for the occasion, and during theevening, the name would be bestowed on theyoung child. The names were extremely personaland could be the result c: dreams, or they couldbe names of deceased clan members. Names couldalso be chosen and given which would provideidentity or future direction tor the young child. Inall cases, though, Anishnabeg children hadnicknames as well as formal given names. Theywere known and referred to by both names, bu.the use of the nickname was very personal and af-fectionate. The Anishnabeg did not use a system offamily names or first names and last names. Therewas no need for this practice since clan identityserved this function.

Anishnabeg children grew 1;nd matured rapid!).

Since the Anishnabeg had access to so manydiverse and nutritious foods, the children weresolid and well formed. Good diet also had the ef-fect of warding off illness.

As they grew, Anishnabeg children learned thehistory of their people through stories which werefrequently told by family members and elders. Thesacred stories of the Creation and the first peoplewere told only in winter, while stories that taughtand reinforced personal behavior and knowledgeof the environment were told all year long. Storytelling, like public speaking, was an art formamong the Anishnabeg and was accompanied byacting and theatrics. The stories entertained thechildren and, at the same time, taught them thebasis of Anishnabeg life and belief.

The most popular stories during the wintermonths focused on Manaboozhoo (Nanabush), amythical hero who was a teacher to theAnishnabeg. He taught the Anishnabeg purpose andutility in their lives, and taught all elements of theCreation and the ways in which to prolong or con-tinue life. It was Manaboozhoo who taught theAnishnabeg the medicines that would aid the sickand infirm. He was the source of knowledge thatallowed the Anishnabeg to fulfill their role in theCreation. Manaboozhoo has been referred to as a"culture hero" among the Anishnabeg, but ratherhe was a teacher who was greatly revered andrespected. Interestingly, Manaboozhoo taught therange of human behavior to the Anishnabeg. He il-lustrated good or positive behaviors as well as bador harmful behaviors, and he was often the butt ofretribution when his "bad" actions produced abacklash. In stories, the consequences of thesenegative actions served as constant reminders toyoung children to avoid the pitfalls caused byengaging in unacceptable behaviors.

Anishnabeg children accepted a great deal ofresponsibility at an early age. Young womenlearned their tasks in life from their mothers andgrandmothers, and these actions were practiced ingames 2nd activities. Girls built small-scalewigwams of bulrushes and birch bark. They sewedclothing for their dolls. They cultivated smallgardens alongside the family plot, and they helpedtheir mothers with the bu ;tering, skinning, andtanning of animals. They learned to identify edibleand medicinal pants by accompanying theirmothers and grandmothers on gathering forays,and they learned bow to dry meat, fish, berries,and fruit. They learned to make birch bark storagecontainers and pottery, and their mothers andgrandmothers rewarded them with praise for doinggood work.

Men's and women's roles in Anishnabeg societydid not change significantly over time. Children

grew up to he like their parents, and they did nothave a large number of "career'' options to choosefrom. They were educated and prepared to lwAnishnabeg, the original people, and to do thethings that had always been done. The Creationand Anishnabeg participation in it were seen as be-ing absolutes of human experiences. These ab-solutes could not he improved upon, so there wasvery little change from generation to generationuntil contact with Eur, peans occurred.

Undoubtedly, the quality of life for theAnishnabeg was very good, They had more thanenough food, they had extensive access to land,and they had a spiritual (religious) direction intheir lives. Their articulate leaders stressed theequitable redistribution of goods, and their formsof social organization afforded them the leisuretime to explore other creative activities. They suc-cessfully avoided internal conflicts which wouldhave destroyed the unity and cohesiveness ofvillages, and they worked cooperatively to insuretheir surv'val.

The Art of HealingThe Anishnabeg were also skilled at treating ill-

nesses. Most Anishnabeg had a solid grasp of themedicinal plants that grew within their territoryand were quite familiar with their uses. Many ofthese uses were tied tc, good nutrition which willeffectively ward off some illnesses. For example, therose hip, or seed pod, of the wild rose is ex-tremely rich in vitamin C, a substance crucial to awell-balanced diet. The Anishnabeg frequentlybrewed teas with the seed nods and obtained arich source of the vitamin. This prevented theAnishnabeg from contracting scurvy, which iscaused h: lack of vitamin C. Scurvy plagued Euro-pean seamen well into the nineteenth century, andthe ability of the Anishnabeg to effectively treatthis malady before Europeans did is a positive noteon the sophistication of Anishnabeg medicinalpractices.

Even though most Anishnabeg were: familiar withmedicinal plants and common herbs, there was asociety among the Anishnabeg that was dedicatedto assisting life for the people. This society wasthe Midewiwin (mystic doings), sometimes calledthe "Grand Medicine Society" of the Anishnabeg.The practitioners of this society were highlytr-ined in the use of medicinal herbs and plants,and they also acted as psychologists to treatpsychosomatic illness. Their understanding ofmedicinal plants went beyond what mostAnishnabeg commonly knew, and they were themedical specialists in villages.

The Anishnabeg believed that some illnessesresulted from improper personal conduct. If a per-

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son was doing things that were socially unaccept-able to family or clan relatives, or breaking in-dividual rules of behavior, that person's behaviorcould cause a self-induced sickness. Life could heprolonged by "clean living" and the appropriateuse of medicinal herbs. In cases of unexplained orprolonged illness, the Mide society members wereasked for assistance to cure a patient. The MideNN ere very interested in the activities of the sick in-dividual, often trying to establish the cause of theillness that was related to behavior. After lengthydiscussion and interviews, a ceremony could beheld to assist recovery. This cure was often theresult of herbal treatment and spiritual interven-tion. The reestablishment of a personal harmonywith the Creation and a reaffirmation of belief inthe powers of worldly spirits assisted patientrecovery. The Midewiwin society stressed living byspiritual principles, and this promoted good health.

Some historians contend that the Midewiwin is arecent introduction to Anishnabeg society. Thiscontention is half-heartedly supported by the factthat some of the earliest records describing Frenchcontact with the Anishnabeg do not mention thesociety. Yet Anishnabeg elders have stated that theMidewiwin has always been a part of the people'slife. It seems logical that the presence of a"secret" society of healers in Anishnabeg villageswould not he a frequent subject of discussion withoccasional travelers who were strangers to theAnishnabeg.

The absence of early French comments on theMidewiwin does not disprove the fact that thesociety was functioning before contact with theFrench. Moreover, the Midewiwin was a special-ized society in the context of an oral culture. Togain insights into the Midewiwin, a foreign travelerwould have needed an intimate grasp of thelanguage and would have had to be taken intostrict confidence by a member of Anishnabeg socie-ty Of course, this would all have to occur at atime when preparation was being undertaken sothat a Mide curing rite could be performed. Soalthough its existence went unreported by theFrench, there seems to be little doubt that theMidewiwin was a historic facet of Anishnabeg lifebefore Europeans arrived.

Contact With the FrenchIt was during the early 1600s that French ex-

plorers and missionaries first came into contactwith the Anishnabeg. Etienne Brule was probablythe first non-Indian to visit the Anishnabeg atBowating (cascades or rapids), which is the presentsite of Sault Ste. Marie, in 1622. Brule was in theemploy of Samuel de Champlain, the founder ofQuebec and governor of New France. Champlain

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The Ojibway

These three Ojibwayleaders, No-Tin (right). Pee-Che-Kir (cent,). and On-Ge-In:e (far right), dressedin traditional garb whentheir portraits were done inthe 18.Ws. (McKenzie))

sent Brute as a hostage to the Huron in exchangefor the son of a prominent Huron leader. The twoyoung men were to learn each other's language,and the hostage agreement insured their safe con-duct. Brute eventually became a translator forChamplain and traveled extensively throughout theGreat Lakes. He was not a man of letters and con-sequently recorded none of his perceptions of theAnishnabeg. This was a task that would be under-taken by the Jesuits and other Frenchmen wholater came into contact with the Anishnabeg.

After the French first met the Anishnabeg atSault Ste. Marie, they began to refer to them asSaulteurs, "people of the rapids." This name wasimposed on the Anishnabeg and referred to theirplace of occupancy. Neighboring Indian nationscalled them Ojibway; which has been translated ina variety of ways. The most common translation ofOjibway is "pucker up" and refers to the distincttype of moccasins that the Anishnabeg wore,which had r top seam that, when sewn tightlytogether, cat Jed the top of the shoe to pucker up.Thus, the Anishnabeg were recognized by theirpeculiar footwear, and the word Ojibway wascommonly used to refer to them. The wordOjibwa), would later be corrupted by the Englishto Chippewa.

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When the French initially came into contactwith them, the Anishnabeg were residing in theupper Great Lakes region, primarily in the upperpeninsula of Michigan and the northern reaches ofthe lower peninsula. There were also Anishnabegsettlements to the north of Lake Superior. TheBowating settlement at Sault Ste. Marie and thevillages at St. Ignace and Mackinac were prominentsites that were occupied by numerous Anishnabegfamilies. The lower peninsula also included villagesat the present site of Cheboygan, Alpena, Oscoda,and numerous village sites along the shores ofSaginaw Bay.

The majority of the large spring and summervillages were located along the shoreline and inareas where major emptied into Lake Huron.There locations provided access to the spawningruns of fish and to animal populations that insuredgroup survival. Historical!), much of the northernportion of the lower peninsula above a line fromMuskegon to Tawas City was covered by large con-iferous forests that were made up primarily ofwhite pines. These trees wet exceptionally large,and the mature forests did not attract numerousanimal populations as the "edge" or transitionalportion of the forest did.

The edge of a mature or climax forest goes

1 0 0

Vti

through a transition from tall trees to brush andgrasses where differing forms of plant life grow.Environmental conditions dictated the location ofAnishnabeg settlements because very few animalsreside in the mature forest. The reason for this is.that mature forests do not have enoughundergrowth to support the large populations oft-owsers such as deer, elk, and moose. Since theAnishnabeg relied on these game animals, alongwith fishing, for si'bsistence, they chose to locatetheir villages where the highest density of animalswould be found. These same locations providedaccess to quality freshwater fisheries, garden plots,and rice beds. Villages located near rivers alsoallowed the added use of canoes to transport sup-plies. This was much easier than transportinggoods over long distances by land, since the onlybeast of burden that the Anishnabeg used at thistime was the dog.

Anishnabeg settlements on the east coast oflower Michigan extended southward from thethumb region down to the present site of Detroit,and westward from the shores of Lake St. Clair.The high density of Anishnabeg villages insoutheastern Michigan has led some scholars tosuppose that the migration of the Anishnabeg may

.t.

not have led them to Sault Ste. Marie, but rathersaw them settle southern Michigan first and thenproceed north along the western shores of LakeHuron until they reached the Straits of Mackinac.

Whether the Anishnabeg settled first in thesouthern areas of Michigan or the northern reachesof the state is not particularly important when wetrace the course of events that impactedAnishnabeg society after initial contact with Euro-peans. When the French first came into contactwith the Anishnabeg they were seeking a waterpassage to China and the Orient, and they had lit-tle information regarding the shape and extent ofthe North American continent. What they didlearn, they acquired from the Anishnabeg andother native peoples. The French continued toseek the longed-for water passage until the end ofthe seventeenth century; and during this time con-tact with the French and other European powersbegan to have noticeable effects on the Anishnabegand other native peoples.

In 1634, Samuel de Champlain ordered JeanNicolet to travel to Sault Ste. Marie to meet therepresentatives of the Anishnabeg and begin a tradeof furs. Furs were highly fashionable in Europe atthis time, and so were felt hats that were made

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The Ojibway

from beaver pelts. Champlain, who foundedQuebec City in 1608, had been involved in the furtrade for many years. Shortly after he foundedQuebec, he became involved in a struggle betweeeithe Mohawks of the Iroquois Confederacy and theHuron. He sided with the Huron in a battle againstthe Mohawks in 1609 and, in so doing, incurredthe animosity of the Iroquois Confederacy towardthe French. The Iroquois Confederacy was a largeorganization of five tribes: the Seneca, OnondagaMohawks, Cayuga, and Oneida. These powerfultribes resisted French encroachment into the areasof present New York and the southern boundariesof the St. Lawrence River. This forced the Frenchto look to the Great Lakes region for furs.Prevented from trading to the south, the Frenchhad to establish trade relations with theAnishnabeg, Ottawa, Winnebago, and other tribesof the Great Lakes because the growth of NewFrance was tied to the fur trade.

The Fur TradeThe early French traders and settlers of North

America have been portrayed as "friends" ofNative Americans, who treated the Anishnabeg andtheir neighbors with respect and tolerance. This isreally not the case, because a number of reasonsdictated that the French get along with nativepeoples. In the first place, the number of Frenchnationals who migrated to New France was verylow. This necessitated that the French makefriends, rather than enemies, of the nativepeoples thcy encountered in North America. Sec-ond, friendly relations with the Anishnabeg weremotivated by economic considerations centeringaround the opportunity to profit through trade.The French made a great deal of money from thefur trade, and the raw furs for that trade were in-variably provided by native trappers. It has beenestimated that profits from the fur trade oftenreached 600 to 700 percent of the capital that wasinvcsted. This was a strong incentive for theFrench to participate in the trade.

In fact, the French paid far less for a heaver skin

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than the English traders of the northeast. In 1665,the French at Montreal traded eight pounds ofpowder for four beaver pelts, while the English atAlbany traded eight pounds of powder for oneheaver hide It can be clearly discerned that Frenchmotives in the trade were not tied to any positiveimage of the Anishnabeg, but rather to the chanceof profiting from commerce with NativeAmericans.

The fur trade grew rapidly, and Anishnabeg par-ticipation in the trade steadily increased. By 1670,hundreds of canoe loads of furs were being shippedto Montreal and Quebec from Sault Ste. Marieand Mackinac. These two important fur tradingposts were primarily controlled by the Anishnabeg,because they controlled the acquisition of furs thatwould be shipped through these posts. With theopening of the French post at Detroit in 1686, theAnishnabeg located off Michigan's lower peninsula,particularly those living near Saginaw Bay and tothe south, were afforded an ideal location at whichto trade their furs and those that they ootainedfrom other Native Americans. One of the factorsthat interfered with Anishnabeg trade at Detroitwas the presence of the Wyandot; formerly knownas the Huron, who had been forced to removefrom their home in Ontario. The Iroquois hadwaged a war of extermination against the Huronbeginning in 1648. The war had spilled over intothe upper Great Lakes, and many villages wereforced to relocate further to the west. The Iro-quois threat in the Great Lakes was finally haltedin 1653 when a large group of Anishnabeg and Ot-tawa allies destroyed an Iroquois war party at thepresent site of Iroquois Point on Lake Superior.The Wyandot presence in Detroit was a source ofcompetition for the Anishnabeg, but since thetribes had been on friendly terms for many years,the rivalry did not become an open conflict.

With the introduction of the flr trade intoAnishnabeg territories came the inevitable tradedependency that tied Native American nations toEuropean po 'ers. Initially, trade with Frenchrepresentatives and the coureurs de Bois (runnersof the woods), who were free French traders andtrappers, was of mutual benefit to both parties.The Anishnabeg obtained metal implements such ascooking pots, tools, guns, powder, woolen goods,and cloth. In exchange for these commodities, theFrench received prime furs that were shipped backto European markets.

The French soon learned that since theAnishnabeg were unaccustomed to functioning in amarket economy, they had a great deal of difficul-ty in assigning worth to the goods they received intrade for their furs. The French manipulated thevalue of trade items according to what theAnishnabeg would pay. Of course, the Anishnabeg

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soon perceived what was occurring and began toshop around for the best price for their furs. Theyventured north to the Hudson Bay Company atterit was established in 1670 to trade their furs, andfor the most part, quickly learned to look out fortheir own best interests. Another item of the trade,however, proved the undoing of such efficient ef-forts. Alcohol was traded to the Anishnabeg, andthe introduction of this "demon rum'' tended toundermine the business sense of many Anishnabegtraders.

European alcohol was a new introduction to theNorth American continent. None of the north-eastern woodland tribes xere familiar with alcoholor the altered states of consciousness that it pro-duced. Among the Anishnabeg, "visions" wereproduced by personal sacrifices such as fasting andisolation. With the introduction of alcohol, newexperiences and irresponsible behaviors were in-troduced into Anishnabeg society. Like any newcommodity that is introduced into a culture that isunfamiliar with it, alcohol was overused by theAnishnabeg. This, in combination with the factthat the Anishnabeg did not have time to developsocietal behaviors or prohibitions regarding the useor regulation of alcohol consumption, createdenormous problems for Anishnabeg families andvillages.

Alcohol was often used to ply Anishnabegtraders before they began to negotiate the terms ofexchange with French traders. They were frequentlyunderpaid for their furs and this caused a greatdeal of animosity to develop over time. Moreharmful, though, was the fact that Anishnabeghunters began to devote a disproportionate amountof their time to acquiring the furs, particularlybeaver, that could be used as a medium of ex-change with the French traders. This disrupted thecyclic year of the Anishnabeg, making them moredependent on European manufactured goods. Theybegan almost exclusively to trap fur bearers andthen trade the pelts for flour, coffee, tea, sugar,and other material goods. This situation was com-pounded by the fact that traders would often pro-vide credit to Anishnabeg trappers, allowing themto take goods and then pay for them at a laterdate. Of course, this tied the Anishnabeg to thetrade and the purchase of European goods.

Because the fur trade did not occur in a vacuum,its dynamics were very complex. Many otherevents were taking place at the same time.Anishnabeg villages were being decimated bydisease, and Native Americans found themselvescaught up in wars of European design and interest.The Anishnabeg were under a great deal ofpressure to respond to these complexities and, atthe same tir, to retain their autonomous position

Tshusick, an Ojibwawoman from Michigan,created something of a sen-sation when she arrived.unannounced, at theWashington, D.C., home ofthe Commissioner of IndianAffairs in the winter of1826-27, professing a desireto be baptized. Impressedby her wit and charm andfluency in English andFrench, her newfoundfriends arranged tier thisportrait. for which she woretraditional moccasins andleggings complemented bythe clothing, feathers, andheads the commissioner pur-chased for the occasion.(McKenney)

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The Ojibway

between foreign interests and other native nations.Native cultures were forced to adapt to new situa-tions that had arisen on the North American conti-nent. Unfortunately, these adaptatic .s had seriousconsequences for the Anishnabeg.

They were forced to overtrap the beaver, andthis signaled the negation of time-honored percep-tions of the Creation and proper conduct. The furswere necessary for the trade so that technologicalproducts could be obtai.ied that would insure per-sonal and village safety. The balance of power inthe New World had swung in favor of Europeannations who were armed with modern weapons.The Anishnabeg needed the same weapons to re-main on equal footing with their French allies, aswell as to protect themselves from the encroach-ments of the English and their Indian allies.

Anishnabeg society also came under enormouspressure to change its spiritual beliefs and to ac-cept the newly introduced notion of Christianity.The French trading houses were usually closelytied to missions whose stated goal was the conver-sion of the Anishnabeg. It is imperative toi emember that even though the French were tradepartners to the Anishnabeg, they still did not con-sider the native view of the Creation or of "God"to he compatible with that of Catholicism. TheAnishnabeg, like so many other native peoples,were assumed to he inferior peoples who neededthe teachings of Christ to become truly civilized.This, of course, is a very erroneous assumption:nonetheless it was the thinking that ruled the dayin seventeenth-century North America.

Anishnabeg society was undergoing rapidchanges which had the effect of undermining tradi-tionally and historically viable cultural behaviorsand beliefs. This situation was also compoundedby the fact that the number of foreign emigrants toNorth America was escalating at a rapid pace. By1673, there were almost 7,000 French nationals inNew France, and there were well in excess of70,000 Englishmen living in colonies along theeastern seaboard. As immigration to the NewWorld increased, the Anishnabeg, like other nativepeoples, realised the importance of thesedevelopments.

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The French presence in New France continuedto build until, by 1750, there were 76,000 Frenchnationals on the North Amen 'an continent Allduring this time period, the Anishnabeg werestrongly allied to the French and their tradehouses. Heavy r-liance on acquiring furs for thetrade detracted from nic Anishnabeg's seasonalpursuits, but there was a more serious problemthat had to be faced. The beaver was on thedecline from years of overtrapping. This usheredin a period of extreme hardship for theAnishnabeg, since they had become very depen-dent on the trade to provide for their families.Numerous furs were still being funneled throughthe major trade houses at Mackinac, Sault Ste.Marie, and at Detroit, but these furs wereoriginating in territories to the west of theAnishnabeg holdings in lower Michigan and fromthe north in Canada. Besides the decline of beaver,a conflict of international importance was begin-ning to take shape in North America.

The French and Indian WarBy 1750, the English population in North

America had blossomed to well over one million.Even though the English population was large,their land holdings were fairly small in comparisonto the expanding needs of their people. Onestrategy to alleviate this situation was to expandwestward, taking possession of the French ter-ritories in North America. Western expansion wouldalso allow the English to assume control of the furtrade, which was still a lucrative business in thewestern territories and in Canada. The eventualconflict between France and England for control ofresources, particularly land and furs, began in1754. The war between these powers and their In-dian allies, called the French and Indian War, wasa continuation of European military conflicts be-tween these nations.

The Anishnabeg of the lower peninsuladistinguished themselves in this conflict while serv-ing as French allies, and participated in the conflictout of personal interest. It was well known amongthe Anishnabeg that since they were closely alliedwith the French against the British, they had agreat deal to lose if their French "protectors"were displaced by incoming English interests andpolicies. The French and Indian War also formalizedthe role of Anishnabeg warriors as mercenaries.

For many years, Anishnabeg villages had beenmustering men to defend French interests on theNorth American continent. In the paste though.many of these wars were short skirmishes that didnot drag on year after year. This was not the casewith the French and Indian War. While Anishnabegmen were defending French national interests, who

was minding the business of village life and sub-sistence? The answer to this question lies in thefact that Anishnaheg families were often providedwith French provisions and supplies. It was extremely dangerous for Anishnaheg families to heseparated from village defenders. Consequ( fitlythey traveled with the Anishnaheg men andcamped near them for security. This again had theeffect of undermining traditional patterns ofAnishnaheg life, and many seasonal activities wereseverely disrupted.

British VictoryFrench rule in Michigan and Canada ended with

the surrender of Fort Ponchartrain at Detroit in thefall of 1760. The French surrender at Detroitushered in a new period of Anishnaheg history,and the British introduced new policies that wouldhave a major impact on the Anishnaheg. Thesepolicies were enforced by British military presencein the Great Lakes. The British assumed control offormer French forts, the most important of whichwere at Mackinac and Detroit. As one of his firstacts, Jeffrey Amherst, the British governor-generalof North America, directed that no gifts would heexchanged with Great Lakes Indians, and onlylimited amounts of powder, lead, and guns wouldhe provided to the former French allies, theAnishnaheg.

The refusal of the British to give presents wasextremely unpopular with the Anishnaheg, since itbroke both the cultural dictates of reciprocity andthe precedents of the French, who had freely giver.gifts. Even though the French had economicallyexploited the Anishnaheg, they had subscribed tothe cultural dictates of giving presents. For years,this had tied the Anishnaheg and other Great Lakestribes to their national policies and interests. Byrefusing to give gifts and engage in "brotherly"acts, the English quickly set the stage for continuedhostilities in Michigan.

There is little doubt that the English actionswere motivated Ly retaliation toward their formerenemies Amherst thought it foolish to rearm andsupply military adversaries who had recently beendefeated in a lengthy and costly war. TheAnishnaheg, however, did not consider themselvesdefeated. The French had lost and had sued forpeace; not the Anishnaheg, who were still in con-trol of their territories. To he treated so disrespect-fully by the British commander and new nationalpolicy was intolerable.

The conditions in southen Michigan were fur-ther eroded by the presence of French nationalistswho successfully planted the seeds of rebellion inAnishnaheg villages. Frenchmen, who still heldallegiance to New France, spread rumors that the

British planned to make war against the Anishnahegand other Great Lakes tribes. It was to this endthat the English policy addressed itself, or soclaimed the Frenchmen who were stirring up trou-ble in every village.

The result of British policies was discontent andfear among the Anishnaheg. They allied themselvesw ith other Great Lakes tribes and in 1763 par-ticipated in the general uprising against British oc-cupation in Michigan. They were spurred on bythe teachings of Neolin, the Delaware Prophet,who had a great deal of influence on the frontierat this time. Neolin preached Indian self-relianceand a return to the old ways of Anishnaheg lifeHe counseled Native Americans to resist Englishdomination and to reject alcohol and goods of Euro-pean manufacture. Neolin's words were used bythe Ottawa orator, Pontiac, to incite hostilities inMichigan. The revolt against the British was not somuch the result of Pontiac's leadership as it was ageneral response to the trade policies and high-handed treatment of the Anishnaheg by the British.

The revolt, which severely disrupted Britishtrade and policy, was short lived. It began in Mayof 1763 and was over by October of the sameyear. A year later, in October of 1764, a formalagreement was reached between the Anishnahegand the British. Tentative peace was returned toMichigan, and the Anishnaheg retreated to theirvillages to pursue family subsistence.

Anishnaheg participation in tie fur trade and ininternational wars on the North American conti-nent required a great deal of mobility. TheAnishnaheg frequently located near trade sites ortraveled extensively to market their furs. Duringperiods of heightened conflict, they were on themove, either seeking engagement with the enemyor avoiding combat. In the years following Pon-tiac's uprising, however the historic village loca-tions of the Anishnaheg in the lower peninsula re-mained fairly constant. The villages at Cheboygan,Alpena, the Straits of Mackinac, and those alongthe shores of Lake Huron and in the Saginaw valleywere very much intact. These locations still pro-vided access to the staples of life: fish, game,naturally occurring foods, and garden plots Eventhough Anishnaheg life had undergone numerouschanges due to extended conflict and the effects ofthe fur trade, families and villages still had accessto their primary resource, the land.

The issuance of the Royal Proclamation of 1763by the British Crown was intended to preserveAnishnabeg lands in Michigan from being seized byunscrupulous traders or land agents. The proclama-tion effectively exempted Michigan land frompublic sale or possession and insured the right ofnative peoples to remain in their territories. The

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The Ojibway

intent of this proclamation was, of course, to pro-mote peace in the terr;tory. Unfortunately, othermajor conflicts were soon to begin. The AmericanRevolution and the War of 1812 would again im-merse the Anishnaheg in conflict which wouldalter the course of their existence.

The largest concentration of Anishnaheg villagesduring this period of time was in the Saginawvalley and to the south along the St. Clair River.Numerous other settlements extended to the westof these regions and were located on rivers whichprovided fish and easy transportation to othervillages. The location of these villages made it ex-tremely difficult, though, for the Anishnaheg to ig-nore or remain neutral in major wars betweenemerging factions on the North American conti-nent. The American Revolution, which began in1775, was one such conflict.

This war, caused by many factors includinglimited access to Native American lands for col-onial citizens, found the Anishnaheg of the lowerpeninsula allied with the British against emergingAmerican forces. After participating in many of thebattles of the war, the Anishnaheg assumed a posi-tion of neutrality when it became obvious that theBritish would be defeated. The conclusion of thewar in 1783 signaled a period of uncertainty forthe Anishnabeg.

American ExpansionismThe fledgling United States government issued

the ordinance of 1785, which basically restated theintent of the Royal Proclamation of 1763. Thelands of the Anishnabeg were to he protected fromsquatters and trespass, but the United States re-served the right to treat for Indian lands. By theterms of the Treaty of Paris in 1783, which con-cluded the American Revolution, the Northwest Ter-ritories, which included Michigan, became the prop-erty of the United States. The Americans did notimmediately take possession of the Great Lakesregion, and significant British outposts were main-tained. British influence remained in the regionsince the newly tormed federal government couldnot risk the outbreak of fresh hostilities with Bri-

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tain. The United States was sltisfied to assume await-and-see attitude and take physical possessionof the territory when the government could sup-port the necessary military garrisons to secure thearea.

The conclusion of the American Revolutionushered in a new threat to Anishnaheg life andmore so to the control of their historic territories.The decades of 1780 and 1790 witnessed the il-legal migration of large numbers of American set-tlers into the Ohio and Indiana country, south ofMichigan. Recognizing the threat to their territory,the Anishnabeg of the lower peninsula alliedthemselves with the Miami, Shawnee, Potawatomi,Ottawa, and Huron and actively resisted theAmerican threat to their lands which were sup-posedly protected by ordinances passed by theUnited States. Their efforts were encouraged by re-maining British loyalists in Michigan. and theAnishnabeg fought to preserve their lands. Theyparticipated in the defeat of General Harmar'sforces in 1790 and inflicted heavy casualties onGeneral St. Clair's army in 1791. In 1794, the In-dian allies suffered a major defeat at the hands ofGeneral Anthony Wayne's army at Fallen Timbersin Ohio. Eventually, peace was formalized betweenthe Americans and the allied Indians at the Treatyof Greenville in 1795.

The Greenville treaty marked a significant transi-tion for the Anishnaheg of the lower peninsula.This treaty, which was signed by numerous leadersof northern and southern Anishnabeg villages, ced-ed the lands along the western edge of Lake St.Clair, the Detroit River, and the northwestern endof Lake Erie to the federal government. In ex-change for these lands and others described in thetreaty, the Anishnaheg and other signatory tribesreceived twenty thousand dollars worth of goodsand the promise of one thousand dollars worth of-"useful goods. . .every year forever." The UnitedStates also agreed. under Article IV of the treaty,to relinquish claim to the remaining Michiganlands.

As American settlers moved onto the cededlands, demand increased for still more lands to ac-commodate western expansion. Pressures mountedagainst the Anishnaheg and their neighbors to cedethe choice parcels of land along rivers and lakesthat had for centuries provided them withunlimited access to the fish and animal populationsso vital to their survival.

As desired lands were required for American set-tlement, the Anishnaheg were forced to sign addi-tional treaties with the federal government. TheGreenville Treaty ushered in the "treaty period"for the Anishnabeg in Michigan's lower peninsula.The results of these treaties would prove to he

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disastrous for Michigan's indigenous citizens. TheUnited States actively sought out Indian leaderswho were disposed to cede lands to the federalgovernment. Many Anishnabeg leaders thought thatthe United States would treat with Indian nationsin an honorable manner These leaders had a greatdeal to learn about the nature of United States ex-pansionism and the lengths to which the UnitedStates would go to acquire Indian lands.

The Treaty Era

The Treaty of Greenville was followed by theTreaty of Detroit in 1807 which forced theAnishnabeg of southeastern Michigan to cedealmost one-quarter of the lower peninsula to theUnited States. Michigan Territory had been createdby Congress in 1805, and territorial officials knewthat to achieve statehood they would graduallyhave to gain control of Anishnabeg lands. Sinceonly the federal governmen* was empowered totreat for Indian lands, there iiad to he a sense ofcooperation and unity between the goals of ter-ritorial leaders and federal officials. The territorialgovernors of Michigan usually acted as federalagents in the negotiation of treaties with theAnishnaheg. William Hull, Michigan's first ter-ritorial governor, was the primary catalyst in bring-ing about the 1807 Detroit treaty.

While the treaties were being negotiated inearnest, the War of 1812 came and went, TheAnishnabeg allied themselves with the British in aneffort to dislodge the growing American popula-tion in Michigan. Anishnaheg participation in thewar was fueled by the famous Shawnee ogima,Tecumseh, and his brother, Tenskwatawa, theShawnee Prophet. Tecumseh could clearly see whatwould happen in Indian lands as more and moreAmericans filed into the territories. Thesetrespassers would abuse Native Americans and, bytheir arrogance, promote hostilities which wouldbe solved by United States troops. After the"hostile" Indian nation was subdued, it would betime for a treaty which forced the defeated andharassed Indian nations to cede more lands to thefederal government, These lands would, in turn. heconveyed to territorial governments and states tohe sold to an endless flow of immigrants seekingeconomic stability or the opportunity to profiteerin the expanding economic climate.

Tecumseh's leadership promoted an Indianalliance which united numerous diverse tribes.Among his followers were the Anishnabeg ofMichigan's lower peninsula, who were well awareof the pressures being brought to hear on them.They had entered into the Treaty of Greenville in1795 with high hopes for the future of their coun-try and peace between nations. Their enthusiasm

; C.

was short-lived, though, for they were steadilypressured to cede more lands. The Anishnabeg,along with countless other Great Lakes tribes,wanted to stop American expansionism and retaincontrol of their dwindling lands. They allied withTecumseh and the British during the War of 1812and were defeated. Tecumseh was killed at theBattle of Thames in 1813, and with him died thedream of concerted Indian resistance to a rapidlyexpanding United States.

After the War of 1812, Anishnabeg lands inMichigan came under renewed attack by the ter-ritorial government and the Un'ted States. The at-tack was not a physical one upon Anishnabeg,but rather it was an insidious movement to g.onpossession of their remaining lands in the lowerpeninsula. Lewis Cass, while serving as territorialgovernor, served as an agent and commissioner ofthe United States in the negotiation of the Foot ofthe Rapids Treaty in 1817, the Treaty of Saginawin 1819, the Treaty at Sault Ste. Marie in 1820, theTreaty at I.'Arbre Croche in 1820, and the Treaty atC' ago in 1821. All of these treaties had one thingin common: They ceded Anishnabeg lands to thefederal government. In assisting with this effort,Cass assured the growth and "prosperity" ofMichigan territory. One question arises, though.While territorial governors were creating a stateout of Indian lands, who was looking out forAnishnabeg interests? The answer, of course, isclearly evident:, the Anishnabeg alone.

Many of the land cessions were facilitated by ex-tending credit to Anishnaheg families and leaders,who had become dependent on the marketeconomy and flow of American goods. In ex-change for the cessions of large landholdings, theAnishnabegi:xeived annuity payments which theyused to pay their debts and to purchase com-modities necessary for survival. The demand forAnishnaheg lands was heightened by the fact thatthe British presence in Michigan was nullified afterthe War of 1812, and the territorial government.with the cooperation of the United States, couldmanipulate the Anishnabeg with no fear of militaryreprisals from foreign powers who would allythemselves with Great Lakes Indian populations.

A Landless People

The Anishnabeg in Michigan's lower peninsulawere rapidly becoming a landless people. Underthe provisions of the Treaty of Saginaw in 1819.the Anishnabeg, who were commonly referred toin these treaties as the Chippewa. retained smalllandholdings for the use of particular villages. Theywere eventually forced to move onto these smallholdings as southern Michigan's population in-creased and agriculture began to flourish. The

95 10

Thk. Ojibway

relocation to these small parcels of land was dif-ficult for the Anishnabeg, and it restricted their ac-cess to resources they had historically used.

This situation was compounded by the infectiousdiseases that continued to ravage Anishnaheg com-munities, The cholera epidemic of 1832 causedsevere hardship and a great loss of life in manyvillages. Survival was becoming very difficult forthe Anishnaheg. The boom days of the fur tradehad passed, and the Anishnabeg had few alter-natives to provide for the well-being of theirfamilies: id villages. To make matters worse, thecontinual flow of American settlers into MichiganTerritory increased the demand for land.

It was a common perception among Americansettlers that the Anishnaheg and other nativepeoples were not "efficiently" using their landsbecause they didn't farm or extensively cultivatetheir holdings. This notion of "deficiency," whencoupled with prejudice toward Native Americansand hatred bred by conflicts along the frontier,pros ided a rationale for displacing the Anishnabeg.Very little public sympathy emerged for theAnishnaheg and their mounting problems. As far assettlers were concerned, the Anishnaheg werestanding in the way of "progress," and theirdecline was mandated so that "good citizens" couldtake possession of the land.

By the early 1830s. Michigan Territory was ac-tively seeking statehood. A controversy arose overthe southern boundary ni Michigan Territorywhich involved a joint claim to certain lands withOhio. Although it was eventually decided that thedisputed lands belonged to Michigan, the federalgovernment would not allow the territory tobecome a state until the lands were ceded to Ohio.In return for the cession,. Michigan Territory wouldreceive, after treaty negotiations, the northern por-tions of the lower peninsula and the upper penin-sula, which were still Indian lands. Admission tothe United States for the territory was contingenton these provisions being met.

The land dispute between Michigan Territoryand Ohio was a major factor in the negotiation ofthe Treaty at Washington, concluded in March ,

1836. Ily the terms of the treaty, the Anishnahegand their neighbors, the Ottawa, ceded the majori-ty of Michigan's northern lower peninsula and theeastern end of the upper peninsula to the UnitedStates. The treaty allowed Michigan to become astate in early 1837 and satisified the land disputewith Ohio. After 1836, the Anishnabeg only con-trolled very limited portions of their former ter-ritories, and these small "reservations" wouldeventually he obtained by the federal governmentin future treaties. Asa matter of fact, the landsreserved by the Anishnabeg of southeasternMichigan and the Saginaw valley via the treaties of1807 and 1819 wen. a luired by the United Statesin treaties with the Chippewa residing io thoseregions in 1836 and 1837,

The rapid transfer of Anishnabeg lands wasmotivated by the rich potential of Michigan'sresources. As early as 1830, an assessment ofMichigan's timber resources was being undertaken.The presence of mineral deposits in the upperpeninsula was also well known by potential usersat this time. The primary reason '..or displacing theAnishnabeg and their neighbors from the land wasto gain control of these vast resources whichwould provide for the economic growth of thestate. When the value of the lands that weretransferred from the Anishnabeg to the UnitedStates is considered, and what they received in ex-change for these lands is examined, the fr, udulentand manipulative actions of the federal govern-ment and the state become clear. There was littlehumanitarian consideration for the well-being ofthe Anishnabeg; rather there was an atmosphereof greed which dictated individual opportunity.

It was also during the 1830s that the Anishnabegwere threatened with removal to Indian Territory.In 1830, Congress passed the Indian Removal Actwhich was strongly endorsed by the Jackson Ad-ministration. The Treaty at Washington of 1836was, in essence, a removal treaty. Article Eightclearly states that the Anishnabeg were expected tomove "southwest of the Missouri River." Of course,this piece of legislation. which would havedevastating consequences for southeastern Indianpopulations, was strongly opposed by theAnishnabeg. Many indiv iduals and families fled toCanada to avoid the threat of removal, whileothers simply weathered the storm by utilizing aprovision in the 1836 treaty which allowed themto occupy their lands for a five-year period. At theexpiration of the allowed time, they requested anextension to the five-year provision and therebyavoided removal to a new and alien land.

An Era of Hard Times

The quality of life for the Anishnabeg continuedto deteriorate throughout the middle of the nine-

96 108

teenth century. Many of the Anishnabeg had inter-married with other Native Americans in Michigan.particularly with the Ottawa and Potawatomi. Thisafforded some alternatives to a had situation by ex-tending kinship ties to new geographical locations.For the most part, though, the Anishnabeg hadbecome a migrant population with access to verylimited landholdings.

All the while, the federal government and stateleaders were attempting to assimilate theAnishnaheg to the "white man's road." As part ofthat assimilation process, Americans demanded thatthe Anishnaheg hold property on an individualrather than a tribal basis. This was the intent andoutcome of the Treaty at Detroit in 1855. Underthe provisions of this treaty, individual Indiansselected parcels of lands to which they would gaintitle and hold as private property. This underminedthe cooperative nature of Anishnaheg soc'ety andpromoted individual responses to pressingproblems.

This allotment policy, as it was later called, alsofacilitated the transfer of Indian land selections tonon-Indians because of tax requirements. The con-cept of taxation was alien to the Anishnaheg wayof life, and until the policy of land allotment wasdeveloped, the Anishnaheg had never been re-quired to pay taxes. It was difficult for them toearn enough money for taxes when basic sub-sistence requirements were barely being met. As aresult, they were frequently delinquent in theirpayments. Corrupt officials often overassessed thevalue of their lands and withheld notification thattaxes were overdue. When Indians didn't pay thetaxes, white settlers and businessmen did, gainingtitle to the land in t' ocess. The Anishnahegcontinued to lose their lands, and by 1860, onlyone large Anishnaheg reservation, located inIsabella County, remained in lower Michigan.

With their land gone, the Anishnabeg had tomake transitions and adaptations to survive inMichigan's expanding economy. They found workin the ,tate's growing lumber industry and foundseasonal and factory work in Michigan's cities andtowns. They also made use of many of their tradi-tional skills, such as basket making and other crafts,to supplement their meager earnings. A once greatpeople were being systematically re 'used topaupers in a country they had possessed only afew years before. This decrease in economicpower and personal livelihood was further com-plicated by the reluctance of Michigan lawmakersto protect Anishnaheg interests from theft andabuse. Large quantities of timber were stolen _romthe Isabella reservation during the 1870s, and eventhough the perpetrators of this act were identified,they were never prosecuted. All too often, such in-

1 0 997

Shop-Ne-Gon, who livedwith his family near Gray-ling. posed for this picturein 1870. His hoots, shirtvest, and trousers indicatedan increased acceptance ofAmerican fashion. while theheadwork decorations repre-sent traditional. highlystylized floral dc, ,ns.(Michigan State Archives)

The Ojibway

Many young Michigan In-dians were educated at thegovernment Indian schoolnear Mount Pleasant. tvhereuniforms and regimentationwere a part of the training.(Clarke Historical Library)

cidents typified the treatment of the Anishnabegunder Michigan law.

While the Anishnabeg continued to seek wagework and to hunt aria fish to provide for familysubsistence, their children were "educated" ingovernment schools and taught domestic skills andmanual trades. These scI )ols were supported bygovernment funds and often administered by mis-sionaries. In some regions of the state, day schoolswere opened to serve local Indian populations.The day school was a popular alternative to themission schools which were primarily boardingschools. Indian children endured many hardshipsin these schools: separation fr)in their parents andfamilies and frequent physical punishment for in-fractions of rules. Anishnabeg life ceased to resem-ble the historic patterns of earlier times. Familyhardships were simply a fact of life as theAnishnabeg approached the twentieth century. But,they did endure, they did survive.

The Plunder of the LandDuring the 1870s and 1880s, Michigan's vast ar-

ray of plants and animal resources came under at-tack by market hunters and profiteers who paid lit-tle heed to the future of these resources. Thelumber industry caused irreparable harm to the in-land fisheries by extensive cutting which led to

APS

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98 110

soil erosion which in turn clogged streams withsilt. Stream temperatures rose as shade trees werecut along the river banks, and fish populationsdeclined. At the same time, market hunters andcommercial fishermen were taking aim at animalpopulations once thought to bc inexhaustible. Laketrout, whitefish, and herring were being overfishedin the Great Lakes; whitetail deer were beingslaughtered for sale to lumber camps and localmarkets; and passenger pigeons were beingdestroyed on their nesting grounds and shipped tourban markets for fifteen to twenty-five cents perdozen.

The decimation of the passenger pigeon typifiesthe treatment of animal resources during thisperiod of time. The pigeon, which resembled amourning dove, laid only one egg a year. Hence,the birds had to maintain a very large populationto insure the survival of the species. But passengerpigeons were netted and shot on their nestinggrounds in unbelieveable numbers. The slaughtercontinued until the markets were overflowing, andthe price fell so low that it was not worth the ef-fort to ship the remaining birds to market. Thesurplus birds were then fed to the hogs of localfarmers. The passenger pigeon was perceived as acompetitor for the grain and mast crops used tofeed agricultural stock, and in all likelihood this

Baseball, America's nationalpastime, was popular withmany young Indians, in-cluding these boys at theMount Pleasant IndianSchool.

4

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111.i, 99i;

The Ojibway

contrinqted to the ongoing slaughter. The last greatnesting of passenger pigeons occurred OUtSifis!Petoskey in 1878. This was the final congregationof the b rds on the face of the earth; for th:y soonafter became extinct.

It is unfortunate that Indian treaties were thevehicle by which non-Indians in Michigan assumedcontrol of the vast resources of the state. Thedestruction of animal and plant life that occurredin the aftermath of these treaties is a chapter ofMichigan's history that sharply conlrasts with thehistoric perception and use of "beings" by theAnishnabeg. The overutilization of the forests,Great Likes fishery, and animal resources wasalmost entirely the work of non-Indians whosought to profiteer on the environment for thepersonal acquisition of wealth.

The Turn of the Twentieth CenturyWith the destruction of vast natural resources,

Anishnabeg reliance on the provisions of the en-vironment was seriously undermined. They wereforced to imitate the ideals of Ameriran society;and the turn of the twentieth century witnessedmore and more Anishnabeg families taking upfarming and seeking work in cities. By the early1900s, Anishnabeg communities were poor, andsickness and illness were prevalent. The conditionsof Anishnabeg communities in lower Michigan didnot change for many years, and the Great Depres-sion of the 1930s was a particularly difficult time.

It was during the depression ) ears that the Indianschool at Mount Pleasant was closed. Supported byfederal dollars, the school had been serving largenumbers of Anishnabeg children for many years,but was closed in 1934. Some researchers haveconcluded that the school was closed because thetax base was declining in local schools, and therewas a great deal of resentment regarding the quali-ty and continued operation of the Indian school bycitizens of the region.

The Johnson-O'Malley Act of 1934, which allowedfor financial support of Indian children in localschot.1 districts, helped to fill the gap created bythe closing of the Mount Pleasant school. The

100

Johnson- O'Malley funds were also used to meet themedical needs of Indian children and adults, andduring the depression they were frequently used asa relief program to assist depressed reservationcommunities. Only federal reservations were eligi-ble for the funds, and since Michigan had so fewreservations, the program was never a strongsource of support for Anishnabeg communities.

The closing of the Mount Pleasant Indian Schoolmarked the end of large-scale federal support forIndian education in Michigan until the passage ofTitle IV, the Indian Education Act, in 1972. In thelate 1930s, Anishnabeg children moved into thepublic schools in large numbers. The Mount PleasantIndian School buildings and properties weretransferred to the state of Michigan in exchangefor the state's commitment to educate Indianchildren in state institutions, and this agreementwould become very important for Anishnabegyouth in the 1970s.

Even though the 1930s were trying times for theAnishnabeg, a great deal of family continuityprevailed. Anishnabeg families never forgot theircultural heritage nor their recent encounters withnon-Indian society which caused undue hardshipand r :location. As an example, consider the caseof the Burt Lake Band of Ottawas and Chippewas,an intermarried group that resided on IndianPoint at Burt Lake. In 1900, the members of theband were physically displaced from their homes,and they watched from the road as John McGinnand Sheriff Ming doused their homes withkerosene and burned them to the ground. This ac-tion was taken even though the Burt Lake landswere held in trust by the governor of Michigan.Through an illegal act, the Burt Lake lands hadbeen placed on the county tax rolls, and McGinn,a local lumberman, had acquired the property forsupposed back taxes. This event remained fresh inthe minds of the Anishnabeg who were forced todisperse from their ancestral lands. This helpedmaintain an Anishnabeg identity and cementedfamily relationships in an effort to seek redress forthis injustice. The band protested this actionthrcughout the twentieth century, which furtherstrengthened band organization. Unfortunately, thissituation has not been remedied, and the Burt LakeBand is currently negotiating with GovernorBlanchard's administration to correct this obviousillegal act.

New OpportunitiesThe peculiar experiences of the Anishnabeg have

worked to foster continuity and pride in theirheritage. This has occurred even though there hasbeen increased integration into society at large.Participation in the "modern" world does not

112

3 Alatm4Aa-* Jai& ILA&4.1

preclude being Anishnabeg; it simply tends to blursome of the unpleasant aspects of historic life.

One of the crucial events that ushered in a newperiod of Anishnabeg life was World War H, for itwas during this period that the Anishnabeg foundmore economic opportunity in Michigan than atan,' previous time. The relative quality of life wasenhanced during this era because of the number ofAnishnabeg men and women who participated inthe conflict, thereby creating a more favorableperception of Indians in Michigan. There were alsonumerous opportunities for wage work as the wareconomy geared up to defeat Japan and Nazi Ger-many. More and more Anishnabeg families foundthemselves residing in urban areas, some being in-duced to do so by the Bureau of Indian Affairsunder the auspices of the Relocation Programwhich was implemented in the early 1950s. Kin-ship ties continued to hold Anisonabeg familiestogether even in urban areas, and families frequent-ly visited relatives living on reservations inMichigan's upper or lower peninsula.

In the aftermath of World War II, Anishnabeggroups began to re-examine their relationship withthe federal government. The basis of this move-ment was contained in the numerous treaties that

101

1. 1 3

Burt Lake Indian Village.The entire village wasburned in 1900 after localwhite residents gained con-trol of the property throughtax fraud. (Grand RapidsPublic Library)

The Ojibwa}

Stretching rawhide to makesnowshoe webbing. Theprocess had to he repeatedthree times for the rawhideto become sufficiently taut.(Michigan State Archives)

the Anishnabeg signed with the United States. Itbecame clear over time that the intent and provi-sions of these agreements had not been met by thefederal government. Suits were filed on behalf ofAnishnabeg communities seeking what was promisedin the treaties. The Indian Claims Commission,established in 1946, has been examining theseclaims ever since. These early efforts on behalf ofthe Anishnabeg helped to create an atmosphere ofrenewed vitality and hope in Native Americancommunities in lower and upper Michigan. Itwasn't until the 1960s, though, that a new Indian"activism" emerged. More and more Anishnabegbecame involved in this cooperative effort to gainrights due them, and the outcomes have producedsolid gains for Michigan Indians.

The 1970s witnessed some of the changes thathave been brought about by Anishnabeg work ontheir own behalf. Among those changes is the tui-tion reimbursement program for the Anishnabegand other Native Americans residing in Michigan.This important piece of legislation, introduced bythen Representative Jackie Vaughn of Detroit, en-titled Michigan Indians to attend state colleges anduniversities and have their tuition cost reimbursedby the state of Michigan. The tuition reimburse-ment program provided the opportunity for manyyoung Anishnabeg to pursue their educational goalsand aspirations and to use their newly acquired

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'62 114

skills to assist Indian organizations and tribes. Itmust be clearly stated that this pi :ce of legisla-tion is not a "giveaway" to Michigan Indians, butrather an entitlement that was formalized when thefederal government closed the Mount Pleasant In-dian School and gave the land to the state ofMichigan. In accepting the property, GovernorCharles Comstock agreed to educate NativeAmericans in state institutions, and the Michiganattorney general's office has ruled that the Com-stock Agreement is the legal basis for the tuitionreimbursement program. In response to critics ofthe program who fail to see the need for the pro-gram and its potential impact on Michigan Indians,the question could be posed: Why did theAnishnabeg have to wait for forty years to derivethe benefits of the Comstock Agreement? Theanswer, of course, lies in many broken promisesthat have been made to Indians by a succession ofpublic officials.

Along with the passage of tuition reimbursementlegislation have come court decisions recognizingAnishnabeg rights to fish commercially in the GreatLakes. The Fox decision of 1979, which wasrendered by Judge Noel Fox in the Grand RapidsFederal District Court, determined that the Treatyof Washington in 1836 had reserved the right tofish, without regulation by the state of Michigan,for Anishnabeg and Ottawa tribal members whofiled suit.

Dependent on fishing as asource of food and income,these Ojibway go after theircatch in a flotilla of smallboats in the St. Mary's Rivernear Sault Ste. Marie. In-dians were fishing therapids of Sault Ste. Mariebefore the first Europeansarrived. (Michigan StateArchives)

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Fishing. the rights to whichwere secured and protectedin 1836 treaty negotiations,is an important source ofrevenue for northernMichigan Ojibway. (JeremyThomas Connolly, GrandRapids Inter-Tribal Council)

Today, Ojibway conserva-tion officers patrol re,serva-dons. enforcing tribalfishing and hunting regula-tions. (Jeremy Thomas Con-nolly, Grand Rapids Inter-Tribal Council)

11.7105

Traditional dances andceremonies still play an im-portant role in Ojibway,social events. (JeremyThomas Connolly, GrandRapids Inter-Tribal Council)

The Ojibway

The Fishing Controversy

The fishing-rights decision has received a greatdeal of publicity. It has also generated a tremen-dous amount of controversy, with opponentsclaiming that the right to fish in Great Lakeswaters was "given" to the tribes in 1979 by thefederal court. This is simply not true; the right tofish was retained by native peoples in the treatyprocess more than a century ago. During treatynegotiations, both sides understood that whateverrights the Indians did not cede they retained, and inno treaty did the Anishnabeg cede their fishingrights. The treaties which enabled the United Statesto take possession of Anishnabeg lands alsoguaranteed certain Anishnabeg rights, and bothsides of the agreement must be honored. Thetreaties are legal documents, and the Constitutionof the United States demands that they be upheld.Constitutional law cannot be used as a tool ofthose in power and must protect the weakerelements of society. This was the cas( when thefederal courts supported the fishing rights of nativepeoples.

The United States Supreme Court has upheld thelower court decision, and there is no legal obstacleto the Indians' rights to fish. There is vehementopposition, however, from non-Indian sportsfishermen, commercial fishermen, and theMichigan Department of Natural Resources (DNR).These opponents claim that unregulated fishing byIndians in Great Lakes waters is depleting the lakesof sports and commercial species and deprivingother fishermen of their livelihood. Inflammatorystatements issued by past DNR officials havejeopardized the safety and well-being ofAnishnabeg fishermen and Native Americans by in-citing non - Indian. fishermen to violence.

Much of the controversy focuses on the use ofthe gillnet by Indian commercial fishermen. Stateofficials contend that gillnets cannot be fished in aselective manner for catching only specific types offish, and that Indian gillnets are harvesting sportsas well as commercial fish. Michigan seems to bethe only state in the United States that believes this

.A4

to be true. The state of Wisconsin licenses 250non-Indian fishermen to use gillnets in LakeMichigan, and Alaska also sanctions the use ofgillnets. Canada uses the gillnet extensively in itscommercial fishery, and many fisheries expertshave publicly stated that gillnets can be fished in aselective manner.

By leveling recurring charges of depletion againstthe Indian fishery, officials have misled the publicon the treaty fishing issue and have created aclimate that is unhealthy and unproductive. Yet,while these allegations have been made public,such internal DNR publications as Shaping theWorld's Finest Freshwater Fishery have con-tradicted the department's position by providingevidence that sports fishermen in Michigan arecatching the majority of designated sport species. Ofall the sports fish harvested, in fact, fewer than 5percent are caught by Anishnabeg fishermen. In noway can the charge of Indian "depletion" of GreatLakes fish stocks be supported; yet this cry isheard time and time again.

Time after time, the contentions of the state ofMichigan against the Indian commercial fisheryhave been proven false. This is unquestionably thereason Native Americans have won every time theissue has been heard in a court of law. NativeAmericans are not depleting the fishery; nor arethey growing rich at non-Indian expense. TheAnishnabeg have traditionally been resource-oriented people, carefully using the bounty of theland to provide for their own subsistence. Non-Indian commercial fishermen, on the other hand,were the ones who once overfished the GreatLakes in order to supply fresh fish to urbanmarkets. It is a gross exaggeration, then, toscapegoat Native Americans for utilizing a resourcethey have not overused in the past and certainlywill not do in the future.

There is little doubt that the reaction to thefishing controversy hints of deeper societal prob-lems. Charges of "special privilege" have beenleveled at Native Americans and heard throughoutthe controversy. Yet if anyone has received"special privileges," it has been the non-Indian. Itifact, the very treaties that are now providingjustice for the Anishnabeg are the same agreementswhich allowed Michigan to become a state andwhich provided Michigan's non-Indian citizenswith unlimited access to copper, iron ore, timber,andmost importantland. Without doubt, theseresources secured the economic future ofMichigan's cities and populations. It is a blatantdouble standard to focus on Anishnabeg gainsunder these treaties when non-Indian society hasobviously gained so much more from the sameagreements.

106 118 ;I

The FutureThe decade of the 1980s will undoubtedly

witness increased Anishnaheg involvement in thesocial and political issues and decisions that affecttheir lives. More and more young Anishnaheg arere-examining their cultural past and working torecapture the essence of Anishnaheg life. They arenot trying to turn the hands of the clockbackwards, but rather to offer alternatives to con-temporary American society, for there is a greatdeal of wisdom and common sense in traditionalAnishnabeg attitudes toward the earth and theirfellow human beings. This movement to preserve.their heritage is being encouraged and assisted by

the advice of Anishnaheg elders, who atEo see avalue in maintaining strong t;es with the past.

Education will assuredly he one of the vehiclesthat allows greater Anishnaheg participation in thegrowth of their communities. Presently there aremore Anishnaheg students in colleges and univer-sities than at any other time in the past. Theseyoung people, and their younger brothers andsisters, will he the generation that rekindles theAnishnaheg council fires of earlier days. The fireshave never gone out; they have only become lessnoticeable in the context of modern society. in thefuture, these fires will burn ever Drighter kindlinghopes of a bright future for the Anishnaheg.

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Tribal businesses, begunwith assistance from thefederal government, offerjobs and hope for thefuture. (Jeremy ThomasConnolly, Grand RapidsInter-Tribal Council)

107

11)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Baraga, Frederic. A Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language. Minneapolis:,Ross and Haines, 1973

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Cleland, Charles E. A Brief History of Michigan Indians. Lansing:, MichiganHistory Division, Michigan Department of State, 1975.

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Hoffman, Walter J. "The Mide'wiwin or 'Grand Medicine Society' of theOjibwa." Seventh Annual Report of the American Bureau of Ethnology.Washington, D.C.: 1885-86, pp. 143-300.

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110

121

Prucha, Francis Paul. American Indian Policy in the Formative Years: TheIndian Trade and Inter nurse Acts, 1790-1834. Cambridge: IEr-vardUniversity Press, 1962.

Radin, Paul. The Trickster: A Study in American Indian Mythology NewYork: Schocken Books, 1956.

Ray, Arthur J. and Donald Freedman. Give Us Good Measure: AnEconomic Analysis of Relations Between the Indians and the uudson'sBay Company Before 1763. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978.

Richmond, William. Papers. Michig Room Collections, Grand RapidsPublic Library, Ms. R2, R3, n.d.

Rubenstein, Bruce Alan. "Justice Denied: An Analysis of American Indian-White Relations in Michigan, 1855-1889. Ph.D. thesis, Michigan StateUniversity, 1974.

"To Destroy a Culture: Indian Education in Michigan,1855-1900." Michigan History, Vol. 60, pp. 137-60.

and Lawrence E. Ziewacz. Michigan: A History of the GreatLakes State. St. Louis: Forum Press, 1981.

Russell, Francis. The French and Indian Wars. New York and Evanston:Harper and Row, 1962.

Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe. Papers. Washington, D.C.:. Library of Congress,Microfilm Ms. 62-4596, 69 rolls, 1806-1875.

Stone, Lyle M., and Donald Chaput. "History of Upper Great Lakes Area,"in Bruce G. Trigger, ed., Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 15.Washington, D.C.:. Smithsonian Institution, 1978.

Trigger, Bruce G. The Children of Astaentsic: A History of the Huron Peo-ple to 1660. Montreal and London: McGill-Queens University Press,1976.

"St. Lawrence lroquoians," in Bruce G. Trigger, ed., Handbookof North A.erican Indians, Vol. 15. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian In-stitution, 1978.

Wagner, Joseph H. "Climate: Its Historical Relationship to Indian CornProduction in Late Woodland Indian Culture in Northern LowerMichigan." Unpublished manuscript, Michigan State University Mus...atn,1967.

Waisberg, Leo Gilbert. "1 he Ottawa: Traders of the Upper Great Lakes,1615-1700." Master's thesis, McMaster University, 1978.

122111

The PotawatomiBuechner, Cecilia B. The Pokagons." Indiana Historical Society Publica-

tions, Vol. 10, No. 5. 1933.

Clifton, James A. "Chicago, September 14, 1833: The Last Great IndianTreaty in the Old Northwest." Chicago History, Summer 1930.

"Factional Conflict and the Indian Community," in N.O. Lurieand D. Levine, eds., The American Indian Today. Penguin Books, 1970.

A Place of Refuge for All Time: Migration of the AmericanPotawatomi Into Canada, Mercury Series. Ottawa: National Museum ofMan, 1975.

The Pokagons, 1683-1983: Catholic Potawatomi Indians of theSt. Joseph River Valley. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America,1984.

"Potawatomi," in William Sturtevant, ed., Handbook of NorthAmerican Indians, Vol. 15, Northeast. Washington, D.C. Smiths aimInstitution, 1976.

."Potawatomi Leadership Roles: On Wkamek and Other Influen-tial Personages," in W. Cowan, ed., Proceedings of the 1974 Algon-quian Conference, Mercury Series. Ottawa: National Museum of Man,1974.

.The Prairie People: Continuity and Change in Potawatomi In-dian Culture, 1665-1965. Lawrence: Regents Press of Kansas, 1977.

Edmunds, R. David. The Potawatomis: Keepers of the Fire. Norman:University of Oklahoma Press, 1978.

Kapp ler, Charles J. Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, 1778-1883. NewYork: Inter land Publishing Company, 1972.

Leatherbury, John M. "A History of Events Culminating in the Removal ofthe Nottawa-Sippe Band of Potawatomi Indians." Term paper, CentralMichigan University, 1977.

Manassah, Sallie M. A History of the Nottawasippe Huron Band of thePotawatomi Indians. Battle 1/4.. ek: Kingman Museum of Natural History,1977.

Neumeyer, Elizabeth A. "Indian Removal in Michigan. -'.y3- 1855."Master's thesis, Central Michigan University, 1968.

Quimby, George 1., Jr. "Some Notes on Kinship and Kinship TerminologyAmong the Potawatomi of the Huron." Papers of the Michigan Academyof Science, Arts and Letters, Vol. 25 (1939), pp. 553-63.

Royce, Charles C. Indian Land Cessions in the United States. Washington,D.C.: Government Printing Office, 19u0. (Reprint, New York: ArnoPress, 1971.)

123112

Note:Original documents, journals, reports, correspondence and other materialsare widely scattered in many dozens of libraries and archives in theUnited States, Canada, Great Britain, France, Spain and Mexico. Most ofthe relevant materials from American, Canadian and British governmentalsources are available on microfilm. For comprehensive bibliographies ofthese materials, Ece Clifton, The Prairie People, 1977, and Clifton, TheFokagons, 1984.

The OjibwayBenton-Banai; Edward. The Mishomis Book. St. Paul:, India Country

Press, 1979.

Bigony, Beatrice A. "A Brief History of Native Americans in the DetroitArea." Michigan History, Vol. 61, No. 2 (Summer 1977).

Cartwright, Frederick F. Disease and History. New York:. Thomas Y.Cromwell Co., 1972.

Catton, Bruce. Michigan: A Bicentennial History. New York: W.W. Nortonand Company, Inc. 1976.

Cleland, Charles E. A Brief History of Michigan Ir. Jians. Lansing: MichiganHistory Division, Michigan Department of State, 1975.

Danziger, Edmund Jefferson, Jr. The Chippewas of Lake Supenor. Nor-man:. University of Oklahoma Press, 1978.

Densmore, Frances. Chippewa Customs. Washington, D.C. _:. SmithsonianInstitution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 86, 1929.

Fitting, James E. The Archeology of Michigan. Bloomfield Hills: CranbrookInstitute of Science, 1975.

Hilger, M. Inez. Chippewa Child Life and Its Cultural Background.Washington, D.C.:. Smithsonian institution, Bureau of AmericanEthnology, Bulletin 146.

Institute for the Development of Indian Law. Treaties and Agreements ofChippewa Indians. Washington, D.C. 1973.

Johnson, Ida Amanda. The Michigan Fur Trade. Grand Rapids, MI:. BlackLetter Press, 1971.

Newton, Stanley. The Story of Sault Ste. Marie. Grand Rapids, MI: BlackLetter Press, 1975.

Rubenstein, Bruce A., and Lawrence E. Ziewacz. Michigan: A History ofthe Gri:at Lakes State. St. Louis: Forum Press, 1981.

124

113

Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe. The Literary Voyager, or Muzzeniegun, Philip P.Mason, ed. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1962.

Warren, William W. The History of the Ojibway Nation. Minneapolis:Ross and Haines, 1957.

White, Richard. "The Burt Lake Band: An Ethnohistorical Report on theTrust Lands of Indian Villages." Unpublished paper, Michigan StateUniversity, 1980.

Note:For a comprehensive listing of (ibway sources, refer to Helen HornbeckTanner's The Ojibways: A Critical Bibliography, published as part of theNewberry Library Center for the History of the American IndianBibliographical Set s.

114 125

INDEX

Agriculturecorn as storable crop in, 2-4growing s_ason as vital factor in, 3, 82Ojibway methods of, 82-83Ottawa methods of, 2Potawatomi methods of, 40-41

AlcoholOjibway consumption of, 91Ottawa consumption of, 26Potawatomi consumption of, 49, 56

Allouez, Claude, 50American Revolution, 19, 54-55, 94Amherst, Sir Jeffrey, 55, 93Amikwa, 8Annual gifts, 17, 54, 63-64, 93Annuity payments, 25, 29, 56

land purchases with, 29-30, 67Baraga, Father Frederic, 26Battle of Fallen Timbers, 20, 55Battle of the Thames, 21, 57, 95Bernier, Father Stanislaus A., 68-69Blackskin, 25-26Blue Jacket, 20Braddock, General Edward, 17, 52, 53Brady, General Hugh, 67, 71Brule, Etienne, 87-88Burt Lake Band, 100Cadillac, Antoine de la Mothe, 7, 16, 42Campau, Louis, 26Canoes, 14, 40

Potawatomi use of, 42, 43, 53Cartier, Jacques, 12Cass, Lewis, 28-29Catholic Potawatomi, 62, 65-70Champlain, Samuel de, 12, 87-88, 89-90Children

Ojibway, rasing of, 84-86Ottawa, roles and responsibilities of, 5

ChristianityOttawa conversion to, 26, 37Potawatomi conversion to, 65

Citizenshipgranted to Ottawa, 31

"Civilization" policy, 22, 58missionaries' role in, 66

ClansHuron, system of, 7, 8Ojibway, system of, 7, 77-78Ottawa, system of, 6-8

adoption into, 17Potawatomi, system of, 46-48

115

12)

Clark, General George Rogers, 19, 55Comstock Agreement, 103Cortes, Hernando, 12Coureurs de bois, 90Creation

Ojibway concept of, 78-80, 87Ottawa concept of, 6

ceremonials in, 10-12Delaware Prophet, 53-54, 93Detroit, 16, 42European technology

Ojibway dependence on, 91, 92Ottawa dependence on, 16Potawatomi dependence on, 48

Feast of the Dead, 11Federal Indian schools, 36. See also Holy Childhood School,

Mount Pleasant Indian SchoolFishing

Ojibway, techniques of, 81-82Fishing rights, 106Food gathering

Ojibway, activities involved in, 82-83Ottawa, activities involved in, 5

Fox, Judge Noel, 103French and Indian War, 16, 17, 51-53, 92-93Fur trade

effects on Ottawa, 14-16effects on Potawatomi, 48-50French-Huron partnership in, 12Ojibway role in, 90-92Ottawa as middlemen in, 10Ottawa monopoly of, 14Ottawa-French partnership in, 13Potawatomi role in, 48-49

Gift giv:tigcustom followed by French traders, 15Ojibway concept of, 77-78Ottawa concept of, 5-6, 17

Grand Rapids Inter-Tribal Council, 37Grand River Ottawa, 22, 25-26, 29Harmar, General Josiah, 20, 94Hislander, Bishop Celestine de la, 68Holy Childhood School, 36Hunting

Ojibway, techniques of, 80-81Ottawa, techniques of, 5

Huron Band, 70-74Huronia, 12Indian Claims Commission, 70, 102Indian Education Act, 100Indian Reorganization Act, 70Iroquois Wars, 13, 41-42Jackson, Andrew, 22, 65Jay's Treaty, 55Jessakid, 9, 11Johnson-O'Malley Act, 100Kewaycooshcum, 21, 26

116127

Kinouche, 8Kinouchepirini, 8Kiskakon, 8, 13, 17, 38Land allotment, 32. 34, 96Land cessions

Ojibway, 95Ottawa, 22-25, 27Potawatomi, 56-58, 61

Little Turtle, 20Manaboozhoo, 86Manitou (manitos)

Ottawa concept of, 6powers of, 9role in Ottawa life, 8-9

Marquette, Jacques, 14, 50McCoy, Reverend Isaac, 25-27, 66Medicine

Ojibway practice of, 87Medicine bundles, 9Men

Ojibway, roles of, 86-87Ottawa, roles and responsibilities of, 5

Michigan statehood, 28Midewiwin, 9, 11, 87Mission schools, 32, 35, 98Missionary activities, 25, 29-30, 50, 65-66, 92Mount Pleasant Indian School, 36-37, 100, 103Naussaukueton, 8, 17, 38Nawequageezhig, 21, 25-26Neolin. See Delaware Prophet.New France

population of, 14, 15, 92Nicolet, Jean, 40, 89Noonday. See Nawequageezhig.Norse contact, 76-77Ordinance of 1785, 19, 94Pamtopee, Phineas 71Passenger pigeon

extinction of, 99-100"Pedestrian" tribes, 40, 42Perry, Lieutenant Oliver, 21, 57Phratries, 46Pine Creek "Reservation," 71-72Pokagon, Leopold, 46-47, 53, 62, 65 ff., 72Pokagon, Peter, 69Pokagon, Simon, 65Political system

Ottawa, 17, 27Potawatomi, 41, 43-45

Pontiac's Rebellion, 18-19, 53-54, 93Potawatomi-French alliance, 41Potawatomi Nation, Inc., 70Preemption laws, 34Ranson, Judge Epaphroditus, 67Removal policy, 22, 29, 30-31, 59-60, 63, 65, 66, 71, 96Rogers, Major Robert, 53Sable, 8, 17, 38

1 2 8

117

Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe, 28, 29, 30-31, 62Scurvy, 87Shawnee Prophet. See Tenskwatawa.Sinago, 8, 13, 17, 38Singowa, 64, 68, 69Smallpox, 19, 27-28, 76St Clair, General Arthur, 20, 94Tecumseh, 20-21, 57, 95Tenskwatawa, 20-21, 57, 95Totems, 6, 45Trade goods

Ojibway, 97Ottawa, 5, 16Fotawatomi, inventory of, 49

Trading debtsOjibway, 95Ottawa, 25, 28, 29Potawatomi, 56

Treaty eraeffects on Ojibway, 94-96effects on Ottawa, 22-25effects on Potawatomi, 58

Treaty of 1817, 22Treaty of 1831, 22Treaty of Chicago of 1833, 61-63, 65, 71Treaty of Detroit of 1807, 95Treaty of Detroit of 1855, 22, 32-34, 97Treaty of Fort McIntosh of 1785, 20Treaty of Fort Stanwick of 1784, 19, 20Treaty of Greenville of 1795, 20, 55-56, 94, 95Treaty of Paris of 1763, 17, 52Treaty of Paris of 1783, 19Treaty of Tippecanoe, 61Treaty of Washington of 1836, 28-29, 31, 96, 103Tribal organizations, 37Tuition reimbursement program, 102-103Verrazano, Giovanni de, 12Villages

Huron, clan make-up of, 8Ojibway, locations of, 5; movement of, 4-5Potawatomi, movement of, 45; size of, 45

Vinland, 76Wabano, 9, 11War of 1812, 21, 25, 45, 55, 56, 57-58, 64, 94, 95Washington, George, 20, 52, 55Wayne, General Anthony, 20, 55, 94Women

Ojibway, roles and responsibilities of, 86Ottawa, roles and responsibilities of, 5Potawatomi, roles of, 40, 44.

118

129

WORKBOOK

PEOPLE OF

THE

TheOttawa,

Potawatomiand Ojibway

OfMichigan

w

130

WORKBOOK

PEOPLE OF THE THREE FIRESThe Ottawa, Potawatomi and Ojibway of Michigan

Prepared by M. T. Bussey

ArtistsKay le Crampton, Leo Hernandez and Martha Mareno

MICHIGAN INDIAN PRESSGRAND RAPIDS INTER-TRIBAL COUNCIL

131

Copyright © 1989 by Michigan Indian Press

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced ortransmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, in-cluding photocopy, or any information storage and retrieval system,without permission in writing from the publisher. Requests for permis-sion to make copies of any part of the book should be mailed to:Michigan Indian Press, 45 Lexington, N.W., Grand Rapids, Michigan49504.

ISBN 0-9617707-2-4

ii

1 32

UNIT ONE

CONTENTSIntroductionThe Prehistoric Roots of Michigan Indians,

The Paieo-IndiansThe Archaic PeriodThe Woodland Indians

Unit One - V-cabulary

UNIT TWO The OttawaThe Ottawa and Their EnviromentOttawa Village LifeOttawa ValuesOttawa KinshipManitosPowersCeremonies And The Cycle of SeasonsThe French And The Fur TradeThe Iroquois WarsThe Ottawa-French PartnershipThe French And Indian WarsOttawa Culture In The French EraThe BritishPontiac's RebellionThe New AllianceMeeting The AmericansFacing American RuleThe Treaty Era - Meeting The ChallengeA Divided SocietyA Treaty Of 1836Shaping The FutureChanging ValuesThe Treaty of 1855Loss Of The LandPreparing For The Future

Unit Tvi a - Vocabulary

UNIT THREE The PotawatomiThe Potawatomi Pattern: A Cultural AdvantageMichigan Indians In The 1600sA Rise To PowerThe Tribal DesignClan, Community And IndividualThe Fur TradeThe Impact Of European Technology

iii

133

A Balancing ActA French And Indian WarThe New Imperial PresenceA Transportation RevolutionPontiac's RebellionThe American RevolutionThe AmericansThe Treaty ProcessThe War Of 1812Treaties And Land Cessions, 1815-1833"Civilization" And RemovalThe Chicago Treaty And Its AftermathEscaping And Evading RemovalThe Pokagons: Catholic Potawatomi Of The St. Joseph ValleyThe Huron Band

Unit Three - Vocabulary

UNIT FOUR The OjibwayThe Long MigrationClans And KinshipThe Relatedness Of All ThingsThe Bounty Of The CreationA Life Of TranquilityA Gift To AllThe Art Of HealingContact With The FrenchThe Fur TradeThe French And Indian WarBritish VictoryAmerican ExpansionismThe Treaty EraA Landless PeopleAn Era Of Hard TimesThe Plunder Of The LandThe Turn Of The Twentieth CenturyNew OpportunitiesThe Fishing ControversyThe Future

Unit Four - Vocabulary

iv

134

THE PREHISTORIC ROOTS OF

MICHIGAN INDIANS

OBJECTIVES

I. Describe the Pa leo-Indian group and the Archaic Period which followed.

2. Describe the early Woodland Indians and the beginnings of their culture.

1

UNIT ONE THE PREHISTORIC ROOTS OF MICHIGAN INDIANS

The Pa leo-Indians

KNOW THEFACTS:

1. From what region did the Pa leo-Indians migrate into Michigan?

2. What are the dates of Pa leo-Indian occupation in Michigan?

3. What brought the Pa leo-Indians into the Michigan region?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Archaic Period

1. List below the dates for the Early, Middle and Late Archaic Periods.

2. Explain some changes in the environment from the Pa leo to Archaic Periods.

2

.136

3. During which part of the Archaic Period did the peopl^ begin to formmore permanent villages?

4. When did extensive trade with other tribes begin?

5. What meta i was mined by the Late Archaic Indians?

6. Explain how the location of the northern and southern Michigan tribes in-fluenced their way of life in the Late Archaic Period.

3

137

. ..

The Waodland Indians

KNOW THE 1. What were two of the foods grown by Woodland Indians?FACTS:

2. At what date is it believed that corn was introduced to the Michigan region?

3. The mound builders of the Middle Woodland Period are also known as the

4. Describe the distinctive home dwellings of the Michgian Indians, called

wigwams.

a

5. The oral tradition of Michigan Indians indicates that the tribes originally

came from what region?

6. Giv' the Algonquian name that the Otta.va, Potawatomi and Ojibway

called themselves.

4

13

7. The three Michigan tribes were loosely organized as

8. The Woodland Period began around

and lasted until around

Give dates.

ACTIVITY -

Create a time line, beginning 10,000 years ago to the present day. As weprogress through the text, indicate with marks on the line the important datesand events in Michigan Indian history.

VOCABULARY - UNIT ONE

VOCABULARY: Use a dictionary to define the following words Unit One.

1. continuum -

2. evolution -

3. pervasive

4. indigenous -

5. extinction -

6. cohesiveness -

5

139

::

7. dialects -

8. incursions -

9. viable -

OVERVIEW

The Pa leo-Indians inhabited Michigan from 12,000 B.C. to 8,000 B.C. Gradually the climate ofthe state grew warmer, creating environmental changes and an inc case in population. The Woodlandperiod, from LOCO B.C. to A.D. 1650, brought good seasonal crop growth, fishing and huntingto the native peoples who began to settle in small villages. The Cotta...:, Potawatomi and Ojibway,collectively known as the. Anishnabeg, migrated into Michigan from the Atlantic seaboard. TheAnishnabeg worked together as the Three Fires Confederacy to protect themselves from other groupsof indigenous people seeking territorial control.

6

140

THE OTTAWA

MIKA1,11

OBJECTIVES

1. Describe the environment and culture of the Ottawa tribe before the arrival of the Europeans.

2. List the advantages and disadvantages of the fur trade for the Ottawa.

3. Explain the relationships the Ottawa had with the French, the British, and the Americans.

4. Describe the Treaty Era (1795 1836) and its effect on the Ottawa people.

7

141

r-A-xxxrmIwz:::=.r: :=TAmInZum TWO THE OTTAWA

The Ottawa and Their Environment

KNOW THEFACTS:

1. What was the most important environment factor which shaped the Indiancultures of the Great Lakes?

2. Around what date did the Ottawa move into Michigan from Canada?

3. What was the primary crop planted by the Ottawa?

KNOW THEFACTS:

Ottawa Village Life

1. How was an Ottawa leader chosen?

=1111111MIP

2. What kind of government was practiced by the early Ottawa tribe?

3. Give the location of a favorite Ottawa fishing ground?

8

142

r-laXIXr"7=, X :"=IIXIZAim-1

KNOW THEFACTS:

Ottawa Values

1. The Ottawa believed in communal sharing of

and

2. What was the first rule in Ottawa society?

3. The Ottawa people respected the natural world, treating the animals and

resources as a

4. In Ottawa society, who is the hero-prankster talked about in old legends

and stories?

5. What was the real purpose behind the Ottawa legends told to children?

KNOW THEFACTS:

Ottawa Kinship

1. What was the most important social and political unit in Ottawa culture?

9

1 4 r'

0+ - - ,711111MEN IP

r-JaIIIramm`I t. .11"..&'''.1.,..... :=Yomm`IMA'Ll2. Explain the Ottawa term "ododem".

3. Indicate the two ways to trace clan relationship.

10

1 4 4.;

Manitos

KNOW THE 1. In Ottawa society every natural element on the earth was made up of twoFACTS:

basic parts; the

and the

KNOW THEFACTS:

Powers

1. What is a medicine bundle?

2. Give the name of the most important priesthood of the Ottawa Society.

3. In later years, the Midewiwin borrowed some of the rituals from which

group?

KNOW THEFACTS:

Ceremonies and the Cycle of Seasons

1. How important were ceremonies and religion to the Ottawa people?

2. In the spring, the Ottawa gathered for

and

145

;Ir

rm' HZ r21-= ZS '''''''.4L'''.1........3. Give the name of the summer ceremony.

4. What was the purpose of the Feast of the Dead?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The French and the Fur Trade

1. What is the meaning of the word "Odawa" or "Ottawa"?

2. About what year did the French traders have first contact with the Ottawa?

3. Which tribe did Samuel de Champlain join forces with to defeat the Iroquois

in 1609 and 1610?

4. Why did the French come into the Great Lakes area?

5. What did the French realize was a better trade item with the Ottawa?

12

1,46

Irmal_t_tiile4V-11>-44.=.4tflo..Zo-<0. Ck >-410...ml___Cff_gN

The Iroquois Wars

KNOW THE I. What did the native people of the Great Lakes region receive in trade fromFACTS:

the French?

2. Why did the Iroquois go to war with the Huron?

3. What elements caused the I7uron to flee from their Canadian home?

4. What caused the Ottawa to rely more on European trade goods?

5. In 1653, who did the Ottawa unite with to defeat the Iroquois near Sault

Ste. Marie?

6. During what years did the Ottawa become the most successful traders in

the Great Lakes?

13 147

r--"" X X I l'Ammik ZAdmm.ZZZZ

7. After the Ottawa returned to Michigan following the Iroquois peace, where

did they make their villages?

8. The co-Arol of what waterway gave the Ottawa a monopoly over the fur

trade?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Ottawa-French Partnership

1. What were the Ottawa terms of trading with the French?

2. In the late 1600c, what other European nation made its way into the Great

Lakes?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The French and Indian Wars

1. Who did the Ottawa fight for in this series of wars?

2. Give the dates for the French and Indian Wars?

r- xi r1"--;. _X Y 1Z IX A1

3. Near what present day Michigan city did the Ottawa move to build a

village and to trade in 1701?

KNOW THE

Ottawa Culture keliWFiench Era\\ `,,,,;:`,

FACTS:1. To the Ottawa:wliat as theim'àry ce tne,trench era?

2. List thoJour majorOttawitid

. ,' `, c`..... ,. :,,,\:',. >

i t. ".,.' '... ,k,' .;. ,,,\'''\ \..

.',', '".4 ., : .y '\\m. %" ' , ,..f.'N'' '

',' ,...,, .:.; \,\t'"3. After4he:french ell:hby,did tkie Ottawa trace their &ray linos?

Al.'' ,.,.1, A .- '. '... <\ '''..,

.

.. , ...,.,. , ...,, ' :.'s..:

<. ..

s, . ,

The Briftisliq

,,:,-'''KNOW THE 1. What W4illie result of the Treaty of Paris?FACTS:

2. After the British came into power in the Great Lakes region, how did

they treat the Ottawa?

15

14

FACTS:

Pontiac's Rebel li

KNOW THE 1. Name the tribes that united to rebel against the British.

r--m1MV111111". _r

n

2. After the first six weeks of the rebellion, how many forts remained in

British hands? Give the names of these forts.

3. What was the position of the French during Pontiac's Rebellion?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The New Alliance

1. What was the outcome of Pontiac's Rebellion?

2. What was the position of the Ottawa during the American Revolution?

16

1,50

r-'"`IIX7r4a="1=

KNOW THEFACTS:

Altelinzlheeauk mai

1. Explain the Ordinance of 1785.

2. What year was the Treaty of McIntosh signed?

1. What was the result of George Washington's troops sent to punishthe Indians for raids?

4. Why did the Indians fight the American settlers?

5. What was the turning point in American-Indian relations?

6. Why did Tecumseh try to unite all of the Indian tribes?

7. In the War of 1812, who did the Michigan Indians support?

17

151

rla xxxrdimmr= 71= /4"1 X I 4°-1

KNOW THEFACTS:

Facing American Rule

1. What was the "civilization" policy?

2. What was the other American idea in dealing with the Indians?

3. Name the American president who urged Congress to pass theIndian Removal Act?

4. Mat natural boundary was designated as renhival territorj to

the west?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Treaty Er2Meeting the Challenge

1. Ex2lain the extent of Otta, rritory by 1820.

2. In 1833, several Ottawa groups were removed to what region?

18

152

r MYAPwX=. ramikl X X X Am.1

3. In the Chicago Treaty of 1821 what area was lost by the Ottawa?

4. How die the Ottawa react to Christian missionaries?

5. What other aids did the missionaries bring to the Ottawa?

KNOW THEFACTS:

A Divided Society

1. In 1835, what epidemic swept through the Ottawa community on the GrandRiver?

2. Why didn't the Ottawa require as much territory as the Chippewa?

19

1 5 0

r XIXIA1"---, . 3 "3 '1.."" :=1''IZIZA111-1

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Treaty of 1836

1. In 1835, who was the Michigan Indiar agent who encouraged the removal

of the Ottawa from Michigan?

2. In the Treaty of 1836, what lands were left in Michigan for the Ottawr

3. What was most important :11 this treaty for the Ottawa?

4. Those Ottawa who chose live in their old manner, moved to

KNOW THEFACTS:

Shaping The Future

1. Many Ottawa used their annuity payments to

4

often helped by the missionaries in their region.

2. What was the view of Kansas given by the Ottawa party who Inspected

it as removal land in 1838?

3. In what year did Ottawa men gain American citizenship and the right to

vote? On what condition?

20

r-Ja XIX r"m`X=._Z: -T :=IAmi.M XI X Am-1

KNOW THEFACTS:

Chanzing_Yaluta

1. What traditional role did Ottawa men give up to fit into American society?

2. List some of the things that made it difficult for the Ottawa to becomeAmerican farmers?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Treaty of 1855

1. This treaty was the

treaty made by the Ottawa with the United States.

2. Reservation lands were established for the Ottawa in the Treaty of 1855

in what Michigan areas?

3. As a result of the Treaty of 1855, how many Ottawa and Chippcwa moved

to the Oceana County Reserve?

4. Explain how this treaty changed the politica; status of the Ottawa vibal

unit?

2i

155

r--'11XX 7=wfAmL"

KNOW THEFACTS:

Loss of the Land

1. As the Ottawa lost their land from the Treaty of 1855, how did government

officHs react?

2. Ottawa men often worked in

when their farms failed.

remained a profitable

occupation for the Ottawa in the late 1800s.

KNOW THEFACTS:

PreparinitFor The Future

1. The Ottawa came to see

as the key to Indian survival in the future.

2. Explain the change which occurred in 1857 regarding Indian schools.

3. In what years did the American government change this system back to

strictly supervised boarding schools?

4. Explain the conditions of these boarding schools for Ottawa children.

5. List three organizations which assist the Ottawa in Michigan today.

22

15c

r-2`XXXVommiX= .7=r4"XIXAmr-1ACTIVITY

Write a short essay on why Pontiac's Rebellion was a successful campaigneven though he lost the conflict.

VOCABULARY - UNIT TWO

VOCABULARY: Use a dictionary to define the following words in Unit Two.

1. avert

2. conifer -

3. enhance -

4. procure -

5. excursion -

6. reciprocity -

7. totem -

8. matrilineal -

9. patrilineal -

10. ostracize -

23

157

11. coffer

12. culminate

13. proliferate

14. palisade -

15. conciliatory -

16. annuity

17. code -

18. inviolable

19. disparaged -

OVERVIEW

Ottawa cultural values stressed a respect for the individual, a sharing of material wealth and food.The culture also taught the interconnected relationship of human beings with their natural environ-ment. In the 1600s the Ottawa became involved in fur trading with the French. The Iroquois inter-rupted the trade to monopolize the fur trade and forced the Ottawa out of Michigan. In the 1670s,peace was made with the Iroquois and the Ottawa returned to Michigan. The Ottawa then renewedalliances with the French and fought many battles for them against the British in the French andIndian Wars. The British defeated the French, but were soon likewise defeated by the Americans.Through all the European wars in the Great Lakes, the Ottawa never considered themselves a con-quered people. However, in the late 1700s, the Americans began devising treaties with the Ottawato g in their land. Unskilled at protecting their own interests with these written treaties, the Ottawalost aiinost all ..,f their territorial lands and were restricted to small reservation tracts. Subsequentyears brought pressure by the Americans to "civilize" the Ottawa by adopting American beliefsand culture. Since the 1940s, there has been renewed organization c the tribe with educational benefitsand improved living conditions.

150

THE POTAWATOMI

OBJECTIVES

1. Describe how the Potawatomi differed from the more northern Michigan tribes.

2. Explain the tribal design and culture of the Potawatomi tribe in the early 1600s.

3. List the conflicts between European powers which drew the Potawatomi into war.

4. Describe tin two organized groups of Potawatomi HO .g in Michigan today.

25

159

-r11.14=C M. M M

UNIT THREE THE POTAWATOMI

The Potawatomi Pattern: A Cultural Advantage

KNOW THEFACTS:

1. What was the name that the Potawatomi called themselved in their lan-guage?

2. In what area of Michigan did the Potawatomi settle?

3. Anthropologists would call the Potawatomi a

society.

4. Explain why the Potawatomi were more like the Sauk, Kickapoo, and Fox

Indians than like the Ottawa and Chippewa.

KNOW THEFACTS:

Michigan Indians in the 1600s

1. Why did the Potawatomi flee Michigan in the early 1600s?

2. Where did the Potawatomi go for safety when they left Michigan?

26

1 6 0

3. About what year did the Potawatomi return to Michigan?

KNOW THEFACTS:

A Rise to Power

1. Why o. I the Potawatomi relocate near French trading posts in Michigan?

2. List the advantages which led the Potawatomi to great strength in theseventeenth century.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Tribal Design

1. In an agreement with the French in 1668, what did the Potawatomi offer

in return for fur trao in,

2. What method did the Potawatomi use to make tribal decisions?

3. List some of the things not tolerated in Potawatomi society.

27

161

.1=r4ge.M.--.2r 2:7M

4. About how many people lived in a typical Potawatomi village?

KNOW THEFACTS:

Clan. Community. and Individual

1. What was the most important relationship to the Potawatomi?

2. How was family descent traced for the Potawatomi?

3. Give the names of the six large phratries of the Potawatomi.

4. Explain how memories of ancestors were kept alive-, in the Potawatomiclans.

, 'tKI:'4?

28

tr4

162

M-17 -1=t?'".91C7M11.-Q17. Me:E. -I

S. Give Leopold Pokagon's proper name and its meaning.

6. It was forbidden for a Potawatomi to marry someone from his/her own

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Fur Trade

1. What did the Potawatomi receive in trade from thi; French for their furs?

2. What Potawatomi handmade goods were quickly adop.ed by the French?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Impact of European Technology

1. For the Potawatomi, what soon became the most highly valued services

provided by the French?

2. How did the Potawatomi react to the alcohol brought by the French?

29

163

3. Explain why Potawatomi women st wped pottery.

4. What was the early Potawatomi reaction to the first missionaries?

KNOW THEFACTS:

A Balancing Act

1. Explain some of the incorrect viewpoints of the French concerning

Potawatomi tribal leadership.

2. What automatically made the Potawatomi enemies of the British?

3. Give some reasons for the dismemberment of the Potawatomi tribe.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The French and Indian War

1. In this war between European powers, to whom did the Potawatomi remain

loyal?

30

I 310.-0411,120.414 ""111 "Z`M:' dr'. 1117.:- ..7"

2. What English general's army was ambushed and overtaken in western

Pennsylvania by combined Indian - French forces?

3. Were the Potawatomi people ever consulted or included in the treaty

deliberations after the wa,

KNOW THEFACTS:

The New Imperial Presence

1. In what year after the war did the English begin to deal with the Petawatomi?

2. What caused the division of English acceptance by the Potawatomi?

KNOW THEFACTS:

A Transportation Revolution

1. What was the animal that caused a revolution for the Potawatomi?

2. What did the Potawatomi step making as z result of this new transportation?

31

165

KNOW THEFACTS:

Pontiac's Rebellion

1. At this time, unregulated English fur traders came into the Great Lakes

from what regions?

2. What order, given by Sir Jeffrey Amherst, angered the Great Lakes Indians?

3. Give the only two British posts unconquered during Pontiac's Rebellion.

4. Did the French support the Potawatomi in their rebellion?

5. What improvements came to the Great Lakes Indians as a result the

rebellion?

KNOW THEFACTS:

Tne American Revolution

1. Who did the Potawatomi support in American Revolution?

32

C

AI" --.'.m41111-ir

Ills dab. ....0171G7..r..0.711Cr....7. 'My::: I

2. Who was Sikenak?

3. Were the Potawatomi consulted in the agreements of the tentative peace of

1783?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Americans

In 1794, whPre did General Anthony Wayne meet in battle with the

Potawatomi?

2. What was the British response to the Potawatomi retreat from this battle?

3. What were terms of Jay's Treaty?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Treaty Process

1. What American Indian tribe signed more Treaties with the United States

thy._ any other single tribe?

33

16 7

2. Explain the terms of the Treaty of Greenville.

3. In what year did Michigan become a territory?

4. What did the Potawatomi usually receive for their tribal lands?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The War of 181'4

1. Name the two Indian prophets who tried to gather power among the

Potawatomi in 1807?

2. Who diJ the Potawatomi fight in the War of 1812?

3. Tecumseh died in what battle?

4. What was the last year that Potawatomi warriors engaged in battle

with the Americans?

34

166

-_-.u;-___ ...iv prAI. AO..

KNOW THEFACTS:

Treaties and Land Cessions, 1816 - 1833

1. When was the Erie Canal completed?

2. Explain the differeace in treaty negotiations with the Potawatomi after 1812.

3. After the Treaty of 1807, where did the Potawatomi relocate?

KNOW THEFACTS:

"Civilization" and Removal

1. What was the American's first plan with respect to the Indians in the

1820s?

2. What was the second plan?

3. At this time, about how many Potawatomi lived in Michigan?

! .; .

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.: . 4,./ . ';41,1:601".

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35

1 6 9

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4. What did the Potawatomi think of the Indian Removal Plan?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Chicago Treaty and Its Aftermath "

1. What is believed to be the original name of Chicago and what does it mean?

2. What did the Americans want in the Chicago Treaty?

3. What was the role and action of Topenibe during the Chicago Treaty?

4. What were the terms of the treaty for the Michigan Potawatomi?

KNOW THEFACTS:

Escaping and Evading Removal

1. At this time of removal, what aid the British offer the Potawatomi?

1. Why was the Hannahville Indian Reservation created?

36

7o

..M1.7 .1:::.-mi..r.ZbZ.=1C.=

3. About how many Potawatomi were removed to Kansas?

4. In the end, was the Indian Removal Plan for Michigan Potawatomi

successful?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Pokagons: Cath2lielolaaatomuAlhal

1. What is another name for the Catholic Potawatomi?

2. Why did Leopold Pokagon sever relations with Baptist missionary Issac

McCoy?

3. The Pokagon Band purchased land from the federal government in 1838.

How much land and where?

4. Before Pokagon's death, what did Father Stanislaus A. Bernier do concerning

the Pokagon Band's land?

S. Who eventually was awarded the land of the Pokagon Band?

37

1 71

er....71%.7210.11.

6. What name is given the Pokagon Band today?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Huron Band

1. Which two main groups comprise the Huron Band?

2. Where did the Huron Band purcha land in 1843?

3. What agreement did Governor John S. Barry make concerning this land?

4. Who owns the land of the Huron Band today?

38

17: 1"..7K72r....r.M Mv1:".

ACTIVITY

Make a list of the things that make the Potawatomi tribe unique among theAnishr abek.

IEM1VOCABULARY - UNIT THREE

VOCABULARY: Use a dictionary to define the following words in Unit Three.

1. horticultural

2. formidable

3. elusive -

4. rampaged

5. unweildy

6. astute

7. fusion -

8. coalesced

9. consensus -

397 ")

Suw- "1111b...

10. inequities -

11. aspirations -

12. phratries -

13. connotations

14. allusions -

15. succumbed -

16. dismemberment -

OVERVIEW

The Potawatomi settled in southern Michigan. While they still relied on fishing and hunting, theygained a reputation as horticulturists, cultivating large gardens in their warm seasonal climate. Theirtribal structure was well organized, uniting all small villages under one leadership. During the Frenchand Indian Wars, the Potawatomi remained loyal to the French. Under British rule, the tribe lostthe reciprocity of gifts given by the French creating an era of tension. In the American Revolution,the Potawatomi fr ught for the British. Later treaties issed by the Americans gradually exchangedPotawatomi lands for cash payments, rations and annuities payable for a fixed number of years. SomePotawatomi vcre sent to a Kansas reservation in the American's Indian Removal Plan. The Potawatomiorganized into two groups: the Pokagan Band and the Huron Band. Treaties gradually took theirlands, allowing very little for subsistence. Sin,7e the ear '000s, the Potawatomi have organizedand lobbied for reinstatement of old treaties, additional at.L.uities and other treaty rights denied them.

40

1 7 ,

THE OJIBWAY

OBJECTIVES

1. Relate the oral history of the early Ojibway tribe and their migration to Michigan.

2. Describe the tranquility and harmony of life experienced by the Ojibway before thearrival of the first French traders.

3. List some of the policies enacted by the Americans which caused disunity in theOjibway tribe.

4. Describe the new opportunities for the Ojibway after World War II.

175is.

UNIT FOUR THE OJIBWAY

The Long Migration

KNOW THEFACTS:

1. What is the translation of the word "Anishnabeg"?

2. Relate the story of "creation" as to how the Anishnabeg began.

3. From what region did the Anishnabeg migrate into Michigan?

4. The Anishnabeg are commonly referred to as the

or the

KNOW THEFACTS:

Clans and Kinshin

1. By 1500, the Ojibway were settled in what region of the Great Lakes?

2. What are the five animals which serve as figure heads for the five great

families if the Ojibway?

42

4111111 NW. IMF =Pr "-;d67 7$115it_

3. Explain the Ojibway way of reciprocity.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Relatedness of All ThJn2s

1. Who is Aki?

2. How did the Ojibway spiritual perception of their world affect their actions?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Bounty of the Creation

1. List ten animals that were plentiful in the areas occupied by the Ojibway?

2. What were sore of the agricultural crops planted by the Ojibway?

3. What was the Ojibway reason for practicing "conservation"?

43

17'7

hit.74.1=1.9111W-:a1617.73Mii 4116 EIRCALE:-..19.11tra1111PV-IIIV

4. Discuss some of the seasonal activities of the Ojibway, related to the

harvesting of animals and plants.

KNOW THEFACTS:

A Life of Tranquility

1. Why were there few conflicts and serious crimes among the Ojibway?

2. What affect does "oral culture" have on the ability to listen, remember

and to articulate?

44

.17('

iiil:M.- 11. eb_wg: "'AILIIIF/IIIMINEItry `' IMP.F.:-._

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Gift To All

1. The most popular stories during thr. winter mori.'ls focused on a my .cal

teacher to the Ojibway called

2. Describe the naming of Ojibway children.

3. What are some of the teachings of Manaboozhoo?

Ki",',)W THEFACTS:

The Art of Healing

1. Another name for the "Great Medicine Society" is

2. What is the power of the members of this society?

KNOW THEFACTS:

Contact With the French

1. When did French explorers first come into contact with the Ojibway?

2. The French referred to the Ojibway as

45

17

3. How did thes::. Indian people get the name Ojibway?

4. Name some of the village sites of the Ojibway which are now Mic174,ar

towns?

KNOW THEFACTS:

11171 11.1111111111M

The Fur Trade

1. In what ways were the fur trading years with the French corruptivefor the

Ojibway?

2. What were the changes in Ojibway reli'ion during this time with the

influence of the European m;ssionaries?

3. Who was Tshasick, and what is she known for?

46

1 8 0

nEicz,iii1/2t:LIPPII2:3_-litlitielThe French and Indian War

1. What was the conflict between France and England, that became the French

and Indian War?

KNOW THEFACTS:

2. Why then was it called the French and Indian War?

KNOW THEFACTS:

British Victory

1. Where and when did the French surrender to Britain'

2. Who was Neolin?

3. What waF the intent of the Royal Proclamation of 1763?

4. Give the dates of the Americal. Revolution.

47

1R1

iimelumommer.-

KNOW THEFACTS:

V

American ExparAionism

1. Explain the terms of the Greenville Treaty.

2. Was this treaty kept by the U.S. Government?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Treaty Era

.1111111111-

1. were the Ojibway allies to the British in the War of 181L?

2. Name the c" awnee brothers who foresaw the American expansion and urged

their people to resist.

.....*114,011.1KNOW THEFACTS:

A Landless Penile

.31IaM. l''..111011101111.n

1. By 1832, what hardships were the Ojibway facing in Michigan?

48

2. What was the "removal plan" of the Treaty of Washington in 1836?

3. As a result of this treaty, many Ojibway fled to what country?

KNOW THEFACTS:

An Era of Hard Times

1. What was the intent of the Treaty of Detroit in 1`355?

2. By 1860, only one Ojibway reservation remained. Where is it located?

3. What were some of the hardships that Ojibway children faced in

government schools?

49

183

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Plunder of the Land

1. During the 1870s and 1880s, many of Michigan's animal and plant species

were near extinction. Relate, as an example, the situation of the passenger

pigeon.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Turn of the Twentieth Century

A. What Government Act was established in 1934, to provide financial support

for Indian children?

2. What became of the Burt Lake Band village in 1900?

KNOW THEFACTS:

New Opportunities

1. What is the intent of the Indian Claims Commission which b.:gan in 1946?

50

184

hi:."1711=1IFF.7."-INNFAILIIIIK:,..ir..",.. 111491Ier-W7X9111M....4111P

2. What was the Comstock Agreement?

3. What was the Fox decision of 1979?

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Fishing Controversy

1. How is it ironic that opponents of fishing rights claim that Indian fishing

communities are depleting the Great Lake's waters of fish?

2. What fact was made public in the D.N.R. publication, Shaping The World's

Finest Freshwater Fishery?

51

185

107:4tiliriliZallre7-:241117 v111.F 1.16 amer -motiziLowx-.

KNOW THEFACTS:

k: ,.....:_. ,,,!..

-'*,:;400,i,orwil:"16

4.61,.. -.r ::::-*:; /,./ - ...' ..k,- ........, ,/

..

....., -/- .,.."=-.%.:-. ., .,.`I.../. .../ (

The Future

1. Why are many Ojibway people today working to preserve their culture

and tradition?

2. What vehicle will assuredly be one of the greater assets to the C 'may

people today?

ACTIVITY -

Draw a map of Michigan. Indicate and print on the map the Ojibway settlementsdiscussed in this unit.

52

186

11r7]..M11171REM' NIRK;a46:73711LIP.-1111M7-;ar

VOCABUL4RY - UNIT FOUR

VOCABULARY: Use a dictionary to define the following words in Unit Four.

I

1. diphtheria -

2. contagious -

3. decimation -

4. pantheir ^

5. sturgeon -

6. weir -

7. cholera -

8. fraudulent -

9. assimilate

10. prevalent -

11. flotilla -

53

187

OVERVIEW

The Ojibway of Michigan claimed the territory of the upper peninsula and the majority of the north-eastern side of the state. The tribe lived in a plentiful environment offering them a well balanced,happy life. Important to the Ojibway was the belief tkat everything interacted as a part of the totalcreation. They worked to conserve the lam and the animals and maintain the balance ofnature. Theirlocation in northern Michigan opened the way for the fur trade with other lower peninsula tribes.With the increasekl expansion, n of the European powers, the Ojibway experienced conflict and stress.Fighting for the French in the French and Indian Wars, the tribe experienced hostilities with theirBritish victors. The defeat of the British by the Americans ushered in the treaty era and the lossof Ojibway lands. The Treaty of Greenville in 1795, began a succession of treaties furthering theerosion of Ojibway land to the American go . ernment. It wasn't until World War H that the Ojibwayfound more economic opportunity. After the war, the Ojibway began to organize and reexamine theold treaties, seeking clarification of promises never kept by the American government.

54

IRS

THE OJIBWAY

ACTIVITIES

THE POTAWATOMI

_1_____Iktifbagettrt_A AY

THE OTTAWA

1

55

18

r:77:77.7777.7.7.77

GEOGRAPHY

The state of Michigan is filled with Anishnabe names. Nearly half of all the counties, many towns,

rivers, lakes and islands reflect the language. This geograiihy activity emphasizes the old language

influence on our state.

It may be helpful to understand that the geographical boundaries of Michigan were only created

after the territory became a state. Before that time, the lands occupied by the various tribes were not

restricted to these boundaries. The Ojibway territory, for example, extended north and east into Canada,

while the Potawatomi territory began in southern Michigan but extended into Indiana, Illinois and

Wisconsin.

It should also be pointed out that the Michigan tribes shared territory for hunting and fishing. As

a result, these lands often overlapped one another. This was a peaceful co-existence and sharing of

natural resources.

Counties of Michigan with Anishnabe Names

In this activity the names of these Michigan counties are listed and translated fr,im the Anishnabe

language into English. This is followed by a map which indicates the location of the counties. Remember

that the French and English influence in Michigan often changed the pronounciation of Anishnabe

words. Many of the counties listed here reflect that influence and their meanings are sometimes uncertain.

56

1 90

Keweenaw

Ontonagon

Gogebic

Menomin

Chippewa

Mackinac1,1,)

00

/Leelanau

1anistee

MuskegonNewayo

Cheboyg

Otsego

KalkaskaOEcoda

MissaukeeOgemaw

Osceola

Tosco

Mecosta

Saginaw

Shiawassee

HuronTuscola

Genesee

Saniloc

57

191

County Translation

Allegan the name of an ancient tribe.

Cheboygan a large pipe.

Chippewa the English name for the Ojibwa tribe.

Genesee a valley of great beauty.

Gogebic not sure, possibly a type of root.

Huron a kind of bird, also a Michigan tribe.

Iosco not sure of meaning.

Kalamazoo from the word (Kekalamazoo) meaning boiling pot.

Kalkaska an area that has been burned.

Keweenaw to carry the canoe.

Leelanau the name of an Anishnabe woman that means thehappiness of life or land.

Lenawee the name of an Anishnabe man. The meaning isuncertain.

Mackinac not sure, possibly a blanket. Michillimackinac meansbig turtle.

Manistee the wind in the trees or forest.

Mecosta the name of a Potawatomi leader that means greatbear.

Menominee the name of a Michigan tribe that means people ofthe wild rice.

Missaukee the name of an Ojibwa leader. The meaning isuncertain.

Muskegon a swampy land.

Newaygo not sure of meaning.

Ogemaw a respected leader.

Ontonagan not sure, possibly a round bowl.

58

Osceola the name of a Seminole leader. The waning isuncertain.

Oscoda not sure of meaning.

Otsego clean water.

Ottawa the name of a Michigan tribe that means those whotrade.

Saginaw the home of the Sauk tribe.

Sanilac the name of a Wyandotte leader. The meaning isuncertain.

Shiawassee a twisting river.

Tuscola not sure of meaning.

Washtenaw river located some distance from a large lake.

ACTIVITY -

Discuss with the class how language can change through use by another culture.Examples: Petoskey, an Anishnabe word meaning "the rising sun", wasoriginally pronounced Pee-Tog-Ska. Ottawa comes from Odawa, Chippewacomes of Ojib-way and Kalamazoo comes from Ke-Kala-Mo-Zoo.

What are the effects of language changes such as Lnese on the culture of theMichigan tribes? What are the effects on the state-wide community?

59

19r)

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ANISHNABE CALENDAR

The Anishnabe calendar was centered around the activities of everyday life. The names of the months,

or moons, changed among the many tribes of North America, because they were from unique en-

vironments. The concept of "titre" for the historic Anishnabe was a process in the life cycle. It began

and ended with seasonal regularity.

Jan Great Spirit Moon

Feb Sucker Fish Moon

Mar. Hard Crust Moon

April Maple Sugar Moon

May Flower Moon

June Strawberry Moon

July Blueberry Moon

Aug Rice Moon

Sept Falling Leaves Moon

Oct Hunting Moon

Nov Freezing Moon

Dec Little Spirit Moon

ACTIVITY -

Consider the Anishnabe calendar. Make a list of comparable names for themonths which relate to activities in your own life as a high school student.Example: June Summer Vacation Moon, or October Football Moon.

60

.

These are some of the important treaties signed between the American government and the Michigan

tribes. Many others were signed over these years.

61

195

HuronMenomineeMiamiOj ibway

WORD SEARCH

Search for the tribes of Michigan.

OttawaPotawatomiSauk

COMRAFVTATRJGITSPIRCIABNRAATPSAC B LOS DEFT S QONU O

SAOTTAWAFCKNITGDRAEHUIKTEFPUAMTPCAUKYBFZHYSWBOSDRLFNAMIAMIAINCGMHGXTOONDVTSAIBANTTCJEKRJOPHNLMENOMINEEGMKUAJCGLITBEUQYIVRFLDOWTAWOPSELF

ENNEIPXYAFYHGBHNIPOTORCUL IESE TA

62

196

TEACHER'S GUIDE

PEOPLE OF

THE

TheOttawa,

Potawatomiand Ojibway

OfMichigan

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TEACHER'S GUIDE

PEOPLE OF THE THREE FIRESThe Ottawa, Potawatomi and Ojibway of Michigan

Prepared by M. T. Bussey

MICHIGAN IND4AN PRESSGRAND RAPIDS INTER-TRIBAL COUNCIL

198

Copyright © 1989 by Michigan Indian Press

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced ortransmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, in-cluding photocopy, or any information storage and retrieval system,without permission in writing from the publisher. Requests for permis-sion to make copies of any part of the book should be mailed to:Michigan Indian Press, 45 Lexington, N.W., Grand Rapids, Michigan49504.

ISBN 0-9617707-3-2

ii

1 f:-.);)

INTRODUCTION

The teacher's guide is intended to provide teachers, curriculum specialists, and administratorswith suggestions on utilizing The People of the Three Fires textbook in any secondaryprogram.

This book provides factual information from an Indian perspective. Information can easily beused in a lecture format along with possible discussions centering on student reactions and im-pressions. Such discussions will promote and help to contribute a more balanced perspective ofIndian historical events.

Major topics and units which make up the text, can be incorporated into any United StatesHistory course. Combining the text and student workbook would lend itself to be used as anexcellent resource guide. Students can be assigned to read a segment of the text correlatingwith the appropriate timeframe, answer questions following their reading as well as completesuggested activities from the student workbook. Additionally, the text and student workbookmay be used as a foundation of a Great Lakes Indian History course. This curriculum givesdetailed information stressing the unique qualities of each of the three predominant Michigantribes. Here, the student is provided the opportunity to compare and contrast each tribe and ex-amine each tribe's relationship with the French and British. The curriculum highlights triballeaders such as Pontiac and Leopold Pokagon. Various treaties are examined and analyzed toemphasize their impact on tribal life. The bibliography provided allows teachers and interestedstudents to continue further research. Authentic photographs help to present a visual depictionof the times. Native and non-Native Americans will enjoy discovering United States Historyusing this curriculum as a supplemental resource or as a core course.

Sue MaturkanichGrand Rapids Public Schools

iii

200

A PERSPECTIVE

In the past, it was common to present a study unit on Michigan Indians using the traditions and customsof many different tribes across North America. American Indians are a very diversified group to includehundreds of tribes who offer unique cultures and languages. The differences among the tribes are as diverse asthe differences among the many nations of the world. Columbus may have called the native people of NorthAmerica "Indians" but we are, in fact, members of great nationssuch as Sioux or Cherokee.

For years, the American media has misrepresented Native Americans with inaccuracies and pure fiction.Teachers are often hesitant to begin a unit on Michigan Indians since they do not know the sensitivities of theNative American community or the particular Indian viewpoint. This curriculum provides insight into theAnishrlbek culture and gives the teacher a structured plan for presentation.

It is important to present an authentic picture of the Michigan Anishnabe. The Indians of the GreatLakes did not live in teepees or make totem poles like other western and northwestern tribes. The Ottawa,Potawatomi, and Ojibway used their own environment to create unique cultures, unlike other North Americantribes. This process of authenticity will aid in the breakdown of media bias and stereotypes faced by mostNative Americans. It will also aid in the accurate portrayal of native people for the students.

While many tribes occupied the Michigan region in the past, this text concentrates on the three historictribes whose territories continually occupied the state. Although these people shared the same Algonquianheritage and language, their separate cultures have existed in the Great Lakes for almost one thousand years.The acknowledgement of this separate development within the original group is a necessary sensitivity aware-ness to understanding the Indian experience in Michigan.

The European history of Michigan really began lass than four hundred years ago. it started in the late1500s when French traders filtered into the Great Lakes region. In contrast, the Indian history of Michiganstarted over 10,000 years ago when bands of hunters roamed into the state. It is important for students tounderstand the imbalance of this timeframe and the vast amount of history before the coming of the Europeans.It is also important to realize that cultures of the Anishnabek existed and thrived in their environment, un-touched by the "civilization" of the European continent. The beginning of each unit of the text clearly depictsthe "bounty of creation" enjoyed by the people before European intervention. In many cases, the knowledge ofthe Indian tribes was too advanced for the Europeans to recognize. To clearly understand this situation, one hasonly to recall the scurvy problems among European settlers in North America and the Indian's treatment of thisdisease using rose hip and vitamin C teas.

To teach the complete story of Michigan history, it is necessary to examine the perspectives of allgroups involved. Since the time of our first confrontation with Europeans, Michigan Indians have had ourhistory described, documented, and evaluated by non-Indian authors. Recently, there has been an appreciationfor the need to reexamine Michigan Indian history. This reexamination gives self-representation to the Ottawa,Potawatomi, and Ojibway to tell our own story. As a result, students are presented a concise, balanced accountof Michigan history.

20 1-."

In reading the text, students may find contradictions to the European version of the conquest of NorthAmerica. In many cases, these misconceptions are so ingrained in the American culture that the truth oftenseems unbelievable. It VII be essential to guide the students through the text with emphasis on discussion andshared impressions. This experience may require reflection, expressed feelings, and more class involvementthan other history curricula. We suggest that the teacher review the material prior to student reading to preparefor questions and responses.

*A bibliography accompanies this manual offering additional information and sourceson Michigan Indian tribes.

*The terms Indian, Native American, and American Indian are used interchangeablythroughout the curriculum. This is how they are used today by the Michigan Anishnabek.

*Anisimabe (singular), Anishnabek (plural) is the name the Michigan tribes give them-selves in their own language. It means "the original person (people)."

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UNIT ONE THE PREHISTORIC ROOTS OF MICHIGAN INDIANS

The Pa leo-Indians

KNOW THEFACTS:

1. from the South

2. 12,000 B.C. to 8,000 B.C.

3. hunting of the Mastodon and other large mammals, gatheringof foods

...... VIM II MP ...1 Ir

The Archaic Period

KNOW THE 1. EgthjAMIL CAELL3 B.C.FACTS:

Middle: 6.000 B.C.-3.000 B.C,

Late: 3.000 B.C.-1.000 B.C,

2. climate grew warmer and drier, more hardwood forests, moremammals

3. the Middle Archaic Period

4. the Late Archaic Period

5. copper

6. Northern Michigan people continued fishing and hunting becauseof colder climate, southern Michigan people began to rely more onplanted crops in the warmer growing region.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Woodland Triclinia

1. squash, sunflowers, corn, and beans

2. about 300 B.C.

3. Hopewell

1

2Q ti

4. saplings covered by bark and rush mats

5. along the Atlantic seaboard far to the east

6. Anishnabeg

7. the Three Fires Confederncy

8. 1,000 B.C.-A.D. 1650.

2

40 0 (i. ,.

UNIT TWO THE OTTAWA

The Ottawa_and_TheirTAykonintat

KNOW THEFACTS:

1. the length of the growing season

2. around the early 1700s

3. corn

KNOW THEFACTS:

Ottawa Village Life

I. by consent of all his/her family members

2. democracy

3. the Straits of Mackinac

KNOW THEFACTS:

Ottawa Values

1. material wealth, labor, and food

2. re: erect for the individual

3. family

4. Nanabozho

5. to educate them and to teach the culture of the tribe

KNOW THEFACTS:

Ottawa Kinship

1. the family unit

2. (answers will vary) Ododem is a totem mark,represented by an animal, designating the family fromwhich a person derives.

3. matrilineal, through the motherpatrilineal, through the father

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205

KNOW THEFACTS:

Manitos

1. body, manitou (spirit)

KNOW THEFACTS:

Powers

1. an animal pelt that forms a bag containing special objectssuch as totem images or herbs

2. Midewiwin

3. the Catholic religion's services

KNOW THEFACTS:

Ceremonies and the Cycle of Seasons

1. an essential part of life and all activities

2. feasting, dancing, singing

3. the sun ceremony

4. (answers will vary) a long ceremony where the bones of thedead were buried in a common grave

KNOW THEFACTS:

The French and the Fur Trade

1. to trade

2. about 1615

3. the Huron

4. They came seeking gold, silver, and spices from the Orient.

5. beaver pelts

KNOW THEFACTS:

TharzutoisMars

1. European knives, kettles, axes, and guns

2. to destroy the fur trading networks of the Huron

4

2

3. Iroquois war parties, smallpox epidemics, and the activities ofFrench missionaries

4. guns and ammunition to protect themselves from the Iroquois,reliance on gunsmiths, and purchase of ammunition

5. the Chippewa (Ojibway)

6. 1650-1700

7. on the banks of rivers flowing into Lake Michigan and LakeHuron and on the lakeshore

8. the Straits of Mackinac

KNOW THEFACTS:

lb& Ottawa-French Partnership

1. personal relationships governed by rules of gift-giving andkinship

2. the British

KNOW THEFACTS:

The French and Indian Wars

1. the French

2. 1754-1763

3. Detroit

KNOW THEFACTS:

Ottawa Culture in the French Era

1. the increased use of European manufactured goods

2. Sinago, Kiskakon, Sable, Naussaukueton

3. through the father, or patrilineally

5

KNOW THEFACTS:

The British

1. It placed all of French Can is and the strategic western fortsunder British control.

2. (answers will ' y) They discontinued the practice of annualgifts and gave no guns or ammunition to the Ottawa.

KNOW THEFACTS:

Pantiaraildriliart

1. Ottawa, Chippewa, Potawatomi, Seneca, Delaware, Shawnee,and Wyandot

2. two, Fort Pitt and Fort Detroit

3. They encouraged the uprising but offered no military aid.

The New Alliance

KNOW THE 1. (answers will vary) Pontiac ended the siege, but the British hadFACTS: new respect for the Indians. British policies became less arrogant

and more conciliatory.

2. They were neutral.

Meeting the Americans

KNOW THE 1. (answers will vary) The ordinance gave the Americans the rightFACTS: to buy, not seize Indian land. It also promised to set up a boun-

dary line between American land and Indian territory, which nosettlers could cress. It allowed trade between Americans andIndians.

2. 1785

3. The American troops were defeated.

4. because the settlers kept moving into Indian territory, breaking the treaty

5. the battle at Fort

6

208

6. to stop the violation of agreements and the trespasses on Indian land

7. the British

KNOW THEFACTS:

Facing American Rule

1. (answers will vary) a plan to make Indians reject their old culture andtake on the ways of American settlers

2. Indian removal to western reservations

3. Andrew Jackson

4. the Mississippi River

The Treaty EraMeeting the Challenge

KNOW THE 1. the Maumee River in Ohio, on the Grand River and betweenFACTS: the Little Traverse Bay and Mackinac in Michigan and on

Manitoulin Island in Canada

2. Kansas

3. the hunting grounds between the Kalamazoo and Grand Rivers

4. (answers will vary) Some didn't accept the teachings, but othersadopted Christian religious practices.

5. cattle, metal tools, oxen plows, and government provisions

KNOW THEFACTS:

&Divided Society

1. smallpox

2. They did a combination of fishing, hunting, and crop raisingwhile the Chippewa lived primarily by hunting.

7

KNOW THEFACTS:

the Treaty of 1836

1. Henry Schoolcraft

2. lands north of the Grand River and along the Manistee Riverand Little Traverse Bay

3. to preserve their hunting acid fishing grounds and no removal plan towestern reservations

4. Manitoulin Island, Canada

KNOW THEFACTS:

Shaping the Futere

1. buy land

2. very negative, no streams for fishing, no sugar maple trees,and the climate was unhealthy

3. 1850, on the condition that they renounce their tribal affiliation

KNOW THEFACTS:

ChanginLYaluts

1. traveling hunters and fishermen

2. their skin color, their language, and their belief in shared wealth

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Treaty of 1855

1. final of last

2. Mason and Oceana counties, Grand Tray .ie and Little TraverseBays

3. about eight hundred

4. (answers will vary) It dissolved Ottawa tribal status, land was in-dividually owned not tribally owned. Thus, made it more difficult forthe Ottawa to act as a group with the American government.

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210

KNOW THEFACTS:

Loss of the Land

1. (answers will vary) They did little to remedy the situation andeven took part in defrauding the Ottawa through higher tax rates.

2. lumbering

3. fishing

KNOW THEFACTS:

Preparing for the Future

1. education

2. (answers will vary) The government agreed to close the Mission boar-ding schools and open day schools near Ottawa villages.

3. in the 1880s

4. (answers will vary) English was the only language they were allowed tospeak. They were physically punished. They were taught that theirtribal ways were inferior to the ways of the American settlers.

5. Northern Michigan Ottawa Association, Grand Rapids Inter-TribalCouncil, Leelanau Indians, Inc.

9211

...

UNIT THREE THE POTAWATOMI

The Potawatomi Pattern: A Cultural Advant . ge

KNOW THEFACTS:

1. Neshnabek

2. southern Michigan or lower Michigan

3. horticultural

4. (answers will vary) They were more stable in permanent villages.They were more agricultural and less transient with more organizedtribal units.

KNOW THEFACTS:

Michigan Indians in the 1600a

1. to escape the Iroquois

2. to northeastern Wisconsin

3. about 1670

KNOW THEFACTS:

A Rise to Power

1. to carry on trade

2. technology, economic, political, geographic, and populationadvantages

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Tribal Design

1. They pledged their loyalty and military support in times of war.

2. consensus

3. violence, power, or wealth of any one person

4. fewer than one hundred people

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212

KNOW THEFACTS:

Clan. Community. and Individual

1. the family or the clan

2. through the father or patrilineally

3. Great Lake, Thunderbird, Man, Bear, Buffalo, and Wolf

4. A child was named for a dead ancestor and assumed the identityand characteristics of his/her namesake.

5. Sakikwinik (River's Mouth)

6. clan

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Fur Trade

1. brass kettles, wool, and steel knives

2. the snowshoe, the birchbark canoe

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Impact of European Technology

1. blacksmith and gunsmith

2. They lacked the built-in cultural controls and often their reactionswere disastrous.

3. because the European containers of brass, copper, and iron wereavailable

4. (answers will vary) The Potawatomi were generally indifferent.

A Balancing Act

KNOW THE 1. The French thought the leaders were their chosen agents and thatFACTS: they could make decisions for their people. They also thought their

leadership toles were hereditary.

2. They were the most favored tribe of the French.

3. (answers will vary) the Potawatomi expanded their territory,each village developed their own concerns and interests, the pressuresof the French fur trade

11

KNOW THEFACTS:

The French and Indian War

1. the French

2. General Edward Braddock

3. no

KNOW THEFACTS:

The New Imperial Presence

1. 1760

2. Tribal unity disintegrated due to scattered villages and ineffec-tive communication.

KNOW THEFACTS:

A Transportation ReyolutiOR

1. the horse

2. canoes

KNOW THEFACTS:

Pontiac's Rebellion

1. New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia

2. He ordered the cessation of annual "presents" to Indian allies.

3. Detroit and Pittsburgh

4. no

5. Private traders were brought under control. The British resumed theannual "presents". The British Crown Proclamation of 1763 proclaimedall lands west of the Allegheny Mountains as Indian territory.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The American Revolution

1. the British

2. an important Wkama who led the anti-British clans into Wisconsin

3. no

12

2 1.

KNOW THEFACTS:

Ike Americans

1. at Fallen Timbers, just south of present day Toledo

2. The British locked the gates at Fort Miami and refused to supportthe Potawatomi.

3. The British would evacuate their posts at St. Joseph, Detroit, andMackinac and establish posts on their own side of an internationalboundary along the midline of the Great Lakes.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Treaty Process

1. the Potawatomi

2. The Americans acknowledged that the Indian tribes were not conqueredpeople; the lands in the Great Lakes-Ohio valley were Indian lands;the Indians accepted the sovereignty of the U.S.A.; and the Indians agreedto transfer most of Ohio, southern Indiana, the Detroit River area, andMackinac to American ownership.

3. 1805

4. The Potawatomi received rations, cash payments, quantities of goods,annuity cash payments, and sometimes services.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The War of 1812

1. Tenskwatawa and Tecumseh

2. the United States

3. the battle at Moraviantown on the Thames River

4. 1815

KNOW THEFACTS:

Treaties and Land Cessions. 1816-1833

1. 1825

2. No treaty was ever approved by the Potawatomi without extensivedebate and the participation of many leaders and most adult men andwomen of the tribe.

3. southwestern Michigan

13

215

KNOW THEFACTS:

"Civilization" and Removal

1. to "civilize" the Indians by turning them into Christian farmers

2. Indian removal to "Indian Territory" located west of the MississippiRiver

3. approximately three thousand to four thousand Potawatomi

4. They were strongly opposed to the Indian Removal Plan.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Chicago Treaty and Its Aftermath

1. Gigak, meaning skunk

2. to purchase all remaining Potawatomi land in the Lake Michiganregion and to obtain Potawatomi consent to the Indian Removal Plan

3. He was chosen by the Americans as the "principal chief' and hecarelessly scratched his "x" on any document placed before him.

4. They ceded their remaining lands to the Americans and agreed to theIndian Removal Plan within three years. Leopold Pokagon's bandwas allowed to stay in Michigan.

KNOW THEFACTS:

EscapingandEudintlitmayal

1. the chance to move to Canada and therefore stay in the Great Lakesregion

2. for the Potawatomi who moved to Canada but returned to Michigan

3. about 1200

4. no

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Pokagons: Catholic Potawatomi of the St. Joseph Valley

1. the Pokagon Band

2. McCoy advocated Indian removal.

3. 874 acres on Silver Creek, near Dowagiac

14

216

4. He registered a deed at the Cass County courthouse transferring 674acres of Potawatomi land to his own name.

5. Leopold Pokagon's wife and his sons

6. The Potawatomi Nation of Indians, Inc.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Huron Band

1. Potawatomi of the St. Joseph region and the Huron Indian bands ofeastern Michigan

2. on Pine Creek, between Battle Creek and Athens, Michigan

3. to hold the land in perpetual trust

4. It is owned privately by families of the Huron Band.

15

UNIT FOUR THE OJIBWAY

The Long Migration

KNOW THEFACTS:

1. first or original people

2. Kitche Manitou fulfilled a vision of sunsets, starry skies, rocks, water,fire, wind, and beings living together. Front these elements: sun,earth, moon, and stars, plant beings and animal beings were formed.

3. from the "Great Salt Sea" near the mouth of the St. Lawrence River,on the eastern seaboard

4. Ojibway, Chippewa

KNOW THEFACTS:

Clans and Kinship

1. the Upper Peninsula of Michigan and the northern LowerPeninsula

2. the loon, great fish, marten, crane, and bear

3. It is a system of giving and sharing wealth so that no one person hastoo much or too liule.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Relatedness of Al! Things

1. the earth, the mother of the people, and all other life forms

2. It obligated the Anishnabeg to carefully consider their actions.It dictated their hunting, fishing, food gathering, and plantingactivities.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Bounty of the Creagan

1. (answers will vary) moose, elk, caribou, deer, bear, beaver, mink,muskrat, marten, squirrel, fox, wolves, rritits

2. corn, sunflowers, tobacco, squash, beans, pumpkins, and potatoes

3. to insure the continued existence of all species on mother earth; tomaintain the earth as she was originally

16

4. Winter: hunting and trappingSpring: maple syrup gatheringsummer: planting gardensall: rice gathering and hunting water fowl

A Life of Tranquility

KNOW THE 1. (answers will vary) Children were trained to avoid open conflictFACTS: and criticism. They also feared being ostracized by the tribe for

unacceptable behavior.

2. The tribe's history and culture are carried on this way, therefore, it isextremely important for the people to have these abilities.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Gift to All

1. Manaboozhoo (Nanabush)

2. (answers will vary) Children are ceremoniously named by a chosen,respected elder. Sometimes names cc .e from dreams or visions.

3. proper tribal behavior; the difference between right and wrong

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Art of Healing

1. Midewiwin

2. They are medical specialists, trained herbalists, and often act as"psychologists" with the people.

KNOW THEFACTS:

Contact with the French

1. in the early 1600s

2. Saultiers or people of the rapids

3. They NN ire so called because they wore moccasins that puckered at thetop.

4. Sault Ste. Marie, Mackinac, Cheboygan, Alpena, and Oscoda

17

The Fur Trade

KNOW THE I. (answers will vary) the Ojibway received less for tho true value ofFACTS: their furs; the introduction of alcohol; the disruption of seasonal

activities; introduction of European diseases to which the Ojibwaywere not immune

2. (answers will vary) The Ojibway came under great pressure tochange their spiritual beliefs, to accept Christianity.

3. Tshusick was an Ojibway woman who traveled to Washington, D.C.,wanting to be baptized. She impressed all with her wit and charm,speaking fluent English, French, and Ojibway.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The French and Indian War

1. control of land, resources, an the fur trade

2. because the Indians of the Great Lakes area took sides and foughtin the war

KNOW THEFACTS:

British Victory

1. Detroit, 1760

2. Neolin was a Delaware Indian prophet.

3. to protect Michigan Indian lands fnmi sale to European settlers,to restore peace

4. 1775-17R3

American Expansionism

KNOW THE 1. Twenty thousand dollars worth of goods and one thousand dollarsFACTS: per year forever was given in trade for land sold to the American

Government. Also, the U.S. relinquished claim to remainingMichigan lands.

2. no

18

220

The Treaty Era

KNOW THE 1. They tried to protect their lands from American settlers.FACTS:

2. Tenskwatawa and Tecumseh

KNOW THEFACTS:

A Landless People

1. small, restricted land parcels, cholera epidemics, continuedencroachment of American settlers

2. Under Andrew Jackson's admiristration, the Michigan Indianpeople were to be moved southwest of the Missouri River.

3. Canada

KNOW THEFACTS:

An Era of Hard Time

1. the assimilation of Indian people into American society andallowing them to own land individually

2. Isabella County, in lower Michigan

3. separation from their family, their culture, and physicalpunishment

The Plunder of the Land

KNOW THE 1. The birds were netted and shot on their nesting grounds. FromFACTS: there these birds were sent to markets, but due to a glut on the

market, they were in turn fed to farmers' hogs. The passengerpigeon is now extinct because of this type of slaughtering.

KNOW THEFACTS:

The Turn of the Twentieth Century

1. the Johnson-O'Malley Act

2. It was burned by Sheriff Ming and John McGinn, and the land wassold for back taxes.

19

22

KNOW THEFACTS:

New Opportunities

1. The Indian Claims Commission was established to examine the oldtreaties and reassure the Indian rights set forth in the treaties.

2. When the Mount Pleasant Indian School closed, this agreement byGovern,. Charles Comstock was made to provide education forIndian children in Michigan.

3. The Fox decision was a restatement of fishing rights "given" toMichigan Indians in the 1836 Treaty of Washington.

The Fishing Controversy

KNOW THE 1. (answers will vary) Since the coming of the European, in the pastFACTS: 200 years, the land has seen destruction of air, water, animal, and

plant species. All of these resources were sustained, honored, andkept in balance by Native American people for thousands of yearsbefore European arrival.

2. Sports fishermen in Michigzn are catching the majority of designatedspecies of fish.

The Future

KNOW THE 1. (answers will vary) There is a great deal of wisdom and commonFACTS: sense in the traditional teachings toward the earth and fellow human

beings.

2. education

20

222

WORD SEARCH

Search for some of the tribes of Michigan

HuronMencmineeMiamiOjibway

OttawaPotawatomiSauk

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4 r)6: Ry A, IEW ? pU xE AM FS HZ BL HC NE IN

P O T O R C U L E S E G T A

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BIBLIOGRAPHY for TEACHERS

Bettarel, Robert Louis. The Moccasin Bluff Site and The Woodland Cultures of Southwestern Michigan. Ann

Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1973.

Buechner, Cecilia Bain. The Pokagons. Berrien Springs: Hardscrabble Books, 1976.

Bussey, M.T. Aube Na Bing, A Pictorial History of Michigan Indians. Grand Rapids: Michigan Indian Press,

1988.

Chaput, Donald. Michigan Indians: A Way of Life Changes. Hillsdale: Hillsdale Educational Publishers, 1970.

Clifton, James A. People of the Three Fires: The Ottawa, Potawatomi, and Ojibway of Michigan. GrandRapids: Grand Rapids Inter-Tribal Council, 1986.

Cowell, Geraldine L. The Indian's Michigan. Grand Rapids, 1960.

Densmore, Frances. A Study of Some Michigan Indians. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1949.

Densmore, Frances. Chippewa Customs. New York: Johnson Reprint Company, 1970.

Dobson, Pamela J. The Tree That Never Dies: Oral History of Michigan Indians. Grand Rapids: Grand RapidsPublic Library, 1978.

Fasquelle, Ethel Rowan. When Michigan Was Young. brand Rapids: Eadmans, 1950.

Finlan, William. Michigan's U.P. Indians, Before the Invasion and After, Utica: By the Author, 1975.

Gibson, Edmond P. The Movement of Indian Groups in Michigan. Talk delivered at meeting of the Wright L.Coffinberry Chapter, 1952.

Greenman, Emerson Frank. The Indians of Michigan. Lansing: Michigan Historical Commission, 1961.

Gringhuis, Richard H. Indian Costume at Mackinac. Mackinac Island: Mackinac Island State Park Commission,1972.

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Hinsdale, Wilbert B. Distribution of the Aboriginal Population of Michigan. Ann Arbor: University ofMichigan Press, 1932.

Hinsdale, Wilbert B. The First People of Michigan. Ann Arbor: G. Wahr, 1930.

Hinsdale, Wilbert B. Primitive Man in Michigan. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1925.

Hollands, Hulda Theodate. When Michigan Was New. Chicago: Flanagan, 1906.

Kinietz, William Vernon. The Indians of Western Great Lakes. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1940.

Klawieter, Marcus P. Authenticated Indian Trails in the State of Michigan. Grand Rapids, 1959.

Kurath, Gertrude Prokosch. Michigan Indian Festivals. Ann Arbor: Ann Arbor Publishers, 1966.

Rankin, Ernest H. The Indians of Gitchi Gurnee. Marquette: Marquette County Historical Society, 1966.

Shurtleff, Mary Belle. Old Arbre Croche. Cross Village, 1963.

Vogel, Virgil J. Indian Names in Michigan. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1985.

Walker, Louise Jean. Beneath the Singing Pines. Hillsdale: Hillsdale Educational Publishers, 1967.

Walker, Louise Jean. Woodland Wigwams. Hillsdale: Hillsdale Educational Publishers, 1964.

Warren, William W. History of the Ojibway People. Minneapolis: Minnesota Historical Society, 1957.

Weeks, George. Sleeping Bear, Its Lore, Legends, and First People. Glen Arbor: Cottage Book Shop andHistorical Society of Michigan, 1988.

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