Vol. 22 Special 77

Applications of Simulation and Gaming to

Psychology: A Brief History and a

Look into the Future

Toshiko Kikkawa (Keio University)

Abstract

This paper discusses ways in which simulation and gaming have been applied to the field of psychology, in gen­

eral, and to social psychology, in particular, in Japan, where they have been applied as a research tool and as an

educational tool. In general terms, social psychologists started to use games as a research tool in the 1980s and

later expanded their use to the field of educationin the 1990s. During the 2000s, research and educational uses

were integrated. Moreover, research into group dynamics introduced gaming approaches to social psychology.

Although educational applications were initially limited to higher educational settings, efforts to expand these ap­

plications to elementary or secondary education have been, and are still, ongoing. Additionally, the movement to­

wards such fusion has been characterized by an interface between academia and practitioners. In other words,

the future of this field seems promising in view of the ongoing incorporation of gaming into the real world.

Key words: Social psychology, research tool, educational tool, Simulation and gaming, Group Dynamics.

Introduction

In this paper, I present a brief history of attempts to

use simulation and gaming to understand psychological

issuesin general, and social psychological issues in partic­

ular, in Japan. Such attempts typically adopt one of two

approaches: the use of simulation and gaming as tools for

research, or as educational tools. Additionally, approaches

that integrate research and educational goals have also

recently emerged.

Research Tool

In Japan, the application of simulation and gaming to

issues in social psychology probably started with the for­

mulation of game theory, which has a long tradition that

includes a considerable body of research. Gaming-simula­

tion studies followed the development of gaming theory.

As a starting point for this discussion, I will introduce

the extensive review performed by Shimizu (1989), a Jap­

anese social psychologist. He pointed out that gaming

simulation has two main streams: one involves "rigid

games" and the other involves "free games". Rigid games­

derive from game theory and include experiential games

that are played with strict rules. In comparison, free

games derive from group dynamics and expand gaming

to include frameworks that allow participants to behave

freely in simulated situations.

Abstract

t I A Experiments IIA illA

using games

I B II B Simulated illB experiments

IC IIC illC Gaming Concrete

Small-scale • -Large-scale

Figure I Classification of games by abstractness and scale (Shimizu, 1989)

Shimizu (1989) suggested that many instances of simu­

lation and gaming can be placed on a continuum between

these two endpoints and offered the framework shown in

Figure 1. He used two dimensions to categorize gaming

and related techniques: the level of abstraction, and the

scale. Experimental games (e.g., Prisoners' Dilemma or

Dollar Auction: Shubik, 1971), were categorized as ab­

stract and small scale (I A), and educational games were

categorized as concrete and large scale (III C). In the fol­

lowing discussion, I will focus primarily on the gaming

categories developed by Shimizu and will refer only rare­

ly to "experimental games" and "simulated experiments"

(II B).

In Japan, one of the history-making applications of free

games was the introduction of SIMSOC (Gamson, 1978) in

78 Studies in Simulation & Gaming

the 1980s (e.g., Shimizu, 1985). As group dynamics is a

significant focus of social psychological research, other

games during that time, such as ST ARPOWER (Shirts,

1969) and The Commons (Powers, 1987), focused on inter­

and intra-group relationships.

During the 1990s, a new research trend emerged, and

researchers began to design original games. A leading

example of this trend was the development of SIMSOC

by Hirose (1997), which modified SIMINSOC to fit re­

search needs (e.g., exploring intergroup relationships, in­

terpersonal conflicts, prejudice, etc.). The Sea-pollution

Game (Nonami, 2001) and the Industrial-waste Dumping

Game (Ohnuma and Kitakaji, 2007) were also part of this

trend.

As a social psychologist, I can understand why mem­

bers of this field seemed to be so enthusiastic about simu­

lation and gaming. Indeed, the dominant approach adopt­

ed by social psychology had involved conducting exper­

iments in scientific and highly controlled settings that

were sometimes highly artificial. In contrast, free games

(i.e., gaming) seemed to have ecological validity (Brewer,

2000), as participants were observed in more natural situ­

ations. That is why gaming has attracted many social

psychologists, especially those who study group dynam­

ics. In his article, Shimizu (1989) also referred to Tajifel's

(1972) prediction that simulation studies might be the

best approach for social psychology in the future. This

prediction was based on his concern that critical social

variables were being ignored in highly controlled experi­

mental settings.

Returning to the case of SIMSOC, much quasi-experi­

mental research was performed. Here, I use "quasi" be­

cause minimal control was exercised over experimental

situations. In many cases, independent variables (e.g.,

group size) were manipulated during the game, and­

dependent variables (e.g., differences in cognition between

groups (Karasawa, 2002) and group polarization (Arima,

2012) were measured after the game via questionnaires.

Educational Tool

The use of simulation and gammg as an educational

tool has become more prevalent in Japan, especially for

employee training. Indeed, many Japanese companies

have introduced simulation and gaming for this purpose,

although words suchas "game" are often intentionally or

unintentionally omitted from the descriptions of these

programs.

An emphasis on off-the-job (off-JT) compared with on­

the-job (OJT) training in Japan formed the context in

which this use of gaming became prevalent. Because off-

JT is less realistic than OJT, the relatively abstract train­

ing using gaming, simulation, and related techniques has

frequently been used as part of off-JT training.

Among the most famous and influential examples of re­

lated techniques is the KJ method, which was originally

created by the anthropologist Jiro Kawakita as a tech­

nique to sort qualitative data (Kawakita, 1967). Its use

was later expanded to include serving as a method for

structuring discussion. The KJ method proceeds as fol­

lows: First, using brainstorming or similar techniques,

participants generate as many ideas as possible and

write them down on cards. Second, they sort the cards

according to criteria developed by examining all of the

cards for similarities and differences. Third, ideas are

combined into progressively smaller numbers of catego­

ries. The KJ method can be thought of as a method for

guiding discussion or problem-solving because lively dis­

cussion occurs when the aforementioned procedure is fol­

lowed.

Another potential focus for gaming-like methods in J ap­

anese companies would be the creation of a bottom-up at­

mosphere in the workplace. A representative example

would involvethe quality control (QC) circle, in which em­

ployees take the initiative for addressing problems in the

workplace and for improving the quality of products

through discussions that are not started via a top-down

decision made by management. This atmosphere might

be especially amenable to a gaming-like method involving

spontaneous participation by players.

Games have also been used in the context of school­

based education, especially to teach communication or so­

cial skills within institutions of higher education (e.g., Tsu­

mura and Yamaguchi, 1992). Examples of these sorts of

games include Desert Survival and Who Shall Survive.

Additionally, games designed to generate experience

with group decision making, leadership, communication,

and so on have frequently been used in classes.

Christian universities such as Rikkyo University in To­

kyo, Nanzan University in Nagoya, and Poole Gakuin Uni­

versity in Osaka were among the first to incorporate

gaming into their curricula. Although these games were

initially used for spiritual education, some of these univer­

sities now offer graduate courses for training professional

gaming facilitators, a reflection of the increasing interest

of universities in gaming.

Clinical psychology is another major field using games.

Indeed, considering its origins in the theory of group dy­

namics developed by Lewin (1951), sensitivity training

can be interpreted as a kind of gaming. Additionally,

transactional analysis can be interpreted as a type of

Vol. 22 Special 79

gaming in that it is literally described as a "game" (Ber­

ne, 1964). Transactional analysis defines a game as a se­

ries of complementary and hidden transactions that pro­

ceed toward a predictable outcome. These games, which

typically have a fixed number of players, are usually

played by means of parent, adult, and child ego states;

however, an individual's role can shift, and people can

play multiple roles. Therefore, transactional analysis can

be interpreted as a combination of games, in a narrow

sense, and as role playing.

The use of simulation and gaming in secondary and el­

ementary school education was not common until recent­

ly. This is partially because the word "game" is associat­

ed with fun and is not considered sufficiently serious for

use in education. (TheJ apanese did not adopt a new word

for "game" but, instead, used the same word and pro­

nounced it geimu in Japanese)

Outside the context of schools but within the domains

of economic development and cross-cultural communica­

tion, games such as the Trade Game and BafaBafa

(Shirts, 1977) have also been used, although users have

had little or no connection with the simulation and gam­

ing community (e.g., Yashiro et al., 1998). These games

are used by NGOs or independent groups that have an

interest in these problems.

One exception to the aforementioned discussion may

involve reports of the intensive introduction of computer­

ized games during the 1990s. For example, Balance of the

Planet, which was designed for environmental education,

was introduced into schools by Mr. Mitsuhashi, a junior

high school teacher and J ASAG member. Additionally, as

interest in "serious games", increased, digital games were

introduced during the 2000s. I use the term "serious

game" in a rather broad sense such as using games for

the purpose of solving problem, to a greater or lesser ex­

tent.

For example, Nintendo's DS games, used to improve

calculation skills or to learn Kanji (Chinese characters),

were introduced in elementary schools. This kind of in­

troduction may have been limited because these games

were designed to improve simple cognitive tasks or for

repetitive learning. Therefore, the introduction of gaming

to secondary and elementary schools remains limited

from my perspective, especially considering the enor­

mous possibilities for using gaming as an educational tool

to improve complex cognitive skills or learn about social

systems.

Although there has been widespread use of games in

the field of education, relatively few studies have scruti­

nized their educational effects. However, observations

support their effect on motivation, especially in education­

al settings.

One exceptional study that explored the educational ef­

fects of gaming was conducted by JASAG members,

Kashibuchi and Sakamoto (2001). Their research, based

on data from a carefully designed experiment using

Pomp and Circumstance (Greenblat et al., 1978), found

that this game was effective for providing sex education­

to Japanese high school students. The authors also under­

scored the importance of how the game was played be­

cause it was more effective when students adopted sex

roles other than their own.

Fusion

During the twenty-first century-that is, from about

2000-a new trend has been emerging in the field of psy­

chology: the fusion of gaming as a research and educa­

tional tool. The word "fusion" refers to Japanese social

psychologists' practice of actively introducing games to

educational settings while also using them as research

tools, to simultaneously study both social behaviors and

educational effects.

This kind of fusion originated with Inter-Nation Simula­

tion (INS), which was developed by Guetzkow (1959). INS

aimed at building models of international relationships

from a research perspective and was simultaneously

used to teach university students about international ne­

gotiation. In that sense, the fusion under discussion is not

the first instance but can be interpreted as a kind of re­

vival. However, two differences between the present and

previous attempts at such fusion should be noted. First,

the present trend emerged from increased recognition of

simulation and gaming by psychologists, which occurred

decades after the games' initial introduction. Second, the

structures of the newer games are relatively simple, with

rules that more easily lend themselves to playing than

did the rules of earlier games, most of which simulated

the complicated structure of real society, leading to com­

plicated rules. In the following, I introduce two examples

of these games; these are frame games, which can be

used to create variations and applications.

The first example is the Setttoku-Nattoku game (SNG)

developed by Sugiura (2003). In Japanese, settoku means

persuasion and nattoku means understanding after delib­

eration. This game can be categorized as a kind of role­

playing game in that participants are divided into two

groups, and each group is given a role as a "persuader"

or as one who is to be "persuaded". The persuader is re­

quired to persuade the individual. The persuaded is re­

quired to refuse the other's persuasion and provide rea-

80 Studies in Simulation & Gaming

sons for not accepting the persuader's arguments. When

the persuaded participant ready to accept the persuasion,

s/he signs the persuader's card, which contains the per­

suader's original idea. Roles are exchanged at a certain

time, allowing each participant to experience both roles.

This game was originally designed to open dialogues

among interested parties about environmental issues.

However, persuasion is not restricted to environmental

problems, as the game allows for more general areas of

discussion. Thus, SNGs have eventually emerged on a va­

riety of topics, including health promotion, sales negotia­

tion, consumer education, and so on. Contrary to the im­

pression made by its title, settoku (persuasion), SNG offers

an opportunity for players to reflect on their vulnerability

to persuasion, which usually emerges in a covert or de­

ceptive way. This kind of experience leads to create re­

sistance to persuasion.

Fusion does not refer only to the integration of re­

search and education. The second example I introduce

here involves academics and more practical fields, and

the name of the relevant game is "Crossroad" (Kikkawa

et al., 2004). This game was originally aimed at training

for disaster preparedness and responsiveness. About 10

years after the Great Hanshin-Awaji earthquake in 1995,

which had its epicenter beneath Kobe, extensive inter­

views were conducted with Kobe city employees who

had participated in the response to the disaster.

In the game, the results of the interviews are de­

scribed on "episode cards" as dilemmas that people may

face in disaster situations (see examples shown in Table 1).

Each group of five to seven players reads each episode

card, and each player then predicts the majority opinion

by choosing a "YES" or a "NO"' card provided to them.

Players gain a blue zabuton (a point) if they correctly pre­

dict the majority opinion. When a player in a given group

offers a prediction that differs from those offered by the

rest of the group, s/he gains a gold zabuton (a point). Dis-

cussion about the situation follows each round. At the

end of the game, when all 10 episode cards have been

read, the person with the most zabutons (points) wins.

Many variations of this game have been produced and

played since its publication (Kikkawa et al., 2009). The

themes of these variations have not been restricted to

natural disasters. For example, situations involving food

risks and infectious diseases form the themes of some of

these games. Because the rules and the game structure

are relatively simple, people other than the game design­

ers can create original episode cards and play the game.

Thus, personal experiences or lessons learned from the

experiences can be described on cards and shared by

many players. In this sense, the game has been evolving

at the grassroots level.

After the 2011 off the Pacific Coast of Tohoku Earth­

quake that occurred on March 11, 2011, various actual di­

lemmas were added to this game. One example is includ­

ed in Table 1. As the ancient Roman philosopher Seneca

the Younger said, "We learn by teaching," (Docendo Dis­

cimus) this game offers this kind of opportunity.

Such instances of fusion have also been attracting the

interest of the Japanese government. The Ministry of En­

vironment developed an environmental education game

in collaboration with a social psychologist (Aizawa, 2007).

The Pandemic Flu game, which uses a rule known as

quartett in German or "happy families" in English, was

created and distributed by the Ministry of Health, Labor,

and Welfare. "Crossroad: Food-safety Version" was used

by the Food Safety Commission. Local governments are

also interested in using games. The aforementioned SNG

game has been used to help municipal employees im­

prove their communication skills.

Ordinary people with an interest in educational games

have also designed games. One example is The Govecho

(The Governmental Choice, pronounced Gabacho in Japa­

nese), which was developed by the NPO Himawari-no

Table 1 Examples of Crossroad

[Kobe 1002] You are: Senior Administrative Officer. Twenty-four hours have passed since the earthquake. The city hall is full of people who have been evacuated, but the hall is not an authorized evacuation center. Do you force them to leave the city hall? YES (force them out)/NO (do not force them out) [Kobe 1016] You are: A city employeewho is in charge of the mortuary. You are laying out remains. There are not enough staff to deal with the extent of the task, and you yourself are exhausted after several hours of work. Do you take a break? YES (take a break)/NO (continue working) [3.11 Earthquake 1016] You are: A citizen who works as a volunteer at an evacuation center. You are distributing food: 150 loaves remain, but their expiration date is today. Do you distribute them to whoever wants them? YES (distribute them)/NO (do not distribute them)

Vol. 22 Special 81

Tane (Sunflower Seeds). This game, designed for players

ranging from children to adults, teaches players about

global warming. Because environmental education is

among the topics that attract attention in Japan, and be­

cause many NPOs and NGOs are active in this area, oth­

er games have also been developedand used with regard

to this subject: some cases have involved the cooperation

of JASAG members.

Commercial games can be used for educational purpos­

es. Indeed, today's serious-games movement reflects, to

some extent, this trend. While social psychologists ex­

plores positive effects of educational use of commercial

games, the impression of the general public, and in par­

ticular, those of teachers are negative to them. Therefore,

some of social psychologists seek for successful ways of

applying commercial game to the educational field.

Digital games are usually the focus of advocates for se­

rious games. Social psychologists are no exception. How­

ever, analog games such as card games and board games

can also be "serious" when used for educational purposes.

One example is the "revival" of the traditional games, Go

and Shogi, in Japan. Although they are abstract games

and do not attempt to teach specific content (e.g., envi­

ronmental problems or communication skills), they have

received a relatively positive reception by elementary

schools. The reason for this reaction may be two-fold.

First, their abstractness is believed to improve children's

cognitive skills, especially abstract thinking. However,

this has not yet been confirmed by empirical data. Sec­

ond, as I mentioned earlier, although the term game is as­

sociated with fun and is, therefore, negatively perceived

by schools, these kinds of traditional games seldom have

such negative associations.

Another example of the use of commercial games for

educational purposes is the application of Keep Cool to

environmental education (Sugiura and Kikkawa, 2009).

This game was designed by the Potsdam Institute for

Climate Impact Research to teach players about global

warming and has been sold on a commercial basis. It was

originally introduced by Dr. Sugiura, a J ASAG member,

and sold by Japanese game retailers. Because an increas­

ing number of commercial game retailers have emerged,

commercial games, including those from overseas, are

now more easily available in Japan. In Keep Cool, up to

six players, representing the world's countries, compete,

primarily by negotiation, to balance their own economic

interests (policies) with interests related to the world's

climate. In Japan, more than 150 Keep Cool games have

been sold and played to date.

The game designer, Mr. Meyer, noted that two types

of information can be conveyed by educational games:

factual information and system information. Factual infor­

mation is concrete information reflecting reality. In the

case of Keep Cool. the factual information includes, for in­

stance, the names of countries (the US and allied coun­

tries, tiger countries, etc.) and data about economic pow­

er that are reflected in the game's rules. In contrast,

system information conveys information about the sys­

tems described in the games. For example, Keep Cool in­

cludes notions such as the imbalance of political power

among countries. The system information is more ab­

stract and does not precisely reflect reality. According to

Mr. Meyer et al. (2008), games are more suitable for

teaching about systems than they are for relaying factual

information, which can be taught more efficiently by lec­

tures.

The use of commercial games for serious educational

purposes offers two advantages. First, it leads to volun­

tary and natural learning, as these games are more en­

joyable than are most of the games that have been de­

signed solely for educational use. Second, because they

are sold in stores, they are more widely available, leading

to increased opportunities to play. These advantages can

increase opportunities to learn via games.

We should also mention a new trend, which is that

commercial game designers, including those who design

digital games, have started to teach courses on game de­

sign and the use of games for educational purposes in

Japanese universities. This may be another step toward

the integration of games played for fun with those used

for education.

The Future

Thus far, I have given the impression that simulation

and gaming seem to be gaining increasing recognition in

Japanese society and have suggested that their applica­

tion is certain to expand. Social psychology, as a field in­

volving simulation and gaming, will hopefully participate

in this trend.

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