architecture after pakistan

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A Contemporary Architectural Quest and Synthesis:

Kamil Khan Mumtaz in Pakistanby

Zarminae Ansari

Bachelor of Architecture,National College of Arts,Lahore, Pakistan, 1994.

Submitted to theof

Department of Architecture in partial fulfillmentthe requirements for the degree of

Master of Science in Architecture Studies

at the

MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY

June 1997

Zarminae Ansari, 1997. All Rights Reserved.

The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and distribute publiclypaper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part.

Author ...... ................................................................................. . .Department of Architecture

May 9, 1997

Certified by.Attilio Petruccioli

Aga Khan Professor of Design for Islamic CultureThesis Supervisor

A ccep ted b y ...........................................................................................Roy Strickland

Chairman, Departmental Committee on Graduate StudentsDepartment of Architecture

JUN 2 0 1997


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Readers:

Ali Asani, (John L.Loeb Associe e Professor of the Humanities, Harvard Univer-sity Faculty ofArts and Sciences).Sibel Bozdogan, (Associate Professor of Architecture, MIT).Hasan-ud-din Khan, (Visiting Associate Professor, AKPIA,MIT).

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Acknowledgments

For making this thesis possible, indeed, for their part in my architectural journey, for mak-ing it possible for me to reach MIT, I would like to thank the followingpeople:- Mr. A. A. Ansari, Deputy Director General, Archaeological Survey of India: my Opa,

who I regretfully never met, but is always an inspiration;- My parents, Anjum and Rana Naeem, and my family; specially my mother due to

whose sacrifices toward a daughter's education, I am here;- Mr. Sikander Ghulam Ali, who helped me begin the journey to Lester B. Pearson Col-

lege of the Pacific, Canada, and beyond;- My professors and friends at the National College of Arts, Lahore, Pakistan; specially

Taimoor D.A.Mumtaz for his invaluable help.- My friends at MIT, Shehla Imran, Pratap Talwar, and specially Rajive Chaudhry.- Mr. William O' Reilly, at the Aga Khan Award Geneva office.- I would like to thank my professors at MIT and Harvard specially Nasser Rabat, Sibel

Bozdogan and AliAsani whose courses were eye openers, and Hasan-ud-din Khan forhis insightful comments.

Finally it is my privilege to thank the two people without whom this thesis really would nothave been possible: Kamil Khan Mumtaz, for his patience and graciously taking time outto help me; and AttilioPetruccioli: I will always be grateful for his good humor, helpfulenthusiasm, and "inventiveness".


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A Contemporary Architectural Quest and Synthesis:Kamil Khan Mumtaz in Pakistan

byZarminae Ansari

Submitted to the Department of Architecture on May9, 1997, inpartialfulfillmentof the requirements for the degree of

Master of Science inArchitecture Studies

Abstract

This thesis looks at an important Pakistani architect's work and philosophy as a possible direction orapproach for contemporary architecture in Pakistan. Although there are more prolificbuilders in Pakistan,Kamil Khan Mumtaz (KKM) of Lahore, is one of the most important and influential figures in architecturaleducation and the architectural discourse in Pakistan. He has tried to synthesize both pragmatic and philo-sophical aspects of architecture.

Kamil Khan Mumtaz was trained in the Modern Movement at Architectural Association,London. His initialexposure to indigenous Architecture made him question the validityof his training. He started to search fora more appropriate architectural idiom for Pakistan. Throughout his career, he has been a pioneer in themovement for conservation of architectural heritage and raising standards of architectural design in Paki-stan through differentorganizations he has founded and is member of.

This thesis looks at three stages of evolution in the architects background, discourse and work; relating itto its cultural milieu.

The first phase describes the state of architecture in Pakistan when he returns from the ArchitecturalAsso-ciation, London, and the events leading up to the situation. The background is a period of nation buildingfollowingIndependence and Partition and a lack of adequate architectural education in Pakistan. His earlybuildings reflect his Modernist training and social concerns.

The second phase looks at his growing concerns with appropriate technology, and interest in indigenousbuilding techniques and crafts. This is the period of Islamic nationalism and the Islamization program dur-ing the military regime of General Zia.

The last phase, is the recent and contemporary situation, where global culture meets the deep rooted rem-nants of fundamentalism fanned by Zia's regime. At this time his architecture is an attempt at synthesis ofmodern technology and local craft with his own interest in spiritual aspects of architecture.KKM's most rep-resentative work in each of these phases willbe discussed with reference to his architectural agenda at thetime.

Other issues raised, while assessing the work of Kamil KhanMumtaz, are issues of regionalism relating tothe evolution of his architecture. Ifcritical regionalism is considered the preferred choice, or alternative, of

architectural approach specially in Islamic and/ or developing countries, how well does KKM'swork fit intothat context? Finally, it explores his importance as an architect, educator and intellectual in terms of hisinfluence on contemporary architecture in Pakistan.

Thesis Supervisor: AttilioPetruccioliTitle: Aga Khan Professor of Design for IslamicCulture


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CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

ABSTRACT

1. INTRODUCTION

Introducing contemporary architecture in PakistanMethodology, Data Sources and PurposeNationalism And IdentityArchitecture education in PakistanNational College of ArtsArchitects background-----------

2. DISCOURSE

2.1- Modernist/ social concerns; (Systems buildings)2.2- Regional Approach -----------2.3- Anjuman Mimaran --------------2.6-The Aga Khan Awards -------------2.4- The Role of Crafts in Spiritual Context

3. PROJECTS

3.1- Search for appropriate technology- Kot Karamat Village -- --

- Architects Residence3.2- Exploration of traditional crafts

- Sonu Rehman's Residence- Residences in Lahore

3.3 - Synthesis of technology and craft- Dar-ul-Hikmat- Chandbagh School

4. ASSESSMENT

4.1- Contemporary Synthesis; Spiritual approach4.2 - His Influence4.3 - Economic4.4 - Discourse

5. BIBLIOGRAPHY

6. ILLUSTRATIONCREDITS

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INTRODUCTION


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1.1 Introducing Contemporary Architecture In Pakistan

Fiftyyears after Independence, Pakistan is still grappling with the nature of its existencel

as secular or religious, and therefore its identity.There is, not surprisingly, no agreement

concerning the source of this identity, and its validation. Issues surrounding this pervade

most civil life, and this is equally true of architecture.

In October 1993, at the end of a seminar on Contemporary Architecture in Pakistan 2, an

architecture student expressed the general feelingamong the student delegation

present, and said that at the end of the day's proceedings, she felt confused, and like the

child of disputing parents- "Idon't know where to turn or which movement to adopt....".3

The statement was telling of another fact: the general tendency "to adopt" a movement,

or turn to ready-made solutions of imposed principles. Three years later, architect Kamil

Khan Mumtaz in reply to what constitutes a "Pakistani" identity in architecture, called ita

"manifest confusion". 4

With limited and selective exposure to international architectural discourse, no critical

architectural journal evaluating their work, most contemporary architects in Pakistan

have evolved a style of architecture that KKM refers to as "irresponsible".5

1."What do Pakistanis really want?" Survey in Herald Magazine, Karachi, January 1997.2. The seminar was organized by Kamil Khan Mumtaz and volunteers for the Anjuman Mimaran, a society

builders and architects of which he is a founder member.3. Ansari, Z.; "Barefoot, Traditional, Modern or Populist?" report on seminar proceedings in, Th e Frontier

Post, October 22, 1993.4. KKM Interview, January 1996.5. Ibid.


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This is a matter of greater significance than just exasperation and/ or bewilderment of an

intellectual elite at the commercial and popular architecture'. Pakistan faces the typical

problems of a developing nation. On the urban and architectural level, these are densifi-

cation due to the ever increasing economic pull of the urban centers and a population

explosion leading to infrastructure deficiency and socio-political crises. These develop-

ment issues are juxtaposed against a desire to assert a political and cultural identity.

Architectural identity on a national and regional level, and housing and sustainable archi-

tecture from the global and environmental perspective have been on the State's agenda,as reiterated not only in political speeches but international architectural seminars and

conferences. These issues are NOT mutually exclusive, yet in most cases, they are

approached in his manner, specially in large scale government projects. 2

Contemporary building inPakistan is carried out by two kinds of bodies. One is he popu-

lar, playing out the aspirations of the masses. The second, a Janus-headed intellectual

body of a Western-educated elite, which rejects popular expression. Janus-headed,

because of the directions they face for legitimate inspiration. One looks toward the West

for inspiration and education. At the same time, a diverse group of intellectual elite are

prescribing a return to the roots.

However they are neither particularly inagreement as to what those roots are exactly, no r

1. Such as the exuberance of fantastic urban vernacular architecture of marriage halls along streets in urbancenters.

2. Thus public buildings that attempt to assert a sense of pride and national identity, sometimes do so in away that is good for the nation in terms of excessive financial cost. or use of limited energy resources.


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the process by which they are to be exposed. Though they seem to be in agreement for

the rejection of post-colonial architecture such as that of the Modern Movement and

images of it,appropriated by a young Nation to depict "progress" symbolized by the new

capital, Islamabad. Some rely on transplanting a pastiche of exact images on elevations,

from an arbitrarilychosen period in architectural history, or a romanticized rural vernacu-

lar. A handful; more aware of theoretical discourse in architecture, are trying to achieve

what may be called a kind of "critical regionalism" after attempting to study typologies,

spaces of traditional buildings, etc. Here again it is debatable as to what constitutes "tra-

ditional".Architect Kamil Khan Mumtaz belongs to this group of intellectual elite.

There are more prolificbuilders in Pakistan, however, Ihave chosen architect Kamil Khan

Mumtaz in Lahore, who is nevertheless one of the most important and influentialfigures

in architectural education and the architectural discourse in Pakistan and who has tried

to synthesize both pragmatic and philosophical aspects of architecture. He has thought

and written a great deal about architecture in general and his own evolution as an archi-

tect, in particular.

Due to the lack of local architectural journals as well as other factors1 , very limited infor-

mation is available on architects inPakistan. Ihope this thesis will supplement and add to

the information and willbe a useful reference to those interested in the development of

architectural discourse in the non-Western world, and specificallywithin the Indian sub-

1. An automatic association with architectural discourse in India should be restrained, as the situation isvery different demographically: in terms of literacy rates, thenumber of architectural schools and numberof architects practising in the two countries, and the existence of regular architectural journals mono-graphs, and texts available, which is no t the case in Pakistan. Also of significance is the large body ofmiddle class in India, who are patrons and clients, as compared to the lower ratio in Pakistan.


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continent region. I will attempt to trace the trajectory of the discourse by mapping the

work and writings of Kamil Khan Mumtaz through an analysis of it, in context of Paki-

stan's post-Partition cultural dilemma and self-invention.

Important milestones in his career are closely linked with the socio-political milieu at the

time. Which is why his work is representative of the issues surrounding architecture and

the post-colonial identity,in Pakistan.

1.He was founder member of the Lahore Conservation Society; founder president of Anjuman Mimaran a group ofarchitects and builders, which aims to establish an almost revolutionary new Building Arts School.- Visiting Critic at Ag a Khan Program for Islamic Architecture at Harvard and MIT 1988.- Member Scientific Committee for "Barcelona' 96", International Union of Architects.- Member Board of Governors, Authority for Preservation of Mohenjo-Daro.- Member Board of Governors, Mehran University of Engineering & Technology, Jamshoro, Sindh.- Member Board of Governors, Lok Virsa and Member Board of Governors, Pakistan National Fund for Cultural

Heritage.- Member Steering Committee for AKAA (1981-1984).- Professor and Head of the Department of Architecture at National College of Arts, Lahore. (1966-1980)


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1.2 Methodology, Data Sources and Purpose

This study will limit itself to one architect through whose work many questions within the

cultural and architectural discourse are raised, to see if they are answered. It will look

specifically at KKM'swork with reference to his writings, and the cultural milieu.

The first part will look at the historical and cultural context of his work, and the back-

ground of architectural education inPakistan, inwhich he played an important role. In he

second, the stages of his architectural philosophy have been divided into three parts

coinciding with the phases in the socio-politicalhistory of Pakistan: the early years after

Independence: the era of Islamization under the dictatorship of General Zia ul Haq: and

the era of regionalism, global communication and the Aga Khan Award (AKAA).In each

of these phases, up to two buildings have been discussed with reference to KKM's archi-

tectural agenda at the time. The third part of the analysis willlook at his influence on con-

temporary architects. The last part of the study willassess the present state of KKM's

quest and its relevance, ifany, to the architectural discourse in Pakistan.

Data sources include KKM's writings: articles, papers and his book Architecture in Paki-

stan; personal and published interviews with the architect; available information and

graphic material on his projects. Background readings include those on nationalism and

post-colonial architectural identity; Islam in South Asia; regional architectural discourse

in relevant books and articles, and the AKAApublications.


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1.3: Nationalism and Identity

In "Nations and Nationalism Since 1780", Eric Hobsbawm states that the word 'nation' in

its modern sense is a product of the eighteenth century.1 From the now famous lecture

"What Is A Nation?", by Ernest Renan, 2 the question has been asked, answers

attempted, and, says Hobsbawm: "Stalin's definition is probably the best known among

these, but by no means the only one."3 Thus: "A Nation is a historicallyevolved, stable

community of language, territory,economic life and psychological makeup manifested in

a community of culture." (Joseph Stalin, "Marxism and the National and Colonial Ques-

tion, pg . 8. Written originallyin 1912)4.

After World War 1, as the map of Europe was being redrawn, the academic study of

nationalism was established. 5 Hobsbawm argues that nationalism comes before

nations. 6 Similarly Ge|lner writes: "Nations as a natural, God given way of classifying

men, as an inherent.., politicaldestiny, are a myth; nationalism which sometimes takes

pre- existing cultures and turns them into nations, sometimes invents them, and often

obliterates pre-existing cultures: that is a reality"7

1. Pg. 3, E.J. Hobsbawm; Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Program, Myth and Reality, CambridgeUniversity Press, 1990.

2. Ernest Renan; "What is a Nation?", 1882. Reprinted in Homi Bhabha ed. Nation and Narration, NewYork, 1990, Pp. 8-22.

3. Pg. 5, Hobsbawm; Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth and Reality Cambridge Uni-versity Press, 1990.

4. Ibid.5. Pg. 3, Ibid. Carleton B. Hayes and Hans Kohn were the "twin founding fathers of the academic study of

nationalism".6. Pg. 10, Ibid.7. Pp. 48-49, Ernest Gellner, "What is a Nation?", in Nations and Nationalism: Oxford: Basil Blackwell,

1983.


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However, Unlike Gellner's view of the Nation "constructed essentially from above",' Hob-

sbawm suggests a dual analysis that includes "the view from below': 2 the perception and

view of the nation as seen by the masses.

Hobsbawm proposes three aspects of "the view from below"which need study: the dis-

parities between the official ideology of the state, and the genuine aspirations and con-

cerns of its citizens; the multiplicity of identifications, and the changeable nature of

national identification.

The events leading up to the creation of Pakistan fall broadly into the three phases that

Hobsbawm divides the history of National Movements into.3 These are: a beginning in a

non political cultural or literary movement; then the seed of "the national idea" which pio-

neers a political campaign; and finally: mass support.

Thus, a growing self-awareness of their culture, religion and education created from

"above", by reformists and educators like Sir Sayyed Ahmed Khan, Mohammad lqbal and

others, led Muslims in colonized India to finally rally in support of the national idea of Par-

tition and eventually the creation of Pakistan. 4

1. Pg. 10, E.J. Hobsbawm; Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth and Reality, CambridgeUniversity Press, 1990.

2. Pg. 11, Ibid.3. Pg. 12, Ibid.4. On 14th August, 1947, Muslim majority areas became part of Pakistan and Hindu majority areas part of

India. This led to the creation of East and West Pakistan, separated........ of Indian territory. Administra-tive and political power lay in West Pakistan, although East Pakistani Bengalis were the demographicmajority. The bone of contention between India and Pakistan has been the issue of Kashmir. This was aMuslim majority area, whose Hindu ruler conceded to India. Since then, both countries have claimed thearea as part of their National territory. Political tensions and strained foreign relations exist in the areawhich has already seen two wars.


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Gellner writes: "If the nationalism prospers it eliminates the alien high culture, but it does

not then replace it by the old local low culture; it revives, or invents, a local high (literate,

specialist-transmitted)culture of its own".1

In he case of Pakistan, that high literate culture was that of the Imperial Mughal Court.

Both Gellner2 and Hobsbawm3 have discussed how an invented common culture is offi-

cially prescribed: "The basic deception and self-deception practised by nationalism is

this: nationalism is, essentially, the general imposition of a high culture on society, where

previouslylow cultures had taken up the lives of the majority"4

Thus, Pakistan's State ideology of imposing a National language- Urdu, the language of

high culture in later Mughal court, had drastic and far-reaching implications. During the

struggle for independence, bengalis rallied under the banner of Islam; but culturally and

linguisticallythey had strong local traditions. The linguistic protests in he then East Paki-

stan led to a repetition of the three phases of national movements discussed earlier. The

politicaland cultural differences of East and West Pakistan eventually led to a bloody civil

war and the creation of the separate state of Bangladesh.

This political struggle and official ideology manifests itself in state architecture, used by

the leaders of the nation to define and establish a national identity.At the same time, this

"quest for a national identity is in reality a product of the search forsubnational, personal

1. Pg. 57, Ernest Gellner, "What is a Nation?", in Nations and Nationalism: Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983.2. Ibid. "nationalisms has its own amnesias and selections"3. "Introduction: Inventing Traditions", E. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger eds., The Invention of Tradition, Cam-

bridge University Press, Canto, 1992 (1983).4. Pg. 57, Ernest Gellner, "What is a Nation?", in Nations and Nationalism: Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983.


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and supranational identity'.1

Underlying the search for national identity, are subnational group alliances and the

choices of the government leaders. Thus: "The rhetoric may be about unity, but the sym-

bols chosen to represent it are products of an elite with its own set of group prefer-

ences".2 There is a "tendency of the national leadership to want to assume architectural

ties to some period of the past. Architecture and urban design may be used as an icono-

graphical bridge between preferred epochs".3 In he case of Islamabad's Capitol Com-

plex, this favored past was that of the Mughal.

The quest for personal vs. national identity plays itself out in he personal inclinations and

choices both of the designer and the client, the bureaucracy, and their choice of the

designer. Supranational identity needs to be taken into account when assessing the offi-

cial architecture of the State. Thus, capitol complexes are meant to symbolize the

progress and economic development of the nation and its equal status with the West.

"Ifanything, post-colonialurban architecture has been far less attuned to the specifics of

place than were its hybrid predeccesors designed under colonial regimes. Concrete-box

parliaments have indistinguishablyoined concrete-box offices and housing blocks, creat-

ing an International Style far more ubiquitous than anything out of Hitchcok and

Johnson."4

1. Pg. 48, Lawrence J. Vale, Architecture, Power and National Identity Yale University Press, New Haven,1992.

2. Pg. 50, Ibid.3. Ibid.4. Pg. 53 , Ibid.


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1.4 Architecture Education In Pakistan

A comprehensive history of architecture education was presented through papers in a

Forum on Architectural Education held by the Institute of Architects, Pakistan (IAP)1, and

they are a prime source of history of architecture education.

The history of architectural education in the country has been discussed by KKMin his

book, "Architecturein Pakistan", where he says that the colonial experience severed the

ties between the traditional architect and the craftsman, and when the British establishedschools for the training of natives in he arts, they created a body of architectural assis-

tants and draftsmen to assist European architects. These architects were very often mili-

tary men with a hobby for architecture, or civil engineers. When professional architects

were imported from Great Britain, they were employed as consultants. And as their ten-

ure ran out, or the colonial experience led them to return back home, the supervision of

architects designs fell into the hands of engineers. However, due to this "historical acci-

dent",2 an unhealthy precedent was established, where architects are hired on a short

term basis as consultants, without supervising and decision making powers.

The situation continues to date according to Professor Dr. Pervaiz Vandal, speaking at a

Forum for Architectural Education: "The civilengineer, from the SDO to the chief,make

1. The Forum on Architectural Education held by the Institute of Architects, Pakistan (IAP) in conjunctionwith the Mehdi Ali Mirza Award ceremony, which recognizes four outstanding architecture students from

the four architecture schools in Pakistan. Excerpts of these papers were presented in Habitat Pakistan

Issue 14, October 1989-March 1990.2. Pg. 50, Vandal, Professor Dr . Pervaiz; "Learning from Legacy" in Habitat Pakistan Issue 14, October

1989-March 1990.


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on the spot changes in design without so much as a nod to the architect. The role of the

architect is thus grossly misunderstood". While the architecture course is a five-year

long one, the engineering course is four years. Yet civil engineers and government

bureaucrats often limit the potential of architects as well as their right and capability to

supervise construction and make decisions beyond the drawing board leading to con-

flicts between the Pakistan Engineering Council and the Pakistan Council of Architects

and Town Planners.

At the same forum, a final year architecture student at the Dawood College of Engineer-

ing Technology (DCET)2 expressed the need to formalize the integration of research

projects and ongoing work within the curriculum. She cited the examples of the "Khuda

Ki Basti" and Orangi Pilot Project's Sanitation and Housing Program to equip the student

with the tools to handle the reality of the workplace. She also reiterated the recommen-

dation of the IAP to encourage the "documentation and preservation of our heritage

through students involvement in specific projects".3

Thus, the desire to revive the crafts, 4 the need for hands-on training were sentiments that

led to the idea for a building arts school and the formation of the Anjuman Mimaran, have

obviously been gathering support for some time and are shared by a large body of stu-

1. Ibid.2. Pg. 57, Khan, Zahida Ali; "Reinforcing Architectural Education's Relevance To Reality", Habitat Paki-

stan Issue 14, October 1989-March 1990.3. Pg. 53 Professor Kausar Bashir Ahmad,AIAP, Dean Faculty of Architecture and Planning DCET-NED

University, Karachi in "IAP and the Cause of Architectural Education"; Habitat Pakistan Issue 14, Octo-be r 1989-March 1990.

4. The Indus Valley School of Art and Architecture, a welcome addition to the scene of education, hadNoorjahan Bilgrami as its first principal, and a person interested in the indigenous crafts. She is author ofthe book "Sindh Jo Ajrak" documenting the traditional block printing techniques of Sindh.


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1.5 National College of Arts (NCA)

NCA began in 1875 as one of the industrial design and art schools established by the

British. It was named the Mayo School of Arts, in honor of the late Earl of Mayo, with

Lockwood Kiplingias its principal. Various reasons have been given for the establish-

ment of these schools. "Revivalists"who included wealthy Indians and influentialBritish

intellectuals "argued that an uninterrupted livingtradition existed in India connecting the

past and the present, and consequently British policy should shun imported form and

ideas and foster this tradition by sustaining the Indian craftsman...",2 They wanted to getthe government to set up schools to 'save' Indian Architecture "withthe object of improv-

ing the taste of the native public as regards beauty of form and finish in articles of daily

use among them".3 Establishment of schools in Bombay, Madras, Calcutta and Lahore

helped to provide draftsmen, 'native' architectural assistants to European architects.

By the time of Independance schools in Bombay, Madras, Calcutta had incorporated a

formal training course and produced a generation of officiallyrecognized architects. Par-

tition in 1947 interrupted the education of students from Delhi and Bombay when they

migrated to Pakistan where there was no architecture school. Some went away to

England, others joined the Government School of Architecture inKarachi run by the Pub-

1. NC A and its environs were the haunts of his son Rudyard Kipling, and the Zamzama Canon opposite itsgates is still popularly known as Kim's Gun. While the name of the institution changed, it proudly holdson to its Colonial past.

2. Paper from the Hon'ble Mr. Duncan, M.A. D.Sc., Director of Public Instruction, to chief secretary, Gov-ernment of Madras, No . 794, January 28, 1895, in "Papers relating to the maintenance of Schools of Artin India as State Institutions" Calcutta 1893. Quoted in p. 112, Mumtaz, Kamil K., "Architecture in Paki-stan".

3. Ibid.


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lic Works Department. Itwas started by Mehdi Ali Mirza, an eminent professional of the

first generation of architects in the country and senior architect of the Public Works

Department. That was the foundation of the Department of Architecture at Dawood Col-

lege of Engineering and Technology. Mirza's own architectural training, and the curricu-

lum at his school, as well as at the Mayo School of Arts, was based on Western models

with great emphasis on history of Western architecture and little or no exposure to local

and regional architecture and history.

The group of architects who were in Pakistan informally organized themselves into theInstitute of Architects of Pakistan (IAP) in 1957. The IAP's role in architectural education

remained localized in Karachi till 1963 when it registered internationally and by the late

seventies, opened regional branches in other major cities.1

It ook this first generation of architects a decade, but finallya degree course in Architec-

ture was offered at the Mayo school, (now called National College of Arts or NCA) taught

by foreign instructors who brought with them the functionalist aesthetic of the Bauhaus

and Modernism. However, the economic teething problems of the new nation obviously

affected its academic life. The emphasis was on progress, technology and industrializa-

tion and the, University of Engineering Technology was established. The architecture

department at NCA was turned into a polytechnic after the last of the four graduating

classes was admitted. Eventually due to the efforts of people like KKMand the eminent

1. Today the organization is closely associated with education at all the schools of architecture in Pakistanand coordinates student competitions. Besides holding qualifying exams for diplomas, it organizes lec-tures, and workshops open to students. All of this from a basically volunteer organization!


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Pakistani artist Shakir Ali, NCA's five year degree program was reinstated. Since then,

while itcomes under the jurisdiction of the Federal Government, it is a semiautonomous

body run by a committed board of governors. Thus even when the arts, and specifically

the institiutioncame under fire during General Zia's regime of "Islamization",the blow to

NCA's curriculum and atmosphere was tempered by the existence of relatively liberal

elements on the Board of Governors.

KKM,as Head of the Architecture Department with other colleagues and graduates of

the school based the model on the experience of the AA, London, though there were

conflicting views regarding the directions of architectural education at the school. The

current discourse on 'tradition vs. modernity' debate had in some ways, already begun,

creating a blurred intellectual riftbetween those who wanted to followpurely 'progressive'

western modern, and others who were suspicious of it.

In 1977, KKMleft NCA, but his relationship with, and influence on the institution remains.

As a frequent juror during theses, as visiting lecturer; or even leading informal discus-

sions or colloquia on students' initiative, He is one of the most important intellectual influ-

ences on students of architecture. He is a member of Board of Governors on cultural

organizations, a Founder Member of the Lahore Conservation Society and Founder

President of the Anjuman Mimaran. Perhaps it is this last credential which continues to

exert his presence, specially intellectually,on contemporary architecture.


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1.6 Architect's Background

Kamil Khan Mumtaz was born in 1939, just eight years before Independence (August

1947) and the partition of India and Pakistan. The unraveling of events on the national

scene are almost paralleled by the intellectual development of the architect.

Most leaders, bureaucrats, and intellectuals had headed west and been educated there

during the colonial rule. Political leaders (Gandhi', Nehru2 , Jinnah 3 , Sir Seyyed Ahmed

Khan4), thinkers, reformers, educationists (Sir Muhammad Iqbal5 ). Even after Indepen-

dance, young men (and women on the rare occasion) were sent abroad: England being

the country of choice for Hlgher learning.

KKM's father was a civil engineer. His mother was an artist/ painter, and an independent

lady, who ran her own small business, and was a supporter, though not a member of the

Communist Party of India (CPI). KKM's early education was at the Muree Convent in the

hillstation, Muree. He completed his Advanced Levels (A levels) at the Aitchison College,

Lahore and proceeded to the Architectural Association (AA) in London. His younger

1. Gandhi went to Inner Temple, one of the four London law colleges.2. In 1905, Nehru went to Harrow, a leading English school, where he stayed for two years. Nehru's aca-

demic career wa s in no way outstanding. From Harrow he went to Trinity College, Cambridge, where hespent three years earning an honors degree in natural science. On leaving Cambridge he qualified as a

barrister after two years at the Inner Temple, London, where in his own words he passed his examinations"with neither glory nor ignominy."

3. Jinnah joined Lincoln's Inn, in London one of the legal societies that prepared students for the bar. In1895, at the age of 19, he wa s called to the bar.

4. Sir Sayyed Ahmed Khan not only wrote the first treatise on Islamic Architecture in India "A Sarul-Sana-did" in 1847, but was one of the most important figures in the reading of Islamic history in the sub-conti-nent. He was responsible for raising the level of education among Indian Muslims and the inclusion ofwomen in education.

5. In Europe from 1905 to 1908, Iqbal earned his degree in philosophy from the University of Cambridge,qualified as a barrister in London, and received a doctorate from the University of Munich.


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brother, Babar Mumtaz, went to the Middle Eastern Technical University,inTurkey before

continuing on to England.

KKM studied at the Architectural Association in London (1957-1966) where he was

trained in he principles of the modern movement Among his teachers was Otto Koenigs-

berger, who he says influenced him the most, because of the relevance of his ideas to

the situation back home. Koenigsberger produced a number of manuals and studies on

climaticand house design as well as on infrastructure problems in developing countries

and worked in India.1

He proceeded to lecture in architecture in Kumasi, Ghana (1964-1966).Where he worked with Buckminster Fuller and Keith Critchlow who had an endur-

ing influence on his work and experimentation with "thegeometry of forms derived from

single basic units".2

While not exactly a flower-child',KKMoften quips about his guitar toting days of a liberal,

socialist idealism. While he, and others like him from developing countries were being

trained in the International Style and getting exposed to this sense of socialism; these

principles could not be superimposed at home disregarding the totally different socio-

economic reality they were faced with there, and the dilemma had to be resolved: "But

the machine aesthetic of the International Style was patently irrelevant to industrially

primitive economies. We believed our role as architect was to evolve an architecture

1. He co-wrote, Manual of Tropical Housing and Building, Longman Group Limited, London 1974, whichis an important reference for climatic design. He also wrote: A Housing Program, for Pakistan with spe-cial reference to refugee rehabilitation: prepared for the Government of Pakistan; UN Technical Assis-tance, Administration, 1957.

2. Pg. 125-126, Mumtaz, Kamil Khan; "A Search for Architecture Based on Appropriate Technology", inTheories and Principles of Design in The Architecture of Islamic Societies, The Aga Khan Program forIslamic Architecture at Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1988.


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based technologies that were appropriate to the climates and economies of our own

region".' In these statements, one can hear echoes of the country's leaders who wanted

to incorporate the western image of technology and progress in the new capital, yet an

image that was rooted in the land in some way.

At this time, he participated actively in the "Mazdoor-Kisan" (Laborer-Farmer) Movement.

His leftist political stance may have been influenced by his mothers's support of the Com-

munist Party of India, but was also much within the socialist agenda of the Modern Move-

ment in which he had been trained. His wife, Khawar Mumtaz was equally involved in

issues of social responsibility. After completing her Masters in International Relations

from Karachi University, she taught at Punjab University, and eventually started "Shirkat-

gah", an NGO which works for the empowerment of disadvantaged women. She is a

writer2, an activist,and a member of Women's Action Forum (WAF).

From 1966-1980, as Professor and Head of the Architecture Department, at the National

College of Arts in Lahore, he had his most important influence both direct and indirect on

the architectural education of an entire generation of architects, and on the architecture

of his city Lahore referred to as 'the cultural heart of Pakistan'.

1. Pg. 125, Ibid.

2. Internal conflicts in South Asia, Kumar Rupesinghe and Khawar Mumtaz eds. (Sage, London, 1996).Changes In United States Foreign Policy An d Pakistan's Options: A Perspective, Hamid H. Kizilbash,Khawar Mumtaz.(South Asian Institute, University of the Punjab, Lahore, 1974. Invisible Workers:Piecework Labor Amongst Women in Lahore, Farida Shaheed, Khawar Mumtaz, (Women's Division,Govt. of Pakistan, Islamabad, 1983). Pakistan Foreign Policy and the Legislature, Hamid H. Kizilbash,Khawar Mumtaz. (South Asian Institute, University of the Punjab, Lahore, 1976). Pakistan's Environ-ment: A Historical Perspective and Selected Bibliography with Annotations, edited and compiled byKhawar Mumtaz and Mehjabeen Abidi-Habib, (JRC: IUCN, Karachi, Pakistan, 1989). Seminar PapersFrom South Asian Institute, Khawar Mumtaz, Iftikhar Ahmed, eds.,(South Asian Institute, University ofthe Punjab, Lahore, 1974).


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He followed the usual path of architects: his first major design was his father's house in

Karachi (3.1b Fig. 4) and he had to work from home until he could afford to be indepen-

dent.

From Marxist roots, he made an identity shift into the "Islamic Intellectual"with a deep

interest in Islamic Architecture and regionalism, searching for a more valid architectural

idiom for Pakistan. Throughout his career, he has been a pioneer in the movement for

conservation of architectural heritage and raising standards of architectural design in

Pakistan through different organizations he hasfounded

andis member of. He has pre-

sented papers all over the world on indigenous architecture, and appropriate technology,

while reiterating a need to find local expression and an identity based on continuity of tra-

dition. He was Member of the Steering Committee of the Aga Khan Award for Architec-

ture (1981-84). In 1993, he was awarded the Tamgha-i-Imtiaz, The President's Pride of

Performance Medal.

Thus, lately his work is beginning to get recognition, and he is getting more commissions,

as his ideas become palpable to the ordinary clientele as opposed to a small body of

intellectuals.


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DISCOURSE


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2.1 Modernist/ Social Concerns

The Early Years and the Modern Movement

In his book "Architecture in Pakistan", KKM calls the immediate post colonial years, the

period of the Modern Movement, and divides the time from 1900's to 1960's between the

"first generation", "the younger generation", and "foreign architects", for whom the new

capital, Islamabad is a focal point. He notes, as others have, that the irony ofthe Modern

Movement that while it rejected all styles, it soon became one of the most easily recog-

nizable symbols and representatives of progress, identified by certain architectural ele-ments. Interestingly, he comments that the "movement which had recognized no

distinctionsbetween men and nations became a visible manifestation of the best known

culturaldomination of the countries of Western Europe and North America over the less

developed countries..." As the newly emerging Nation broke away from colonial rule and

Western influence, it looked all the more to the West for elements that would signify it

had "arrived". Architecture was one of its most visible manifestations. The chosen lan-

guage was, as in many other developing countries, the image of the Modern Movement.

Some architects, "the first generation", trained in the J.J. School of Art in Bombay and

abroad, looked to Western architects and/ or the Modern Movement for inspiration. One

of the "first generation", Mehdi Ali Mirzawas greatly inspired by Frank Lloyd Wright. The

"younger generation" 1 was a batch of locally educated architects who graduated in the

mid-60's. Many of them including some of the most commercially successful architects

1. Pg. 172, Mumtaz, Kamil Khan; "Architecture in Pakistan", Concept Media, Singapore1985.


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today, were taught following a purely Western model, by foreign educated young archi-

tects like KKM. Of his contemporaries, KKMwrites:

"Where the criterion of excellence is the degree of assimilation of

current "Western" values, the foreign educated architect has a cer-

tain edge over his purelyhome-growncolleague.Indeed the faithful-

ness with which the catechism of the Modern Movement has been

learned is what distinguishesthe best work of such foreign-trained

architects as Yasmin Lari, Habib Fida Ali and Unit Four in Karachi,

Javed Najm in Lahore and Anwar Saeed in Islamabad".1

KKMdoes not seem to be critical of their work in his book, simply analyzing their work as

being in the best traditions of Corbusian and post-war British modern architecture",

inspired by "Corbusier's functional mannerism". Or he calls it "International Style modi-

fied. 'Brutalism' adapted to local conditions".2

This coincided with what he calls the phase of "foreign architects". Pakistan had less

than one architect per million people and the largest commissions were entrusted to for-

eign architects. The foreign labels not only gave the buildings an added prestige, at

home, but was an attempt to physically legitimize the nation in the race for modernity and

therefore progress. India was also a participant in the race, and Nehru's Corbusian

Chandigarh was a reminder, and, no doubt, thorn in the side of Pakistani Bureaucrats

and politicians. The non-contextuality of this International Style resulted in buildings not

1. pg 166, Ibid.2. pg 172, Ibid.


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responsive to climate or socio-economic conditions. However they were taken as para-

digms of modernity and models to be religiously followed, images to be mimicked super-

ficiallyby local architects.

A good example of the modified modern style is the Water And Power Development

Authority (WAPDA) House in Lahore, by Edward Durell Stone - "a parody on a Victorian

imitationof a Mughal imitationof a Gujratipavilion",2 is emblematic of the environmental

problems associated with this architecture that KKMand others have broken away from3,

all the while lamenting the poor choice of foreign architect for the most prestigious

projects of the country. While Louis Kahn and Le Corbusier put Dhaka and Chandigarh,

Fig-1. WAPDA House, Lahore, E.D Stone Fig-2 Presidency Complex,Islamabad, E.D. Stone

1. This building with all its glaring architectural failures, has ironically become one of the symbols andvisual references of the city of Lahore. Paradoxically, it has also fed the myth that a developing countrycannot afford the luxury of architecture. It is interesting to note that it towers over the colonial neo-classi-cal building of the Provincial Assembly building.

2. Pg. 179, Ibid.3. WAPDA House seems to be unconscious of its context, no t only architectural (its scale breaks the har-

mony of Mall Road, and it seems to disregard Provincial Assembly building next to it) but also economicand climatic context.


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respectively on the architectural map of the world; E.D. Stone's Presidency Complex

seem to add to the sterility and lack of identity of the Pakistani capital, Islamabad. On the

contrary, according to the note published by the Capital Development Authority (CDA) on

the project for building a new capital city, national identity was very much on the menu.

"Though a new country we, as a people, are an old nation, with a

rich heritage. Inspired by a historicalpast... (we are) eager to build a

new city which in addition to being an adequate and ideal seat of

government, should also reflect our cultural identity and national

aspirations."

The terms 'cultural identity' and 'national aspirations' seem almost mutually exclusive in

the architectural context and the final architectural designs. While "national aspirations"

included progress and were fulfilledby the image of Modern buildings, yet 'cultural iden-

tity'was an invented tradition, a constructed identity. As Eric Hobsbawm has discussed in

"Invention of Tradition", invented traditions imply "continuitywith the past. In fact, where

possible, they normally attempt to establish continuitywith a suitable historicalpast". In

this case the cultural identity was religious, not regional. It was Islamic, and to be more

specific, of a deliberately chosen era of architectural history. (the glorious Mughal past)

The seat of continuous political conflict, the most prominent buildings in Islamabad, the

Presidency Complex while being designed was also the seat of architectural conflicts.

"The desire of the laypublic foran architecture expressive of its Islamic culture and tradi-

tions... (conflictingwith) the professional architect's compulsion to project an image of

modernity".1


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A panel of internationally famous architects was first given the task for designing the

major buildings. Arne Jacobsen's design was uncompromisingly modern, not "national"

enough. Additionsof Islamic features like arches and domes were proposed by CDA. But

Jacobsen's replacement Louis Kahn's design too, was rejected due to Kahn's inabilityto

"modify the design so as to reflect Pakistan's desire to introduce Islamic architecture in

Islamabad's public buildings".1

Due to his design of the American Embassy in Delhi, Stone was considered to be most

sensitive to Mughal architecture and the Islamic heritage of architecture that the bureau-crats wanted to be reflected in he buildings. He was commissioned, and eventually pro-

duced the landmark for Islamabad: the presidency complex with its Beaux Arts

monumentality and International Style that was planned to be camouflaged with arches

and domes 2

In Pakistani architecture, irony abounds. While the designs for secular buildings were

selected on the basis of Islamic nationalistic sentiments of the bureaucrats, the designs

for the Grand Mosque were judged according to secular considerations of the interna-

tional jury dominated by architects, in accordance with the "contemporary" planning ide-

als of the modern city of Islamabad. Even the token references to traditional designs by

the Turkish architect, Vedat Dalokay, who won, were discouraged.

1. pg187, Ibid.1. pg187, Nilsson, Sten; "Islamabad, The Quest For A National Identity", quoted in Architecture in Pakistan2. Pakistan Television (PTV) shows the Presidency Complex as the backdrop for National News.


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2.2 REGIONAL APPROACH

"Regionalism,as we have seen, is often not so much a collectiveeffort as it is

the output of a talented individualworking with commitment toward some sort

of rooted expression". 1

A student of Kamil Khan Mumtaz at NCA, Sajjad Kausar 2 is one of the architects con-

cerned with architectural heritage. and admits that he too started out under the tutelage

of foreign trained architects, more aware of the modern movement, Corbusier and

Gropius, than something called "traditionalarchitecture". He ascribes his regionalist shift

directly to the Aga Khan Award for Architecture (AKAA)ceremony, in Lahore (1980). The

award given to Hasan Fathy brought Kausar and others "in contact with a totally new

dimension, it seemed as if throughout our studies we were deliberately turning our body

on something that was very much there. This was the point that determined my direction.

The Idea appealed to me but the methodology to be adopted......was stilla mystery".3

The Aga Khan Award for Islamic Architecture, is one of the most important forums for

international communication between architects. As already mentioned, the award was a

major turning point for many architects. KKMadmitted that it was one of the events that

brought about the dramatic change inhis own outlook. The other was an identificationof

a "western influence" on KKM's work by his students at the NCA. This undefined quality,

nevertheless, brought to his attention the existence of indigenous presence.

1. Pg. 156, Frampton, Kenneth; "Prospects for a Critical Regionalism",Perspecta 20 , 1983.2. Sajjad Kausar is one of the few people who has done research on mughal monumentsand gardens. He co-

authored Shalimar Gardens. Lahore: Landscape.Form and Meaning.3. S. Kausar, quoted in "Revitalizing the Vernacular", by Amin-ul-Haq Qazi, The Nation Sept. 18, 1991,

Lahore.


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Being on the steering committee of the Aga Khan Award and being part of the resulting

"architecture culture" was an "eye opener" for him. However, this 'going back to tradition'

has a danger- as Edward Said writes in"Culture and Imperialism"

"Imperialismconsolidated the mixture of cultures and identities on a

worldscale. But its worst and most paradoxical giftwas to allow peo-

ple to believe that they were only, mainly, exclusivelywhite or black

or Western or Oriental. Just as human beings make their own his-

tory, they also make their cultures and ethnic identities. No one can

deny the persisting continuities of long traditions, sustained habita-tions, national languages, and cultural geographies. But there

seems no reason except fear and prejudice to keep insisting on their

separation and distinctiveness, as if that was all human life was

about".

Hasan Fathy has been criticized for his almost neo-orientalist visual depictions of

projects in Egypt that show a timeless, unchanging primitive present. And while some of

KKM'searly presentation drawings of the time, are executed in a style clearly influenced

Fig-1. KKM, Competition Drawing for NationalMonument Fig- 2. Hasan Fathy, Drawing for a house.


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by Fathy's miniature style paintings, instead of Arabic, the text is in Urdu, nevertheless in

a traditional script, rather than English. Yet it must be said that KKM has proposed the

use of appropriate technology as opposed to restrictivelyexclusive indigenous technol-

ogy. 'Separation' and 'distinctiveness' was achieved by the colonists in defining 'Hindu',

'Islamic' and 'Buddhist' architectural styles when faced with an overwhelming variety of

styles that were categorized and compartmentalized. These categories have not only

continued into the present discourse, but every effort was made to reinforce them.

During the added impetus to Islamization during the eleven year long dictatorship of

General Zia (1977- 1988), what was Islamic was appropriated by the government and

religious political parties. A greater identification with Saudi Arabia began to grow, at the

expense of an identification with the region. Inventing itself and its history, Pakistan sys-

tematically subdued 1 whatever did not conform to its unfolding identity. Salman Rushdie

writes,:" To be a believer is not by any means to be a zealot. Islam in the Indo-Pakistan

sub-continent has developed historicallyalong moderate lines, with a strong strain of plu-

ralistic Sufiphilosophy;Zia was this Islam's enemy".2

And while on one hand, Pakistan constantly referred to being the inheritor of the Mughal

era, ignoring the varied strains of religionor region; and consciously chose those parts of

the culture which conformed with an Islamic identity promoted by the State. 3

1. The intellectual left came under increasing attack by Zia's policies of censorship and an unsuccessful,often unpopular Islamization program as HE saw fit. On e of the most famous voices of dissent was that ofFaiz Ahmed Faiz. who was also a prisoner of conscience more than once. Faiz writes in a poem titled"Zalim" (The Cruel Tyrant): Mine is the new religion, the new morality/ Mine are the new laws, and a newdogma.

2. Pg.53-55, Rushdie, Salman. "Zia ul Haq 17 Aug. 1988" in Imaginary Homelands.


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At the same time KKM concedes that "'Pakistani' identity in architecture, as in anything

else, is what ever the common perception of Pakistani architecture happens to be at any

given time. Currently,you mightsay it is not much differentfrom other "GulfIslamic" third

world societies: a manifest confusion. The criteria by which we discard or appropriate

architectural traditions or styles, is purely a subjective matter. As modernists we dis-

carded all styles, the past, history, the lot.As the "naukar-shahi"l we appropriated selec-

tively the 'Shaahi' architecture of the great Mughals. As Post-modernist, we selectively

appropriated the politicallycorrect ethnic architectures of "our people". As born again

fundamentalists we have taken the shortest cut to the "halvaiki dukan".2

"It is a sad reflection on ourselves that we, the heirs to Sigiria and

Anuradhapura; Fatehpur Sikri and the Taj, Mahastangarh and Gaur

Wazir Khan's Mosque and the Shalimar Gardens, should be lament-

ing the lack of regional relevance and appropriateness in our con-

temporary architecture".

-Kamil Khan Mumtaz, at the Aga Khan Award for Architecture 2nd

Regional Seminar at Dhaka, 1985

3. In the confusion of history and tradition, the little bronze dancing girl of the Indus Valley Civilization,even the North Indian classical dance tradition of Kathak, developed at the Mughal courts, were not onlyforgotten through a censorship of memory, but officially banned.

I. naukar-shahi: royal servants2. halvai ki dukan: confectionery shops, decorated in the popular style with mirror mosaics, imitating shish

mahals of Mughal architecture. From interview January 1996.


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2.3 Anjuman Mimaran

Perhaps the most important of KKM's projects in progress, is a future Building Arts

School, which might influence the direction of architecture in Pakistan. From the AKAA

came a change in perspective and desire to start afresh from the basics- that was the

basis for the founding of Anjuman Mimaran1 in 1987. Leading to its formation was a grow-

ing unease 2 in the senior members of the architectural community with the state and

direction of architectural education in the country since Independance.

The idea for a buildingschool 3 and the need to recreate the "traditional link between the

professional architect and our indigenous building craftsmen", 4 was expressed by KKM

in regional seminars.

"We believe that a meaningful and relevant architecture is onlypossible

if this linkis strong. We also believe that it is not too late to restore it in

our regions. The task willcertainlynot to be easy, it willbe complex and

demanding. But it can be done. A beginning could be made with a new

approach to architectural education. One that a) reintegrates learning

withpractice, b) encompasses all the buildingarts in a common frame-

work, and c) provides a forum for critical analysis and debate on the

theoretical issues of architecture in our respective regions".5

1. Anjuman Mimaran= gathering/ society of builders.2. Pg.52, Zahir-ud-Din Khwajah, "Introduction to Anjuman Mimaran, Temples of Koh-e-Jud.3. Mumtaz, Kamil Khan; "A Proposal for a Building School" a paper presented at a seminar on architectural

education, University of Engineering Technology, July 1983 and "A Future Without a Past"; Paper, UIARegion IV Conference, Karachi, 1985.

4. Pg. 1, Mumtaz, Kamil Khan; "Preface", Temples of Koh-e-Jud.5. Ibid.


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The organization would establish a school with a curriculum based on Pakistani culture

and tradition. At the same time the group realized there was little or no research or scho-

lastic material on which to base the theoretical framework of the school. There were no

teaching tools: no history, or manuals, or dictionaries of indigenous building terms in

Pakistan. The organization started organizing seminars, publishing the seminar papers,

carrying out documentations and studies to create a body of literature as a basis for the

teaching curriculum. Monthly colloquia were organized to which architectural historians

and researchers were invited to share results of their work, and of field trips and study

tours organized by the Anjuman.

One of these trips was to the Salt Range region of Pakistan to study the undocumented

temples that had been mentioned by various sources, but never researched or studied

before. About this field trip, KKMwrites the "implicationof our findings were stagger-

ing".i'The group had unearthed a link between the Gandhara and Sultanate period,

where previously had been a vast gap: "a new chapter had to be added to the history of

the development of the Hindu temple architecture in the Subcontinent".2

A seminar and exhibition: "Hindu Shahiya Temples of the Salt Range, June 1989" was

organized by the Anjuman with the Lahore Chapter of the lAP and the Lahore Conserva-

tion Society. Possibly the first such seminar, it was well attended and well received byarchitects, and student delegations from the schools of architecture.

1. Pg. 2, Ibid.2. Ibid.


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The second Seminar was "Sultanate Period Architecture in Pakistan (November, 27th-

30th, 1990)" and the proceedings of the first two seminars were published by the Anju-

man Mimaran. The next year, a seminar was held on "HistoricTowns of Pakistan (Octo-

ber 28 November, 1991), and the followingyear "Urban Domestic ArchitecturalTraditions

in Pakistan (November 26-27, 1992) Pakistan was also a host to the ARCASIA in 1992.

The cycle of seminars came to the present discourse with "Contemporary Architecture in

Pakistan, (October 22, 1993).

An important element in hese events was the presence of a large body of student volun-

teers from local architecture schools, for whom these events were a catalyst in their

approach to architecture. Before the end of the semester, and theses, a body of students

from various years at NCA, requested KKM to help them to find a method of design

inquiry, and approach to their final projects, which suddenly seemed baseless and the

unsatisfactory end result of an outdated curriculum. KKMvolunteered to host an informal

three day Seminar on approaches to design, and for many of the participants, this was a

first and eye-opening glimpse of critical discourse in architecture. The incident re-estab-

lished the necessity, and validityof the proposal for the Building Arts School. "The princi-

pal object of the Anjuman is to re-establish the important historical link between the

architect and the craftsman and to transform the attitude which has so far been adopted

in our schools of architecture, which mainlyderive their inspiration fromthe west".1 About

this broken historical link, KKMwrites that it began from the officialarchitecture of the

British Raj in India- the Anglo-Indian style which "included everything from complete

1. Pg. 53 Ibid


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gothic steeples to classic revival and Palladian villas set in Capability Brown Land-

scapes". Often, special buildings were designed by British architects, and trimmed with

accessories from a desired style, sometimes recruiting "local talent to supply the authen-

tic details".

The problem with "authenticity"was that while the local architect was something of a rar-

ity, he was thoroughly "anglicized" in his training. Of the most famous of these KKM

writes, "forall the period detailing of such able assistants as (Bhai) Ram Singh, buildings

like High Court and Aitchison Chiefs College in Lahore.... are no more 'Indian' or'Mughal' than the house of Parliament in Westminster are "Gothic".

In earlier times the master builder and craftsman were formally inducted into a Sufi order,

as is discussed later in this work, but the break in this tradition also resulted in what he

terms as 'Muslim", as opposed to 'Islamic' architecture.

The Anjuman has also become increasingly involved in professional work including res-

toration of Sayyida Mubarik Begum Haveli belonging to Babar Ali's family, in the walled

city of Lahore; restoration of Kotla Mohsin Khan Gateway, nearing completion in Pesha-

war; restoration of Sethi House, Peshawar, at initialstages; Lok Virsa Museum facades,

Islamabad, and the nearly complete Lok Virsa. The state of the Anjuman at present isrelatively dormant regarding the colloquia. This is due to the nature of the organization

as a voluntary one. Their activities have been sporadic depending on the nature and vol-

1. Pg. 117, Mumtaz, Kamil Khan; Architecture in Pakistan, Mimar Book, Concept Media, Singapore1985.


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ume of research undertaken by its members, as well as time and financial constraints.

The last seminar was "The Grand Tradition, Architectural Design Principles" (October, 1

to 7, 1995), and none are planned in he near future. However, field trips continue as time

permits, and recent ones have been to the Early sultanate, probably Ghaznavi, mosques

near Kalar Kahar, on the Pothowar Plateau; and Sasanian Period Zoroastrian funerary

structures in Kharan District, Balochistan.


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2.4 The Aga Khan Awards

While accounts and introductions' to the Anjuman do not credit the AKAAwith the idea

for its formation, forums such as the Regional Seminars of the AKAAcertainly strength-

ened and/or introduced the concept and indeed the desirability,of the 'regional approach

to architecture'. And while the role of the AKAA in the formation of this society is never

emphasized, KKMhas on more than one occasion credited it as HIS turning point.2 "It

made me look at my own architecture: history,principles.

Another significant pointer in he direction of the AKAAis "a list of significant papers on

the subject... provided by the Anjuman".3 The authors include those who in some way,

have been involved in he AKAA.The papers are a service provided by the Anjuman and

are copies of papers received and extracts from publications in their library, many from

seminar proceedings.

Are Pakistani architects, even Kamil Khan, "chasing the Award"? According to KKM, it

might be good if hey WERE chasing the award and seriously looking to the award as an

incentive. However, he says, that is not the case in his view4. Perhaps in the earlier

cycles of the award, it might have appeared that there was going to a major impact and

people would turn to their own ground. The initial interest by Pakistani architects contrib-

uted to a certain amount of turning towards their own heritage as a basis for architecture.

1. Pg. 52-54.Temples of Koh-e-Jud.2. Pg. 65 , Interview January 1997, and Interview in Folio.3. Pg. 54, Ibid.4. Interview January 1997.


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"However, unfortunately, most cases have been on a superficial level, which might be

due to a superficial understanding as to what the Award is all about. But really that

springs from a superficial understanding of what architecture is all about." By this, KKM

alludes to the lack of dissemination of information about the award. Its most valuable

contribution: the seminar proceedings and the published debates, arguably have some-

how not made it into the mainstream architecture discourse in Pakistan.

KKM feels that architects interested in exploring the indigenous heritage (Sajjad Kausar,

Pervaiz and Sajida Vandal), use the materials and forms, surface decoration, colors etc.,

but without a deeper understanding of the basis of attitudes behind the approach of that

architecture.

"Kindis reverted to type very quicklybecause the stronger pull con-

tinues to be what's perceived as the current trend in the mainstream

of architecture, that is, the West, and what is understood by 'post-

modernism', 'deconstruction', etc.". 1

As a result, a limited number of architects and few architecture students, if any, know

about the awarded projects and the reasons for their selection more than their visual

impact- thus rendering their inherent merit to a style.

According to KKM, better situation exists in the region. He names Charles Correa and

Doshi as architects are looking at their indigenous architecture in "a profound manner".

1. Ibid.


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2.5 The Role of Crafts in the Spiritual Context

Through his personal experience and interviews with craftsmen 1 , and his readings about

traditional crafts2 , KKM proposes that traditional crafts have a role in Islamic architecture

that is distinct from building and decorative crafts of other sacred architectural traditions,

and need to be studied and understood in relation to the religious doctrines and practises

specific to Islam. By "traditional",3 he refers to those forms developed in a pre-industrial

environment. 'Islamic Crafts' were those associated with Islamic rituals and beliefs. In

these arts and crafts, while open to change and evolution, the ideal was not innovation or

creativity, resulting in a uniqueness, but perfection in terms of existing norms. They had

to satisfy the utilitarian and functional requirements, as well as the aesthetic ideals in

terms of change, proportion, color, texture, etc.

"Creativity"was the sacred realm of the Creator, and never credited to craftsmen, and

therefore never sought as a goal. 4 Solutions to problems even by Master craftsmen were

attributed to a divine source in Islam,5 where "the most Beautiful names: al Khaliq, al

Bari, al Mussawwir"6 are "the Creator, the Evolver, the Bestower of forms" 7writes KKM.

1. Mumtaz, Kamil Khan; "Mistree Ghulam Hussain: A Conversation With A Traditional Building Crafts-man", Mimar 10, Concept Media, Singapore, 1983.

2. KK M refers to Ananda Coomaraswamy's Dance of Shiva (Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi 1982-p.44) andTitus Burkhardt's Fez: City of Islam (Islamic Texts Society, Cambridge 1992. Pp 76-79)in "Crafts inIslamic Architecture", presented at the Lo k VIrsa Seminar on Creativity in Traditional Islamic Arts,Islamabad, October 1994.

3. KKM, "Crafts in Islamic Architecture", presented at the Lo k Virsa Seminar, 1994.4. Ibid5. Ibid. KK M narrates his personal experience with a master metalworker who attributes his success in solv-

ing complex problems to divine guidance received through dreams.6. Quran. Surah Al-Hashr.7. KKM, "Crafts in Islamic Architecture", presented at the Lo k Virsa Seminar, 1994.


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This is not uncommon in other traditional cultures where crafts have been ascribed

divine sources and their manufacture takes on spiritual aspect.

Thus, not only the creation of objects, but the objects themselves take on another aspect

beyond the utilitarian and aesthetic perfection that is sought. This is the symbolic or com-

municative aspect of objects. From symbols of wealth, or charms, to symbols of faith, or

representations of an ideal state.

However, there is no prescribed religious iconography such as the Hindu "Yantras",2 or

Buddhist "Mandalas", 3 extending the potential of sacredness of everything.4 This is the

central idea in he metaphysical aspects of Islam as seen in Sufism. This allowed Muslim

artists to freely assimilate/ adapt already existing cultural forms in he arts and crafts.5

"Sufidoctrine and method, which considers 'outward form' as ofno consequence in rela-

tion to the 'inner' contact, allowed Islamic art and architecture to produce some of its

most remarkable qualities: a unifyingexpression of the essential metaphysical dimension

of Islam; a diversity of regional forms; and a certain ambiguity or ambivalence, which

allow for a multiplicityof layers, or levels of meaning which can be simultaneously con-

tained in the same object." 6

1. KK M cites the example of the Ashanti in Ghana who attribute shamanistic powers to their craftsmen, andHindu craftsmen who trace the origins of their craft to specific deities.He also mentions Burkhardt'sencounter with a craftsman wh o ascribes a spiritual aspect to every act of manufacture or creation of thesimplest object.

2. Yantras Treatises like the Manasara and the Shilpa Shastra.3. Mandalas=4. KKM, "Crafts in Islamic Architecture", (presented at the Lo k Virsa Seminar, 1994) and "Vernacular,

Religion and the Contemporary Expression", (Marg, Bombay, June 1996).5. KKM, "Crafts in Islamic Architecture", presented at the Lok Virsa Seminar, 1994.


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In he schools of thought springing from the source of Islamic doctrine - the Quran; itwas

in "Tariqat" - the way to spiritual enlightenment, and in he Sufi circles that Muslim crafts-

men in the subcontinent were most honored. When entering an apprenticeship, most

craftsmen were also inducted into a Sufi 'Silsila' (spiritualchain). The calligraphers of the

Wazir Khan Mosque, Lahore, were all members of Sufi brotherhoods. 1 Recorded exam-

ples like the 16th century architect from Lahore, Ustad Bazid, who built the tomb of the

Sufi saint, Sheikh Dawood Jhunniwal at Shergarh in he Punjab 2 are testament to their

intention of using architecture as a symbol, a tool for meditation and convey abstract and

metaphysical ideas.

Thus, each aspect of the buildingworked to achieve the common goal of Unity- "Tawhid,

and the essential nature of Beauty, of apparent and hidden reality and of man's quest

and goal, and the relation of these concerns in the motifs and schema of Islamic art and

design".3

The spiritual quest and goal of Unitymight be explicitlyconveyed in the inscriptions and

calligraphy, and implicitlyinarchitectural elements, and in he use of "sacred geometry".4

KKMis nfluenced by his readings of Nader Ardalan and Laleh Bakhtiar's Quest for Unity.

Keith Critchlow's Islamic Patterns. He also refers to Andre Paccard5

and quotes Henry

6. KKM; "Vernacular, Religion and the Contemporary Expression", Marg, Bombay, June 1996.1. bid.2. Ibid. and KKM, "Crafts in Islamic Architecture" (from an account in "Muqamat I Dawood" by Abdul

Baqi in an Urdu translation of a thesis by Mohammad Haider, 1931, Sayyid Mohammad Mohsin, Lahore)3. Pg. 195, KKM, Architecture in Pakistan, Concept Media, Singapore 1985.4. KKM, "Crafts in Islamic Architecture", presented at the Lo k Virsa Seminar, 1994.


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Corbin' in his papers. These writers seem to have fueled his interest not only in the tradi-

tional crafts but in religion. He has been profoundly influenced by writers including Lings,

Schuon, Burhardt, and others in his personal involvement with Islam and Sufism.

From these beliefs KKMdevelops the argument that as the role of religion in architecture

changed and modernity brought in a new kind of training for the architect, the traditional

architect lost his role as guide for the traditional craftsman, and the link between the two

was broken. While in the past (as in the Mughal courts) all the great architects were rec-

ognized professionals of high rank, the traditional architect was no longer recognized by

official, in this case British colonial, patronage.

However, the traditional hereditary craftsmen still use what is left of the traditional vocab-

ulary with various degrees of understanding as to their symbolic meanings. KKM pro-

poses that motifs and their symbolic meanings should be catalogued using different

methods such as the study of miniatures in historical texts, to revive an understanding of

underlying meaning.

KKM cites the example of the Bhong Mosque complex in Rahim Yar Khan, Pakistan a

project that received the Aga Khan Award for Architecture. This is a project where craft

and religion do play a central role, however, the results of the severed historical link,

5. Andre Paccard, "Traditional Islamic Crafts in Moroccan Architecture, Vol. 1, Edition Ateliers 74 , Saint-Joriz, 1980. (Pp. 134-311) mentioned in KKM, "Crafts in Islamic Architecture", presented at the LokVirsa Seminar, 1994.

1. Henry Corbin, Temple and Contemplation (KPI, London, 1986, Pp. 1-54), "The Science of the Balanceand the Correspondences between worlds in Islamic Gnosis" (Op Cit. Pp55-131), "Sabian Temple andIsmailism" (Op Cit, Pp. 132-182) quoted by KK M in "Vernacular, Religion and the ContemporaryExpression", Marg, Bombay, June 1996.


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between the traditional professional architect and the traditional craftsman are painfully

obvious. Without the guidance of the master architect, the limitationof the craft tradition,

is visible in a "growingtendency to incorporate forms perceived as symbols of moder-

nity".1The Western system had no place for these craftsmen, and without guidance they

became "a headless monster".2

At the same time he says: "I was a bit surprised, and continue to be surprised at the

amount of criticism and controversy around the Bhong Mosque - it is a remarkable build-

ing".3

KKmconsiders it one of the achievements of the AKAA that it has been able todraw attention to areas of architecture which awards like these had tended to neglect or

ignore. He sees more than a pastiche of styles and decorative elements in he exuberant

popular expression of the Bhong Mosque. Amaster craftsman, Ustad Rahim Buksh4 was

involved in he project and left behind a rare manuscript, a textbook of th grammar and

vocabulary of this inherited tradition. He was more than an artisan he was a master of

the traditional crafts with an understanding of the formal vocabulary, and its principles;

the proportioning systems, the technical terminology, "as close as you can get to tan

architect". Their drawing attest to their understanding of these concepts, however, they

were not professional architects, and were susceptible "to all kinds of external influ-

ences".

KKMseems to have taken on the role of that traditional architect, and seems to be in a

continuous process of reeducating himself. As discussed earlier, the perception that a

1. KKM; "Vernacular, Religion and the Contemporary Expression", Marg, Bombay, June 1996.2. KKM, Interview January 1997.3. Ibid.4. Ibid.


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new kind of building schoolwas needed led to his involvementwith the founding of Anju-

man Mimaran and carrying out research on indigenous building traditions.

KKMbegan using brick barrel vaults in he KotKaramat Project (3.1a Fig). He continued

to explore the possibilities of using traditional brick vaulting techniques for spanning roofs

as a low cost solution invarious residences in Lahore (see 3.2b Fig. 1-3) Initially,for the

barrel vaults he used masons with no previous experience in such structures. In his

recent projects, he has been able to work with some highlyskilled hereditary craftsmen,

constructing flat domes. From whom he learned more about traditional building materials

and techniques.

His patronage of craftsmen, and use of traditional crafts in his building has been one of

this major contributions to the revitalization and revival, to some extent of this industry.

Several of these craftsmen families and "ustads" (masters) are still around, he says, but

not adequately recognized, and their skillsare seldom properly utilized. Traditional crafts-

men are increasingly becoming scarce as they have not been apprenticing their offspring

in he hereditary craft traditions due to lack of work. KKMhas not only provided them with

employment and a viable livelihood by incorporating crafts into his designs, but his

projects also displayed these crafts to a previously unaware audience. At the same time,

his projects show a synthesis of modern and traditional technology, for example the

Chandbagh School (3.3b. Fig. 2-3) and Darul Hikmat (3.3a Fig. 1-5).


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Whether his work is being imitated in a pastiche, by some as "regionalist"forms become

increasingly fashionable, or whether he is influencing a body of like-minded architects,

traditional crafts have found a new audience and a revived patronage.

In his later projects, KKMexploits the decorative potential of brick. He uses perforations

in the brick parapets in patterns existing in he Walled City of Lahore, and repeats the

patterns inscreen walls (3.2a Fig 1).

Another traditional building technique that KKMuses increasingly, is a special lime plas-ter on interior walls called "pukka kalli" (permanent plaster). This is hand smoothed by

trained craftsmen to a highly polished surface that is washable. He has used this tech-

nique extensively in the Chandbagh School to keep building costs down and for its cli-

matic advantages as a hydroscopic. It is used as the base for freso-work, another craft

he has incorporated, as in the Darul Hikmat auditorium/ hall (2.4a Fig. 5). He was

exposed to this technique and met Master craftsmen when he worked as a consultant on

the restoration of Wazir Khan's Hammam, and Haveli Mubaraka Begum in the Walled

City, Lahore.

KKMwas trained not to use decoration, but with an increasing interaction with craftsmen

and research of indigenous crafts and building techniques, he began his own re-educa-

tion. He has used woodwork, metalwork and glazed ceramic tiles in his projects, spe-

cially in his residential projects. In Sonu Rahman's residence (3.2a Fig 2), glazed

ceramic tiles have been used within the brick tiledfloor pattern, and in an entrance foun-


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tain.He uses the architectural element of the wooden "jharoka" (balcony), sometimes

using wood (3.2a Fig. 1), and at others- alluding to itwith wrought iron grills (2.4 Fig.4).

Finally, in he Lok Virsa arts and crafts museum in Islamabad, he was commissioned to

re-do the facade of the plain box-like building to showcase the crafts on display inside.

Fig-1. Axonometric Sketch, Mitha Residence, Islamabad.

Fig-2. Lok Virsa Crafts Museum Renovation, Islamabad.


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PROJECTS


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3.1a Kot Karamat Farmhouse, School and Workers' Housing

Location: Manga MandiClient: Mr. Zahid KaramatYear Completed: 1969

.1 / 4A.

'I~'..

3 l.

1. Farmhouse2.heds3. Worker's houses4. School

Site Plan

-S Fr cls TF00

'casFasjro"n I Clsro

I I i IF

'1111

~t l I II

/ ,~ I 'III, /1

II,,

~ II i;.,

I I'.I.

Fig-1 School Interior

School Plan

Fig-2 View of Shedschool Elevation


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0Plan of Farm House Fig-3 View of Farm House

Section

41

Fig-4 Farm Houselevation


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Why Chosen

The Kot Karamat project was one of KKM's first projects after his return from AA, an d

Kumasi, Ghana. Another project, his fathers house' in Nazimabad, Karachi built earlier,

in 1965, shows the influence of his training and work in the Modern Movement, "I was

criticalof the International Style which reduced the Modern Movement to a se t of cliches

and symbols of Westernization and modernity".2Problems of Kot Karamat exemplify his

concern with social responsibility, which could equally be representative of his training in

the Modern Movement, as well as his political socialist ideology at the time.

The architect, himself, refers to the shortcomings of the project as an example of the mis-

takes of his past approach to architecture and personal ideology which differs radically in

some ways from that of the present. He refers to the project as one of his "Modern Move-

ment ones",3 and derived through methods of scientific logic, using technology appropri-

ate to the local climate and economy and emulating the "efficientsystems of the machine

age". 4 In his project his rejection of the international style and move towards an architec-

tural expression based on an 'appropriate technology' is clearly evident.

Site/ Client

The Village of Kot Karamat is 50 kms away from metropolitan Lahore, and 5 kms away

from the National Highway. The site forms part of a village surrounded by cultivated

I. It has since been demolished, no documentation available.2. Pg. 126, KKM, "A Search for an Architecture based on Appropriate Technology", in Theories and Princi-

ples of Design in The Architecture of Islamic Societies, The Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architectureat Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1988.

3. KKM, Interview January, 1997. See also KKM's "A Search for Architecture Based on Appropriate Tech-nology".

4. Pg. 125, Ibid.


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architecture after pakistan

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