An Examination of the Retention Literature and Application in Student Success

By Alicia B. Harvey-Smith This literature review provides an overview of selected studies directly related to retention in higher education. It begins with a broad discussion of primary retention models and then focuses more closely on the retention of minority students in particular. It concludes with implications for a minority student retention model, integrated recommendations for best practice and a model used to translate the theory into practice on one community college campus. The review is guided by a desire to discover and uncover significant influences and variables that have aided the persistence and retention of minority students. It also explores some of the issues affecting African American students particularly, with an attempt to illuminate the complexity in finding solutions. Although there appears to be no shortage of research on varying aspects of retention as it relates to students in general, studies that focus on retaining African American students, particularly men appear to be limited. There are also limited studies with this as a focus, which are grounded and conducted at the community college level. This literature review provides a brief discussion of issues identified as relevant to the retention of African-American men; however, it should be considered as just the beginning of a critical dialogue. Future research and examination in this area is highly encouraged and is of paramount importance to leveling the playing field in post-secondary education. Future qualitative studies in the area of retention are recommended so that the experiences of participants can be examined in greater depth. What follows is an example of a comprehensive qualitative literature review, which allows for increased familiarity with standard studies and models related to the retention phenomena. It establishes basic assumptions about core retention elements, both cognitive and noncognitve, demonstrates the level of knowledge on related research, aids in pinpointing gaps in previous research, and helps refine and redefine possible research questions and future directions (Marshall and Rossman 1995). The last 43 years have produced a substantial number of research studies on retention. During this time, colleges and universities have undergone major changes in demographics, including evolving from a traditional to a more non-traditional and diverse student body on many campuses. With this evolution came significant challenges in retaining these new and growing student populations. Much of the earlier research on retention has been assessed through the lens of traditional students. This possibly accounts for “the ineffective methodologies and particularly questionable applications for predicting the performance of African American students” (Sherman, Giles, and Williams-Green 1994, 164). Readjusting the lens with which we view and assess African American students and finding new ways to assist them in

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achieving on American campuses are essential. This type of readjustment and assistance is particularly needed on majority campuses where the retention rates are being described as dismal and the academic achievement of many African American students is seen as questionable. Due to earlier research concentrating primarily on retention at four-year colleges and research institutions, a clear gap in research was established: Fewer studies examined these issues on community college campuses, although the available research allows for inferences to be made. Primary Retention Models There is a continued quest and interest to understand more accurately the reasons associated with the persistence and attrition rates of students in higher education. The need to know exactly why students are choosing to stay or leave college has never been greater. A proliferation of factors has direct links to attrition, persistence, and retention, but there is much concern regarding the transferability of many of these factors from one population to another. Although factors have been identified as having an effect on retention in general, there is no clear consensus on a single group of factors that affect minority students particularly and African American students specifically. Numerous studies have examined a wide range of variables, including such things as demographics, aspirations, motivation, personality, values, and institutional characteristics (Bean 1982). Bean described models of attrition as a representation of the factors presumed to influence decisions to drop out of an institution. He also found that these models identify the interrelationships among the various factors and the relationships between these factors and the dropout decision. Various models of student attrition have been used to describe the dropout process, including descriptive models, which are based on observations of facts and which tend to use factual generalizations to report data. Descriptive models are limited because the correlation and variables are not based on theory and because the reason variables are linked are not always known. Models that have focused on a student's pre-matriculation characteristics, such as SAT scores or high school performance, have been used to predict student completion rate (Bean 1982). Bean suggested, however, that these models are limited because their outcomes focus on strategies for admission, not retention. The person-role fit model developed by Rootman (1972) focused on the degree to which the student can adequately balance individual characteristics with the institution’s expectations. This model requires an in-depth understanding of the student’s personality types gained through tests and measurements. Other models used to better explain student attrition are the longitudinal-process models; they are used widely in the research on retention and examine the interplay between the student and the academic environment over time. These models start from the assumption

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that increased social and academic integration would lead to increased goal and institutional commitment (Bean 1982; Tinto 1975). Another popular retention model is Pascarella’s (1980) model of student-faculty informal contact. This model examines the process of how a student’s characteristics fit or interplay with institutional characteristics to effect persistence. These characteristics are said to have the power to influence the amount of informal contact that students have with faculty. Pascarella’s model also purports that additional exposure in college, both socially (involvement with peers) and academically, also impacts informal contact with faculty. Among the numerous theories and models being advanced to explain college persistence, Tinto’s integration model (1975) and Bean’s attrition model (1980) provide the most comprehensive frameworks on departure decisions. Tinto's model of academic and social integration is seen as the foundation for much of the current research in retention. He developed his model based on the early works of Spady (1970), who was the first to attempt to provide an explanation for dropout behavior. Spady, in turn, based his model on Durkheim’s (1961) concept that establishing social support systems could reduce suicide. Durkheim’s work was considered groundbreaking and led the way to applications, which informed the attrition research of Spady (1970), Tinto (1975), and Pascarella (1980). In Spady’s model, the interplay or interaction between the student and the institution allows the student the chance to assimilate successfully into the academic and social system of the college. The degree to which the rewards within either system are perceived as insufficient is the degree to which the student is likely to drop out. The extent to which a student feels a bond and connection with the environment and established support relationships with friends determined the basis for social success in this model. Academic success was characterized by grades, which provided an extrinsic reward and intellectual development, which in turn provided an intrinsic reward. In his model of voluntary student departure, Tinto (1975) asserted that students bring to college a series of characteristics—for example, ethnicity, secondary school achievements, family support and encouragement, and socioeconomic status—that influences initial levels of commitment to the institution and promotes attendance and graduation. It was believed that these initial traits and levels of student commitment directly affected the degree to which one became integrated into a campus’s academic and social communities and thus specifically influenced the persistence rates of individual students. Tinto set out to formulate a theoretical model that explained the processes of interaction between the individual and the institution that lead individuals to drop out from institutions of higher education. According to Tinto, if one wishes to develop a theoretical model of dropout from college that seeks to explain the longitudinal process of interaction that leads differing persons to various forms of persistence or dropout behavior, one must build into the model sets of individual characteristics and dispositions relevant to educational persistence (Tinto 1975; 1993).

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Bean’s (1980) model suggested that dropout from college is analogous to employee turnover in the workplace and that students leave college for the same kinds of reasons that employees leave their jobs. Bean’s model built upon the work of Price (1977) and incorporated four categories of variables: (1) drop out (dependent variable), (2) satisfaction and institutional commitment (intervening variables), (3) organizational determinants, and (4) background variables. Bean further suggested that organization factors such as routinization, communication, commitment to goals, and institutional quality will affect satisfaction levels and eventually affect turnover for employees and attrition rates of students. Bean’s model emphasizes the importance of behavioral intentions as predictors of persistence behavior. It presumes that a process shapes these intentions whereby beliefs shape attitudes, which in turn influence behavioral intents. It is further presumed in this model that beliefs are affected by a student’s experiences with overall campus quality, courses, and friends. External factors and the role they play in affecting student attitudes and decisions during college are significant. The model’s results supported the presumed role that organizational, personal, and environmental variables play in forming attitudes and intents; they also suggest the importance that noncognitive variables such as family approval and the college environment play in a student’s decision to drop out or persist. Finally, Bean’s model is noted for the modifications made to it to better explain the persistence process among nontraditional students. Key Elements Impacting Minority Retention Numerous studies point to the impact that noncognitive variables have on the academic and social success of African American students. Several themes emerged over the course of my review that yield a powerful influence on the ultimate outcome of student success. Due to the quantity of available research in this particular area, only a select group of studies will be discussed within this segment of the review. (For a model of minority student retention that incorporates many of these key elements, see Figure 1.) According to a 1994 study conducted by Townsend, 32 percent of African American students on several majority campuses graduated, compared to 56 percent of majority students on those same campuses. Understanding more clearly how the total college environment impacts these students will help us find real solutions to the challenges of attrition and retention for this population. The increased attrition of African American students from colleges and universities across the country is creating a major obstacle in providing equal educational opportunity, and added to this challenge are the increased academic and social difficulties experienced by those students who choose to stay in college. A number of factors have been identified as having an impact on the persistence and retention rates of these students. An analysis of the literature reveals that most programs and retention strategies are aimed at correcting or changing African American students, while failing to address environmental or campus issues involved (Love 1993). The research on African

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American students has provided few solutions to the problems of retention, and the doors of higher education continue to revolve for this population. Faculty/Student Interaction The interaction between students and faculty emerged from several studies as having a tremendous impact on the retention of African American students. Students who are provided opportunities to interact with faculty at greater levels tend also to perform better academically. But research on this issue has indicated that minority students are not provided opportunities to interact with White faculty at the same level and quality as their White peers (Nettles 1988). The process of forming close relationships with White faculty is particularly difficult for African American students (Dinka et al. 1980; Nettles 1988). In a study conducted by Christiansen and Sedlacek (1974), African American students reported that they had fewer opportunities to engage faculty, found it difficult to get helpful feedback, or felt the comments from faculty tended to be either overly negative or overly positive. In a 1993 study, Love examined issues and problems in the retention of African American students and identified interaction with faculty as one of the seven categories of noncognitive variables found to significantly impact minority retention. The other variables revealed in the study included: racism, institutional leadership, finances, social interaction, student services, and student characteristics. In Townsend’s (1994) report, faculty indifference surfaced as having a significantly negative impact on the retention of African American students. Other variables identified in that study were: financial aid, lack of cultural and social support, absence of institutional commitment, and campus climate. Townsend’s study also underscored the impact of faculty-student interactions on performance and identified difficulties in such interactions as the key reason why African American scholars decide to leave college. Once again, faculty-student interaction was cited in several of the findings as a prime noncognitive variable affecting the academic achievement and retention of students. These relationships, as Pascarella (1980) carefully points, were associated with higher grade point averages (GPA), increased satisfaction with college, decreased feelings of alienation, and improved performance in one’s major (Hughes 1987; Fleming 1984; Nettles, Theony, and Grossman 1986; Love 1993). Racism African American students who attend majority campuses encountered varying degrees of racism. Love (1993) identified it as a pervasive factor in African American student development. Allen (1992) disclosed that the existence of racism on many campuses is taken as a matter of fact. Other studies clearly supported the conclusion that good academic performance and persistence correlate with a positive racial environment on campus (Allen 1988; Bennett and Okinaka 1984; and Nettles et al. 1988). Moreover, negative attitudes and racist stereotypes, combined with overt racial threats, were found

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to create severe problems that force many African American students to leave college prematurely. According to research conducted by Tinto (1982), it becomes difficult for many African American students to feel integrated into the mainstream of academic life under these adverse conditions, which contribute directly to a sense of alienation and decreased persistence. Many studies have placed integration of all segments of the institution and commitment from senior-level leadership to creating environments where all students feel comfortable as the most important noncognitive variables related to retention (Clewell and Ficklen 1986). It is clear that institutional leaders must, at a minimum, acknowledge the problem and attempt to understand its effect on the overall retention of students, the institution’s mission, goals, and ability to create inclusive environments. Campus Environment Clewell and Ficklen (1986) found that institutions demonstrating good retention results had three factors in place: (1) environments conducive to retention, (2) a clear policy on minority enrollments, and (3) a high level of institutional commitment. Williams (1986) followed with a study of 11 college campuses that supported these findings and reinforced the importance of the campus environment and its role in retention. According to the study, the interaction between students and the campus environment affects the student’s physical behavior, affective domain, perceptions, and attitudes toward the campus environment. These interactions constitute an important student-institution relationship that affects, to varying degrees, student satisfaction, academic achievement, and persistence in the institution (36). The theme of campus environment repeatedly surfaced in Boyd’s 1974 study involving 785 African American students and 194 African American and majority faculty. This study revealed three overlapping priorities necessary for majority campuses to retain their African American students. Specifically, it recommended that majority campuses seek to:

1) encourage intellectual and personal growth; 2) implement major institutional adjustments, including staffing and curriculum; and 3) make major institutional adjustments.

It emphasized that institutions have for too long concentrated their efforts on simply making minor institutional adjustments, which has created “a new tokenism”(17). That is, to gather only a sufficient number of African Americans on campus for them to be visible, but not enough to develop a critical mass. Critical Mass The exposure of African American students to a sufficient number of other African Americans on campus to provide opportunities to develop a sense of community emerged as a contributing factor to increased retention (Clewell 1986). Hughes (1987) conducted a phenomenological study that indicated that African American students on majority campuses defer their social, personal, emotional, and cultural development during

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college. This was due largely to the unavailability of rich opportunities to interact with other African American students and faculty. The importance of critical mass was underscored in Townsend’s 1994 study on campus climate, which found that a positive atmosphere depends on support networks that are conducive to intellectual and personal growth. It appears that the faculty and administration in its ethnic and racial composition should, to a reasonable level, reflect the student population and allow for opportunities for exposure and modeling. If this does not occur, a barrier is created and the likelihood for attrition is increased. The importance of opportunities for modeling has been cited consistently as essential for the success of African American students. Both the availability of quality role models and the opportunity for high-quality faculty interactions with faculty of the same race has been found to be prime factors in retaining African American students (Hawkins 1990). Finances and Financial Aid The factor of finances was identified as a predictor of the probability of African American students dropping out. This variable is vitally significant to many students and is seen as a clear and effective measure to promote retention. It has been suggested that the level of financial aid be maintained or increased for African American students to enable them to complete their academic pursuits. The literature also points to the need to de-emphasize loans, particularly for those students whose family income falls below identified levels. It is apparent that students who must worry about having enough money to complete college are often subject to deterred or hindered academic progress. The issue of finances surfaced in studies conducted by Fleming (1984) and Clewell and Ficklen (1986) and was again found to exert significant impact on students’ decisions to stay or leave college. Berry (1983) also found finances to be a significant variable affecting the retention of African American students in particular. The situation, according to Berry, is further complicated by cutbacks in federal financial aid, lack of accessible information, and an absence of continuous financial support. It is clear that the problem of finances manifested in the lives of students in a variety of forms, most typically represented by a severe shortage or lack of money to continue one’s education. A 1990 study conducted by Hawkins emphasized the importance of colleges and universities rededicating themselves to equal opportunity for minorities and identified finances and financial aid necessary components in minority student persistence and retention. Use of Student Services The quality and amount of exposure African American students have to services and programs on majority campuses recurred as a theme in much of the research. It was

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demonstrated as having significant holding power and served to predict both persistence and retention. The availability and perceived accessibility of student services by African American scholars was found essential to decreasing dropout intention. Love’s 1993 study strongly supported the finding that African American students on majority campuses who availed themselves to these types of experiences were more highly integrated into campus life and more likely to be retained. Other studies identified use of the gymnasium (Mallinckrodt and Sedlacek 1987), involvement in the student union, and campus employment (Churchill and Iwai 1981) as playing vital roles in the persistence and eventual graduation of African American students. Furthermore, Mallinckrodt and Sedlacek pointed out that participation in activities and services of this nature fostered a greater identification with the college and thus enhanced the probability that students would remain. This reinforces the body of research that finds that increased involvement and integration into the entire campus community correlate with greater commitment and increased retention. Characteristics Found to Aid Retention of African American Students A variety of student characteristics have been identified in studies as having the capability of aiding the persistence and retention of African American students on majority campuses. Although there are distinct challenges for minority students, they are by no means insurmountable; clearly understanding those things that can enhance African American students’ academic experiences is vital. Several studies have identified the following characteristics as positively influencing the success of African American students. (For a model that reflects these key student characteristics, see Figure 2.) Characteristics such as positive self-image, self-esteem, and viewing locus of control as internal have been found to correlate with successful academic achievement and retention of African American students (Allen 1988). Student background and family educational and income levels have also been found to correlate with student success (Martin 1984). African American students who have been successful on majority campuses have developed important coping skills that have aided their success. Several studies have identified coping skills that correlate positively with retention (Allen 1988; Sedlacek 1986, 1987; Merritt, Sedlacek, and Brooks 1977). Such skills include:

1) dealing effectively with racism, 2) ability to positively identify with the institution, 3) ability to bridge gaps from student culture to institutional culture, 4) involvement in community services, having strong support systems, 5) demonstrated leadership skills and culturally related ways of knowing.

These coping skills require minority students to become bicultural in order to function effectively on majority campuses, while still maintaining ties to their communities for support when it proves necessary (Thompson and Fretz 1991). According to Fleming (1984), students who made satisfactory adjustments in their academic and career

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development were also those students who made positive adjustments to the overall college environment. Studies have clearly demonstrated that African American students who actively integrate into the social and academic environment of the campus are more likely to achieve while there and remain to graduate. Numerous studies have examined the attrition and retention rates of these students in an attempt to understand the affect that a student's ability to integrate socially and academically might have on performance. In their 1979 study, Pascarella, and Terenzini found the ability to integrate successfully into the college environment helped students to stay in school. Retention Studies on Community College Campuses As discussed earlier, there is a clear gap in the research concentrating on retention at community colleges. With that in mind, I believed it relevant and necessary to review a sample of the studies that have been conducted in that environment. What follows is an overview of those studies found most applicable. Many see community colleges as a beacon of hope. Many students who may lack the skills and abilities necessary to achieve at four-year colleges find their way to community colleges. Because of the open access philosophy of these institutions, students who attend are frequently underprepared. This, combined with numerous other factors, has led to lower success and completion rates. The community colleges’ charge to meet the divergent needs of all who may enter their doors is all too often a difficult charge to meet. The issue of retention and how it should be measured continues to be of interest to community colleges across the country. Retention studies on community college campuses are increasing. Although these studies are relatively limited in scope, they have grown in number and scope considerably over the last decade. Carr’s (1992) study, conducted at San Jose City Community College, examined the fourth semester persistence rates of African American men to investigate the effect of its athletic and athletic academic support programs on retention. The study found African American males in an intensive support program had a fourth semester persistence rate of 56 percent, higher than any group at the institution. This campus support program focused primarily on creating a sense of community for the men who participated. It has since expanded to provide the same sense of community experienced by the program’s participants to all African American students on campus. A 1987 report by Ellison, conducted at Cuyahoga Community College, attempted to provide an overview of the problems and some potential solutions associated with high dropout rates at community colleges. This study highlighted cost as being one of the major causes of discontinuance in community colleges and further recommended that there be greater consistency in defining and measuring student retention and withdrawal at community colleges. The need to establish common definitions and student- and program-centered information was also suggested, as well as, the need for the

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implementation of dropout prevention strategies, such as new student orientation, financial assistance programs, programs promoting a sense of community, and academic excellence. The report recommended specialized activities for at-risk students, former students, and returning students. This report further recommended that community colleges design and conduct useful retention evaluations, coordinate their efforts to facilitate high school-to-college transition, improve retention and achievement, and promote two- and four-year college transfer. Carr’s 1992 study of 1,053 African American students at San Jose Community College identified several reasons for attrition: low educational attainment in the home background, students attending to repair bad grade point averages, low admission test scores, the high proportion of part-time students, the high dropout rates of African American males, and part-time single students. Drawing on the literature, researchers have begun to analyze community college retention data on students’ stated objectives upon entry. According to Coll and Von Seggern (1991) by categorizing students based on their most important reason for attending college, meaningful follow-up and assessment of students’ goal attainment can occur. The study emphasized the importance of understanding student goals upfront and the need for more accurate follow-up. Program evaluation studies conducted by Coll and Von Seggern (1991) have produced evidence that pre-college orientation and a freshman orientation success course positively influence goal attainment. Pre-college orientation is a valuable form of anticipatory socialization (that is, a process through that they will encounter in a new social setting). Effective pre-college orientation programs were said to provide students with:

• description of program offerings; • college’s expectations; • information about assistance and services for examining interests, values, and

abilities; • encouragement to establish working relationships with faculty; • information about services that help with adjustment to college; and • financial aid information.

The freshman success course typically includes topics that are highly correlated with academic persistence, such as managing time, memory techniques, writing test answers and course papers, and coping with overload and anxiety. Drawing from an analysis of the literature on student attrition and retention at community colleges, Beatty (1992) presents a typology of retention strategies as a structure from which further research can advance. The typology categorizes strategies according to whether their purposes are to:

1) sort students into categories or groups in order to place them into college programs most suited to their goals, abilities, and needs;

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2) support students in meeting their financial needs and financial obligations; 3) connect students to the institution through a variety of activities designed to

promote student involvement and integration; or 4) transform either the students through remedial education or career counseling or

the institution through curricular reform, instructional and professional development, or community building.

The typology also recommends a comprehensive community college retention program with some techniques from each of the categories listed. A 1988 study conducted by the Research Department of the Minnesota House of Representatives examined college student retention and enrollment patterns in that state. It tracked the progress of freshmen entering school in the fall of 1998 through 1990. Interviews focusing on students’ plans, background, preparation for college, and freshman year experiences were conducted with a sample of retained students and dropouts of all entering students. The study revealed several key findings:

• By their second year of enrollment, 55 percent of entering freshmen had dropped out;

• 16 percent of entering freshmen transferred by the beginning of their fourth year of enrollment, with full-time students transferring at a higher rate than part-timers;

• 35 percent of the students interviewed were not enrolled in a degree program and did not intend to pursue a degree;

• by spring 1991, 25 percent of the fall 1988 degree-seeking students had transferred, 33 percent had dropped out, 30 percent were still enrolled, and 13 percent had graduated;

• the majority of community college students received some type of financial aid, most commonly a grant;

• 82 percent of all students were employed, with dropouts working the most hours and four-year transfers working the fewest;

• 34 percent of all students enrolled in at least one remedial or basic skills course; and

• 29 percent of the students reported some problem in enrolling in desired courses. Information of this type is particularly helpful in understanding the environments, motivations, and outcomes of African American students. It can also inform the ongoing development of guiding questions. Issues Affecting African American Men in Higher Education The issues confronting African American men are many. Simply the achievement of manhood is seen as a victory and “has historically been a complex and challenging task for the African American male in America” (Lee 1996, 1). African captives brought to this country were forced to internalize emotions and co-exist without the requisite and well-deserved self-esteem and respect that comes with manhood (Comer 1995).

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Patton’s 1988 study pointed out that economic challenges have intensified the problems of African American men and had given way to increased poverty, unemployment, lowered life expectancy, and low expectations. He cited this as one central reason for the current state of African American manhood. He goes on to convey that power diverted from productive channels is expressed in gang violence, homicide, and suicide. He also pointed to the increasing numbers of African American men under control of the criminal justice system: in prison, on probation, or on parole. In 1994 the total number of African American men in this category was 609,690. This number was greater than the total number of African American men of all ages enrolled in college, which were 436,000 for the same year (Patton 1988). And these challenges do not diminish when African American men enter college. Many of these students are having less than favorable experiences on campuses across the country. Academic achievement and retention are major concerns. African American women do not appear to be having as much difficulty moving through the educational pipeline, and this issue has raised a measure of concern. The growing gap between the educational attainment of African American women and African American men is seen as a serious problem with no clear solution in sight. It is felt that this growing difference is likely to erode the relative earning power of African American men and undermine their status in the African American family (Slater 1994). According to a study conducted by Collison (1987), fewer and fewer African American men are selecting to go to college. They instead are opting to enter the military, attend vocational or technical schools, or take jobs. Collison’s study illuminated the impact that peer pressure plays in the decision of these students: African American males were the group least likely to apply to college and to enroll. Even among those students who did enroll, a high and increasing number failed to advance through college at a stable rate or complete their degrees. This study also revealed that between 1978 and 1986, the percentage of African American males unable to finish a year of credits rose substantially, with fewer of them receiving bachelor’s degrees in 1985 than in 1978, a decrease of one-sixth, with the largest decline occurring between 1980 and 1985. The issue of declining student achievement by this population will have long-term economic, political, and social consequences for the society. Of the studies that pointed to social conditions as being at the root of the plight of African American men, Lee’s (1996) study appeared to be the most compelling. He cited the following conditions that African American men must constantly struggle with as a result of society’s perceptions:

• lowered life expectancy; • risk of criminality; • poor economic conditions; • inadequate education; • drugs and gang violence; and

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• health problems associated with sexual behavior. Lee identified racism as the major societal flaw and recommended the creation of positive symbols, rituals, practices, and responsibilities to reinforce the positive attributes of African American manhood. The task of addressing African American male achievement, access, and retention is essential, and what we do or do not do on this issue will affect us all, as a society. From Theory to Practice Understanding the relevant theories that support and inform practice is essential; however, translating them from theory to practice is paramount if we are to create substantive and meaningful change in support of the retention and success of minority students. The model that follows is one attempt at a practical application of the variables, which emerged from the literature.

The Dean of Learning and Student Development at the Community College of Baltimore County–Catonsville, after an extensive review of the literature and an examination of the student body developed a comprehensive model in an effort to translate theory into practice. It is an effort to enhance the learning, achievement and retention of all students generally, and students deemed greatest at risk specifically.

Institutional Context - A Synopsis

The campus demographics revealed that for the period of 2000–2001, 42 percent of its credit students were minorities. The campus also demonstrated a sharp increase in its developmental population (that is, students needing at least one developmental course, who often may have lower retention rates). In support of the college’s goal to aggressively pursue closing the achievement gap between minority and non-minority students, the division sought to implement a comprehensive model through the Student Success Center, incorporating the best thinking on the topic. The division further sought to research and implement relevant models and initiatives into practice throughout essential "safety net" including The Counseling and Advising Center and the Office of Student Life and through its ongoing learning partnerships with faculty in an attempt to assist students comprehensively. Through this model it is anticipated that students will increase their involvement throughout the campus, and become more ready to assume leadership experiences through academic, cultural, and social supports and interactions. Lastly, the model seeks to increase, through the consistent implementation of its program, the self-image, self-esteem, and the intellectual and personal growth of students. The model will also seek to improve the student’s internal locus of control. The model is scheduled for initial implementation beginning in the fall 2002 semester, with the re-opening of the Student Success Center. Other components of the model will be phased in throughout the academic year, and as additional funding becomes available. The model’s effectiveness will be evaluated over time through the use of both

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quantitative and qualitative measures. (Contact the Dean Of Learning and Student Development using the information located at the conclusion of this article for a copy of the complete model.) Conclusion The research available on the retention of African American students in higher education provides an insight into the unique challenges being faced by minority students generally and African-American students specifically on campuses across the country. The literature illuminates clear themes that have consistently impacted the persistence and retention of this population, and it identifies barriers that influence the attrition and success rates of these students. Knowing this information provides us with an opportunity to make changes where appropriate. The studies reviewed reveal existing gaps in research and fertile ground for exploration. The literature supports a clear need for additional studies focusing on the astounding challenges being faced by African-American men who are seen as fragile in the educational pipeline. There is a need for additional research conducted on community college campuses addressing some of the unique challenges being faced in those environments. The need for student and faculty interaction, the availability of a critical mass, the importance of social and academic integration, and the availability of financial assistance are important concerns directly impacting student retention and success in post-secondary education. Additional inquiry will allow us to make better and more informed decisions concerning overall retention practices as transformational change in these environments are sought in support of student learning. The studies examined support the need for transforming campus environments and creating an atmosphere of inclusion and support for all students, while taking an honest look at the barriers to achievement and success being confronted by minority students in an attempt to build a more effective bridge to learning. The challenge is before us.

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Figure 1. Key Elements of Minority Retention Model The incorporation of the elements depicted in this model is recommended when one is developing a comprehensive model for student retention and minority student retention in particular. Each element is supported by a substantial body of literature (see references at the end of this article).

Key Elements of Minority Retention Model

Integration of Academic and Social Events

High Level Faculty/Student Interaction

Cultural and Social Supportand Interaction

Institutional Commitment

Increased MinorityStudent Retention

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Supportive Campus Climate/Environment

Critical Mass

Opportunity for Involvement, Mentoring, and Leadership

Experiences

Use of Campus Resources and Student Services, Advising, Counseling,Financial/Fiscal Counseling, Library, Tutoring, (Preparation efforts)

Source: Harvey-Smith ( 2002) Figure 2. Key Student Elements Impacting Retention Model

Key Student Elements Impacting Retention Model

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Self Esteem

Self Image

Intellectual and

Personal Growth

Increased Minority

Retention

Internal Locus of Control

Family Support

Source: Harvey-Smith (2002)

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References

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The Author Alicia B. Harvey-Smith is Dean of Learning and Student Development at the Community College of Baltimore County–Catonsville Campus in Baltimore, Maryland, is the author of Getting Real-Proven Strategies For Student Survival and Academic Success and is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Maryland-College Park with a professional concentration in Retention in Higher Education.