colorado k-12 & scholol choice survey (2015)

ColoradoK–12 & SCHOOL CHOICE SURVEY

Polling Paper No. 26 December 15, 2015

With questions on the direction of K–12 education, statewide performance, education spending, grades and preferences for different types of schools, charter schools, school vouchers, education savings accounts, and tax-credit scholarships

1 | www.edchoice.org

Survey Project & Profile

Title: Colorado K–12 & School Choice Survey

Survey Sponsor& Developer: Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice

Survey Data Collection& Quality Control: Braun Research, Inc.

Interview Dates: August 29 to September 16, 2015

Interview Method: Live Telephone | 60% landline and 40% cell phone

Interview Length: 14 minutes (average)

Language(s): English

Sample Frame& Method: Dual Frame; Probability Sampling; Random Digit Dial (RDD)

Population Sample: Statewide sample of registered voters in Colorado

Sample Size: Colorado (Statewide), N = 601

Margins of Error: Colorado (Statewide) = ± 4.0 percentage points

Response Rates (RR)using AAPOR RR3: Landline = 13.2%; Cell Phone = 9.3%

Weighting? Yes (Landline/Cell, then Age, Gender, Race, Ethnicity, Census Division)

Oversampling? No

The Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice is the survey’s sponsor and sole funder. For more information, contact: Paul DiPerna at [email protected]

The author is responsible for overall polling design; question wording and ordering; this paper’s analysis, charts, and writing; and any unintentional errors or misrepresentations.


mailto:[email protected]

December 15, 2015

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page4 Colorado K–12 Profile and Context6 Overview

8 Survey Findings and Snapshots9 Issue Priority

11 Direction of K–12 Education

13 Rating Colorado’s K–12 Performance

15 Education Spending

18 Grades, Preferences for Types of Schools

25 Charter Schools

29 School Vouchers

33 Education Savings Accounts (ESAs)

40 Tax-Credit Scholarships

47 Methods49 Sample Design

49 Contact Procedures

50 Call Dispositions and Response Rates

52 Weighting Procedures and Analysis

54 About Us, Acknowledgements 57 Survey Questions and Topline Results


Colorado K–12 Profile and Context

Main NAEP Avg State Rankings: 2003 | 2009 | 2015 1 13 | 14 | 16

Public High School Graduation Rate 2 77%

# Public School Students (sans Charter School Students) 3 761,124# Public Charter School Students 4 93,141# Private School Students 5 45,697# Home School Students 6 25,234

% Public School Students (sans Charter School Students) 7 82.3%% Public Charter School Students 7 10.1%% Private School Students 7 4.9%% Home School Students 7 2.7%

# Public School Districts 3 178# Public Schools (sans Charter Schools) 3 1,665# Public Charter Schools 4 197# Private Schools 5 414

% Free and Reduced-Price Lunch 3 40.8%% Individualized Education Program (IEP) 3 10.2%% English Language Learners (ELL) 3 12.0%

$ Revenue Per Student 8 $10,182$ “Total” Per Student Spending 8 $10,007$ “Current” Per Student Spending 8 $8,594$ “Instructional” Per Student Spending 8 $4,948


Colorado Profile Notes

1. U.S. Department of Education, Institute of Education Sciences, National Center for Education Statistics, National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP). Averages of four rankings based on scale scores reported from the 2003, 2009, and 2015 assessments. 2003: fourth-grade reading (#6); fourth-grade math (#28); eighth-grade reading (#8); eighth-grade math (#13). 2009: fourth-grade reading (#7); fourth-grade math (#16); eighth-grade reading (#20); eighth-grade math (#15). 2015: fourth-grade reading (#20); fourth-grade math (#20); eighth-grade reading (#14); eighth-grade math (#13). These averaged rankings are intended for impressions only.URL: nationsreportcard.gov/data_tools.asp

2. Reported public high school graduation rates, determined by the Adjusted Cohort Graduation Rate (ACGR) on the National Center for Education Statistics section on the U.S. Department of Education website. Data for 2012–2013 school year. URL: nces.ed.gov/ccd/tables/ACGR_2010-11_to_2012-13.asp

3. U.S. Department of Education, Institute of Education Sciences, National Center for Education Statistics, Common Core of Data (CCD). Data for the 2011–2012 school year. The number of enrolled charter school students is subtracted from the NCES reported “Number enrolled,” and we report that difference as the number of enrolled “regular public school students.” URL: nces.ed.gov/nationsreportcard/states

4. National Alliance for Public Charter Schools. Data for the 2013–2014 school year. URL: dashboard.publiccharters.org/dashboard/students/page/overview/state/CO/year/2014

5. U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Private School Universe Survey (PSS). PSS estimates for the 2011–2012 school year. URL: nces.ed.gov/surveys/pss/tables/table_2011_15.asp

6. State-level estimates reported by Ann Zeise for 2014–15 school year, accessed November 6, 2015: a2zhomeschooling.com/thoughts_opinions_home_school/numbers_homeschooled_students

7. Percentages are meant for general impressions only. Due to rounding, percentage totals may be slightly greater or less than 100 percent.

8. Stephen Q. Cornman, Revenues and Expenditures for Public Elementary and Secondary Education: School Year 2011–12 (Fiscal Year 2012) (NCES 2014-30). U.S. Department of Education. Washington, D.C.: National Center for Education Statistics (January 2015). URL: nces.ed.gov/pubs2014/2014301.pdfNote: For more recent spending data (FY2013) that released after the development of this survey’s questionnaire, see: U.S. Census Bureau, Public Education Finances: 2013 (G13-ASPEF). Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office (June 2015). URL: nces.ed.gov/pubs2014/2014301.pdf


Overview

The purpose of the Colorado K–12 & School Choice Survey is to measure public opinion on, and in some cases awareness or knowledge of, a range of K–12 education topics and school choice reforms. The Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice developed this project in partnership with Braun Research, Inc., who conducted the live phone call interviews, collected the survey data, and provided data quality control. We report response levels, differences (“margins”), and intensities for the state and a range of demographic groups. We also track response changes over time when possible.

A total of 601 telephone interviews were completed from August 29 to September 16, 2015, by means of both landline and cell phone. A randomly selected and statistically representative statewide sample of registered voters in Colorado responded to more than 20 substantive items in live phone interviews. Statistical results have been weighted to correct for known demographic discrepancies. The margin of sampling error for the statewide sample is ± 4.0 percentage points.

We included three split-sample experiments in our survey. A split-sample design is a systematic way of comparing the effects of two or more alternative wordings for a given question. The purpose of the experiments were to see if providing new or alternative pieces of information can significantly influence opinion on salient issues in state politics and education policy conversations.


Ground Rules and Organization

Before discussing the survey results, we have brief ground rules for reporting statewide sample and demographic subgroup responses in this paper. For each survey topic (noted with a header at the top of the page), there is a sequence for reporting various analytical frames. First, we note the raw responses levels for the statewide sample on a given question. Following that initial observation, we consider the statewide sample’s margin, hard/strong response levels, and the net intensity computed from the latter.

If we detect statistical significance on a given item, then we briefly report demographic results and differences.1 Explicit subgroup comparisons/differences are statistically significant with at least 90 percent confidence, unless otherwise clarified in the narrative. Finally, we orient any listing of subgroups’ margins and intensities around “most/least likely” to respond one way or the other, typically emphasizing the propensity to be more/less positive. Lists of subgroups with respect to margins and intensities are meant to be suggestive for further exploration and research beyond this project.

The organization of this paper has three sections. The first section describes key findings and presents charts for additional context. The second section details the survey’s methodology, summarizes response statistics, and provides additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews and weighting. The third section lists the survey questions and results, allowing the reader to follow the survey interview as it was conducted with respect to item wording and ordering. 1 For terminology: We use the label “school parents” to refer to those respondents who said they have one or more children in preschool through high school. We use the label “non-schoolers” for respondents without children, or who may have children that are not in the PK–12 grade range. For terms regarding age groups: “young adults” reflect respondents who are age 18 to 34; “middle-age adults” are 35 to 54; and “senior adults” or “seniors” are 55 and older. Labels pertaining to income groups go as follows: “low-income earners” < $40,000; “middle-income earners” ≥ $40,000 and < $80,000; “high-income earners” ≥ $80,000.


Issue Priority

Nearly one out of four respondents (24%) said “education” was the most important issue facing the state of Colorado right now. That response was in a statistical tie with “economy and jobs” (22%) as a first priority.

What else is important to Coloradans? Housing (9%) and

immigration (8%) followed education and the economy as critical issues for the state.

Compared with the state as a whole, Denver metro area voters are even more likely to say education (28%) is a priority over the economy (18%), housing (12%), and immigration (8%).

Certain demographic subgroups significantly differ from one another when saying education is a top priority:2

2 We are at least 90 percent confident of any noted significant differences comparing subgroups to the statewide average or between two or more subgroups. Please consider that each subgroup has a unique margin of error based on its adult population size in the United States and the unweighted sample size obtained in this survey. We advise strong caution when interpreting results for subgroups with relatively small sample sizes (for


SECTION ISurvey Findings

& Snapshots

School parents (31%) are more likely to say education is a priority than non-schoolers (21%).

Higher proportions of Democrats (31%) and Independents (30%) are focused on education than Republicans (14%).

More young adults (31%) put education at the top of their agenda, compared with seniors (17%).

Low-income earners (31%) and high-income earners (26%) are more likely to indicate education is a top priority than middle-income earners (16%).

example, n ≤ 80). When I refer to subgroup sample sizes – for example in forthcoming tables – those numbers represent the unweighted number of interviews.


Direction of K–12 Education


Coloradans are much more likely to think K–12 education has gotten off on the “wrong track” (54%), compared with about one-third of adults (35%) who say it is heading in the “right direction.” The gap between those responses (-19 points) is more than four times the margin of error for the statewide sample.

We observe negative attitudes about the direction of K–12 education across nearly every demographic. Nearly all subgroup margins are negative and wider than -10 percentage points. However, some key differences stand out when making comparisons within certain demographic categories, or comparing a subgroup to the statewide average:

Two subgroups are significantly less likely to say “wrong track” than the statewide average: Democrats (47%) and young voters (44%).

Republicans (61%) are more likely to say “wrong track” than the statewide average and Democrats.

Showing a clear dissatisfaction with the state of K–12 education in Colorado, the largest negative margins are among: rural residents (-29 points), Republicans (-29 points), middle-income earners (-24 points), and females (-24 points).



Right Direction Wrong Track Margin% % N=

ALL RESPONDENTS 35 54 - 19 601

Denver Metro 37 55 - 18 325

School Parent 39 60 - 21 138Non-Schooler 33 52 - 19 461

COMMUNITYUrban 40 49 - 9 104Suburban 34 54 - 20 277Small Town 33 54 - 21 118Rural 33 62 - 29 95

PARTY IDDemocrat 36 47 - 11 157Republican 32 61 - 29 184Independent 38 52 - 14 196

AGE GROUP18 to 34 40 44 - 4 9435 to 54 37 58 - 21 16955 & Over 32 55 - 23 308

HOUSEHOLD INCOMEUnder $40,000 36 50 - 14 127$40,000 to $79,999 34 58 - 24 217$80,000 & Over 33 54 - 21 196

RACE/ETHNICITYBlack 26 58 - 32 13Hispanic 59 36 + 23 55White 31 57 - 26 490

GENDERFemale 32 56 - 24 287Male 37 52 - 15 314

Q3. Do you feel things in Colorado’s K–12 education system are generally going in the right direction, or do you feel things have generally gotten off on the wrong track?

NOTE: Please consider that each subgroup has a unique margin of error based on its adult population size in the United States and the sample size (N) obtained in this survey. We advise strong caution when interpreting results for subgroups with small sample sizes. The subgroup sample sizes displayed in the far right column represent the unweighted number of interviews. All other statistical results reported in this table and report reflect weighted data, a standard procedure to correct for known demographic discrepancies.

SOURCE: Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice, Colorado K–12 & School Choice Survey , Q3.

Rating Colorado’s K–12 Performance

More than half of Colorado’s registered voters give negative ratings to the state’s public school system: 51 percent offered “fair” or “poor” ratings; 43 percent said “good” or “excellent.”

Urbanites (54%) are more likely to give a positive rating than the statewide average as well as voters from small towns (34%) and rural areas (35%).

Rural residents (62%) are most likely to give negative ratings to the state’s public schools, significantly different from the state average, urbanites (42%), and suburbanites (49%).

Independents (55%) are more likely to be negative than Democrats (44%).

Urbanites (+12 points) and Democrats (+3 points) produced the only positive margins among demographic groups.3 The largest negative margins are among: small-town voters (-23 points), rural voters (-27 points), and Independents (-15 points).

Rural residents stand out with a relatively strong negative intensity (-17 points).

3 We do not discuss results for Latinos and African Americans because the unweighted sample sizes for those two subgroups are so small, and their average responses are comparatively more unreliable than other subgroups’ average responses.



Good/Excellent Fair/Poor Margin Intensity% % N=

ALL RESPONDENTS 43 51 - 8 - 5 601

Denver Metro 45 50 - 5 - 4 325

School Parent 45 54 - 9 - 3 138Non-Schooler 43 50 - 7 - 6 461

COMMUNITYUrban 54 42 + 12 - 4 104Suburban 46 49 - 3 - 1 277Small Town 34 57 - 23 - 6 118Rural 35 62 - 27 - 17 95

PARTY IDDemocrat 47 44 + 3 + 3 157Republican 46 51 - 5 - 5 184Independent 40 55 - 15 - 8 196

AGE GROUP18 to 34 41 49 - 8 - 3 9435 to 54 45 51 - 6 - 2 16955 & Over 46 50 - 4 - 7 308

HOUSEHOLD INCOMEUnder $40,000 41 51 - 10 - 6 127$40,000 to $79,999 43 53 - 10 - 5 217$80,000 & Over 47 47 even - 3 196

RACE/ETHNICITYBlack 19 65 - 46 - 4 13Hispanic 50 49 + 1 - 4 55White 43 51 - 8 - 6 490

GENDERFemale 41 54 - 13 - 5 287Male 46 49 - 3 - 5 314

Q4. How would you rate Colorado’s public school system?

NOTE: Please consider that each subgroup has a unique margin of error based on its adult population size in the United States and the sample size (N) obtained in this survey. We advise strong caution when interpreting results for subgroups with small sample sizes. The subgroup sample sizes displayed in the far right column represent the unweighted number of interviews. All other statistical results reported in this table and report reflect weighted data, a standard procedure to correct for known demographic discrepancies. We measure intensity by subtracting the combined percentages of "fair" and "poor" responses from the combined percentages of "good" and "excellent" responses. The difference indicates the enthusiasm behind the positive or negative ratings.


Education Spending

On average nearly $8,600 is spent on each student in Colorado’s public schools, and less than one out of six respondents (14%) could estimate the correct per-student spending range for that statewide average.

About 23% of respondents believed $4,000 or less was being spent per student in Colorado’s public schools. Another 25 percent of the national sample either said they “don’t know” or could not offer a spending number. Nearly two-thirds of school parents (63%) said that the per student average was $8,000 or less.

When considering “total expenditures” per student ($10,007 in 2011–12), which is another government definition for spending in K–12 education, it is even more likely Coloradans’ estimates are dramatically further off target.4

Three out of four respondents (75%) either underestimated educational spending per student (with a cautious definition citing “current expenditures”), or they could not give an answer or guess. Respondents were much more likely to underestimate rather than overestimate.

When given an actual per-student spending statistic, Coloradans are less likely to say public school funding is at a level that is “too low.”

4 “Current Expenditures” data include dollars spent on instruction, instruction-related support services, and other elementary/secondary current expenditures, but exclude expenditures on long-term debt service, facilities and construction, and other programs. “Total Expenditures” includes the latter categories. See Stephen Q. Cornman, Revenues and Expenditures for Public Elementary and Secondary Education: School Year 2011–12 (Fiscal Year 2012) (NCES 2014-30). U.S. Department of Education. Washington, D.C.: National Center for Education Statistics (January 2015).


In a split-sample experiment, we asked two slightly different questions. On version 6A, 60 percent of respondents said that public school funding was “too low.” However, on version 6B, which included a sentence referring to data on per-student funding in Colorado ($8,594), the proportion saying “too low” shrank by 12 percentage points to 48 percent.


Grades, Preferences for Types of Schools

Coloradans are much more likely to give grades A or B to private/parochial schools in their communities, compared with their local public schools. When considering only those respondents who actually gave a grade, the local private schools (76% gave an A or B) fare even better than public schools (42% gave an A or B). The grades for public charter schools are also impressive – about six out of 10 (63%) give an A or B grade for these schools.

When considering all responses, we see approximately 40 percent of voters give an A or B to local public schools; 54 percent give an A or B to local private/parochial schools; and 50 percent give those high grades to public charter schools. Only 4 percent of respondents would give a D or F grade to private schools; 19 percent gave the same low grades to public schools; and 9 percent suggested low grades for charter schools.

It is important to highlight that much higher proportions of respondents did not express a view toward private schools (29%) or charter schools (21%), compared with the proportion that did not grade public schools (5%).


When asked for a preferred school type, a plurality of Coloradans chose a private school (36%) as a first option for their child. Slightly less than one-third of respondents (31%) would select a regular public school. Nearly one-quarter of respondents said they would select a public charter school (23%). Nearly one out of 10 would opt to homeschool their child (9%).

Those private preferences signal a glaring disconnect with actual school enrollment patterns in Colorado. The reality check is profound. About 82 percent of K–12 students attend public schools across the state. Approximately 10 percent of students currently go to public charter schools. Only about 5 percent of students enroll in private schools. We estimate just under 3 percent of the country’s students are homeschooled.5

In a follow-up question, more respondents in our survey prioritized “better education/quality” (17%) than any other coded response to explain why they selected a certain school type. Other school attributes cited as important include “academics/curriculum” (14%), “better teachers/teachers/teaching” (9%), and “individual attention/one-on-one” (9%).

5 See Colorado’s school enrollment estimates and corresponding sources on pp. 4-5.



Public School Private School Charter School Home School% % % % N=

ALL RESPONDENTS 31 36 23 9 601

Denver Metro 33 37 23 7 325

School Parent 29 41 24 6 138Non-Schooler 32 34 22 10 461

COMMUNITYUrban 32 34 26 5 104Suburban 33 38 21 6 277Small Town 27 38 21 13 118Rural 29 28 26 17 95

PARTY IDDemocrat 42 29 23 3 157Republican 23 44 24 9 184Independent 31 34 23 11 196

AGE GROUP18 to 34 27 36 23 11 9435 to 54 30 40 22 8 16955 & Over 36 32 23 7 308

HOUSEHOLD INCOMEUnder $40,000 32 36 17 14 127$40,000 to $79,999 27 40 26 7 217$80,000 & Over 33 35 23 7 196

RACE/ETHNICITYBlack 13 58 10 4 13Hispanic 31 40 25 4 55White 32 34 23 9 490

GENDERFemale 31 33 24 10 287Male 31 40 21 7 314

Q8. If it were your decision and you could select any type of school, what type of school would you select in order to obtain the best education for your child?

NOTE: Please consider that each subgroup has a unique margin of error based on its adult population size in the United States and the sample size (N) obtained in this survey. We advise strong caution when interpreting results for subgroups with small sample sizes. The subgroup sample sizes displayed in the far right column represent the unweighted number of interviews. All other statistical results reported in this table and report reflect weighted data, a standard procedure to correct for known demographic discrepancies.



BETTER EDUCATION / QUALITY 99ACADEMICS / CURRICULUM 83

TEACHERS / BETTER TEACHERS / TEACHING 56INDIVIDUAL ATTENTION / ONE-ON-ONE 55CLASS SIZE / STUDENT-TEACHER RATIO 47

DISCIPLINE / STRUCTURE 36SOCIALIZATION / PEERS / OTHER KIDS 33

ENVIRONMENT / CULTURE / COMMUNITY 26MORALS / VALUES / ETHICS 26OPPORTUNITIES / CHOICES 26

OUTCOMES / RESULTS / GRADUATION RATE 25

What is the most important characteristic or attribute that would cause you to choose a [INSERT SCHOOL TYPE FROM PREVIOUS QUESTION] for your child? Please use one word, or a very short phrase.

Top 11 | Specific impressions offered by respondents in the statewide sample. Numbers represent counts (n), not percentages.


Charter Schools

Colorado voters overwhelmingly support public charter schools. Nearly seven out of 10 (68%) said they favor charter schools, whereas 23 percent of respondents said they oppose charters. The margin of support for charter schools is large (+45 points). Coloradans are almost three times as likely to express intensely positive responses toward charters (32% “strongly favor” vs. 12% “strongly oppose”).

We asked a pair of questions about public charter schools. The first question inquired about an opinion without offering any definition. On this baseline question, 63 percent of respondents said they favored charters and 19 percent said they opposed them. In the follow-up question, respondents were given a definition for a charter school. With this information, support increased five points to 68 percent, and opposition increased four points to 23 percent.

The proportion of “don’t know” responses shrinks by seven points (16% to 9%) when comparing the baseline item to the definition item. Based on responses to the former, the subgroups having the highest proportions either saying they have never heard of or “don’t know” about charter schools are: young voters (25%) and low-income earners (26%).

On the question with a definition, positive views on charter schools span all observed demographics. Subgroup margins are substantially large in the positive direction—all wider than +30 percentage points except for one subgroup: Democrats (+14 points). The largest margins are among


Republicans (+71 points), middle-income earners (+56 points), and small-town voters (+55 points).

Republicans (82%) and Independents (68%) are significantly more likely to indicate support for charter schools than Democrats (52%). Republican favorability is also significantly higher than the statewide average (68%).

Democrats (38%) are significantly more negative on charter schools than Republicans (11%), Independents (23%), and the statewide average (23%).

Middle-income earners (74%) are more positive on charter schools than low-income earners (60%) and the statewide average.

Intensities are also positive across the board. Republicans (42%) stand out as most likely to say they “strongly favor” charter schools. The largest net intensities are found among Republicans (+35 points) and middle-income earners (+28 points). Democrats reflect the weakest positive intensity (+7 points).



Favor Oppose Margin Intensity% % N=

ALL RESPONDENTS 68 23 + 45 + 21 601

Denver Metro 68 24 + 44 + 20 325

School Parent 65 26 + 39 + 25 138Non-Schooler 69 22 + 47 + 19 461

COMMUNITYUrban 63 29 + 34 + 13 104Suburban 67 23 + 44 + 22 277Small Town 73 18 + 55 + 27 118Rural 68 24 + 44 + 17 95

PARTY IDDemocrat 52 38 + 14 + 7 157Republican 82 11 + 71 + 35 184Independent 68 23 + 45 + 17 196

AGE GROUP18 to 34 67 19 + 48 + 19 9435 to 54 68 26 + 42 + 24 16955 & Over 66 25 + 41 + 17 308

HOUSEHOLD INCOMEUnder $40,000 60 28 + 32 + 17 127$40,000 to $79,999 74 18 + 56 + 28 217$80,000 & Over 66 25 + 41 + 18 196

RACE/ETHNICITYBlack 73 11 + 62 + 49 13Hispanic 69 21 + 48 + 25 55White 68 24 + 44 + 20 490

GENDERFemale 70 22 + 48 + 21 287Male 65 25 + 40 + 21 314

Q11. Charter schools are public schools that have more control over their own budget, staff, and curriculum, and are exempt from many existing public school regulations. In general, do you favor or oppose charter schools?

NOTE: Please consider that each subgroup has a unique margin of error based on its adult population size in the United States and the sample size (N) obtained in this survey. We advise strong caution when interpreting results for subgroups with small sample sizes. The subgroup sample sizes displayed in the far right column represent the unweighted number of interviews. All other statistical results reported in this table and report reflect weighted data, a standard procedure to correct for known demographic discrepancies. We measure intensity by subtracting the percentage of "strongly oppose" responses from the percentage of "strongly favor" responses. The difference indicates enthusiasm behind the support or opposition for a given policy or proposal.


School Vouchers

Approximately six out of 10 Colorado voters (61%) say they support school vouchers, compared with 34 percent who said they oppose such a school choice policy. The margin of support (+27 points) is


nearly seven times as large as the survey’s margin of error. Respondents were more likely to express an intensely favorable view toward vouchers (38% “strongly favor” vs. 24% “strongly oppose”).

Similar to the previous pair of charter school questions, our interviewers asked baseline and follow-up questions about school vouchers. In the first question, respondents were asked for their views on vouchers without a definition or any other context. On this baseline question, 48 percent of the general population said they favored vouchers, and 28 percent said they opposed the idea. In the follow-up question, using a basic definition for a school voucher system, support rose 13 points to 61 percent, and opposition increased six points to 34 percent.

The opinion change on vouchers — from baseline to follow-up — increases the positive margin from +20 points to +27 points. The intensity for vouchers also shifts in the positive direction from +10 points to +14 points.

We estimate 22 percent of respondents were initially unfamiliar with school vouchers. The proportion of “don’t know” responses shrinks by 17 points (22% to 5%) when comparing the baseline item to the definition item. On the former, the subgroups having the highest proportions either saying they have never heard of or “don’t know” about school vouchers are young adults (43%), low-income earners (31%), and school parents (27%).

Like charter schools, nearly all demographics express positive views on vouchers. The one subgroup that has a negative margin is Democrats (-2 points). Subgroup margins are moderately to substantially large in the positive direction—greater than +10 percentage points for all other observed subgroups. The largest margins are among Republicans (+56 points), small-town voters (+48 points), and young voters (+41 points).


It is a surprising finding to observe small-town voters (72%) are more likely to support vouchers than urbanites (55%) and suburbanites (59%).

Republicans (75%) are significantly more likely to indicate support for school vouchers than the statewide average (61%), Democrats (47%), and Independents (60%). Independents are more likely favorable than Democrats.

Young voters (67%) and middle-age voters (64%) are more favorable toward school vouchers than seniors (55%).

Males (66%) are more likely to support school vouchers than females (57%).

On the definition question, intensities are mildly-to-strongly positive for nearly all subgroups. Two groups exhibit negative intensities: Democrats (-12 points) and urbanites (-1 point). The largest positive intensities are among Republicans (+39 points) and young voters (+31 points).

Republicans (51%) are most likely to say they “strongly favor” school vouchers.

Democrats (37%) are most likely to say they “strongly oppose” school vouchers.





Denver Metro 59 36 + 23 + 7 325


COMMUNITYUrban 55 41 + 14 - 1 104Suburban 59 36 + 23 + 11 277Small Town 72 24 + 48 + 28 118Rural 61 33 + 28 + 26 95

PARTY IDDemocrat 47 49 - 2 - 12 157Republican 75 19 + 56 + 39 184Independent 60 37 + 23 + 15 196

AGE GROUP18 to 34 67 26 + 41 + 31 9435 to 54 64 31 + 33 + 11 16955 & Over 55 42 + 13 + 5 308




Q13. A school voucher system allows parents the option of sending their child to the school of their choice, whether that school is public or private, including both religious and non-religious schools. If this policy were adopted, tax dollars currently allocated to a school district would be allocated to parents in the form of a “school voucher” to pay partial or full tuition for their child’s school. In general, do you favor or oppose a school voucher system?


NOTE: Please consider that each subgroup has a unique margin of error based on its adult population size in the United States and the sample size (N) obtained in this survey. We advise strong caution when interpreting results for subgroups with small sample sizes. The subgroup sample sizes displayed in the far right column represent the unweighted number of interviews. All other statistical results reported in this table and report reflect weighted data, a standard procedure to correct for known demographic discrepancies. Based on Gallup's "Positive Intensity Score," Intensity is measured by subtracting the percentage of "strongly oppose" responses from the percentage of "strongly favor" responses. The difference indicates enthusiasm behind the support or opposition for a given policy or proposal.

Education Savings Accounts (ESAs)

Six out of 10 Coloradans (60%) say they support an “education savings account” system (“ESA”). The margin of support is large (+29 points), and less than one-third of respondents (31%) said they oppose ESAs. Respondents were almost twice as likely to express an intensely favorable view toward ESAs (31% “strongly favor” vs. 17% “strongly oppose”).


All observed demographics are supportive of ESAs. With only a few exceptions, subgroup margins are greater than +20 percentage points. The largest margins are among: young adults (+60 points), small-town voters (+53 points), Republicans (+43 points), and low-income earners (+40 points). By far, the smallest margins are among Democrats (+3 points) and seniors (+8 points).

Small-town voters (72%) are significantly more favorable toward ESAs than suburbanites (56%) and rural voters (54%).

Republicans (66%) and Independents (65%) are both more supportive of ESAs compared with the statewide average (60%) and Democrats (47%).

Young voters (77%) are more likely to support ESAs than middle-age voters (60%) and seniors (49%). The last two groups are also significantly different.

Low-income earners (67%) are significantly more favorable than high-income earners (54%).

Suburbanites (35%) are significantly more negative than the statewide average (31%) and small-town voters (19%).

Democrats (44%) are significantly more negative than the statewide average, Republicans (23%) and Independents (26%).

Seniors (41%) are more likely to oppose ESAs than the statewide average, middle-age voters (28%) and young voters (17%).

High-income earners (37%) are also significantly more opposed than the statewide average, low-income earners (27%), and middle-income earners (28%).

Intensities are also positive for nearly all demographic subgroups. Young voters (+31 points) clearly stand out as most intensely positive. On the other end of the spectrum, Democrats (-7 points) are the only subgroup to express a negative intensity.


Small-town voters (39%), young voters (39%), and Republicans (38%) have the greatest proportions saying they “strongly favor” ESAs.

Democrats (44%) and seniors (41%) have the largest proportions saying they “strongly oppose” ESAs.

We learned the most common reasons for supporting ESAs are “more freedom and flexibility for parents” (37%) and “access to schools having better academic outcomes” (29%). We also asked a similar follow-up to those respondents opposed to ESAs. By far the most common reason for opposing this policy is the belief it will “divert funding away from public schools” (56%).

A subsequent split-sample experiment shows Coloradans are inclined toward universal eligibility to ESAs rather than means-tested eligibility based solely on financial need.

In Split A, approximately six out of 10 respondents (61%) said they agree with the statement that “ESAs should be available to all families, regardless of incomes and special needs.” About 42 percent “strongly agree” with that statement. Three out of 10 voters (31%) disagree with that statement; 21 percent said they “strongly disagree.”

In the comparison sample, Split B, respondents were asked if they agree with the statement, “ESAs should only be available to families based on financial need.” About one-third (33%) agreed with that statement, while 14 percent said “strongly agree.” More than half (59%) said they disagree with means-testing ESAs, and 35 percent said they “strongly disagree.”

If a Colorado voter has a particular view on ESAs, she or he is more likely to vote for the pro-ESA candidate (34% “more likely” vs. 20% “less


likely”). About two-fifths of respondents (41%) signaled that an ESA position would not make or break her/his vote, saying “no difference.”





Denver Metro 57 31 + 26 + 9 325


COMMUNITYUrban 61 29 + 32 + 18 104Suburban 56 35 + 21 + 7 277Small Town 72 19 + 53 + 29 118Rural 54 37 + 17 + 11 95

PARTY IDDemocrat 47 44 + 3 - 7 157Republican 66 23 + 43 + 25 184Independent 65 26 + 39 + 21 196

AGE GROUP18 to 34 77 17 + 60 + 31 9435 to 54 60 28 + 32 + 16 16955 & Over 49 41 + 8 even 308




Q14. An "education savings account" — often called an "ESA" — allows parents to take their child out of a public district or charter school, and receive a payment into a government-authorized savings account with restricted, but multiple uses. Parents can then use these funds to pay for private school tuition, including both religious and non-religious schools. ESA funds may also be used for tutoring, online education programs, special needs therapies, or save for future college expenses. In general, do you favor or oppose this kind of savings account system?



Tax-Credit Scholarships

Coloradans are more likely to support a tax-credit scholarship system than they are to oppose one. A majority of respondents (54%) said they supported the reform, whereas 36 percent said they oppose tax-credit scholarships. The margin is +18 percentage points. Voters are about equally as likely to express either an intensely positive or negative response (20% “strongly favor” vs. 18% “strongly oppose”).

Observed subgroup margins vary in the positive direction with only two exceptions. The largest positive margins are among: young voters (+43 points), Republicans (+39 points), low-income earners (+29 points), school parents (+28 points) middle-age voters (+27 points), and small-town voters (+26 points). Democrats (-5 points) and seniors (-5 points) registered negative margins on this question.

Republicans (63%) and Independents (56%) significantly differ from Democrats (42%) in terms of shared favorable responses to tax-credit scholarships.

Young voters (65%) and middle-age voters (60%) are more likely to support this kind of policy than seniors (41%).

Low-income earners (61%) are significantly more positive than high-income earners (50%).

Democrats (47%) are more likely to oppose tax-credit scholarships than the statewide average (36%) and Republicans (24%).

Seniors (46%) significantly differ from the statewide average, young voters (22%), and middle-age voters (33%) in terms of their opposition.


Net intensities are generally mild to moderate with a few exceptions. Republicans (+15 points) and young voters (+11 points) produce the largest positive intensities among demographic subgroups. Democrats (-21 points) show the greatest intensity of all subgroups and in the negative direction.

Rural voters (26%) and Republicans (25%) have the greatest proportions saying they “strongly favor” tax-credit scholarships.

Democrats (30%) have the largest proportion saying they “strongly oppose” tax-credit scholarships.

In a follow-up question, we learned the most common reasons for supporting tax-credit scholarships are “access to schools having better academic outcomes” (38%) and “more freedom and flexibility for parents” (32%) — reflecting a reversal of the ordering of the top two reasons for supporting ESAs. We also asked about reasons for opposition to tax-credit scholarships. Just like the negative reactions toward ESAs, by far the most common reason for opposing tax-credit scholarships is the idea that the policy will “divert funding away from public schools” (47%).

In a split-sample experiment similar to the ESA sequence, Coloradans expressed much more agreement with universal eligibility to tax-credit scholarships rather than means-tested eligibility based solely on financial need.

In Split A, approximately 64 percent said they agree with the statement that “tax-credit scholarships” should be available to all families, regardless of incomes and special needs.” About 44 percent “strongly agree” with that statement. Nearly three out of 10 voters (29%) disagree with that statement; 17 percent said they “strongly disagree.”


In Split B, respondents were asked if they agree with the statement “tax-credit scholarships should only be available to families based on financial need.” About one-third (37%) agreed with that statement, while 16 percent said “strongly agree.” A solid majority (56%) said they disagree with means-testing tax-credit scholarships, and 33 percent said they “strongly disagree.”

If a Colorado voter has a particular view on tax-credit scholarships, she or he is more likely to vote for the pro-scholarship candidate (31% “more likely” vs. 17% “less likely”). Almost half of respondents (47%) signaled that a tax-credit scholarship position would not make or break her/his vote, saying “no difference.”





Denver Metro 52 37 + 15 - 1 325

School Parent 60 32 + 28 + 5 138Non-Schooler 51 37 + 14 even 461

COMMUNITYUrban 53 39 + 14 - 4 104Suburban 51 36 + 15 - 1 277Small Town 59 33 + 26 + 6 118Rural 55 35 + 20 + 9 95

PARTY IDDemocrat 42 47 - 5 - 21 157Republican 63 24 + 39 + 15 184Independent 56 38 + 18 + 6 196

AGE GROUP18 to 34 65 22 + 43 + 11 9435 to 54 60 33 + 27 + 5 16955 & Over 41 46 - 5 - 8 308

HOUSEHOLD INCOMEUnder $40,000 61 32 + 29 + 2 127$40,000 to $79,999 54 33 + 21 + 6 217$80,000 & Over 50 41 + 9 - 3 196

RACE/ETHNICITYBlack 48 30 + 18 + 10 13Hispanic 67 25 + 42 + 9 55White 52 38 + 14 even 490

GENDERFemale 51 37 + 14 - 1 287Male 57 35 + 22 + 4 314

Q19. A tax credit allows an individual or business to reduce the final amount of a tax owed to government. Some states give tax credits to individuals and businesses if they donate money to nonprofit organizations that distribute private school scholarships. In a “tax-credit scholarship system,” those nonprofit scholarship organizations allow parents the option of sending their child to the private school of their choice, including both religious and non-religious schools. In general, do you favor or oppose a tax-credit scholarship system?




SECTION IIMethods

& About Us

Methods

The Colorado K–12 and School Choice Survey project, funded and developed by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research, Inc. (BRI), interviewed a statistically representative statewide sample of registered voters in Colorado.

Methodology included probability sampling and random-digit dial. The unweighted Colorado statewide sample includes a total of 601 live telephone interviews completed in English from August 29, 2015, to September 16, 2015, by means of both landline and cell phone. Statistical results were weighted to correct known demographic discrepancies. The margin of sampling error for the total national sample is ± 4.0 percentage points.

For this entire project, a total of 8,000 calls were made. BRI’s live callers conducted all phone interviews.

Colorado sample profile:o 8,000 in total – 4,100 landline; 3,900 cell

o Of these calls 2,800 (1,824 landline, 976 cell) were unusable phone numbers (disconnected, fax, busy, non-residential, or non-answers, etc.);


o 4,353 (1,871 landline, 2,482 cell) were usable numbers but eligibility unknown (including refusals and voicemail);

o 231 (38 landline, 193 cell) phone numbers were usable but not eligible for this survey; and

o 15 (7 landline, 8 cell) people did not complete the survey.

o The average response rate of the landline interviews was

13.2%. o The average response rate of the cell phone interviews was

9.3%.

Details on call dispositions, landline and cell phone response rates, and weighting are discussed in the following sections.

Sample Design

A combination of landline and cellular random digit dial (RDD) samples was used to represent registered voters in Colorado who have access to either a landline or cellular telephone. Survey Sampling International, LLC (SSI) provided both samples according to BRI specifications.

SSI starts with a database of all listed telephone numbers, updated on a four- to six-week rolling basis, 25 percent of the listings at a time. All active blocks—contiguous groups of 100 phone numbers for which more than one residential number is listed—are added to this database. Blocks and exchanges that include only listed business numbers are excluded.

Numbers for the landline sample were drawn with equal probabilities from active blocks (area code + exchange + two-digit block number) that


contained three or more residential directory listings. The cellular sample was not list-assisted, but was drawn through a systematic sampling from dedicated wireless 100-blocks and shared service 100-blocks with no directory-listed landline numbers.

Contact Procedures

Interviews were conducted from August 29 to September 16, 2015. As many as eight attempts were made to contact every sampled telephone number. The sample was released for interviewing in replicates, which are representative subsamples of the larger sample. Using replicates to control the release of the sample ensures that complete call procedures are followed for the entire sample. Calls were staggered over times of day and days of the week to maximize the chance of making contact with potential respondents. Each phone number received at least one daytime call.

The Hagan-Collier Method guided respondent selection. Respondents in the landline sample were chosen by asking for the youngest adult male who is now at home. If the youngest male was not home, then the next step would be to request an interview with the youngest female at home. Interviews in the cell sample were conducted with the person who answered the phone, as long as that person was an adult 18 years of age or older.

The survey’s margin of sampling error is the largest 95 percent Confidence Interval for any estimated proportion based on the total sample – the one around 50 percent. The margin of error for the Colorado sample is ± 4.0 percentage points. This means that in 95 of every 100 samples drawn using the same methodology, estimated proportions based on the entire sample will be no more than 4.0 percentage points away from their true values in the population. Sampling errors and statistical tests of significance do not address any potential design effect due to weighting.


It is critical to note that the margin of sampling error is higher when considering the number of respondents for a given demographic subgroup. For example, the margin of error for a subgroup of 150 respondents is ± 8.0 percentage points.

In addition to sampling error, question wording, ordering, and other practical difficulties when conducting surveys may introduce error or bias into the findings of public opinion research.

Call Dispositions and Response Rates

We use the American Association for Public Opinion Research’s “Response Rate 3” (AAPOR RR3) for computing response rates for landline and cell phone proportions of the sample. The response rate is the percentage of known or assumed residential households for which a completed interview was obtained.



Landline Cell Phone Landline Cell Phone4,100 3,900 Total 806 867 Disconnected4,100 3,900 Released 3 0 Fax

0 0 Unreleased 95 48 Government/Business2,934 2,970 Usable 0 . Cell Phone1,166 930 Unusable . 0 Landline2,721 1,694 Qualified 904 930 Unusable

71.6% 76.2% Est. Usability 804 58 No Answer90.1% 56.3% Est. Eligibility 116 3 Busy13.2% 9.3% Est. Response 920 61 Usability Unknown

360 241 Complete7 8 Break-Off

367 249 Usable/Eligible

691 916 Refused17 11 Language Barrier

692 922 Voice Mail357 521 Call Back-Retry103 106 Strong Refusal

11 6 Privacy Manager1,871 2,482 Usable/Eligible Unknown

38 193 Under 1838 193 Usable/Ineligible

13.2% 9.3% Response Rate

Colorado Sample Call Dispositions

SUMMARY DETAIL

Weighting Procedures and Analysis

Weighting is generally used in survey analysis to compensate for sample designs and patterns of non-response that might bias results. In this study the sample demographics were balanced to population parameters.

Research provides evidence that participation in surveys tends to vary for different subgroups of the population. Subgroup participation and cooperation may also vary because of substantive interest regarding a survey’s topics and questions. To compensate for these known and potential biases, the sample data are weighted for analysis.

The sample was weighted using population parameters from the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2010 Decennial Census and July 2015 Registered Voter Statistics from the Colorado Secretary of State for registered voters living in the state of Colorado. Results were weighted on Landline/Cell Phone usage first, and then Age, Race, Ethnicity, Gender, and Region. The initial weighting to match current patterns of telephone status and relative usage of landline and cell phones are based on the Center for Disease Control’s Early Release of Estimates From the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS), July–December 2013.

Weighted and unweighted results are available on request.


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AGE 18 - 24 6.5% 7.8% 8.3%

25 - 44 19.6% 32.8% 33.8%

45 - 64 39.6% 38.6% 39.6%

65 - 74 16.6% 9.0% 10.0%

75+ 12.6% 7.3% 8.3%

[Refused] 5.0% 4.5% .

HISPANIC Yes 9.2% 9.1% 17.7%

No 91.8% 91.9% 82.3%

RACE Asian [or Pacific Islander] 1.7% 1.4% 2.8%

Black [or African American] 2.2% 3.7% 3.8%

White 84.9% 86.4% 85.8%

[Other] 10.3% 8.0% 7.6%

[DK] 0.2% 0.0% .

[Refused] 0.7% 0.5% .

GENDER [Male] 52.2% 48.0% 49.8%

[Female] 47.8% 52.0% 50.2%

REGIONDenver Metro 54.1% 55.6% 56.0%

Not Denver Metro 45.9% 45.4% 44.0%

Weighting Results for Colorado Sample

Pre-Weight Post-Weight Census Target

About the Author

Paul DiPerna is Research Director for the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice. He joined the foundation in September 2006. Paul’s research interests include surveys and polling on K–12 education and school choice policies. He has developed and reported more than 30 state polls, four national polls, as well as other survey projects. Paul is also responsible for directing and managing all research projects commissioned by the foundation. He has traveled to 28 states for his work, presenting survey research findings and briefing on K–12 choice policies for audiences, including public officials, policy professionals, and academics.

Previously, Paul served as the assistant director for the Brown Center on Education Policy at the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C. His six years at Brookings included projects evaluating the federal Blue Ribbon Schools Program and analyzing student achievement in charter schools. Paul was a research analyst for the first five issues of the Brown Center Report on American Education (2000–2004). He also managed and coordinated the activities of the National Working Commission on Choice in K–12 Education (2001–2005).

A native of Pittsburgh, Paul earned an M.A. in political science from the University of Illinois (2000) and B.A. from the University of Dayton (1996).

Acknowledgements

A number of people made significant contributions during the course of this survey project. Drew Catt played an important role verifying data in this

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report. We are grateful to the team at Braun Research who assisted in project development, and for their excellent work in conducting the interviews and collecting the data. I appreciate the time and commitments from Paul Braun, Cynthia Miller, and the entire BRI team. Finally, we are of course grateful to the respondents who generously agreed to participate in our survey interviews.

About the Survey Organization

Braun Research, Inc.

The Braun Research network of companies, founded in 1995, combined employ 42 full-time and more than 157 part-time employees engaged in data collection via telephone, and internet for various survey research firms, government and advertising agencies, local community organizations, local and national business groups, foundations, universities and academic entities, as well as religious organizations. In 20 years, Braun Research has conducted almost 10,000 research projects by telephone, internet, and mail worldwide.

Nationally-known research firms have hired Braun Research, including the Gallup Organization, the Pew Research Center, the Eagleton Poll, Mathematica Policy Research, and The Washington Post. Braun Research has worked for the New Jersey Department of Health and Human Services, as well as other government agencies including the United States Departments of the Treasury and Defense, and the Center for Disease Control.

The work we accomplish for other research firms requires us to perform all work up to standards required by the various research organizations where we enjoy membership and in some cases participate actively. Paul Braun is

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recognized as a leader in the field by colleagues who asked him to serve on these committees. For example, Paul Braun is a member of the MRA/CMOR committees on response rate improvement and in launching a seal of quality for the industry. He has served as President of the New Jersey Chapter of AAPOR, and he is currently serving on AMEC in North America.

Braun Research is a well-respected firm employing techniques and standards approved by various survey research academic organizations and other affiliations including those with whom Braun is an active member, including AAPOR (The American Association for Public Opinion Research) and MRA/CMOR (Market Research Association/Council on Marketing and Opinion Research) and CASRO (Council on American Survey Research Organizations).

About the Survey Sponsor and Developer

The Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice

The Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit and nonpartisan organization, solely dedicated to advancing Milton and Rose Friedman’s vision of school choice for all children. First established as the Milton and Rose D. Friedman Foundation in 1996, the Foundation continues to promote school choice as the most effective and equitable way to improve the quality of K–12 education in America. The Foundation is dedicated to research, education, and outreach on the vital issues and implications related to choice in K–12 education.

Commitment to Methods & Transparency

The Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice is committed to research that adheres to high scientific standards, and matters of methodology and transparency are taken seriously at all levels of our organization. We are

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dedicated to providing high-quality information in a transparent and efficient manner.

All individuals have opinions, and many organizations (like our own) have specific missions or philosophical orientations. Scientific methods, if used correctly and followed closely in well-designed studies, should neutralize these opinions and orientations. Research rules and methods minimize bias. We believe rigorous procedural rules of science prevent a researcher’s motives, and an organization’s particular orientation, from pre-determining results. If research adheres to proper scientific and methodological standards, its findings can be relied upon no matter who has conducted it. If rules and methods are neither specified nor followed, then the biases of the researcher or an organization may become relevant, because a lack of rigor opens the door for those biases to affect the results. Our authors take full responsibility for research design, analysis, charts, and any unintentional errors or misrepresentations. They welcome any and all questions related to methods and findings.

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Colorado K–12 & School Choice Survey Questions and Results

Interview Dates: August 29 to September 16, 2015Sample Frame: Registered Voters Population Sample Sizes: Colorado (statewide), N = 601

Denver Metro, N = 325

Margins of Error: Colorado (statewide) = ± 4.0 percentage points Denver Metro = ± 5.4 percentage points

Displayed numbers in tables are percentages, unless otherwise noted.Due to rounding, percentage totals for a given question may be slightly greater or less than 100%.

“For this brief interview, if you are completely unsure about your answer or have no feelings for an answer, you can say ‘I Don’t Know.’” [ENTER AS “DK”]

[CODE GENDER OF RESPONDENT; DO NOT ASK, UNLESS GENDER IS IN QUESTION]

Male Female

COLORADO 52 48

1. Which of the following do you see as the most important issue facing the state of Colorado right now?

[RANDOMIZE RESPONSES 1 to 9 TO AVOID BIAS] [IF DEPENDS, PROBE ONCE. IF STILL DEPENDS, ENTER AS “DK”]

Crime Economy & Jobs Education Environment Healthcare Housing Immigration Values

Issues Taxes

COLORADO 5 22 24 7 7 9 8 6 4

Denver Metro 6 18 28 6 7 12 8 5 4

2. Are you currently the parent or guardian of a child who lives with you, and who is in any grade from preschool through high school?

[IF NEEDED: IF CHILD IS CURRENTLY ENROLLED OR ENTERING PRESCHOOL IN THE UPCOMING SCHOOL YEAR, ENTER "YES"]

[IF NEEDED: IF YOUNGEST CHILD JUST GRADUATED IN 2014, ENTER "NO"]

[IF DEPENDS, PROBE ONCE. IF STILL DEPENDS, ENTER AS “DK”]

Yes No< PK

No> HS No Children DK/Ref

(VOL.)

COLORADO 28 3 30 40 < 1

3. Do you feel things in Colorado’s K-12 education system are generally going in the right direction, or do you feel things have generally gotten off on the wrong track?


RightDirection

Wrong Track

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 35 54 11

Denver Metro 37 55 8

4. How would you rate Colorado’s public school system?


Excellent Good Fair Poor DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 5 38 41 10 5


5. How much do you think is spent per year on each student in Colorado’s public schools? Your estimate (to the nearest thousand dollars) will represent the combined expenditures of local, state, and federal governments.

[OPEN-END. BASED ON RESPONSE, SELECT ONE OF THE FOLLOWING CATEGORIES]

[IF DEPENDS, PROBE ONCE, OFFERING RANGE CATEGORIES. IF STILL DEPENDS, ENTER AS "DK"]

$4,000 Or Less $4,001 – $8,000

$8,001 – $12,000

$12,001 – $16,000

More Than$16,000

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 23 27 14 4 7 25

Denver Metro 24 27 15 4 6 26

[RANDOMLY ASSIGN QUESTIONS 6A AND 6B]

6. (Split A) Do you believe that public school funding in Colorado is at a level that is:

[ROTATE “TOO HIGH” AND “TOO LOW”]


Too High About Right Too Low DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 9 26 60 5

Denver Metro 9 23 63 5

6. (Split B) According to the most recent information available, in Colorado $8,594 is being spent each year per student attending public schools. Do you believe that public school funding in Colorado is at a level that is:

[ROTATE “TOO HIGH” AND “TOO LOW”]


Too High About Right Too Low DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 10 35 48 7


7. In thinking about the schools in your area, what grade would you give…

[GRADE OPTIONS: A, B, C, D, or F] [ROTATE “REGULAR PUBLIC SCHOOLS,” “PUBLIC CHARTER SCHOOLS,” “PRIVATE/PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS”]


ALL RESPONDENTS A B C D F DNA/DK/Ref (VOL.)

Regular Public Schools 11 29 37 13 6 5

Public Charter Schools 17 33 20 5 4 21

Private Schools 23 32 13 2 2 29

8. If it were your decision and you could select any type of school, what type of school would you select in order to obtain the best education for your child?

[RANDOMIZE RESPONSES TO AVOID BIAS]


Public

CharterSchool

Homeschool PrivateSchool

RegularPublic School

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 23 9 36 31 2


9. What is the most important characteristic or attribute that would cause you to choose a [INSERT SCHOOL TYPE FROM PREVIOUS QUESTION] for your child? Please use one word, or a very short phrase.

[OPEN-END. IF DEPENDS, PROBE ONCE. IF STILL DEPENDS, ENTER AS “DK”]

Top 10 | Specific impressions offered by respondents in the statewide sample. Numbers represent counts (n), not percentages.

All Respondents

BETTER EDUCATION / QUALITY 99

ACADEMICS / CURRICULUM 83

TEACHERS / BETTER TEACHERS / TEACHING 56

INDIVIDUAL ATTENTION / ONE-ON-ONE 55

CLASS SIZE / STUDENT-TEACHER RATIO 47

DISCIPLINE / STRUCTURE 36

SOCIALIZATION / PEERS / OTHER KIDS 33

ENVIRONMENT / CULTURE / COMMUNITY 26

MORALS / VALUES / ETHICS 26

OPPORTUNITIES / CHOICES 26

OUTCOMES / RESULTS / GRADUATION RATE 25

OTHER RESPONSES 19

DK / NO RESPONSE / REFUSED 20

“For the remainder of this interview, if you are completely unsure about your answer or have no feelings for an answer, feel free to say ‘I Don’t Know.’” [ENTER AS “DK”]

10.Based on what you know, or have heard from others… In general, do you favor or oppose “public charter schools”?

[PROBE:] Would you say strongly or somewhat favor/oppose?


StronglyFavor

SomewhatFavor

SomewhatOppose

StronglyOppose

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 31 32 11 9 18


11.Charter schools are public schools that have more control over their own budget, staff, and curriculum, and are exempt from many existing public school regulations. In general, do you favor or oppose public charter schools?



StronglyFavor

SomewhatFavor

SomewhatOppose

StronglyOppose

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 32 35 11 12 9


12.Based on what you know, or have heard from others… In general, do you favor or oppose “school vouchers”?



StronglyFavor

SomewhatFavor

SomewhatOppose

StronglyOppose

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 28 20 10 18 24


13. A school voucher system allows parents the option of sending their child to the school of their choice, whether that school is public or private, including both religious and non-religious schools. If this policy were adopted, tax dollars currently allocated to a school district would be allocated to parents in the form of a “school voucher” to pay partial or full tuition for their child’s school. In general, do you favor or oppose a school voucher system?



StronglyFavor

SomewhatFavor

SomewhatOppose

StronglyOppose

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 38 23 10 24 5


14. An "education savings account" – often called an ESA – allows parents to take their child out of a public district or charter school, and receive a payment into a government-authorized savings account with restricted, but multiple uses. Parents can then use these funds to pay for private school tuition, including both religious and non-religious schools. ESA funds may also be used for tutoring, online education programs, special needs therapies, or save for future college expenses. In general, do you favor or oppose this kind of “savings account system”?



StronglyFavor

SomewhatFavor

SomewhatOppose

StronglyOppose

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 31 29 14 17 10


15. [IF Q14 = “Strongly Favor” OR “Somewhat Favor”] What is the most important reason you say you favor education savings accounts? Is your main reason that such a system provides:

[RANDOMIZE RESPONSES 1 to 5, TO AVOID BIAS]


COLORADO Denver Metro

Access to Religious Schools 4 4

Access to Safer Schools 6 6

Access to Schools Having Better Academics 29 32

Access to Schools Providing More Individual Attention 18 14

More Freedom and Flexibility for Parents 37 37

(Something Else/Other) 4 5

DK/Ref (VOL.) 3 3

16. [IF Q14 = “Strongly Oppose” OR “Somewhat Oppose”] What is the most important reason you say you oppose education savings accounts? Is your main reason that such a system would:




Benefit Unaccountable Private Schools or Education Providers 11 9

Cause Fraudulent Behavior 15 15

Cause Student Transportation Problems 1 1

Divert Funding Away from Public Schools 56 61

Send Funding to Religious Schools 7 8


DK/Ref (VOL.) 5 3


17. (Split A) Some people believe that education savings accounts should be available to all families, regardless of incomes and special needs. Do you agree or disagree with that statement?

[PROBE:] Would you say strongly or somewhat agree/disagree?


StronglyAgree

SomewhatAgree

SomewhatDisagree

StronglyDisagree

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 42 19 10 21 8


17. (Split B) Some people believe that education savings accounts should only be available to families based on financial need. Do you agree or disagree with that statement?



StronglyAgree

SomewhatAgree

SomewhatDisagree

StronglyDisagree

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 14 20 24 35 8


18.Thinking ahead to the next election, if a candidate for Governor, State Senate, or State Representative supports education savings accounts, would that make you more likely to vote for him or her, less likely, or make no difference whatsoever in your voting?


More Likely No Difference Less Likely DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 34 41 20 6


19.A tax credit allows an individual or business to reduce the final amount of a tax owed to government. Some states give tax credits to individuals and businesses if they donate money to nonprofit organizations that distribute private school scholarships. In a “tax-credit scholarship system,” those nonprofit scholarship organizations allow parents the option of sending their child to the private school of their choice, including both religious and non-religious schools. In general, do you favor or oppose a tax-credit scholarship system?



StronglyFavor

SomewhatFavor

SomewhatOppose

StronglyOppose

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 20 34 17 19 11


20. [IF Q19 = “Strongly Favor” OR “Somewhat Favor”] What is the most important reason you say you favor tax-credit scholarships? Is your main reason that such a system provides:




Access to Religious Schools 4 4

Access to Safer Schools 5 1

Access to Schools Having Better Academics 38 42

Access to Schools Providing More Individual Attention 17 16

More Freedom and Flexibility for Parents 32 34


DK/Ref (VOL.) 2 2

21. [IF Q19 = “Strongly Oppose” OR “Somewhat Oppose”] What is the most important reason you say you oppose tax-credit scholarships? Is your main reason that such a system would:




Benefit Businesses and Wealthy Individuals 19 19

Cause Fraudulent Behavior 15 16

Cause Student Transportation Problems 2 2

Divert Funding Away from Public Schools 47 49

Send Funding to Religious Schools 9 4


DK/Ref (VOL.) 5 5


22. (Split A) Some people believe that tax-credit scholarships should be available to all families, regardless of incomes and special needs. Do you agree or disagree with that statement?



StronglyAgree

SomewhatAgree

SomewhatDisagree

StronglyDisagree

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 44 20 11 17 7


22. (Split B) Some people believe that tax-credit scholarships should only be available to families based on financial need. Do you agree or disagree with that statement?



StronglyAgree

SomewhatAgree

SomewhatDisagree

StronglyDisagree

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 16 21 23 33 8


23.Thinking ahead to the next election, if a candidate for Governor, State Senate, or State Representative supports tax-credit scholarships, would that make you more likely to vote for him or her, less likely, or make no difference whatsoever in your voting?


More Likely No Difference Less Likely DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 31 47 17 5


“Now the following questions should be pretty quick, and for statistical purposes only.…”

24. Generally speaking, do you usually consider yourself a Democrat, Republican, an Independent, or something else?

[Code for Democrat, Republican, Independent, Libertarian, Other, or “DK”]


Democrat Republican Independent Libertarian(VOL.)

Other(VOL.)

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 26 31 33 2 7 2

25. [ASK IF INDEPEDNDENT/LIBERTARIAN/OTHER/DK/REF, Q24 = 3, 4, 5, 6, 7] As of today do you lean more to the Republican Party or more to the Democratic Party?

[Rotate “Republican” and “Democrat”]

Democrat Republican No Preference(VOL.)

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 31 38 23 9

26. How would you best describe where you live?


Urban Suburban Small Town Rural DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 18 47 19 15 < 1

27. Which of the following age categories do you fall in?

[OPEN END, THEN CODE TO AGE CATEGORY]

18 to 34 35 to 54 55 & Over DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 22 35 39 5

28. Are you, yourself, of Hispanic or Latino origin, such as Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, or some other Spanish background?


Hispanic Not Hispanic DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 9 91 < 1

29. Which of the following best describes your race?


American Indian,Native American

Asian,Pacific Islander, Asian American

Black,African American

MixedRace White Other

(VOL.)DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 2 1 4 3 86 3 < 1

30.Please stop me when I read the category that best describes your current annual household income, before taxes? [IF DEPENDS, PROBE ONCE. IF STILL DEPENDS, ENTER AS “DK”]

Under$40,000

$40,000 to $79,999

$80,000 & Over

DK/Ref (VOL.)

COLORADO 21 35 35 9

[PLEASE MAKE THE FOLLOWING TEXT AVAILABLE TO INTERVIEWERS ANYTIME A RESPONDENT ASKS ABOUT THE NATURE OF THE SURVEY SPONSOR OR FRIEDMAN FOUNDATION]

The Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice is an independent, nonprofit, nonpartisan research organization that studies public opinion toward K–12 education issues facing the states and the country. The Foundation has no connections to the government, political parties, or any political campaigns. Reports about its surveys are made available free of charge to the general public on their website edchoice dot ORG.

colorado k-12 & scholol choice survey (2015)

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