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Assyrian Royal Titulary in Babylonia by Mattias Karlsson Introductory remarks Assyria and Babylonia have varying reputations in history books, with the former being linked to the use of military force and the latter associated with peaceful activities such as temple building (Fuchs 2009).1 Although somewhat exaggerated,2 this difference gets apparent when studying Assyrian and Babylonian royal inscriptions (Tadmor 1997: 334-35). Not only the aspect of violence separates the two ideological traditions, but also the emphasis in Assyria on royal genealogy, the king’s physical attributes and moral qualities (such as his wisdom), and his less distinct role in the judicial system serve to differentiate Assyrian and Babylonian propaganda (Garelli 1981: 4-5, Renger 1980-83: 72, Postgate 1974). In relation to the south, Assyrian state ideology was a hybrid creature of old and new elements – partly adhering to southern traditions, partly containing own ideas (Postgate 1995). The insight that Assyrian propaganda was – at least to some extent – adapted to the spatial context in which it was disseminated has gained strength in recent years. Assyrian royal inscriptions and iconography thus did not function as a monolithic bloc, imposed everywhere in the same manner. Assyrian propaganda in Babylonia is claimed to be especially noteworthy in this respect. For example, the Assyrian state had a special religious policy in relation to Babylonia (Fales 2010: 24). The state god Ashur was not promoted in the south (nor was he taboo). Rather, the cults of southern deities were the centre of attention (Frame 1997). Also, monuments in Babylonia from the times of Esarhaddon (680-669) and Ashurbanipal (668-c. 627) were adapted to the southern, cultural milieu – with mixed results (Porter 2003a-b).3 The question arises as to how and to what extent Assyrian propaganda in Babylonia was adapted. This paper deals with these issues. In terms of primary sources, there are about 100 Assyrian royal inscriptions preserved which have Babylonia as their provenance or centre point.4 These texts all derive from Late Neo-Assyrian rulers: some from Sargon II (721-705), a few from Sennacherib (704-681), many from Esarhaddon, quite a few from Ashurbanipal, and some from Shamash-shuma-ukin (667-648)5 and Ashur-etel-ilani (c. 626-623). The appendix attached to this paper clarifies this. Royal titles and epithets are great sources when investigating the official ideology of an ancient polity, since their being concise and programmatic in nature. For this reason (and for a delimitation need), I will focus on titles and epithets in this study. Moreover, this stress can serve to complement the iconography-centred studies by Porter (2003a-b).

                                                                                                               1 This is e.g. reflected in the two titles given to the history books authored by Saggs (1984, 1988). It is here told of “The Greatness that was Babylon” and “The Might that was Assyria” (italics mine). 2 Peaceful working for the deities is a common theme in Assyrian royal inscriptions, not the least in the “building inscriptions” of annals and in dedicatory inscriptions. The role of the Assyrian king as “master builder of the great gods” was pivotal in Assyrian state ideology (Karlsson 2016: 103-13). 3 Also the Levant, with the polities Til-Barsip and Sam’al, had spatially adapted propaganda, with one or the other receiving benelovent or coercive themes and motifs (Porter 2003c). 4 Following the principles of the RIMB 2 and RINAP-volumes, also Assyrian royal inscriptions from Assyria that overwhelmingly deals with Babylonian issues are regarded as Babylonian texts. 5 Shamash-shuma-ukin is here regarded as an Assyrian king. After all, he was the son of Esarhaddon and had the role of securing Assyrian interests in Babylonia, in his position as “king of Babylon”.

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The aim of this paper is to collect and analyse the Assyrian royal titles and epithets in Assyrian royal inscriptions from (or on) Babylonia, with special attention paid to the relative strength of the ideological themes of violence and peacefulness. The former theme is covered by the types “le roi en campagne et au combat” and “le roi et les ennemis” while the latter one is covered by the types “la silhouette du roi”, “le roi et les dieux”, “le roi sage et juste”, “le roi et son peuple”, and “le roi et le monde” in the epithet classification of Seux (1967: 18-27).6 My working hypothesis (based on the discussion above) is that examples of the former types ought to be scarce.

Finally, regarding the disposition of this paper: the next section will present the collection in question, while the directly following one will contain the said analysis. The evidence The evidence of this study is presented in full in this section. The table below lists all Assyrian royal titles or epithets attested in the Assyrian royal inscriptions from (or on) Babylonia known to me. It provides information on source codes, the titles and epithets in transcription and translation, place of attestations, and classifications.7 code title/epithet source class SR 1 mu’e’’ru māt Aššur u gimir Amurrî

(commander of Assyria and all of Amurru) 4:ii6-7 2.2.2

SR 2 nibīt Asari (designate of Asari) 3:i27 3.1.1 SR 3 rubû zāninšu/ša (prince who provides for

him/her) 1:23; 3:i15 3.2.3

SR 4 sipa ma-da aš-šurki-ke4 (shepherd of Assyria) 5:10 2.1.1 SR 5 šakkanakki Bābili (governor of Babylon) 1:6; 2:8-9; 3:i14;

3:i27; 3:ii10; 5:8 2.2.1

SR 6 šar Bābili (king of Babylon) 4:i4; 6:6 2.2.1 SR 7 šar kiššati (king of the universe) 1:5; 2:7; 3:i14; 3:i26;

3:ii10; 4:i3; 5:7; 6:7 2.2.2

SR 8 šar māt Aššur (king of Assyria) 1:5; 2:5-6; 3:i14; 3:i26; 3:ii9

2.2.2

SR 9 šar māt Šumerî u Akkadî (king of Sumer and Akkad)

1:7; 2:10-11; 3:i15; 4:ii5; 5:9

2.2.1

SR 10 šarru dannu (strong king) 1:4; 6:5 1.2.1 SR 11 šarru rabû (great king) 4:i2 1.2.1 SR 12 šar(ru) zāninša (king who provides for her) 3:ii11 3.2.3                                                                                                                6 The present study employs a different (but related) classification system, however. For examples of yet other title/epithet classifications, see notably Liverani 1981 and Cifola 1995. 7 The titles/epithets are ordered according to ruler and chronology. The following abbreviations apply: SR = Sargon II, SN = Sennacherib, ES = Esarhaddon, AS = Ashurbanipal, SH = Shamash-shuma-ukin, AE = Ashur-etel-ilani. As for the column “title/epithet”, Sumerian forms are given only when there are no corresponding Akkadian ones. Sumerian forms are only rendered in transliteration. Only Akkadian forms that are unclear to me are rendered in transliteration. Brackets are given for words that are reconstructed entirely or almost entirely. Broken epithets that give something meaningful are included. Epithets of reigning kings, predecessors (marked by *), and co-rulers (marked by *) are included. Epithets of vassal rulers are not included. Divine epithets within royal epithets are ignored (sometimes marked through … ). If five or more deities are enumerated, the writing DNN (divine names) is used. Sometimes it is not perfectly clear if an epithet refers to a current ruler, a predecessor, or a deity. Content and context then decide from case to case. As for the column “source”, references to attestations give abbreviated forms of the text numbers in RIMB 2 (= Frame 1995) and RINAP 3/2 or 4 (= Grayson and Novotny 2014 and Leichty 2011 respectively). Only completely reconstructed epithets are placed within brackets. For the classification codes in the column “class”, see the next section.

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SR 13 zānin Esagil u Ezida (provider of Esagila and Ezida)

1:8-9 3.2.3

SN 1 šar kiššati (king of the universe) 233:1 2.2.2 SN 2 šar māt Aššur (king of Assyria) 232:2; [233:1] 2.2.2 ES 1 ana nuḫḫu libbi ilūtišu u nupūš kabattišunu

ṣillušunu dārû itruṣū elišu (one over whom they extended their eternal protective shade in order to soothe their divine heart(s) and set their mind(s) at rest)

128:6; 129:11-12; 130:8; 133:12-13

3.1.2

ES 2 Anum rabû ana ālišu Dēr u bītišu Edimgalkalama ušēribuma ušēšibu parak dārâti (who made Great-Anu enter into his city Der and his temple Edimgalkalama and had (him) sit upon (his) eternal cult dais)

128:10; 129:19-20; 130:15; 133:20-21

3.2.5

ES 3 apal Šarru-kīn (heir of Sargon (II)) 113:6; 128:13; 129:25; 131:10; 133:26; 134:10; 135:10; 136:9; 137:9; [139:8]

1.1.1

ES 4 ardu pāliḫ ilūtišu rabītim (servant who fears his great divinity)

106:ii24-25 3.2.1, 3.2.5

ES 5 ašru (obedient one) 104:i17; 105:i18; 109:i11´; 117:4´

1.2.2

ES 6 bānû bīt Aššur (who (re)built the Ashur temple)

128:8; [129:15]; 130:11; 133:16; 134:8; 135:8; 136:4

3.2.2

ES 7 bānû Esagila (who (re)built Esagila) 106:iv35-36 3.2.2 ES 8 bukur Sîn-aḫḫē-erība (child of Sennacherib) 112:i8 1.1.1 ES 9 ēpiš Bābili (who (re)constructed Babylon) 106:iv33-34 2.2.1 ES 10 ēpiš Esagila u Bābili (who (re)constructed

Esagila and Babylon) 128:8; 129:15; 130:11; 133:16; 134:8; 135:8; 136:4

2.2.1, 3.2.2

ES 11 (ša) gimir malikī ušaknišu šēpuššu (who placed all rulers at his feet)

128:7; 129:14; 130:10; 133:15; 136:8

2.1.2

ES 12 ilāni mātāti (ša ana māt Aššur iḫīšūni šallūtu) šukuttašunu uddišu (who restored the adornment(s) of the (plundered) deities of all lands (who had hastened to Assyria))

128:11; [129:21]; 133:22

3.2.5

ES 13 īmuru danānšun (who realized their power) 113:5; 128:5; 129:10; 130:7; 133:11

3.2.1

ES 14 ina emūq Aššur Enlil Bēl u mār-Bēl kullat mātāti ibēlu (who by the force of Ashur, Enlil, Bel, and the Son-of-Bel ruled over all lands)

128:7; 129:13; 130:9; 133:14

3.1.2

ES 15 iškunu ḫegallu (who established plenty) 112:iv5 2.1.1 ES 16 iššakku ṣīru (exalted vice-regent) 1003:ii2´ 1.2.1 ES 17 itpēšu ḫāsis kal šipri (competent one who

knows every craft) 128:12; [129:23]; 133:24

1.2.1

ES 18 itût kūn libbi Enlil (steadfast choice of Enlil) 128:4; 129:8; 130:5; 133:9

3.1.1

ES 19 kanšu (submissive) 104:i17; 105:i18; 109:i11´

1.2.2

ES 20 kāšid ultu tâmtim elīti adi tâmtim šaplīti (conqueror from the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea)

136:7 2.2.2

ES 21 liblibbi Bēl-bāni zēru dārû (descendant of the 113:7-8 1.1.2

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eternal seed of Bel-bani) ES 22 liblibbi dārû ša Bēl-bāni (descendant of the

eternal (seed) of Bel-bani) [127:17´]; 128:14; 129:27; 133:28

1.1.2

ES 23 maḫīru kīnu ešēru ebūru napāš Nisaba ušaššû ina māti (who brought stable prices, successful harvests, (and) an abundance of grain to the land)

112:iv6-7 2.1.1

ES 24 malku na’adu (attentive ruler) 109:i3´ 1.2.2 *ES 25 mār Adasi (son of Adasi) 128:14; 129:27;

133:28 1.1.2

ES 26 mār Sîn-aḫḫē-erība (son of Sennacherib) 113:5; 128:13; [129:25]; 131:8; 133:26; 134:10; 135:10; 136:9; 137:7; 139:6

1.1.1

ES 27 migir Aššur u Mullissu (favourite of Ashur and Mullissu)

113:3 3.1.1

ES 28 migir bēl bēlē (favourite of the lord of lords) 104:i8-9; 105:i7; 109:i2´

3.1.1

ES 29 migir Irnini (favourite of Irnini) 133:9 3.1.1 ES 30 muddiš Eanna (renewer of Eanna) 133:16; 134:9; 135:9;

136:5 3.2.2

ES 31 muddiš Ekur (renewer of Ekur) 128:8; [129:15]; 130:11

3.2.2

ES 32 muddiš ilāni u ištarāti (renewer of gods and goddesses)

106:iv37-39 3.2.2

ES 33 mūdû puluḫti ilūtišu rabīti (who knows how to fear his great divinity)

116:obv.20´ 3.2.1

ES 34 mukīn sattukkī ((re)establisher of the regular offerings)

106:iv42-43; 128:8; 129:16; 130:12; 133:17

3.2.3

ES 35 mupaḫḫir nišēšu sapḫāti (reassembler of its dispersed people)

106:iv44-46 2.1.1

ES 36 murappiš ekurrāt ilāni [rabûti] (extender of the temples of the [great] gods)

1002:ii´:7 3.2.2

ES 37 mušaklil ešrēti (kullat) (u) māḫāzī (who perfected (all) the sanctuaries (and) cult centres)

128:8; 129:16; 130:12; 133:17; 134:9; 135:9; 136:5

3.2.2

ES 38 mušandil māḫāzī (expander of the cult centres)

1002:ii´:6 3.2.2

ES 39 mušēṣû nūru (who brought about light) 107:viii23-24 2.1.1 ES 40 muštapik? karê ašnan (who piles up heaps of

grain and cereal) 112:iv3 2.1.1

ES 41 muštē’’û ašrāt ilāni rabûti (who is assiduous toward the sanctuaries of the great gods)

134:7; 135:7; 136:3 3.2.5

ES 42 mutaqqin nišē [dalḫāti] (who reorganized the [troubled] people)

107:viii20-22 2.1.1

ES 43 (ša) narām Ṣarpanītum (who is beloved of Sarpanitu)

104:i10; 105:i8-9; 109:i4´; 117:2´

3.1.1

ES 44 nibīt Marduk (designate of Marduk) 133:9 3.1.1 ES 45 nibīt Marduk Ṣarpanītu (designate of Marduk

(and) Sarpanitu) 113:2 3.1.1

ES 46 nibīti […] (designate of […]) 1010:l.e.1 3.1.1 ES 47 pāliḫ […] (who fears […]) 107:viii18 3.2.1

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ES 48 pāliḫ bēl bēlē (who fears the lord of lords) 134:7; 135:7 3.2.1 ES 49 pāliḫ ilūtišunu rabīti (who fears their great

divinity) 104:i17-18; 105:i19-20; 109:i12´

3.2.1

ES 50 pāliḫ Nabû u Marduk (who fears Nabu and Marduk)

106:i8; 114:i5 3.2.1

ES 51 per’u Baltil šūquru (valuable scion of Baltil) 127:17´; 128:14; 129:28; 133:29

1.1.2

ES 52 rē’û kēnu (righteous shepherd) 104:i8; [105:i7]; 109:i1´; 113:3

1.2.1, 2.1.1

ES 53 rēšu mutnennû (pious servant) 104:i16; 105:i17; 109:i10´; 117:4´

1.2.2, 3.2.5

ES 54 rēšu šaḫtu (humble servant) 1003:ii5´ 1.2.2, 3.2.5

ES 55 rubû enqu (clever prince) 128:12; [129:23]; 133:24

1.2.1

ES 56 rubû [kēnu] ([righteous] prince) 1003:ii3´ 1.2.1 ES 57 rubû na’adu (attentive prince) 104:i9; 105:i8; 106:i8;

114:i5; 117:2´ 1.2.2

ES 58 rubû pāliḫki (prince who fears you) 135:17 3.2.1 ES 59 (ša) Aššur Sîn Šamaš Bēl Nabû ana šuklulu

māḫāzī udduše ešrēti iptū ḫasīsuš (whose mind Ashur, Sin, Shamash, Bel, and Nabu opened for perfecting the cult centres (and) renovating (their) sanctuaries)

113:22-23 3.1.2

ES 60 ša bēlūssunu [putūqu] (who [is constantly attentive] to their rule)

117:3´ 3.2.5

ES 61 ša durugšu Baltil (who is of pure Baltil descent)

113:8 1.1.2

ES 62 ša ina māḫāzu rabûti simāti ištakkanu uštēširu šuluḫḫu (who put appropriate procedures in the great cult centres (and) has purification rites kept in order)

128:12; 129:23-24; 133:24-25

3.2.4

ES 63 ša ina palîšu Elam ula šemū (in whose reign Elam was disobedient)

112:iv8 2.2.2

ES 64 ša ina qerebšina ištakkanu simāti (who put appropriate procedures in them (shrines))

134:9; 135:9; 136:6 3.2.4

ES 65 ša ina ūmīšu sunqu u ḫušaḫḫu ušaṣṣû (who expelled famine and starvation during his days)

112:iv4-5 2.1.1

ES 66 ša ultu ṣeḫrišu ana DNN u ilāni rabûti ittaklu (who from his youth trusted in DNN, and the (other) great gods)

128:5; 129:9-10; 130:6-7; 133:10-11

3.2.1

ES 67 ša ultu ūmē ṣeḫrišu bēlūssunu putūquma qurussunu dallu (who from the days of his youth was constantly attentive to their rule and praised their valour)

104:i13-16; 105:i12-16; 109:i7´-9´

3.2.4, 3.2.5

ES 68 šakkanakki Bābili (governor of Babylon) 104:i6; 105:i4-5; 106:i4-5; 113:2; 114:i3; 126:7; 127:16´; 128:4; [129:8]; 130:5; 133:8; 134:6; 135:6; 136:2; 137:5; 139:4; 1003:ii3´

2.2.1

*ES 69 šakkanakki Bābili (governor of Babylon) 113:7; 128:13; 2.2.1

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[129:26]; 133:27; 134:10; 135:10; 136:10

ES 70 šar Bābili (king of Babylon) 119:4; 120:4; 121:2; 122:4; 123:5; 124:5; 125:2; 131:5; 132:3; 136:19; 138:2

2.2.1

ES 71 šar kibrāti erbetti (king of the four quarters) 112:i5; 126:6; [127:16´]; 128:4; 129:7; 130:4; 133:8; 137:6

2.2.2

ES 72 šar kiššati (king of the universe) 104:i4; 105:i3; 106:i2; 111:viii5´; 112:i2; 113:1; 114:i1-2; 118:B2; 119:3; 126:5; 127:15´; 128:4; [129:7]; 130:4; 131:4; 133:8; 134:6; 135:6; 137:4; 139:3

2.2.2

*ES 73 šar kiššati (king of the universe) 113:6x2; 128:13; [129:25]; 131:9; 131:10; 133:26; 134:10; 135:10; 137:8; 137:9; [139:6]; 139:8

2.2.2

ES 74 šar māt Aššur (king of Assyria) 104:i5; 104:vii46; [105:i4]; 105:x35-36; 106:i3; 106:vi60-61; 108:v11´; 111:viii5´; 112:i2; 113:1; 113:22; 114:i2; 118:B2; 119:3; 120:3; 121:1; 122:3; 123:4; 124:4; 125:1; 126:4; 127:15´; 128:4; [129:7]; 130:4; 131:4; 132:2; 133:8; 134:6; 134:17; 135:6; 136:2; 136:19; 137:4; 138:2; 139:3

2.2.2

*ES 75 šar māt Aššur (king of Assyria) 113:6x2; 128:13x2; 128:14; 129:25x2; 129:27; 131:9; 131:11; 133:26x2; 133:28; 134:10x2; 135:10x2; 136:9x2; 137:8; 137:10; 139:7; 139:8

2.2.2

ES 76 šar māt Šumerî u Akkadî (king of Sumer and Akkad)

104:i7; 105:i6; 106:i6-7; 113:2; 114:i4; 126:8; 127:16´; 128:4; [129:8]; 130:5; 131:6-7; 132:3-4; 133:8; 134:6; 135:6; 136:3; 139:5

2.2.1

*ES 77 šar māt Šumerî u Akkadî (king of Sumer and Akkad)

113:7; 128:13; 129:26; 133:27; 134:10;

2.2.1

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135:10; 136:10 ES 78 šar šarrāni māt [Muṣri] māt pa-ta-ri-is u [māt

Kūsi] (king of the kings of (lower) [Egypt], upper Egypt, and [Kush])

112:i3-4 2.2.2

ES 79 šarru dannu (strong king) 104:i3; 112:i2; 113:1; 127:15´; 128:4; [129:7]; 130:4; 133:8

1.2.1

*ES 80 šarru dannu (strong king) 113:5; 113:6 1.2.1 ES 81 šar(ru) ēpiš Eanna (king who (re)constructed

Eanna) 1010:l.e.1 3.2.2

ES 82 šar(ru) migrišu/ša (king who is his/her favourite)

128:2; 130:2; 133:4; 134:4

3.1.1

ES 83 šar(ru) pāliḫša (king who fears her) 135:4 3.2.1 ES 84 šarru rabû (great king) 104:i2; 105:i2; 112:i2;

113:1; 127:15´; 128:4; [129:7]; 130:4; 133:8

1.2.1

*ES 85 šarru rabû (great king) 113:5; 113:6 1.2.1 ES 86 šarru ša ina kullat [mātāti] māḫiri lā [īšû]

(king who [has] no equal in all of [the lands]) 112:i6-7 2.1.2

ES 87 šarru ša ina ūmē palîšu Marduk ana Bābili salīmu iršû ina Esagil irmû šubassu (king in whose days of reign Marduk had mercy on Babylon (and again) took up his residence in Esagila)

128:9; 129:17-18; 130:13-14; 133:18-19

3.1.2

ES 88 šarru ša ultu ṣeḫrišu ana Nabû Tašmētum u Nanāya ittaklu (king who from his youth trusted in Nabu, Tashmetu, and Nanaya)

113:4-5 3.2.1

ES 89 šarru šaḫtu (humble king) 104:i12; 105:i11; 109:i6´; 117:3´; 134:7; 135:7

1.2.2

ES 90 šuklulu ešrēti (perfecter of sanctuaries) 106:iv40-41 3.2.2 ES 91 tiriṣ Enlil (one to whom Enlil has stretched

out (his hands)) 1003:ii4´ 3.1.1

ES 92 tiriṣ qātī Aššur (one to whom Ashur has stretched out (his) hands)

133:9 3.1.1

ES 93 ukinnu isqušun (who (re)established their income)

128:11; 129:22; 133:23

3.2.3

ES 94 ultu qereb māt Aššur ana ašrišunu utēršunūti (who returned them from Assyria to their (proper) places)

128:11; 129:21-22; 133:22-23

3.2.5

ES 95 zānin Ezida (provider of Ezida) 134:8; 135:8 3.2.3 ES 96 zāninu (provider) 104:vi15; 105:viii21 1.2.1,

1.2.2 ES 97 zēr šarrūti kisitti ṣâti (one of royal seed and

primeval ancestry) 127:17´; 128:14; 129:28; 133:29; 1003:ii1´

1.1.2

*AS 1 (aḫi) talīmeya (my favourite (brother)) 1:13; 2:53; 2:75; [3:10]; 4:12; [4:20]; 5:12; 5:20; 5:21; 6:14; 6:25; 12:11; 12:22; 13:16; 14:31; 14:47; 19:27

1.1.1

AS 2 bēlišu (his lord) 2015:6 2.1.2 AS 3 é-kur…mu-un-na-dù (who (re)built Ekur) 16:8-11 3.2.2

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AS 4 eli kullat māḫāzī ukīn andullu (who established (my) protective aegis over all cult centres)

2:18; 14:11-12 3.2.5

AS 5 eli ṣalmāt qaqqadi duššupat rē’ūssu (whose shepherdship is very sweet to the black-headed people)

2:19-20; 14:13-14; 19:11

2.1.1

*AS 6 ēpiš Esagila (who (re)constructed Esagila) 1:5; 2:24; 12:5; [13:9]; 14:17; 19:14

3.2.2

AS 7 gimir malik ušakniš šēpuššu (who has placed all rulers at his feet)

2:12-13; 3:3; 4:4; 5:4; 12:3; 14:7; 19:8

2.1.2

AS 8 gimir ummānīšu ṭuḫḫudū (whose people are all prospering)

19:13 2.1.1

AS 9 ina ṭuḫdu u mešrê išteni’’û nišēšu (who looks after his people with prosperity and wealth)

19:12 2.1.1

AS 10 iruššū dadmēšu (whose settlements rejoice) 19:13 2.1.1 AS 11 lugal-a-ni (his king) 2003:4 2.1.2 AS 12 mār Aššur-aḫa-iddin (son of Esarhaddon) 1:4; 2:21; 3:5; 4:5; 5:5;

6:3; 8:4; 9:2; 10:2; 12:4; [13:8]; 14:14; [15:8]; 19:13; 22:4

1.1.1

AS 13 mār māri Sîn-aḫḫē-erība (grandson of Sennacherib)

1:9; 2:33; 3:6; 4:7; 5:7; 6:6; 12:7; [13:12]; 14:22; 15:9; 19:16; 22:6

1.1.1

*AS 14 muddiš ešrēti kullat māḫāzī (renewer of the sanctuaries of all the cult centres)

1:6; 2:24-25; 12:6; 13:9; 14:17-18; 19:15

3.2.2

*AS 15 mušēšib Bābili (who (re)settled Babylon) 1:5; 2:23; 12:5; [13:9]; 14:16; 19:14

2.1.1

AS 16 pāliḫ ilūtišu [rabīti] (who fears his [great] divinity)

15:22 3.2.1

*AS 17 parṣī kidudê kīma labīrimma utēru ašruššun (who restored the rites (and) rituals according to the original pattern)

1:8; 2:29-32; 13:11; 14:20-22

3.2.4

AS 18 rē’û kīnu (righteous shepherd) 15:22 1.2.1, 2.1.1

AS 19 rubû lā šanān (prince who has no rival) 2:6; 3:3; 4:2; 5:2; 6:3; 12:2; 14:4; 19:7

2.1.2

AS 20 rubû pāliḫšu/ša (prince who fears him/her) 2:69; 12:20; 14:39; 19:25

3.2.1

*AS 21 sattukkīšina baṭlūtu ukinnu (who (re)established their interrupted regular offerings)

1:7; 2:28; 12:7; 13:10; 14:19-20

3.2.3

AS 22 sipa še-ga-bi (his obedient shepherd) 16:5; 17:7; 18:7 2.1.1, 3.2.5

AS 23 ša eli āl Ṣurru ša qabal tâmtim elīt u Tilmun ša qabal tâmtim šaplīt nīri bēlūtišu ukinnuma išūṭū abšānšu (who imposed the yoke of his rulership upon the city Tyre – which lies in the midst of the Upper Sea – and Dilmun – which lies in the midst of the Lower Sea – so that they bore his yoke)

19:9-10 2.1.2

AS 24 ša epšētušu eli kal ilāni ṭābā (whose deeds are pleasing to all the deities)

2:19; 14:12-13; 19:10 3.2.5

AS 25 ša ešrēte kalîšina ḫibiltašina ušallim(u) (who 2:16-17; 14:10-11 3.2.2

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healed the damaged parts of all their sanctuaries)

AS 26 ša ina amāt Aššur Šamaš u Maduk ultu tâmtim elīt adi tâmtim šaplīt ibēlu (who at the order of Ashur, Shamash, and Marduk ruled from the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea)

2:7-11; 14:4-6 3.1.2

AS 27 ša ina amāt ilāni ultu tâmtim elīt adi tâmtim šaplīt ibēlu (who at the order of the deities ruled from the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea)

12:2-3 3.1.2

AS 28 ša ina palîšu Adad zunnīšu Ea nagbišu ana mātišu uštabrū (one in whose reign Adad made his rain and Ea his springs last a long time for his land)

19:11-12 3.1.2

*AS 29 ša ina qerbišina išakkanu simāti (who put appropriate procedures in them (shrines))

1:6-7; 2:26-27; 12:6; 13:10; 14:18-19; 19:15

3.2.4

AS 30 ša ultu tâmtim elīt adi tâmtim šaplīt ibēlu (who ruled from the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea)

3:3-4; 4:3; 5:3; 19:8 2.2.2

AS 31 šakkanakki Aššur Enlil u Ninurta (governor of Ashur, Enlil, and Ninurta)

15:10 3.1.1

*AS 32 šakkanakki Bābili (governor of Babylon) 1:4; 2:22; [3:5]; 4:6; 5:6; 6:5; 12:4; 13:8; 14:15; 19:14; 22:5

2.2.1

*AS 33 šar Bābili (king of Babylon) 2:75; 4:19; 5:19; 6:24; 8:6; 9:3; 12:22; 14:47; 19:27

2.2.1

AS 34 šar kibrāti erbetti (king of the four quarters) 1:3; 2:5; 3:2; 4:2; 5:2; 6:2; 12:1; 13:7; 14:3; 16:7; 19:7; 21:3

2.2.2

AS 35 šar kiššati (king of the universe) 1:3; 2:4; [3:1]; 4:1; 5:1; 6:1; 7:3; 8:3; 9:2; 11:1; 12:1; [13:7]; 14:2; 15:6; 17:9; 18:9; 19:7; 21:2; 22:3; 2004:i3; 2015:5

2.2.2

*AS 36 šar kiššati (king of the universe) 1:4; 1:9; 2:22; 2:35; [3:5]; 3:7; 4:5; 4:7; 5:5; 5:7; 6:4; 6:7; 8:5; 9:3; 10:2; 12:4; 12:8; [13:8]; [13:12]; 14:15; 14:23; 15:8; 15:9; 19:14; 19:16; 22:4; 22:6

2.2.2

AS 37 šar māt Aššur (king of Assyria) 1:3; 2:4; 2:69; 3:2; 4:1; 5:1; 6:2; 7:3; 8:3; 9:2; 11:2; 12:1; 12:20; 13:7; 14:2; 15:6; 15:22; 19:7; 19:25; 21:2; 22:3; 2015:5

2.2.2

*AS 38 šar māt Aššur (king of Assyria) 1:4; 1:9; 2:22; 2:35; [3:5]; 3:7; 4:5; 4:7; 5:5; 5:7; 6:4; 6:7; 8:5; 9:3; [10:2]; 12:4; 12:8; [13:8]; 13:12; 14:15;

2.2.2

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14:23; [15:8]; 15:9; 19:14; 19:16; 22:4; 22:7

AS 39 [šar] māt Šumerî u Akkadî ([king of] Sumer and Akkad)

15:10 2.2.1

*AS 40 šar māt Šumerî u Akkadî (king of Sumer and Akkad)

1:5; 2:23; 3:6; 4:6; 5:6; 6:5; 12:5; 14:16; 19:14; 22:5

2.2.1

AS 41 šar mātāti […] (king of all lands […]) 23:4 2.2.2 AS 42 šar šarrāni (king of kings) 2:6; 4:2; 5:2; 6:2; 12:2;

14:3; 19:7; 2003:4 2.1.2

AS 43 šarru dannu (strong king) 1:3; 2:3; [3:1]; 4:1; 5:1; 6:1; 12.1; [13:7]; 14:2; 15:6; 16:6; 17:8; 18:8; 19:7; 22:3; 2015:5

1.2.1

*AS 44 šarru dannu (strong king) 1:4; 1:9; 2:22; 2:34; [3:5]; [3:7]; 4:5; 4:7; 5:5; 5:7; 6:4; 6:6; 12:4; 12:8; [13:8]; [13:12]; 15:8; 15:9; 19:13; 19:16; 22:4; 22:6

1.2.1

AS 45 šar(ru) migiriša (her favourite king) 19:4 3.1.1 AS 46 šarru rabû (great king) 1:3; 2:3; 3:1; 4:1; 5:1;

6:1; 12:1; [13:7]; 14:2; [15:6]; 19:7; 22:3

1.2.1

*AS 47 šarru rabû (great king) 1:4; 1:9; 2:21; 2:34; 3:5; [3:7]; 4:5; 5:5; 6:4; 6:6´;12:4; 12:7; [13:8]; [13:12]; [15:8]; 15:9; 19:13; 19:16; 22:4; 22:6

1.2.1

AS 48 [šarru ša ina kullat] mātāti māḫiru [lā īšû] ([king who has no] equal [in all of] the lands)

15:7 2.1.2

AS 49 zānin Esagil (provider of Esagila) 2:13; 14:8 3.2.3 AS 50 zānin māḫāzī GNN (provider of the cult

centres GNN) 15:11 3.2.3

*SH 1 (aḫi) talīmeya (my favourite (brother)) 3:27; 4:25 1.1.1 SH 2 ašru (obedient one) 1:34 1.2.2 SH 3 ēpiš [Esagila] (who (re)constructed [Esagila]) 4:14 3.2.2 SH 4 gìr.níta šu-an-naki (governor of Shuanna) 2:5 2.2.1 SH 5 iššakku ṣīru (exalted vice-regent) 3:4; 4:13 1.2.1 SH 6 lē’ûm (capable one) 1:3 1.2.1 SH 7 liblibbi Šarru-kīn (descendant of Sargon (II)) 3:11; 4:22; 6:8´ 1.1.2 *SH 8 mār Adasi (son of Adasi) 4:23 1.1.2 SH 9 mār Aššur-aḫa-iddin (son of Esarhaddon) 3:9; 4:18; 6:5´ 1.1.1 SH 10 mār māri Sîn-aḫḫē-erība (grandson of

Sennacherib) 3:10; 4:21; 6:7´ 1.1.1

SH 11 migir Enlil Šamaš u Marduk (favourite of Enlil, Shamash, and Marduk)

1:4-5 3.1.1

SH 12 muntalku (deliberate one) 1:3 1.2.1 SH 13 mušēšib [Bābili] (who (re)settled [Babylon]) 4:14 2.1.1 SH 14 muštē’’û ašrāt ilāni rabûti (who is assiduous

toward the sanctuaries of the great gods) 4:13 3.2.5

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SH 15 pāliḫ bēl bēlē (who fears the lord of lords) 3:4; 4:12 3.2.1 SH 16 pāliḫkunu (who fears You) 1:34 3.2.1 SH 17 per’u Baltil (scion of Baltil) 4:23 1.1.2 SH 18 rē’û kīnu (righteous shepherd) 3:4; 4:13 1.2.1,

2.1.1 SH 19 rē’ûm (shepherd) 1:4 2.1.1 SH 20 rubû qardu (heroic prince) 4:12 1.2.1 SH 21 sattukkī Esagil ilāni māt Šumerî u Akkadî

ukinnu (who (re)established the regular offerings (in) Esagila (for) the deities of Sumer and Akkad)

3:8; 4:17; 6:4´ 3.2.3

SH 22 ša ina palîšu…Marduk salīmu iršû ina rīšātu ana Bābili īrumma ina Esagil ša dārât šubassu irme (one in whose reign…Marduk had mercy, entered Babylon amidst rejoicing, and took up his residence in Esagila for all times)

3:5-7; 4:15-16; 6:1´-3´ 3.1.2

SH 23 šakkanakki Bābili (governor of Babylon) 5:14; [5:29] 2.2.1 *SH 24 šakkanakki Bābili (governor of Babylon) 4:19; 6:6´ 2.2.1 SH 25 šakkanakku itpēšu (competent governor) 4:12 1.2.1 SH 26 šar Amnānu (king of the Amnanu) 1:2 2.1.1 SH 27 šar Bābili (king of Babylon) 1:2; 3:3; 4:11; 2001:2 2.2.1 *SH 28 šar kibrāti erbetti (king of the four quarters) 3:12 2.2.2 *SH 29 šar kiššati (king of the universe) 3:9; 3:11; 4:18; 4:20;

4:21; 4:22; [6:5´]; [6:7´]; [6:8´]

2.2.2

*SH 30 šar māt Aššur (king of Assyria) 2:10; 3:9; 3:10; 3:11; 3:12; 4:18; 4:20; 4:21; 4:22; 4:25; [6:5´]; [6:7´]; [6:8´]

2.2.2

SH 31 šar māt Šumerî u Akkadî (king of Sumer and Akkad)

1:5; 2:6; 3:3; 4:11; 5:30

2.2.1

*SH 32 šar māt Šumerî u Akkadî (king of Sumer and Akkad)

3:10; 3:11; 4:19; 6:6´ 2.2.1

SH 33 šarru […] (king […]) 5:l.e.37 - SH 34 šarru dannu (strong king) 1:1; 3:2; 4:11 1.2.1 *SH 35 šarru dannu (strong king) 3:9; 4:18; 4:20; 4:21;

4:22; 6:5´; 6:6´; [6:8´] 1.2.1

*SH 36 šarru rabû (great king) 3:9; 4:18; 4:20; 4:21; 4:22; 6:5´; 6:6´; 6:8´

1.2.1

SH 37 talīm Aššur-bāni-apli (favourite brother of Ashurbanipal)

2:11; 3:12; 4:20 1.1.1

SH 38 zānin Ezida (provider of Ezida) 4:14 3.2.3 SH 39 zēr šarrūti dārû ša Bēl-bāni (one of the

eternal royal seed of Bel-bani) 4:23 1.1.2

AE 1 lugal kala-ga (strong king) 4:8 1.2.1 AE 2 lugal ub-da límmu-ba (king of the four

quarters) 4:9 2.2.2

AE 3 mār Aššur-bāni-apli (son of Ashurbanipal) 2:9; 3:2 1.1.1 AE 4 muddiš parak ilāni rabûti (renewer of the

shrine(s) of the great gods) 3:2 3.2.2

*AE 5 rē’û ṣalmāt qaqqadi (shepherd of the black-headed people)

3:2 2.1.1

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AE 6 rubû migir libbika (your favourite prince) 1:20rev. 3.1.1 AE 7 sag-ús é-kur-ra (supporter of Ekur) 4:7 3.2.5 AE 8 [sipa] še-ga-bi (his obedient [shepherd]) 4:5 2.1.1,

3.2.5 AE 9 šar kiššati (king of the universe) 1:10obv.; 2:8 2.2.2 *AE 10 šar kiššati (king of the universe) 2:9 2.2.2 AE 11 šar māt Aššur (king of Assyria) 1:10obv.; 1:19rev.;

2:8; 3:1; 5:1 2.2.2

*AE 12 šar māt Aššur (king of Assyria) 2:9; 3:2 2.2.2 AE 13 šar(ru) migiršun (their favourite king) 3:6 3.1.1 AE 14 ú-a Nibruki (provider of Nippur) 4:6 2.2.1

Analysis: titles and epithets in classification In this section, I will give my analysis of the evidence presented above. A classifying of the royal titles and epithets in question is fundamental to any analysis. Following up on this idea, the said evidence can be divided into three main groups: one which focuses on the king’s person (group 1) and others which centre on the king’s relationships to the worldly/earthly (group 2) and divine (group 3) spheres. In percent, the first group counts to 24,9 %, the second to 35,8 %, and the third to 38,8 %.8 To begin with the titles and epithets that centre on the king’s person, and which roughly correspond to the epithet types “la silhouette du roi” and “le roi sage et juste” in the titulary classification by Seux, royal lineage (subgroup 1.1) is often a topic in the sources.9 Here, close and distant lineage relations may be distinguished.10 The titulary group centred on royal lineage consists of 9,8 % of the total corpus.

As for the former (subgroup 1.1.1), the two brothers Ashurbanipal and Shamash-shuma-ukin describe each other as “my favourite (brother)” ((aḫi) talīmeya) (*AS 1, *SH 1). The relevant word, talīmu, speaks of a close and warm relationship.11 Obviously, these expressions of mutual affection were made prior to the outbreak of the civil war. Ashur-etel-ilani calls himself “son of Ashurbanipal” (mār Aššur-bāni-apli) (AE 3). The term in use is here māru, as is commonly the case.12 Ashurbanipal and Shamash-shuma-ukin both identify themselves as “grandson of Sennacherib” (mār māri Sîn-aḫḫē-erība) (AS 13, SH 10). It may be noted here that Sennacherib (who ordered the destruction of Babylon) is not taboo, since his being brought up. The epithets of the present subgroup make up 5,1 % of the total titulary corpus.

Moving on to subgroup 1.1.2, the reigning king sometimes relates himself to not all too distant predecessors, such as when Shamash-shuma-ukin presents himself as “descendant of Sargon (II)” (liblibbi Šarru-kīn) (SH 7). Sargon II was his great-grandfather. Much more distantly, Esarhaddon refers to himself as “descendant of the eternal seed of Bel-bani” (liblibbi Bēl-bāni zēru dārû) (ES 21). This Bel-bani is himself referred to as son to a certain Adasi (*ES 25, *SH 8). Adasi is the name of a

                                                                                                               8 An unclassifiable epithet (SH 33) adds 0,5 %. In gaining the statistics, the title and epithet units of the table above were simply added from one ruler to another. This means that certain titles or epithets were counted several times, in this way reflecting the choice of using them from one reign to another. 9 Although focused on relations (to other members of the royal line), the idea on the essence of the king is highlighted here, thus distinguishing the relevant titles and epithets from those of subgroup 2.1.2. 10 By “close” lineage relations, I include grandfather/son-family connections. 11 CAD T, pp. 94-96. 12 The used logogram is often A, which can be transcribed both as māru and aplu (MZL, p. 435). I have chosen to use the former on father/son-relations and the latter on grandfather/son-relations. The latter term has a distinct connotation of “heir” (with son status or not) (CAD A II, p. 174).

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little-known 16th century BCE-king who functioned as the ultimate ancestor for later Assyrian kings (Kuhrt 1997: 349). The term liblibbu apparently refers to relations to dynastic ancestors in the above-mentioned source attestations.13 Occasionally, distant descent relations are spoken of while not mentioning a specific predecessor. Such is the case when Esarhaddon speaks of himself as “valuable scion of Baltil” (per’u Baltil šūquru) (ES 51). Baltil was the innermost part of the city Assur, and as such it is much related to the notion of the original branches of the Assyrian royal line (Tadmor 1981: 26-30). The term per’u literally refers to a “bud/shoot” of a tree or plant.14 The titles and epithets of the present subgroup make up 4,7 % of the total titulary corpus.

Proceeding with the titles and epithets that centre on the king’s person, the king’s character (subgroup 1.2) is often a topic in the sources. Here, a distinction between personal qualities in worldly/earthly and divine spheres can be made.15 The titulary group centred on the king’s character consists of 15,1 % of the total corpus.

Regarding the first subgroup on personal qualities in the worldly/earthly sphere (1.2.1), these focus both on coercive and benevolent attributes. The coercive attributes are relatively mild, and the closest one gets to a title or epithet that speaks of violence is probably the epithet “heroic prince” (rubû qardu), used by Shamash-shuma-ukin (SH 20). The adjective in question (qardu) may imply the use of physical force in a military context, if only indirectly so.16 Personal qualities centred on royal benevolence are clearly attested. Especially the alleged just and wise character of the Assyrian king is focused on. The adjective kēnu is highlighted in the epithet “righteous shepherd” (rē’û kēnu), claimed by Esarhaddon, Ashurbanipal, and Shamash-shuma-ukin (ES 52, AS 18, SH 18).17 As for wisdom, Esarhaddon is here “competent one who knows every craft” (itpēšu ḫāsis kal šipri) (ES 17). The linking of the king’s wisdom and the execution of his office is clearly articulated. As already noted, the theme of royal violence is (at best) only indirectly expressed. The titles and epithets of the present subgroup make up 11,6 % of the total titulary corpus.

Concerning the subgroup on personal qualities in the divine sphere (1.2.2), these all centre on royal piety, either in act or attitude. Regarding the former, Esarhaddon claims that he is “the provider” (zāninu), probably in the divine sphere (ES 96).18 The Assyrian king here fulfills one of his roles in taking care of the deities, in this case providing their required nourishments. More titles and epithets tell of royal piety in attitude. Esarhaddon here refers to himself as “submissive” (ES 19). This attitude is in contrast to the worldly/earthly sphere in which the Assyrian king never would have acknowledged any inferiority (Karlsson 2016: 147-58). Only in relation to the deities, it was proper for the Assyrian king to exhibit the personal quality in question.19 Royal piety in the shape of humility towards the divine is told of in the epithet “humble king” (šarru šaḫtu), likewise claimed by Esarhaddon (ES 89).20 Unsurprisingly, the

                                                                                                               13 CAD L, p. 180. 14 CAD P, p. 416. 15 This distinction is somewhat anachronistic, since people in Mesopotamia did not believe in distinctly human or divine spheres (Bottéro 2001). Nevertheless, it is useful for the sake of analytical clarity. 16 The adjective qardu used here also carries a more general sense (CAD Q, pp. 129-31). 17 This word’s connection with justice is clear. More broadly, it can be translated through terms like “true” and “legitimate”, while still speaking of the king (CAD K, p. 389). 18 In the context of Esarhaddon requesting earthly favours from the divine, he suddenly states: “Truly I am the provider!” (lū zāninu anāku) (RINAP 4, 104:vi15). It is thus more likely that he refers to his providership for the deities, although its freestanding position makes this inconclusive. 19 The other side’s natural, political inferiority in relation to the Assyrian king is clearly expressed in ancient Assyrian propaganda (Karlsson 2017: 119-22). 20 Alternatively translated as “reverent” (CAD Š I, p. 101).

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theme of violence from the hands of the king is totally absent here. The titles and epithets of the present subgroup make up 3,5 % of the total titulary corpus.

Moving on to the titles and epithets that centre on the king’s relationships with the worldly/earthly sphere, and which roughly correspond to the epithet types “le roi et son peuple”, “le roi et les ennemis”, “le roi en campagne et au combat”, and “le roi et le monde” in the titulary classification by Seux, a share of these centres on the king’s relations to groups and individuals (subgroup 2.1). Here, a distinction between the people on the one hand and rulers and officials on the other hand can be made. The titulary group centred on human relations consists of 13,2 % of the total corpus.

The Assyrian king’s relations to his people is often highlighted in the sources (2.1.1). Practically all attestations speak of royal benevolence. The single attestation that can be at least indirectly linked to coercion is the title “king of the Amnanu”, held by Shamash-shuma-ukin (SH 26). The Amnanu were Amorite (?) tribal groups settled in Babylonia (Leick 2001: 156). Otherwise, benevolence permeats the relevant titles and epithets. Ashur-etel-ilani calls a predecessor “shepherd of the black-headed people” (rē’û ṣalmāt qaqqadi) (*AE 5), employing the pastoral theme of shepherding. From a Sumerian cultural context, “black-headed” refers to “mankind”.21 Esarhaddon, for his part, claims to be “he who brought stable prices, successful harvests, (and) an abundance of grain to the land” (maḫīru kīnu ešēru ebūru napāš Nisaba ušaššû ina māti) (ES 23). It may be noted here that the goddess Nisaba (partly associated with grain) is referred to in this stressing of the king’s paternalism (Black and Green 1992: 143). The epithets of this subgroup make up 9,1 % of the total titulary corpus.

Regarding the king’s relations to rulers (subservient or rivalling) and officials, the titles and epithets that have such a focus are relatively few. This subgroup (2.1.2) of the titulary is arguably the most likely source for expressions of violence on the part of the Assyrian king. Still, the most aggressive epithet is probably the relatively mild “he who placed all rulers at his feet” ((ša) gimir malikī ušaknišu šēpuššu), employed by Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal (ES 11, AS 7). The other side is merely imagined as subordinate in this context. Comparative approaches are also expressed with regard to the king and other rulers. Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal are also each “king who [has] no equal in all of the lands” (šarru ša ina kullat mātāti māḫiri lā [īšû]) (ES 86, AS 48). Only two attestations centre on officials. In a text written in Sumerian, Sin-balassu-iqbi, governor of Ur, refers to his Assyrian overlord as “his (my) king” (lugal-a-ni) (AS 11). As hinted at, royal violence is only indirectly expressed. The titles and epithets of the present subgroup make up 4,2 % of the total titulary corpus.

Proceeding with the titles and epithets that centre on the king’s relationships in the worldly/earthly sphere, the king is also connected to various geographic entities (subgroup 2.2). The ruler partly pictures himself in relation to Babylonia, partly he portrays himself in relation to lands outside Babylonia or to the world at large. The titulary group centred on the king and lands consists of 22,6 % of the total corpus.

The Assyrian king’s relationship with the land of Babylonia is often focused on (2.2.1). A common title that speaks of this is “governor of Babylon” (šakkanakki Bābili), held by Sargon II, Esarhaddon, and Shamash-shuma-ukin (SR 5, ES 68, *ES 69, *AS 32, SH 23, *SH 24). It is interesting to note that Ashurbanipal did not bear this title. Supposedly, this would have encroached upon his brother’s role as king of Babylon.22 Another standard title for Assyrian rulers of Babylonia is “king of Sumer                                                                                                                21 CAD Ṣ, pp. 75-76. 22 Likewise, the title “king of Babylon” (šar Bābili) is not attested for Ashurbanipal. Conversely, Shamash-shuma-ukin did not take the more ambitious titles “king of the universe” (šar kiššati), “king of the four quarters” (šar kibrāti erbetti), or “king of Assyria” (šar māt Aššur) (*SH 28-30).

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and Akkad” (šar māt Šumerî u Akkadî), held by the same kings as above, with the noticeable addition of Ashurbanipal (SR 9, ES 76, *ES 77, AS 39, *AS 40, SH 31, *SH 32). This title was perhaps not as directly associated with Babylon as the above or was taken after the civil war.23 Ashur-etel-ilani refers to himself as “provider of Nippur” (ú-a Nibruki) in a Sumerian text (AE 14). The fact that Assyrian kings chose to compose texts in Sumerian is in itself a testimony to their southern commitments. The attestations of the present subgroup talk of coercion (in the sense of having dominion over Babylonia and its constituent parts) but not directly of violence. The titles and epithets of the present subgroup make up 9,5 % of the total titulary corpus.

Moving on to titulary that tells of the Assyrian king’s relationships with other lands and the world in general (2.2.2), these are commonly attested. The closest one gets to hearing of royal violence is probably in the epithet “conqueror from the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea” (kāšid ultu tâmtim elīti adi tâmtim šaplīti), held by Esarhaddon (ES 20). The act of “conquering” (kašādu) at least indirectly speaks of violence.24 Universal dominion is imagined in this epithet’s referring to the Upper and Lower Seas, i.e. to the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf (and the land between them). Dominion over the world at large is often claimed. Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal here portray themselves each as “king of the four quarters” (šar kibrāti erbetti) (ES 71, AS 34, *SH 28).25 Dominion over specific lands is also spoken of. Esarhaddon calls himself “king of the kings of (lower) [Egypt], upper Egypt, and [Kush]” (šar šarrāni māt [Muṣri] māt pa-ta-ri-is u [māt Kūsi]), thus hinting at his African campaigns (ES 78).26 Royal violence is still only indirectly articulated in these contexts. The titles and epithets of the present subgroup make up 13,0 % of the total titulary corpus.

Ending with the titles and epithets that centre on the king’s relationship with the divine, and which roughly correspond to the epithet type “le roi et les dieux” in the titulary classification by Seux, some of these centre on the gods’ and goddesses’ concerns for the king’s status (subgroup 3.1). A distinction between the selected and supported status of the king can be made here. The titulary group centred on the deities as active in relation to the king consists of 11,6 % of the total corpus.

The notion of the divinely selected Assyrian king (3.1.1) is quite often articulated in the titulary. Most often, the term migru, meaning “favourite”,27 is then used. Shamash-shuma-ukin e.g. calls himself “favourite of Enlil, Shamash, and Marduk” (migir Enlil Šamaš u Marduk) (SH 11), in his being selected by several south-based deities, not the least by Marduk, the tutelary god of Babylon. Another commonly used term to express the king’s favoured status in the eyes of the deities is nibītu, meaning “designate”.28 Esarhaddon e.g. presents himself as “designate of Marduk (and) Sarpanitu” (nibīt Marduk Ṣarpanītu) (ES 45), referring to the said god and his consort Sarpanitu as the ones enthroning him. As mentioned above, also the Nippur-based Enlil, king of the gods, is suggested as the source for the Assyrian king’s position of power. Esarhaddon is in one epithet described as “steadfast choice of Enlil” (itût kūn libbi Enlil) (ES 18). In other words, the Assyrian king is presented as the divine world’s choice. The epithets of this subgroup consist of 7,9 % of the total titulary.                                                                                                                23 Sumer and Akkad are ancient geographic concepts, harking back to the 3rd millennium BCE. The kings of the Third Dynasty of Ur were the first to use this title (Hallo 1957: 77). 24 CAD K, pp. 271-83. 25 Its equivalent in Sumerian, lugal ub-da límmu-ba, was taken by Ashur-etel-ilani (AE 2). The standard title “king of the universe” (šar kiššati) may also be noted in this context (SR 7, SN 1, ES 72, *ES 73, AS 35, *AS 36, *SH 29, AE 9, *AE 10). 26 Notably, Seux (1967: 303) only recognizes the šar māt Muṣri-part in his epithet collection. 27 A “person endowed with divine or royal favor, grace” is described thus (CAD M II, p. 48). 28 The literal meaning speaks of a “person called (by the gods)” (CAD N II, p. 201).

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The idea that the Assyrian king received aid from above (3.1.2) is occasionally attested in titulary form. Esarhaddon is “one over whom they extended their eternal protective shade in order to soothe their divine heart(s) and set their mind(s) at rest” (ana nuḫḫu libbi ilūtišu u nupūš kabattišunu ṣillušunu dārû itruṣū elišu) (ES 1). The ruler is here protected by the divine “shade” (ṣillu). The same king is also “he who by the force of Ashur, Enlil, Bel, and the Son-of-Bel ruled over all lands” (ina emūq Aššur Enlil Bēl u mār-Bēl kullat mātāti ibēlu) (ES 14). Esarhaddon is here helped by the divine “force” (emūqu) in his gaining dominion. This is the closest one gets to the idea of royal violence in this subgroup. A special way of supporting the king is mentioned by Esarhaddon in his stating that Marduk was good-tempered in his reign. The ruler is here “king in whose days of reign Marduk had mercy on Babylon (and again) took up his residence in Esagila” (šarru ša ina ūmē palîšu Marduk ana Bābili salīmu iršû ina Esagil irmû šubassu) (ES 87). This is of course a reference to the said king’s Babylonian policy, after the destruction of the city by his father Sennacherib (Kuhrt 1997: 582-87). The epithets of this subgroup consist of 3,7 % of the titulary.

Proceeding with the titles and epithets that centre on the king towards the divine, the king is often the active part in this relationship (subgroup 3.2). While the former subgroup corresponds to the subtype “la faveur divine” in the epithet classification of Seux, this one corresponds to “la piété du roi”. The Assyrian ruler is here respecting, building, providing, ritual-enacting, and serving. The titulary group centred on the king as active in the divine sphere consists of 27,2 % of the total corpus.

The king’s piety in question revolved both around action and attitude. Concerning the latter, the ruler is pictured as respecting the deities (3.2.1).29 The term that is commonly used here is palāḫu, meaning “to fear”.30 Ashurbanipal is, for example, presented as “prince who fears him/her” (rubû pāliḫšu/ša) (AS 20), referring to his attitude towards the gods Ea, Shamash, and Nabu and the goddess Ishtar-of-Uruk in various building contexts. Another term that speaks of the king’s respecting is takālu, meaning “to trust in”.31 This term is used in Esarhaddon’s epithet “king who from his youth trusted in Nabu, Tashmetu, and Nanaya” (šarru ša ultu ṣeḫrišu ana Nabû Tašmētum u Nanāya ittaklu) (ES 88), speaking of all-southern deities, among them the god Nabu. Another way of expressing the Assyrian ruler’s respecting is represented by the texts of Esarhaddon in this king’s epithet “he who realized their power” (īmuru danānšun) (ES 13). The divine sphere’s “power” or “strength” (danānu) which the king had “realized” (amāru) is spoken of here. The titles and epithets of the present subgroup make up 6,7 % of the total titulary corpus.

Turning to piety through action, the king often builds for the deities (3.2.2). Participle forms of the verbs banû and epēšu, meaning “to build/make”,32 are commonly used here. As for the latter,33 Shamash-shuma-ukin claims to be “he who (re)constructed Esagila” (ēpiš Esagila) (*AS 6, SH 3), referring to the temple of Marduk in Babylon. Another common term on the building theme is edēšu in the D-stem, meaning “to renew”.34 Esarhaddon uses this term in his epithet “renewer of Eanna” (muddiš Eanna) (ES 30), speaking of his work on the temple of the goddess

                                                                                                               29 The difference between subgroups 1.2.2 (on the king’s personal qualities in the divine sphere) and the present one is that the former does not contain explicit mentioning of deities (not even by suffix pronouns) in its title and epithet corpus, hence being inward and non-relational in character. 30 CAD P, p. 37. 31 CAD T, p. 63. 32 CAD B, p. 83 and CAD E, p. 191. 33 An example of the former is Esarhaddon’s epithet “he who (re)built Esagila” (bānû Esagila) (ES 7). 34 CAD E, p. 30.

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Ishtar in Uruk. Similarly, Esarhaddon is also “he who perfected (all) the sanctuaries (and) cult centres” (mušaklil ešrēti (kullat) (u) māḫāzī) (ES 37). The role of the king as master builder could of course include building something new as well as lightly repairing existing structures – and anything in between. Naturally, royal violence is not a topic at all in this context. Construction rather than destruction is highlighted.35 The titles/epithets of the present subgroup make up 7,7 % of the total corpus.

Another sign of royal piety in actions is his providing for the deities (3.2.3). The words that tell of this role are primarily the participle zāninu, meaning “provider”,36 and the verb kânu in the D-stem, meaning “to establish (e.g. offerings)”.37 As for the former word, Sargon II presents himself as “provider of Esagila and Ezida” (zānin Esagil u Ezida) (SR 13). The latter temple belonged to Nabu in Borsippa. As for the latter word, Shamash-shuma-ukin sees himself as “he who (re)established the regular offerings (in) Esagila (for) the deities of Sumer and Akkad” (sattukkī Esagil ilāni māt Šumerî u Akkadî ukinnu) (SH 21), thus displaying his commitment to providing for the deities. The term sattukku is commonly used and speaks of offerings of food and drink.38 Esarhaddon, in his turn, is “he who (re)established their income” (ukinnu isqušun) (ES 93), speaking of his providing function. Self-evidently, violence from the hands of the Assyrian king is not addressed in this subgroup. The titles and epithets of the present subgroup make up 5,1 % of the total titulary corpus.

There are also titles and epithets that tell of the king as ritual-enacting (3.2.4).39 The terms “procedures” (simtu) and “purification rites” (šuluḫḫu) are highlighted in Esarhaddon’s epithet “he who put appropriate procedures in the great cult centres (and) has purification rites kept in order” (ša ina māḫāzu rabûti simāti ištakkanu uštēširu šuluḫḫu) (ES 62). The terms “rites” (parṣu) and “rituals” (kidudû) are centred on in an epithet that is expressed in Ashurbanipal’s texts, namely “he who restored the rites (and) rituals according to the original pattern” (parṣī kidudê kīma labīrimma utēru ašruššun) (*AS 17). Finally, the ritual of praying is alluded to (through the verb dalālu) in Esarhaddon’s epithet “he who from the days of his youth was constantly attentive to their rule and praised their valour” (ša ultu ūmē ṣeḫrišu bēlūssunu putūquma qurussunu dallu) (ES 67). Naturally, royal violence is absent. The titles and epithets of the present subgroup make up 2,1 % of the total titulary corpus.

Royal piety is also expressed through the king’s serving in general (3.2.5).40 Esarhaddon e.g. presents himself as “servant” (ardu) in his epithet “servant who fears his great divinity” (ardu pāliḫ ilūtišu rabītim) (ES 4), while also speaking of respecting in relation to the god Marduk. Another word that is commonly translated as “servant” is rēšu.41 Esarhaddon uses this term as well, here in order to describe himself as “pious servant” (rēšu mutnennû) (ES 53), again speaking also of the attitude of respecting deities. A special way of serving deities is spoken of by the same king with regard to accompanying and/or settling deities, just as was expected

                                                                                                               35 Destruction is spoken of only as the initial stage of renovations (see e.g. RINAP 4, 2:iv32-53). 36 CAD Z, p. 45. 37 CAD K, p. 159. 38 CAD S, p. 198. 39 The food and drink offerings focused on in the preceding subgroup were also rituals, but arguably less mundane rituals are centred on in the present subgroup, hence the subdivision. 40 The titles and epithets sorted in this subgroup are of a “rest”-category, heralded by the epithets which literally speak of the Assyrian king as a servant (ardu, rēšu) and as being attentive (na’adu). 41 CAD R, p. 277. Suggestively, both this word and ardu (CAD A II, p. 243) can also be translated as “slave”, thus conveying the king’s profoundly subordinate status in relation to the deities.

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of a good servant in relation to his human or divine master.42 The epithet in question appears as “he who returned them from Assyria to their (proper) places” (ultu qereb māt Aššur ana ašrišunu utēršunūti) (ES 94). The said ruler here returns godnapped deities.43 The epithets of this subgroup make up 5,6 % of the total titulary corpus. Concluding remarks In conclusion, the titulary collected and dicussed in this paper clearly shows that there is evidence of a consistent adaption to the Babylonian cultural milieu in Assyrian royal titles and epithets attested in Assyrian royal inscriptions from or on Babylonia, at least if defining temple building and other peaceful themes as typically southern ideology components, and if judging themes on violence as peripheral in the south.

Firstly, the emphasis on the king’s relationship with the deities (corresponding to Seux’s epithet type “le roi et les dieux” and its two subtypes) is noteworthy. When including the subgroup 1.2.2 (on the king’s character in the divine sphere), the titulary that has such a focus constitute as much as 42,3 %. Secondly (and more importantly), there is not a single title or epithet in the sources that directly tells of violence from the hands of the Assyrian king. The closest one gets to this theme is probably through the epithet that centres on the king as “conqueror” (kāšidu) (ES 20) of a certain area and the one which states that the king had placed all rulers at his feet (kanāšu Š) (ES 11, AS 7). The sources focused on in the present study clearly stand out because of their scarcity of Seux’s epithet types “le roi en campagne et au combat” and “le roi et les ennemis”. Assyrian titulary in Babylonia was greatly adapted to its spatial context. Bibliography Black, J. and A. Green. 1992. Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An Illustrated Dictionary, with illustrations by T. Rickards. London: British Museum Press. Borger, R. 1996. Beiträge zum Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals. Die Prismenklassen A, B, C, K, D, E, F, G, H, J und T sowie andere Inschriften, mit einem Beitrag von Andreas Fuchs. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Bottéro, J. 2001. Religion in Ancient Mesopotamia, translated by T. Lavender Fagan. Chicago: University Press of Chicago. CAD = Gelb, I. J. et al., eds. 1956-2011. The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Chicago: Oriental Institute. Cifola, B. 1995. Analysis of Variants in the Assyrian Royal Titulary from the Origins to Tiglath-Pileser III. Istituto universitario orientale 47. Naples: Istituto universitario orientale. Fales, F. M. 2010. Guerre et paix en Assyrie: Religion et impérialisme. Les conférences de l´école pratique des hautes études 2. Paris: Cerf.

                                                                                                               42 A vital servant quality of a Mesopotamian ruler was his attentiveness (to the wishes and commands of the deities), as evidenced e.g. on the statues of the Sumerian ruler Gudea, with his enlarged eyes and ears (Winter 1989). A common term in Akkadian for “attentive” is na’adu, and this word is attested e.g. in Esarhaddon’s epithet “attentive ruler” (malku na’adu) (ES 24). 43 The term “godnapping” refers to the seizing of cult statues belonging to enemy polities, notably with the purpose of punishing and/or extorting the polities in question (Holloway 2001).

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Frame, G. 1995. Rulers of Babylonia: From the Second Dynasty of Isin to the End of Assyrian Domination (1157-612 BC). Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Babylonian Periods 2. Toronto, Buffalo, and London: University of Toronto Press. Frame, G. 1997. “The God Aššur in Babylonia” in S. Parpola and R. M. Whiting, eds. Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. pp. 55-64. Fuchs, A. 2009. “Waren die Assyrer grausam?” in M. Zimmermann, ed. Extreme Formen von Gewalt in Bild und Text des Altertums. Münchner Studien zur alten Welt 5. Munich: Herbert Utz. pp. 65-119. Garelli, P. 1981. “La conception de la royauté en Assyrie” in F. M. Fales, ed. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis. Oriens Antiqui Collectio 17. Rome: Istituto per l´Oriente. pp. 1-11. Grayson, A. K. and J. Novotny 2014. The Royal Inscriptions of Sennacherib, King of Assyria (704-681 BC), Part 2. Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period 3/2. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns. Hallo, W. W. 1957. Early Mesopotamian Royal Titles: A Philologic and Historical Analysis. American Oriental Series 43. New Haven: American Oriental Society. Holloway, S. W. 2001. Aššur is king! Aššur is King!: Religion in the Exercise of Power in the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 10. Leiden: Brill. Karlsson, M. 2016. Relations of Power in Early Neo-Assyrian State Ideology. Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Records 10. Boston and Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Karlsson, M. 2017. Alterity in Ancient Assyrian Propaganda. State Archives of Assyria Studies 26. Helsinki and Winona Lake: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project and Eisenbrauns. Kuhrt, A. 1997. The Ancient Near East c. 3000-330 BC I-II. Routledge History of the Ancient World. London and New York: Routledge. Leichty, E. 2011. The Royal Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, King of Assyria (680-669 BC). Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period 4. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns. Leick, G. 2001. Who’s Who in the Ancient Near East. London and New York: Routledge. Liverani, M. 1981. “Critique of Variants and the Titulary of Sennacherib” in F. M. Fales, ed. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis. Oriens Antiqui Collectio 17. Rome: Istituto per l´Oriente. pp. 225-57. MZL = Borger, R. 2003. Mesopotamisches Zeichenlexikon. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 305. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. Novotny, J. 2014. Selected Royal Inscriptions of Assurbanipal. State Archives of Assyria Cuneiform Texts 10. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. Porter, B. N. 2003a. “Conquest or Kudurrus?” in B. N. Porter, Trees, Kings, and Politics: Studies in Assyrian Iconography. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 197. Fribourg and Göttingen: Academic Press and Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht. pp. 39-46.

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Porter, B. N. 2003b. “Image as Error” in B. N. Porter, Trees, Kings, and Politics: Studies in Assyrian Iconography. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 197. Fribourg and Göttingen: Academic Press and Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht. pp. 47-58. Porter, B. N. 2003c. “Assyrian Propaganda for the West: Esarhaddon’s Steles for Til- Barsip and Sam’al” in B. N. Porter, Trees, Kings, and Politics: Studies in Assyrian Iconography. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 197. Fribourg and Göttingen: Academic Press and Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht. pp. 59-79. Postgate, J. N. 1974. “Royal Exercise of Justice under the Assyrian Empire” in P. Garelli, ed. Le palais et la royauté: Proceedings of the 19th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Comptes rendu de la rencontre assyriologique internationale 19. Paris: Geuthner. pp. 417-26. Postgate, J. N. 1995. “Royal Ideology and State Administration in Sumer and Akkad” in J. M. Sasson, ed. Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. New York: Scribner. pp. 395-411. Renger, J. 1980-83. “Königsinschriften. B. Akkadisch”. Reallexikon der Assyriologie und vorderasiatischen Archäologie 6: 65-77. Saggs, H. W. F. 1984. The Might that was Assyria. 1st edition. Great Civilizations Series. London: Sidgwick & Jackson. Saggs, H. W. F. 1988. The Greatness that was Babylon. 2nd edition. Great Civilizations Series. London: Sidgwick & Jackson. Seux, M.-J. 1967. Épithètes royales akkadiennes et sumériennes. Paris: Centre national de la recherche scientifique. Seux, M.-J. 1980-83. “Königtum”. Reallexikon der Assyriologie und vorderasiatischen Archäologie 6: 140-73. Tadmor, H. 1981. “History and Ideology in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions” in F. M. Fales, ed. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis. Oriens Antiqui Collectio 17. Rome: Istituto per l´Oriente. pp. 13-33. Tadmor, H. 1997. “Propaganda, Literature, Historiography: Cracking the Code of the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions” in S. Parpola and R. M. Whiting, eds. Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. pp. 325-38. Winter, I. 1989. “The Body of the Able Ruler: Toward an Understanding of the Statues of Gudea” in H. Behrens, D. Loding, and M. T. Roth, eds. Studies in Honour of Åke W. Sjöberg. Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund 11. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press. pp. 573-84.

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Appendix The table below lists all Assyrian royal inscriptions from or on Babylonia known to me. Info on publication, object type, genre, language, and origin are provided.44 text object genre language origin RIMB 2 B.6.22.1 brick dedicatory Akkadian Babylon, Kish RIMB 2 B.6.22.2 brick dedicatory Sumerian Babylon RIMB 2 B.6.22.3 cylinder dedicatory Akkadian Uruk RIMB 2 B.6.22.4 brick commemorative Akkadian Uruk RIMB 2 B.6.22.5 brick dedicatory Sumerian Uruk RIMB 2 B.6.22.6 brick dedicatory Sumerian Uruk RINAP 3/2, text 232 paving stone tag/label Akkadian Babylon RINAP 3/2, text 233 lion-head

finial commemorative Akkadian Sippar/Nineveh?

RINAP 4, text 104 prism commemorative Akkadian Babylon, Assur, Sippar

RINAP 4, text 105 prism commemorative Akkadian Babylon RINAP 4, text 106 prism, tablet commemorative Akkadian Babylon RINAP 4, text 107 prism commemorative Akkadian Babylon RINAP 4, text 108 prism commemorative Akkadian Nineveh RINAP 4, text 109 prism commemorative Akkadian Nineveh RINAP 4, text 110 prism commemorative Akkadian Babylon? RINAP 4, text 111 prism commemorative Akkadian Babylon? RINAP 4, text 112 prism commemorative Akkadian Sippar RINAP 4, text 113 cylinder commemorative Akkadian Babylon RINAP 4, text 114 cuboid stone commemorative Akkadian Babylon? RINAP 4, text 115 cylinder,

cuboid stone caption/epigraph Akkadian? Babylon

RINAP 4, text 116 tablet commemorative Akkadian Nineveh RINAP 4, text 117 tablet commemorative Akkadian Nineveh RINAP 4, text 118 cylinder seal dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RINAP 4, text 119 brick dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RINAP 4, text 120 brick dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RINAP 4, text 121 brick dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RINAP 4, text 122 brick dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RINAP 4, text 123 brick dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RINAP 4, text 124 brick dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RINAP 4, text 125 brick dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RINAP 4, text 126 brick dedicatory Sumerian Babylon RINAP 4, text 127 cylinder commemorative Akkadian Borsippa RINAP 4, text 128 cylinder dedicatory Akkadian Nippur RINAP 4, text 129 cylinder dedicatory Akkadian Nippur RINAP 4, text 130 cylinder dedicatory Akkadian Nippur? RINAP 4, text 131 brick dedicatory Akkadian Nippur RINAP 4, text 132 brick dedicatory Akkadian Nippur

                                                                                                               44 The inscriptions are ordered chronologically. The classifying according to literary genre is, in some respects, admittedly rather coarse. The difference between dedicatory and commemorative inscriptions is simply that the former starts with the dative pre/postposition “to (DN(N))” (ana/-ra). A reader of this article (whose comments I am thankful for) suggested that additional texts can be found in: RINAP 3/2, nos. 230-31; RINAP 4, nos. 44-45, 48-49, 51-53, 1011; BIWA (=Borger 1996), prisms H1-4, prism J7, “Weihinschrift an Marduk”, “Nergal-Laṣ-Inschrift”; SAACT 10 (=Novotny 2014), no. 18.

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RINAP 4, text 133 cylinder dedicatory Akkadian Uruk RINAP 4, text 134 cylinder dedicatory Akkadian Uruk RINAP 4, text 135 cylinder dedicatory Akkadian Uruk RINAP 4, text 136 cylinder dedicatory Akkadian Uruk? RINAP 4, text 137 brick dedicatory Akkadian Uruk RINAP 4, text 138 brick dedicatory Akkadian Uruk RINAP 4, text 139 brick dedicatory Akkadian Uruk RINAP 4, text 1001 prism commemorative Akkadian Sippar RINAP 4, text 1002 prism commemorative Akkadian Sippar RINAP 4, text 1003 prism commemorative Akkadian Sippar/Babylon/

Borsippa? RINAP 4, text 1004 prism commemorative Akkadian Nineveh RINAP 4, text 1010 tablet commemorative Akkadian Uruk RIMB 2 B.6.32.1 cylinder dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RIMB 2 B.6.32.2 stele commemorative Akkadian Babylon RIMB 2 B.6.32.3 cylinder commemorative Akkadian Babylon RIMB 2 B.6.32.4 cylinder commemorative Akkadian Babylon RIMB 2 B.6.32.5 cylinder commemorative Akkadian Babylon RIMB 2 B.6.32.6 cylinder commemorative Akkadian Babylon RIMB 2 B.6.32.7 brick dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RIMB 2 B.6.32.8 brick dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RIMB 2 B.6.32.9 brick dedicatory Sumerian Babylon RIMB 2 B.6.32.10 brick dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RIMB 2 B.6.32.11 brick dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RIMB 2 B.6.32.12 cylinder commemorative Akkadian Sippar RIMB 2 B.6.32.13 cylinder dedicatory Akkadian Borsippa RIMB 2 B.6.32.14 stele commemorative Akkadian Borsippa RIMB 2 B.6.32.15 cylinder dedicatory Akkadian Nippur RIMB 2 B.6.32.16 brick dedicatory Sumerian Nippur RIMB 2 B.6.32.17 brick dedicatory Sumerian Nippur RIMB 2 B.6.32.18 brick dedicatory Sumerian Nippur RIMB 2 B.6.32.19 cylinder dedicatory Akkadian Uruk RIMB 2 B.6.32.20 cylinder commemorative Akkadian Nineveh RIMB 2 B.6.32.21 brick dedicatory Akkadian Dur-Kurigalzu RIMB 2 B.6.32.22 brick dedicatory Akkadian Me-Turran RIMB 2 B.6.32.23 tablet commemorative Akkadian Borsippa? RIMB 2 B.6.32.2001 door socket dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2002 cone dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2003 brick dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2004 brick dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2005 brick dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2006 brick dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2007 brick dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2008 brick dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2009 brick dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2010 brick dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2011 brick dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2012 brick dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2013 brick dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2014 cone dedicatory Sumerian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2015 disk dedicatory Akkadian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.32.2016 clay object commemorative Akkadian Ur RIMB 2 B.6.33.1 cylinder commemorative Akkadian, Sippar

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Sumerian RIMB 2 B.6.33.2 brick dedicatory Sumerian Sippar RIMB 2 B.6.33.3 stele commemorative Akkadian Borsippa RIMB 2 B.6.33.4 cylinder dedicatory Akkadian Borsippa RIMB 2 B.6.33.5 tablet dedicatory Akkadian Borsippa? RIMB 2 B.6.33.6 cylinder commemorative Akkadian Babylon? RIMB 2 B.6.33.2001 tablet dedicatory Akkadian Ur/Uruk? RIMB 2 B.6.35.1 tablet dedicatory Akkadian Babylon? RIMB 2 B.6.35.2 tablet dedicatory Akkadian Babylon RIMB 2 B.6.35.3 brick dedicatory Akkadian Dilbat? RIMB 2 B.6.35.4 brick dedicatory Sumerian Nippur? RIMB 2 B.6.35.5 cylinder,

tablet commemorative Akkadian Babylon?