The Urban Bodyguard 1

The Urban Bodyguard:A Sociological Perspective on Gangs and Communities

Christopher J BarrileCanisius College

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When modern society hears the word “gangs” the thoughts and stereotypes that follow

are undoubtedly negative. “Gangsters, drugs, guns, violence, etc.,” are all words commonly asso-

ciated with present day American street gangs. But what is to be said about the neighborhoods in

which these gangs reside? “poor, ghetto, crime-ridden” it would seem the negative connotation

of gangs is mirrored into the community. The question we must ask is not merely why our na-

tions youth join these gangs. We must also find how society’s perception of a community can

change not only the physical attributes of that community, but the lives of people there as well.

Through sociological theory and research, we can show a causation between greater societies

view on a community and the effects joining gangs has on American youth.

A History of Chicago’s Projects

In his book Gang Leader For A Day, author Sudhir Venkatesh tells a vivid story of his

time spent at the Lake Park Projects and the Robert Taylor homes. In the very first chapter he

describes the squalor conditions of these housing units: “There was a long row of beaten-up

mailboxes, many of them missing their doors. Water was dripping everywhere, puddling on the

ground. Shouts and shrieks cascaded down from the higher floors, making the whole building

feel like some kind of vibrating catacomb.”

Unfortunately, it did not take long for the conditions to deteriorate. Opened in 1962 the

Robert Taylor Homes stretch over 4 miles and contain 4,400 apartments which house 27,000

people, about 20,000 being children (Hunt, 2001). Expected to be at the forefront of massive

housing, only three years after the Robert Taylor Homes opened, a local news report was aired

describing the awful conditions residents had to live with. Taylor residents, the series explained,

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faced a daily night-mare of broken elevators, erratic heat, excessive vandalism, and unsettling vi-

olence.

Having been built during the height of segregation, this cheap income housing would of

course house African Americans. The white population of Chicago refused to build the projects

near any white only neighborhoods so the Taylor homes were designed and built almost entirely

segregated from the rest of the city. Simultaneously, the Housing Authority in Chicago was un-

dergoing budget cuts, and the upkeep of African American housing was the first thing to be elim-

inated (Hunt, 2001). Even today the Taylor Homes are still known for its bad living conditions as

well as violence, illegal drug activity, and of course, gangs.

Why Gangs Inhabit the Projects

Referring once again to Gang Leader For A Day, Venkatesh learned from several of the

gang members why they didn’t mind living in poverty, and selling drugs. Venkatesh was ex-

plaining what sociologists refer to as “culture of poverty” in which poor blacks didn’t seek em-

ployment as they don’t value employment unlike other ethnic groups. JT however, had been to

college, and even with the college education, he felt limited because he was black (Venkatesh,

2008).

The gang members whom grew up within the Robert Taylor homes feel a sort of social

stigma. Because they grew up in an area that is known for gangs, drugs, etc. and because they are

African American, they have a hard time working their way into mainstream society. If the stan-

dards of society cannot be met, then they are forced to stay within that community, and deal with

the violence and drugs in order to make some type of living. Unless the social stigma associated

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with community can be eliminated, there will always be perpetual gang activity within the

projects.

A crucial factor that remains is not all individuals in these gang communities are gang

members themselves. Many, if not most of the residents in the Robert Taylor Homes are just

poor, often African American, and living on some type of government aid. However honest and

law abiding these citizens may be, they live in an area stigmatized by the greater society. When

the police are called they rarely show, virtually leaving public safety to the citizens themselves.

Venkatesh(2008) learns that the main reason their community puts up with the gang activity is

that the gangs simultaneously maintain order. The gangs provide extremely cheap housing for

the homeless, they check on the elderly because ambulances rarely show, and while not benefi-

cial, provide crack-cocaine for many residents who need their “fix”.

Connecting Sociological Theory

Thus far we have seen examples of life in the Robert Taylor homes as described by

Venkatesh during his time spent there, and a brief history of how society came to negatively

view the Robert Taylor Homes. Here we will present sociological theory to explain how soci-

ety’s view of the Taylor Homes explains gang activity. The sociological theories that apply most

closely to gang activity are the theories of deviance. According to Tobin (2008), deviance is any

behavior that violates social norms, and is usually of sufficient severity to warrant disapproval

from the majority of society.

One of the most common deviance theories associated with gang activity is known as la-

beling theory. Labeling theory concerns the meanings people derive from one another's labels,

symbols, actions, and reactions. This theory holds that behaviors are deviant only when society

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labels them as deviant (Tobin, 2008). Due to the fact that the current gang members were “la-

beled” as those who were poor, African-American, and came from the Robert Taylor Homes, so-

ciety labels them negatively. Social research indicates that those who have negative labels usu-

ally have lower self-images, are more likely to reject themselves, and may even act more de-

viantly as a result of the label (Tobin, 2008).

Another theory suitable to gang activity is known as Anomie Theory. Anomie refers to

the confusion that arises when social norms conflict or don't even exist. In the 1960s, Robert

Merton used the term to describe the differences between socially accepted goals and the avail-

ability of means to achieve those goals. For example having a large salary is a major goal for

many Americans, however not everyone has the ability to achieve this, especially minority

groups (like those who live in the Robert Taylor Homes). When these individuals discover that

they cannot achieve their goal due to an obstacle out of their control, they experience anomie.

When anomie is experienced, these individuals may employ deviant behaviors to attain their

goals; often times engaging in illegal activity as a means of income (Tobin, 2008)

The final theory under the model of deviance lays in the realm of both Sociology as well

as Psychology; Differential Association. First developed by Edwin Sutherland in the early to

mid-20th century, differential association helps explain deviant behavior. Individuals learn be-

haviors on their own as well as peer groups and their families. If an individual is brought up into

a family and society that values the gang lifestyle, the likelihood that person will become a mem-

ber of a gang (Tobin, 2008).

In his book, Islands in The Street, Jankowski wrote that often times communities toler-

ated gangs on a basis of mutual benefit (protection, money, etc). Often times, there are numbers

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of parents whom spent time in these gangs as youth, and therefore raise their children to become

a part of the gang life as well; an excellent example of differential association. Jankowski (1991)

describes how a 47 year old carpenter and parent of four living in Los Angeles describes being a

part of a gang.

“I don’t like the shooting that goes on with gangs today. There is much more than when I was in

the gang, but I am proud of my sons being members of the [gang name] because it keeps a fam-

ily tradition alive; you know my father was in the same gang. It also keeps a community tradition

going that is not as bad as the media portrays it.”

Although mainstream society may view gang life in a negative aspect, when an individual is

raised to believe that being a part of a gang is a way of life, according to differential association,

that individual will most often follow this path based upon expectations and what they have been

taught as “normal” in this situation.

Connecting Sociological Research

Having discussed the various sociological theories that apply to gangs and deviance, we

must now delve into the realm of sociological research. Countless number of studies have been

done on gangs and their effects on the individuals within them. Here we will look at a select few

studies regarding gang youth and the connection to drugs and violence, as well as the media por-

trayal of gangs focusing on how greater societies view of gangs, effects on how gang member

view themselves.

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The popular image of youth gangs ties them directly to drugs and violent crime (Klein,

1995). Goldstein (1985) suggested three possible relationships between gangs, drugs, and violent

crime. (1) That the drugs (typically crack-cocaine) induce changes in behavior that can often

times be violent due to the addicting qualities of the drug. (2) The high cost and risk of the drug

market leads to “economic compulsive” types of crime in order to obtain the funds necessary to

either distribute or consume drugs (shoplifting, robbery, car jacking). (3) “Systemic” violence is

common among the drug community. These types of violence include protection (from rival

gangs), expanding drug distribution territories, and also violent acts against individuals who vio-

late rules regarding drug distribution.

“Today’s gangs are urban terrorists. Heavily armed and more violent than ever before, they are

quick to use terror and intimidation to seize and protect their share of the lucrative drug market.

Gang members are turning our streets and neighborhoods into war zones, where it takes an act of

courage simply to walk to the corner store” (Klein, 1995).

With gangs, and more specifically, drug gangs gaining the attention of the media in the

1990’s, the image of gangs became widely magnified and stereotyped (Klein, 1995). In 1992, the

Los Angeles District Attorneys office compiled an assessment of youth gangs in and around the

Los Angeles area. District Attorney Reiner estimated that: “more than70 percent of gang mem-

bers in Los Angeles used drugs and that the incidence of drug sales among gang members was

seven times higher than among non-gang youth.” (Reiner, 1992). However, when the study was

released it concluded that only 1 in 7 gang members sold drugs more than 12 times in one year.

The study also concluded that the Los Angeles gangs were not forming into organized drug trad-

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ing networks. The gang members may be involved with drugs, but they remain peripheral to the

activities of the gang (Reiner, 1992).

Throughout the 1980s and well into the 1990s, the media, with help from law enforce-

ment, created many myths about gangs, which undoubtedly created fear among the public. Simi-

larly, the war on drugs has been largely a media-driven event. For example, in 1988 public-opin-

ion polls revealed that only about 10 percent of the public believed drugs to be a major concern

that should be immediately dealt with. Following an intensive media coverage, this percentage

soared to almost 40 percent within one year (Miller, 1996). It is easy to see how high levels of

media coverage can skew statistics that were once true and reliable to a frenzy of excitement and

propaganda in which viewers undoubtedly believe what they are being told.

Conclusions

The interconnections between gangs and community are almost inseparable. Some com-

munities view gangs as their so-called Urban Bodyguards, protecting them when society seems

to have forgotten about them. Built upon racial oppression and stereotyping, society has stigma-

tized these communities forcing a wide variety of sociological theories into motion creating a

near perpetual loop of poverty, violence, and drug trafficking. Mainstream society separates

these communities which is followed by them doing whatever is necessary to reenter the main-

stream. However, when they ultimately fail, it would seem the main alternative for these impov-

erished neighborhoods is gang activity; and once the drugs and the violence starts, the media and

it’s unstoppable desire for a story hammers the nail into the coffin for these dying neighbor-

hoods. No one wants to step up and save the dying communities let alone make a home or busi-

ness there. Until society can be the “bigger man” so to speak, these areas of poverty and violence

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and drugs will continue to thrive. This time we must break the infinite loop to save the Real

greater society, for the real greater good.

References

Goldstein, P.J. (1985). The drugs/violence nexus: A tripartite conceptual framework. Journal of

Drug Issues 15:493–506

Hunt, D. B. (2001). What went wrong with public housing in Chicago? A history of the Robert

Taylor homes. Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, 94(1), 97–122.

Jankowsk, M. (1991). Islands in the streets gangs and american urban society. Los Angels, Cali-

fornia: University of California Press.

Klein, M.W. (1995). The American Street Gang. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

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Mark D. Weist , Olga M. Acosta & Eric A. Youngstrom (2001): Predictors of Violence Exposure

Among Inner-City Youth, Journal of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychology, 30:2, 187-198

Reiner, I. 1992. Gangs, crime and violence in Los Angeles. Unpublished manuscript. Office of

the District Attorney of the County of Los Angeles.

Sheldon, R. (2003). Youth gangs in american society. Belmont, California: Wadsworth.

Tobin, I. (2008). Gangs, an individual and group perspective. Prentice Hall.Retrieved from

http://books.google.com/books/feeds/volumes?q=978-0-13-172404-4

Venkatesh, S. (2008). Gang leader for a day. London, England: Penguin Books.