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Chapter IV
(i) Ecology Protest in India
(ii) Economic Deprivation Induced Protest
(iii) Protest Movement in Chilika
(iv) Economic Problems Leads to Ecology Movement
(v) From Protest to Policy
Protest Movement
1. Ecology Protest in India: A Review of Past
It is a message that is heard increasingly across India as the country has
intensified its drive towards industrialization over last two decades, and has
consequently encroached further on the forests, river, and fertile lands from which
subsistence communities have traditionally drawn their livelihood. Whether peasant
cultivators or forest dwelling groups or small-scale fisher people, marginalized
communities are banding together and rising up against threats to the environment.
The type of protest varies - from militant blockades such as those in Jharkhand to
Gandhian style non-violent civil disobedience but the underlying goal is the same.
They are challenging a conventional development apparatus that seeks to exploit
natural resources with little concern for the environment and for the people who
directly draw their subsistence from environment (Akula, 1995: 128).
These contemporary grassroots environmental struggle are not new. They are
based in resistance to the incursion on the environment that accompanied British
colonialism in the eighteenth century.
Prior to the arrival of European traders, India consisted of a diverse range of
subsistence communities that were relatively autonomous both politica ly and
economically from the various princely rulers of India. Since communities acquired
. their subsistence locally, they generally understood their dependence 01 local
resources -rivers, forests and fertile lands. Consequently, many communities evolved
a wide range of social and cultural practices that regulated access to and insured
sustainable use of natural resources. Madhav Gadgil and Ramchandra Guha (1992)
argued that these practices emerged during the fourth and ninth centuries in response
to a resource crunch precipitated by a decrease in rainfall, a reduction in soil fertility,
and population growth.
There were of course exceptions and varymg degrees of biocentricism in
different parts of India. In fact, in some regions, communities had practices that were
harmful to the environment. But what is clear is that the traditional mode of resource
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use, guided as it was by a degree of biocentricism, was far less destructive than the
industrial mode of resource use introduced by British.
The British - coming first as traders and becominJ rulers by the mid
eighteenth century sought raw materials for the industrial revolution underway in
Great Britain. Either directly or through local elites, they forced cultivation of
commercial crops like opium, indigo, cotton, sugar, tea and jute for export. As a
result, · local elites asserted greater control over relatively autonomous subsistence
communities. After the British became direct rulers in the mid-eighteenth century, the
process gradually intensified. The intensification of resource control was epitomised
by the 1878 Forest Act. The act gave colonial government a monopoly over forest
produce, obliterating centuries of customary access and threatening the livelihood of
peasants and tribals. The British clear-cut these forests to build ships for British Navy
and to build railway sleepers, causing far more ecological damage than did
subsistence communities.
Early Resistance
There was also resistance to British Rule. Protest movements targeted
European Planters, local landlords, moneylenders, tax-collectors, the military and the
police. In the Bengal peasant revolt of 1859 to 1863, for instance, peasants attacked
the private armies of European planters who had forced them to grow indigo instead
of subsistence crops. During the revolt, peasant fought back using speaks, b0ws and
arrows, clubs and bats. Later the movement became a non-rent campaign against both
planters and zamindars. By the end of the revolt rents were reduced and planters left
the area. The revolt of 1859-63 effectively destroyed the indigo plantation system in
lower Bengal.
Even resistance movement converged with the independence struggle as in the
case of Bihari peasant resistance against forced indigo cultivation in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In 1907 and 1908, indigo factories were
boycotted and factory employees intimidated. The struggle attracted the support of
political activists, and in 1917 Mahatama Gandhi, the leader of independence
movement, led the Champaran Satyagraha (civil disobedience movement campaign)
which ended the indigo system in Bihar.
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Resistance to forest laws was especially intertwined with the independence.
Defiance of forest laws was part of the countrywide Quit India campaigns led by the
Indian National Congress from 1920 to 1922 and 1930 to 32.
After achieving independence in 1947, India was faced with a choice between
the models of development- one is Gandian model, which rejected industrialisation
and revival of the organic village communities of the pre-colonial and pre-industrial
past. The other is Nehru model, which advanced a program for accelerated
industrialisation. Soon after independence Gandhi was assassinated and with that the
hope of sustainable development was minimised. The Government not only continued
the natural resources polices of the British, but it also expanded resource - htensive
industrial activity and undertook major development projects like large dams, mining
and energy-intensive agriculture. Not everyone embraced the industrial path, but the
new leaders of India - many of whom had been educated at Oxford and Cambridge in
England - had imbibed the values and ideals of the west and believed that the
industrial model of development was the only path to prosperity. Moreover, the later
generation of Indian leaders also had faith in this model. Consequently, the process of
industrialisation has intensified in the last two decades. The intensification, coupled
with population growth has made the plight of poor even more intensive.
The 450 million poor of India, the majority of whom live in rural areas, simply
cannot withstand the onslaught any longer. The increasing threat to their livelihood
and a problem with the morality of the violence towards nature that often
accompanies industrialisation - explains in part why ecological resistance is on the
rise in India today (Akula, 1995: 132).
The resistance is diverse and battles are waged on many fronts, addressing
everything from control of rivers to the environmental impact of mining. Often a
movement simultaneously addresses several environmental concern, and frequently
groups of different castes or classes came together to protect common resources.
(i) Chipko and Contemporary Forest Movements
Among the most volatile natural resource conflicts are those over forests,
which are still a major source of livelihood for the rural poor. Among the forest
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movement the Chipko movement in the Himalayas of Uttar Pradesh and Appika
Movement in Kerla are most important.
In the 1960s, the region experienced massive deforestation due to rapid growth
in forest industries and expanded industrialisation. This, combined with the unusually
heavy monsoon of 1970, caused a devastating flood. Many people and livestock died
and water washed away six metal bridges. Villagers began to see connections between
deforestation and flooding. Thus, in March 1973, when the government allotted ash
trees to a sporting goods company that made tennis rackets, villagers - with assistance
from a local Gandhian cooperative - organised against the loggers. Local people
embraced trees that loggers were about to fell. Thus the Chipko "to hug" movement
was born (Guha, 1989:152).
The Government responded by establishing a Forest Corporation, but the
feeling persisted. People continued to protest and the Chipko model of resistance soon
spread to nearby districts. The movement had three major strands. There was Chandri
Prasad Bhatt's "appropriate technology" group that organised the initial Chipko
Protest and that sought a less destructive use of forest based on local .;;awmill
. cooperatives. The second, more biocentric, group represented by Sunderlal Bahuguna
sought a total ban on green felling and the preservation of forest for traditional
subsistence use such as gathering of fuel and fodder. The third faction was led by the
marxist oriented Uttarkhand Sangharsh Vahini. It emphasised the need for economic
redistribution (Omvedt, 1993:133-134). Despite their ideological differences,
however, all of the strands come together to oppose felling and all organised direct
action- ranging from camping in the forests to surrounding timber auction halls.
The climax of the movement came in 1981 when Bahuguna the leader of
biocentric stream of the movement, went on an indefinite hunger fast urging a total
ban on green felling above one thousand meters. Thousands of people engaged in a
series of mass Chipko protests.
The sustained grassroots struggle drew the attention of the media, and the
Prime minister at the time, Indira Gandhi, met with Bahuguna and offered a fifteen
year ban on commercial green felling in the Himalayan forests of Uttar Pradesh
(Shiva, 1991:108).
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Soon other forest movements in India adopted the Chipko model. In the early
1980s, for instance, the Appiko movement emerged in the Kalase forest of South
Indian State of Karnataka (appiko means "to hug" in the local language). The Kalase
forest is the part of a tropical forest of the Western Ghats, which extends along several
states of the western interior of South India.
The first Appiko movement occurred in 1983 when sixteen men, women and
children of the Salkani village hugged trees in the rarest, forcing woodcutter to leave.
Community members went on to keep a thirty-eight day vigil in the forest until the
Government withdrew the feeling orders. Within month the movement spread to
adjoining districts. In a nearby forest, where trees were to be cut down by a match
manufacturer, Appiko participants hugged trees and performed religious ceremor.y.
The protest forced the minister of forests to come to the area. He subsequently
stopped the operation, and the state government has since banned felling of green
trees in some of the forests of the region. Like Chipko, the goal of Appiko was not
merely to protest deforestation, but also to put forth an alternative model of
development - embodied in the Appiko Slogan, "Ugusu, Belesu and Balasu",
meaning "to save, to grow and to use rationally". Activists thus coupled protests with
activities to raise awareness about sustainable development.
A final example of a grassroots forests struggle comes from the district of
Bastar in the state of Madhya Pradesh. Two third population of the district is tribal,
and forests cover over half the area, and the high bio-diversity of the forests yields a
variety of minor forest products for the tribal population.
During the late 1970s, the government made plans for a World Bank financed
tree plantation project designed to convert much of remaining forest into pine trees for
pulp mill. First the tribals demonstrated and wrote petitions. When that failed they
became more militant prohibiting foresters from cutting trees. In one incident in 1982,
three hundred tribals - armed with traditional bows and arrows-stopped foresters from
taking ten tmck loads of timber out of the forests. When the government did not
respond to the demonstration of tribal, they burnt the trees and Prime Minister, Indira
Gandhi, subsequently suspended the project in 1963.
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Resistance to Dams: Rivers are another natural resources over which there has been
tremendous conflict. The government has vastly increased the number of dam projects
as it seeks to expand energy for industrial development and water for irrigation.
The projects certainly have benefits, but often the benefits go to the few.
Industries receive a disproportionate amount of electricity, and wealthy farmers
typically receive the bulk of irrigation. Meanwhile, the poor bear the costs - ranging
from the drowning of forests and agricultural lands to the salinization or water
logging of surrounding lands. · .,
The most notable resistance movement to a large dam project is the struggle
against the Narmada Valley Development Programme in Madhya Pradesh and
Maharashtra. The $450 million Narmada project was planned in the 1970s. It
encompasses 30 large, 135 medium sized and 3,000 small dams. Overall, it is
estimated that 120 million hectares will be submerged and 300,000 people displaced,
mostly poor tribal villagers.
Protests in the 1980s and early 1990s - consisting of civil disobedience and
many hunger fasts, including one that lasted twenty days - drew international
attention and led to the first outside review commission by the World Banlc After the
report was issued, the World Bank strengthened its environmental and rehabilitation
standards. In March 1993, however, the Indian government- reluctant to meet those
environmental and human rights standards refused the final $170 million of World
Bank loan and is now proceeding with its own funds.
The battle over the seas
Another realm of water conflict is the coastal area of India. There, smail-scale
fisher people battle commercial fishers who are threatening sustainable traditional
fishing practices.
Increasingly, however, fishing communities are orgamsmg against such
ecological destruction. The most notable movement is the Kerala fish workers
struggle, which involves 800,000 fish workers and 120,000 households over the entire
continental shelf of the southern state of Ker~la.
128
The enormous increase in mechanised boats and indiscriminate fishing with
trawlers during the spawning season destroyed young fish and damaged the aquatic
ecosystem. The local fisher people were not only affected by the decreased fish catch,
they also felt that the sanctity of the sea was violated.
Gradually, a struggle against the mechanized trawlers ensued. Local nuns and
priests, members ofKerala's large indigenous Christian population and other activists
led mass rallies and direct action such as blocking road and rail traffic and sabotaging
mechanised boats. Women, who were responsible for marketing fish, were especially
active in the struggle. In the mid 1970s, the fish workers organised the Kerala
Swatantra Matsya Thozilali Federation (KSMTF) and then helped form an all India
union, the National Fish Workers Federation, in 1978. The union lobbied state and
federal governments, and their efforts resulted in a law banning mechanised trawlers
in the late 1970s.
Resistance to Mining: - Mining, which has a devastating environmental and social
impact, is another activity that has engendered resistance. For the rural poor, the
major problem is the loss of agricultural and forestland - both directly and from
conversion of land for transport and processing facilities. In addition, mining wastes
pollute streams and toxic substances are carried by rainwater into nearby wa1 erways,
often making the water unfit for human use. Also, mineral treatment pia nts use
enormous amounts of water for washing the ore - with untreated effluents, slimes,
and tailing released into neighbouring streams or lakes. Air pollution also results,
from the wind sweeping mineral dust from waste heaps and from toxic fumes released
during blasting (Akula, 1995:140).
In the Gandhamardan Hills of Orissa, youth and tribal groups are organising
resistance. The hills are considered sacred, providing a storehouse of invaluable plant
diversity and water resources, and feeding twenty perennial streams and two
waterfalls. The Bharat Aluminium Company (BALCO) came to the area in the mid of
1980s in search of Bauxite, but tribals engaged in direct-action campaigns such as
blocking company vehicles. A series of battles followed, pitting tribals against local
police, but in 1989 the tribal-led direct action forced BALCO to shutdown its
operation.
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Another notable anti mining movement occurred in the Doon Valley in the
Himalayas, an area close to the site of the Chipko movement. The perennial water
streams of Doon valley created fertile lands and secure livelihoods for inhabitants.
Limestone quarrying, however, uprooted vegetation and topsoil, consequently
destabilizing slopes and increasing dangers of landslides and flash floods
downstream. Also, mine debris fell into river and canal beds disrupting drinking and
irrigation water supplies. Moreover, since the limestone belt is central to the flow of
underground water, which feeds streams, the entire ecosystem was threatened (CSE,
1985:22).
In 1982, when the leases for the quarries came up for renewal, citizen groups,
including Chipko activists, lobbied the state government to prohibit mining. The
government allowed mining to continue, but after a series of reports attesting to the
environmental damage, the federal Supreme Court ordered the closing of fifty-three of
the sixty mines in the area in J985.
However, some mines continued operating, including the Nahi-Narkot mine.
In 1986, activists launched a satyagraha campaign. For six months, protesters blocked
mining operation. Violence followed. In one incident in late 1986 two hundred men
presumably sent by mine owners and armed with sticks - attacked the satyagraha
camp. Then, in early 1987, four truckloads of men - armed with revolver, spears,
knives and iron roads - attacked another camp, wounding a number of people (Shiva,
1991 :301-302).
Despite the backlash, protests have continued into the 1990s. Unfortunately,
the remaining mines are owned by government or supply limestone to Tata Steel, a
politically powerful company. Thus the struggle against them may not enjoy the
success of earlier efforts.
The Jharkhand Movement - Perhaps the most intense form of ecological resistance
in India is embodied in the Jharkhand Movement. The movement has multiple goals,
and the sustainable use of natural resources is one of them. The area of Jharkhand -
encompassing parts of the four northeast states of Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa, and
Madhya Pradesh - contains the country's richest coal and iron tracks and much of its
steel industry. There are also several dam and plantation forestry projects. Sociologist
130
Gail Omvedt (1993: 127) writes, "More than almost anywhere in the country this
industrialisation was visibility parasitical enclave, grabbing the land of the local
population, and d~stroying much of the rest through deforestation and pollution,
sucking the life of the native communities to tum their men into unskilled labourers
and their women into prostitutes sent all over India."
. Between 1972 and 1975, there emerged a united movement of mine workers,
tribals and low caste peasants in the hill districts of South Bihar and adjoining
· districts. The alliance formed under the banner of Jharkhand Liberation Front,
engaged in a number of protests in 1974, for instance, the Front held "Jharkhand
Day", a huge demonstration of workers and peasants. Participants viewed themselves
a part of a left wing movement as well as an environmental movement, and during the
rall~ they carried red and green flags and shouted slogans of "Jharkhand Lalkhand"
(the forest land shall become a red land). Aside from rallies, Jharkhand groups also
engaged in more militant actions such as seizing land.
The tribaJs of Jharkhand, however, adopted a more militant stance. They
protested against two large dams in the area during the late 1970s, both part of the
Subamarekha "multipurpose projects". Tribals blocked the Koel Karo in the Ranchi
region, preventing trucks and construction machinery from reaching the site.
Meanwhile, tribals in Singhbum, opposed to the lcha dam, engaged in 1978 and 1979
in near guerrilla warfare in which at least twenty people died ( Omvedt, 1993: 12 7-
131).
Singhbhum was also the area in which local people waged a militant struggle
against the State Forest Corporation. In 1975, the forest corporation initiated a
programme of commercial teak forestry, at times replacing biologically diverse
natural mixed forests. The mixed forest included Sal trees, which were important to
tribal economic and ritual life. As one tribal member explained "Sal is ours; teak
belongs to the exploiters". The tribals, thus, destroyed teak nurseries and uprooted
teak trees, leading to further violence.
Just as the Jharkhand movement is sure to become stronger, 30 must similar
movements if they are to survive the economic liberalisation sweeping across India.
In the last few years India has movec; quickly towards a free-market economy,
131
courting multinational corporations and embracing free-trade policies. The policies
will probably be an improvement over the heavy-handed state control of industries
that has characterized India, and resulting economic competition may benefit many.
But these policies are also sure to put further pressure on natural resources and to
exacerbate the precarious position of the rural poor.
· 2. . Economic Deprivation Induced Protest
Geographically three sides of Chilika Lake are encircled by a chain of villages
of Puri and Gaijam district, where as other side of it meets the Bay of Bengal. It has
122 fishermen villages with a total population of around 85,000 as per the latest
household survey done by Chilika investigation unit, Balugaon.
Keeping occupation in view it is seen that 40% people of these villages live on
by fishing prawns from Chilika. The rest 60% though not a fishing people but eke out
the living by doing small business relating to fish of Chilika. Most of them are
landless labourer. A very small percent of them own small pieces of agricultural land.
Their dependence on agriculture is so minimal, that their economic condition
particularly depends on the fishing potential of the lake (Dtt.s, Vol-2:29). In toto, fish
of Chilika directly or indirectly is the mainstay of the economy of nearly 98% of the
people of that locality. As fish of Chilika is the main spring of their earning, it plays a
vital role in the social life of both fishing and non-fishing people.
As stated earlier (in Chapter-II) both fishermen and non-fishermen of adjacent
villages of lake draw their sources of livelihood from the natural resources of Chilika.
When 100% fishermen have no way out of the fishery resources ofChilika, a majority
of non-fishermen also depends on lake resources to a great extent. As a whole the
people of about 191 (both fishermen and non-fishennen) villages in and around lake
are wholly dependent on fishing and prawn catching for their livelihood. Most of
them have no land. What little land is owned by a few of them is flooded two or three
times a year with saline water, thus rendering it useless to grow mything (CSE,
1992:23). Thus Chilika cuts their life style in size. The fishermen trace their rights to
fishing in Chilika right back to time of Gulam Shah Quadir when the Afgans ruled
Orissa. In 1897, a Britisher, Mr. Taylor compiled a settlement report of Orissa in
which he mentioned that the fisheries in the lake were the exclusive rights of the
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fishermen community. In 1926, they started a co-operative store at Balugaon and
gradually primary co-operative societies developed. Over the years, the people of this
area have developed a traditional expertise in Prawn catching and have been taking
leases from generation to generation. Legally the entire area has been leased out to
Central Fishermen Co-operative Marketing Societies, Balugaon, which distributes to
different Primary Fishermen Co-operative Societies and then to villages in the form of
lease.·
But in 1986 the entry ofT AT A opened a new chapter in the history of Chilika.
1400 acres of Chilika Lake was allotted to Chilika Aquatic Project, a joint venture of
Orissa government and Tata Houses for prawn cultivation. For this project long dam
of 3 7 kilometres was constructed from Barakudi village of Brahmagiri Block to the
village Gambhari of Krushna Prasad Block. Its width was 40 feets and height was 1 0
feets.
As a result of the construction of the massive project within Chilika, people
lost their only source of livelihood. The project deprived the fishermen from their
customary rights and the access of non-fishermen to the Chilika resources. Their
grievances and dissatisfaction exposed in the form of Protest movement. The
followings are some grievances cited from the leaflet used during the protest
movement with the title - "Crisis in Chilika Lagoon and initiation of a people's
movement".
(1) Within the leasehold land, TATA (1400 hectares), there is a comparatively
high land. At that place people anchor their canoes for fishing. More so when
the water recedes from that place, people use that for cattle and buffaloes
grazing. Now people will be terribly affected as it has been leased out to
TATA.
(2) Now TATA has started constructing a dam across it. Naturally fish will get
confined to dam area only. They cannot come to other side of it. It also closes
the way to Chilika. As a result people cannot take their canoes and boats to
Chilika for fishing. Obviously it will affect their economic conditions.
(3) The rainwater of that area and also water of river Luna, Bhargavi and Daya are
being drained to Chilika. Because of this construction of embankment the
133
drainage process will stop. Consequently, arable lands of more than 80
panchayats of Kanas, Brahmagiri, Sakhigopal and Krushnaprasad Block will
be submerged under water for longer period. And it will render the land
uncultivable. Regarding this drainage problem, ·the chief engineers of
Irrigation Department, Sri Banamali Das has sounded a warning to the
Government of Orissa.
( 4) Now the situation at Chilika has become critical. Officials ofT A TA have own
over some local agent by giving bribes. These people work as muscle man for
TAT A. They have started terrorising the common village folk. They try to
entice some people of giving jobs in their concern. But in reality only 630
people will get employment in this project and most of the posts are technical
in nature. Locally technical persons are not available to be employed there. As
it often happens a few people will be employed as fourth-class employees.
Barring a few all will suffer a tremendous economic loss. Many will be forced
to leave their homeland.
( 5) Once TAT A enters the process of production, it will try to have its monopoly
over it. Ultimately it will decide the rate of prawns there. Small fishing people
and businessmen will sustain a terrible loss.
(6) After TATA's takeover a different social culture will emerge there. Liquor and
flesh trade will go on increasing. Goondaism will enjoy its best days.
Consequently, smooth easy life of the village will violently be ruffled.
(7) Now it is seen in that area, essential commodities have started risen up after
TATA's take over. Naturally the costs of living of that area will
unmanageably more for common people.
(8) It will also create an environment problem. Different Prawn processing
factories will be set up. Huge amount of garbage will be heap up in the nearby
places. Polluted water will be drained into Chilika. All these will render the
area inhabitable for human beings. The land of this area is salty which will
lose its productivity due to calcium shortage.
134
(9) It is customary that Government should serve notices to the people about the
lease of the land. But it has not been done there. Lands of < ifferent fishing
societies like Mangala Society of Barakudi, Society of Baudpada and Society
of Gurado. are coming under the household land of Tata, which they had got
earlier in the form of lease. But the Government is collecting tax from TAT A
and primary co-operative society.
(10) It has been fixed that TATA would give 834 rupees per hectare of land
annually. But people are ready to give 1500 rupees if they will be provided
with some facilities. But without this they are willing to give 1000 rupees.
Now people are asking in what respect they are inferior to TATA that
government invited it to enter Chilika.
( 11) If the Government feels that people are not acquainted with modem technical
know how in fishing cultivation of prawn then they could have been given
training about it. But what is the real motive of the Government to least out the
land of Chilika when it will add grist to the mill of exploitation.
Besides these major grievances there are 57 other points for which people of
Brahmagiri and Krushna Prasad Block are opposing entry of T ATA into their areas.
People are quite unhappy with this policy of the Government. If timely right steps are
not taken to redress the grievances of the people, it may take a tum of revolution . •
Past experience of Chilika Lake has already exposed the falsehood of the long
cherished myth that once big money comes into an area some benefit also bound to
reach the weaker sections- the so-called trickle-down effect. The grim realit:' is that
the weaker sections may not even remain to absorb the trickle as the entry of big
. houses and her outsiders displaces them from the traditional occupation (Dogra,
1993:20).
The above fact reveals that the massive prawn project marginalizes and
threatens the only source of livelihood of the fishermen, which is as good as right to
life. Under this situation the government of Orissa shows no sympathy towards poor
fishermen. Even in a clear defiance of the centres directive not to allow Tatas to carry
on construction work at Chilika till ecological issues are looked into, Orissa
Government has allowed work on the controversial aquaculture project to continue
135
·'·
(CSE, 1992:58). As a result when the fishermen felt that they are deprived of their
age-old livelihood and State Government is a party to it, the fisher folk community
came out to the road against the autocracy of the government. For the safeguard of
their customary rights over Chilika, the fishermen demonstrated their dissatisfaction
and grievances in the form of people's, movement. The momentum of people's
movement was projected in their "Action Plan" in the leaflet crisis in Chilika lagoon.
It is mentioned in the 'Action Plan' that, the worsening con1ition of Chilika and
Chilika people has compelled us - the sensitive activists, to think seriously and act
dynamically. The situation with total perspective in view, needs a value-based
movement to bring the total management back to the people of Chilika who live on it.
Now it is going to be snatched away from them by the Tata with the support of
government. That necessitates to act with a purpose and determination to build up a
people's movement there to stop government's antipeople policy and to wrest Chilika
from the clutches of imperialists and compradors." Chittaranjan Sarangi who was
spearheading the agitation against the Tatas enunciated, "for us today's Dushera is the
beginning of an all out fight against the government and the Tatas, who are
determined not only to deprive thousands of fishermen of their traditional livelihood
but also upset the ecological balance of Chilika lake, which is home for a large :variety
of fish and plants that thrive in brackish water (CSE, 1992:23). Thus the social and
economic deprivation of fishermen solidified the people's movement. Hence
movements are conscious effort on the part of the men to mitigate their deprivation
and secure justice. Due to dissatisfaction, men no longer perform roles adequately,
this is followed by a protest by the deprived that organised movements, and finally
new mechanism of regulation and coordination, such as union, associations and
welfare agencies, are created to mobilise resources and commitments (Oommen,
1990:30).
3. Protest Movement in Chilika
3.1. Course of Protest Movement
In the wake of these developments, a quite powerful people's movement
emerged in the Chilika to protect it frpm the commercial exploitation by the big
business houses and to restore the people their right to manage Chilika. The struggle
136
,i,,
operated at different levels through different actors but bound together by a common
purpose.
There are mainly three strata of social forces operating in Chilika contributing
to the emergence of the people's movement; they are the traditional fisher people and
farmers and the students. Among these, the fisher people and the farmers are; those
who are directly affected by the Tata's invasion of Chilika. Students group is an
extraneous force, but deeply involved in Chilika struggle.
(A) Initial Stage of Movement
Fisher people at work
A strategic moment in people's struggle was when 8000 people from the fisher
people community around Chilika reached Bhubaneswar, the capital city of 0 :issa on
201h September 1991, to present at memorandum to the Chief-Minister. That was the
· day when the 3 years lease period for the Chilika land was to expire. The government
had declared its intention not only to discontinue with the practice of leasing out of
fisher people's Primary Co-operative Societies but to leave it open favouring the
entrance of big business. The Bhubaneswar demonstration took place under the
banner of Matryajibi Mahasangha and "Meet The Students" who brought together
fisher people from 121 fishing villages in Chilika. People gave a memorandum to the
Minister of Fisheries, Mr. Surya Naryan Patra, demanding the stoppage of Tata's
entry into Chilika. Minister assured the people that not an inch of Chilika would be
leased out to the Tata's. Consequent to this demonstration, the state Government
constituted a committee under the chairmanship of the Chief-Minister including
MLAs of Khurda, Brahmagiri, Chilika, Chhatrapur and representatives of Chilika
Matsyajibi Mahasangha (Sharma and Others, 1993 :26).
The programme in the state capital was preceded by militant mass actions in
Chilika. On February, 16, 1992, a gathering of about 8000 people consisting of
fishermen, non-fishermen, women, students and intelle~tuals took procession of the
Tata occupied Chilika area. They hoisted their own flag and declared a "people's
curfew" in the area. Village chief from 62 villages vowed to continue their fight
against Tata's illegal occupation ofChilika.
137
On 7th March 1992, there was a rally of 1000 women towards the Tata site
with the intention to break the embankment. People rally broke the embankment on
15th March. There were about 6000 people from all over Chilika villages. Neither the
presence of police force in large number nor the Physical assaults by Tata's goondas
could deter the people from their demonstration to demolish the dam.
On March 25 111 of that year people set up a check gate to obstruct the
movement of Tata's vehicles from their godown. It was removed later.· The
agitationists declared another peoples' march to the Tata site on 28th March. The
administration got panicky and responded with severe police repression. On the day to
the rally 11 platoons of police were despatched to the area. They resorted to
lathicharge. 69 fisher people including 33 women and 6 children were arrested on the
day of the rally and on the previous few days and kept in jail for 14 days. Inspite of
these fierce police repressions, people succeeded in continuing with the fact of
demolition of the dam. On 4th April, the administration executed the arrest of the
leader of the movement, Mr. Chittaranjan Sarangi. Students from the Utkal University
infuriated by this highhandedness, went on a rally and gheraoed the Puri District
Collector demanding the release of all the arrested people including Chitaranjan.
Students in Action
The other strata of social forces, is the students, operating in protest movement
in Chilika. The presence of Utkal University students in Chilika changed the situation
qualitatively. They were members of group called "Meet the students" working within
the campus 'with a mission to bring, about a value based change in society. They used
to get involved in symbolic action programmes that expose the hollowness of the
present system. One such programme was the 'alternative booth' they·opened during
the pooling day of the June 1991 elections, for those who are against the system.
Interestingly some 20,000 people prefer to cast their votes in the 'Alternative booth'
set up by 'Meet the students'.
'Meet the students' geared themselves to the task as soon as they came to
know of Tata's plan of action on Chilika. Led by social activist and Sarvodaya leader,
Mr. Chittaranjan and students activist Ms: Srimati Dash, the 'Meet the students'
embarked on a series of activities, on the one hand to apprise themselves of the
138
·''
situation and on the other hand to motivate and unite the traditional fisher people and
others who are affected by the corporate aquatic farm towards sustained struggle to
oust Tata's from Chilika and to re-establish the rights of the local people over the
natural resources ofChilika. In the first visit from 51h to 121
h August 1991, the student
activists covered 62 villages that would be directly affected by the project. Their
strategy was to rejuvenate and strengthen Matsyajibi Mahasangha, the organisation of
traditional fisher people. Accordingly, meetings under the auspices of Matsyajibi
Mahasangha were convened at Keshpur on 17'h August, pathara on 29th August and
Nairi on 11th and 12th September 1991. Such intense activities resulted in the
Bhubaneswar really on 20th September, which was jointly called by 'Matsyajibi
Mahasangha' and 'Meet the Students'.
As students intensified their activities, the fisher people regained their
confidence and they mobilised themselves into a people's movement of their own. On
15th January 1992, in Gopinathpur in a meeting of representatives of fisher people
villages, the peoples organisation in Chilika was named "Chilika Bon chao Andolan".
The 55 member executive committee was formed from among local fisher people. Mr.
Govinda Behera of Gopinathp11r was elected the convenor.
Meanwhile the direct involvement with the people necessitated the formation
of another, state level activist forum of the students, 'Krantidarshi Yuba Sangam' with
Ms. Srimati Dash as its convenor. 'Meet the students' remains more as a university
. based student forum. By that time 24 full time activists of 'Krantidarshi Yuba
Sangram' were working in Chilika.
Activists of 'Krantidarshi Yuba Sangam' and Chilika Banchao Andolan met
Mr. J.J. Irani, Managing Director TISCO, and appealed to him to move out of Chilika.
He assumed them that he would look into the matter and even withdraw the project if
it goes against the interest of the local people. Later on (October 29, 1992) Chairman
of TISCO, Mr. Russy Mody clarified that the Shrimp Project poses no threat to the
Chilika Lake and all objections are baseless. His voice was based on the WAPCOS
report.
139
Repressive Activities Against Protest
Seeing the people's ire against the Tata prawn project growing day by day and
the enthusiasm with which they are responding to the mobilisation drive by activists
of the meet the students group of Utkal university and the Krantidarshi Yuva
Sangham, one gets the impression that unfulfilled promises by chief minister Biju
Pattanaik and the failure of the Tatas to launch a pre-project communication exercise
among the villagers have combined to create anger against the prawn project.
What had added fuel to the fire is the role of the police, which, obviously
under instructions from the state government, and probably, as generally claimed here
under the influence of the Tatas unleashed excesses against the student activists. The
excesses have been confirmed by two fact-finding teams of civil liberties
organisations - the Ganatantrik Adhikar Suraksha Sangathan, and the Nagarik
Adhikar Surakha Sangathan.
According to these teams, the magistrate, the circle inspector of Puri Sadar
Police station and the sub-inspector of Brahrnagiri police station are alleged to have
ganged up with Tata musclemen and threatened the villagers and activists with dire
consequences if they caused any obstruction to the project (CSE, 1992:23). Over 100
persons were arrested and "false" cases were registered against 22 activists. They
were also alleged to have been beaten up in the police station. Among those arrested
were three women and the father and sister of Chittaranjan Sarangi, who was
spearheading the agitation.
The movement was to mobilise over 8000 people to gherao the state assembly
in September 1991. Then it mobilised people to demolish an embankment, which had
been constructed by the Tata's despite the pressure of nearly 400-armed policeman.
Soon after this the activists tried to prevent the entry of bulldozers for the construction
of embankment. Nearly 70 people were arrested. Some were beaten to savagely in
police custody that they could not walk for several days, other were subjected to worst
humiliation (Dogra, 1993:21). In the case Chittaranjan Sarangi who initially could not
be traced, his father, a gentle retired government official was arrested and kept in Jail
for a fortnight. Despite this repression and even worse threats, the movement could
able to save the resource base of Chilika.
140
(B) Later Stage of Movement
Conversion to Ecology Movement
Initially the neighbouring villagers became agitated against the project as it
would have caused disaster to their livelihood. In 1991 the Orissa Krushak
Mahasangha entered the fray to protect the livelihood of fishermen and local non
fishermen providing strength tci the movement and supporting the action of !:tudents
organisation and other organisations involved in the movement earlier. Rallies,
Demonstrations, meetings and conferences were organised against the Project and
government's apathetic activities. The police under the instructions of the political
power started repression and arrested the protesters. As the movement was localised
because three or four villages were directly affected by the Tata Project, the
administration was able to suppress the movement.
To broad-base the movement Orissa Krushak Mahasangha gave a new
dimension to the movement from 1992 raising the question of environment of the lake
along with impairment of livelihood. By this all the villagers around the lake are
involved because they felt if Tata's are allowed to enter, other big business houses
will follow suit for earning foreign exchange and big money. The lake will die an
unnatural death. Because of modem technology, the water of the lake will be highly
polluted in a few years due to affluent discharge from prawn ponds and at a
consequence fishery resource will dwindle (Swain, 1995).
This evoked support of all fishermen of Chilika and of broad mass of people
of the locality and outside. This made the movement broad based and powerful.
The fishem1en community participated massively in the protest because it was
a question of their livelihood. The question of environment and ecology of the lake
played a small part for them, though they gradually understc od that protection of
ecology of the lake would ensure growth of more and more fishery resources in the
lake, which was their main concern for livelihood. So Chilika's existence and its
environment protection can ensure the livelihood of indigenous people, the fishermen
community to live honourably. The . "Chilika Banchao Andaol::tn" and other
environmental movement conducted by Orissa Krushak Mahasangha (OKM) since
1992 have one lesson for all. Protection of Environment and Protection of livelihood
141
of poor and indigenous community are two sides of the same com. So the
environment protection movement guarantees the human rights of life and property of
toiling masses (Das, Vol-2: 10).
The new dimension of struggle brought support of even outside world and the
country's media. Parliament members of different parties lent their support by writing
letters to Prime Minister to stop Tata Prawn Project and save the environment of the
lake. Such remarkable support from all quarters made the movement broad bas :::d .
. Broadening the Movement
Meanwhile, steps were taken to broaden the support base of those who had
been in struggle to save Chilika. A meeting of the intellectuals, arranged in
Bhubaneswar on 191h August, 1991, was attended by people like Dr. Bhabagrahi
Mishra, Sri Pradyumna Bal, Sri Banka Behari Das, Sri A.K. Dash, prof. Indranil
Chakrabarty, Prof. Chittaranjan Das and Sri Gangadhar Panigrahi. The meeting
decided to form a platform "Chilika Suraksha Parishad" to co-ordinate the activities.
The cause also receives support from democratic rights organisation like Swadhikar
and Ganatantra Adhikar Surakhya Samiti (SGASS).
In September 1992, the Chilika Banchao Andolan organised a convention of
632 representatives of villages in four blocks to be affected by the Tata Project. In the
last week of September the activists of Kranti darsi Yuba Sangam and Chilika
Banchao Andolan had undertaken a weeklong Padayatra cum boat yatra into the
Chilika villages. Participating in a state level convention in Bhubaneswar, on 2nd
November 1992, eminent environmentalists, jurists, social activists and politicians
urged the centre, state and Tata's to call the CAFL Project in the larger interests of
protecting the ecology of the lake and the livelihood of several hundred villages
situated in the vicinity of the lake.
Protest within Parliament
The course of protest movement was not restricted within Chilika or state
Government but even it approached the central Government also. About 100,000
people both from Chilika areas and state sigried a petition to Parliament appealing for
effective steps to save the lake.
142
Moreover the movement got a concrete shape when on 291h July 1992, a group
of Seven Congress- I Member of Parliament from Orissa raised the issue in both the
houses (Lok Sabha & Rajya Sabha) and urged the Union government to halt the
project immediately. Stating that the Union Government should not allow national or
International tycoons to disturb the placid lagoon or tamper with its biodiversity, the
M.Ps led by Mr.S.K.Sahu reminded environment Minister Kamal Nath both he and
Prime Minister P.V. Narashimha Rao had declared equivocally India's Commitment
to protect biodiversity.
The Chilika Lake they pointed out was one of the largest wetlands in the
Indian sub-continent with distinct ecological character. Earlier, these MPs had also
written a letter to Mr. Kamal Nath drawing attention to the problems that the Prawn
Project would create at the lake.
Several other MPs from Orissa belonging to non-congress(!) parties like
Loknath Chaudhury from the CPI, Mr. Shivaji Pattanaik from CPM and even Janata
Dal member Mr. Srikanta Jena, the Dal's Chief whip in the Lok Sabha a long time
betemoire of Mr. Biju Pattanaik joined congress(!) colleagues and registered strong
protest.
Following pressures from MPs, Mr. Kamal Nath held a meeting of the irate
MPs and state Government officials on July 30, 1992. Representatives of Tata's and
high-level officials from Union Environment Ministry also attended the meeting.
Representatives of Tata's and the State Government tried their best to convince the
MPs that the project would not create any environmental problem and contrary to
general belief, the local people would be greatly benefited. Hov rever the MPs backed
by the officials of the Union Environment Ministry who have been opposing the
project stood firmly on their stand. At last in June 1992 Mr. Kamal Nath ordered the
State Government and Tata authorities to stop the Project till it gets total
environmental clearance.
No Clearance from Environment Ministry
The project did not get clearance from the concerned central government
ministry. In June 1992, Mr. Kamal Nath, Minister of Environment and Forests had
asked the State government to suspend the on going project till the ecological issues
143
affecting the lagoon are thoroughly examined. Consequently, the Water and Power
Consultancy Services (India) Ltd. (W APCOS) in September 1992 came out with a
report that the positive impacts of the farm outweighed its apprehended negative ones
and that the project would not harm the lake's ecosystem. There is nothing surprising
about the quality of the report if one recognises the fact that W APCOS was
commissioned by the Chilika Aquatic Farms Ltd. (CAFL) to prepare the report. It
should be recalled that neither the competency of W A.PCOS to undertake the
assessment was accepted by Union-government nor the terms of reference for the
socio-economic and environmental impact assessment defined (Sharma and Others,
1993:37).
In the context of strong and participative people's movement in Chilika and
the wide support it had acquired all over the country and sensing the danger involved
in accepting the report based on half truth, the Union Environment Ministry was not
prepared to revoke its suspension order. But the Environment Ministry's will to hold
as to its decision to oppose an export-oriented project by a leading industrialist was a
matter of conjecture. And the past experiences like that of the clearance given under
pressure to Sardar Sarovar Projects showed that ultimately it was the vigilance and the
consciousness of the people that matter.
Withdrawal of Project
The people's movement in Chilika was wide spreaded when the question of
ecology rose. The voice of the movement reached Parliament and Environment
Minister suspended the work of the project due to the non-availability of environment
clearance. But when W APCOS came out with the environment report, the report
could satisfy neither the Ministry nor the people of Chilika. The suspension order,
which was imposed on June 1992, was not revoked again. Moreover the protest
movement gradually aggravated the situation. At last after more than two years of
struggle, Tata had to go back with their bag and baggage. Sri Ratan Tata in January
1994 wrote a letter to President, Chilika Banchao Andolan, Sri Banka Behari Das on
behalf of the Tata's regarding the withdrawal of t..~e project from Chilika and quit
Chilika lake without any rancour. The pr,oje~t was formally withdrawn and the letter
to the President, 0 KM confirms the fact.
144
3.2. Phases of Protest Movement
Movement was initiated in later part of 1991 opposing Tat prawn project
inside the lake near Gola-Panasapada villages in Brahmagiri P.S. ~f Puri District.
Meeting, demonstration and procession were held by fishermen and villagers.
Activists were arrested and police repression started in Gola-Panasapada area
in early part of 1992. There was a temporary lull because of repression.
During April 1992, dimension of the struggle was enlarged by introduction of
environment protection issues of Chilika into the protest movement.
A letter signed by MPs of different parties calling for immediate intervention
in restraining Tata's from executing the aquaculture project was submitted to Prime
Minister on 14th May 1992. A memorandum was also submitted to the minister for
Environment and Forests, Mr. Kamal Nath (Sharma and Others, 1993:27).
On 21st June 1992, a seminar was held at Puri against Tata's Prawn Project
inside Chilika on behalf of Orissa Krushak Mahasangha (OKM) and its effects on
livelihood of fishermen and ecology of the lake.
On 30th July, 1992, Conference at Delhi was convened by Union and
Environment Minister, Mr. Kamal Nath to which all political party's parliamentary
leaders of Orissa, Representative of Orissa Krushak Mahasangha and of Tatas and
others were invited. Decision was taken to stop work of the project till environment
clearance is obtained.
Meanwhile in September 1992, The Water and Power Consultancy Services
(India) Ltd. (W APCOS) came out with a report that the positive impacts of the farm
outweighed its apprehended negative ones and that the project would not harm the
. lake's ecosystem. fu the context of strong and participative people's movement in
Chilika and the wide support it had acquired all over the country and sensing the
danger involved in accepting the report based on half truth, the Union Environment
Ministry was not prepared to revoke its suspension order.
On 27th September 1992, Chilika convention was held at Balugaon to involve
in the movement the entire population living around the lake.
145
A State level Conference at Bhubaneswar was held in November 11, 1992
where "Chilika Ban chao Andolan" was floated with a state committee under · .,
presidentship ofBanka Behari Das, Ex-Finance Minister of Orissa.
A meeting was held in Delhi at World Wide Fund for ~ature's hall in
December 12, 1992 and a cultural troop staged a drama on Chilika issues in the
presence of many environmentalists and educationists attended.
The intervention of FIAN, an environment and human rights organisation of
Germany, in support of Chilika Movement in different countries of Europe and
thousands of letter from all over the world to PM and CM demanding the withdrawal
of Tata project are also noted footsteps in the march of protest movement.
In 15th May 1993, Chilika conference at Pathara in the district of Ganjam was
held where women of Chilika area were involved.
Chilika conferences at Sabuliya, Ganjam district on 25th May, 1993 and at
Laxmipur, Ganjam district were held to strengthen the protest movement.
In November 1993, Orissa High Court delivered its judgement against
intensive and semi-intensive prawn culture inside Chilika and only pen method of
culture was permitted (Das, Vol-2:39).
In early J. 994 Chilika conference at Gola was organised and in which mostly
women protestant~ attended.
Fin~lly, in 25th Janua.ry 1994, Tata's representatives formally met OKM
President and conveyed in writing Ratan Tata's decision to withdraw Chilika Prawn
Project.
3.3. The Participants of the Movement and their Role
The struggle operated at different levels through different actors but bound
together by a common purpose. Though the protest movement centred round the Tata
Aquatic Project in Chilika near panaspada of Brahmagiri PS, but it was dispersed
even to Delhi. The following were participants of the protest movements:
146
1. Traditional fisher people - The traditional fisher people are the main strata of
social forces, which took the active part in the movement. It was in 20th
September 1991, 8000 people from the fisher people community around
Chilika reached Bhubaneswar to present a memorandum to the Chief Minister
against the lease policy. The Bhubaneswar demonstration took place under the
banner of "Matsyajibi Mahasangh" and "meet the students" who brought
·together fisher people from 121 fishing villages in Chilika. The programme in
state capital was preceded by militant mass action in Chilika.
On February 16, 1992, a gathering of about 8000 people consisting of
fishermen, non-fishermen, women, students and intellectuals took procession
of Tata occupied Chilika area. There they hoisted their own flag and village
chiefs from 62 villages vowed to continue their fight against Tata's illegal
occupation of Chilika.
On ih March 1992, a rally of 1000 women proceeded towards to the Tata site
with the intention to break the embankment. On 15th March, a rally of 6,000
people from all over Chilika villages broke the embankment. Neither e:ven the
presence of police force nor the physical assault of Tata's goondas could
deviate the people from their determination to demolish the dam.
On March 25th 1992, people set up a check gate to obstruct the movement of
Tata's vehicles. The agitationists declared another people's march to the Tata
site on 28th March. The administration got panicky and responded with police
repression. They restored to lathicharged. About 69 fisher people including
women children were arrested and kept in jail for 14 days. lnspite ofthe police
repression people succeeded in continuing with the act of demolition of dam.
On 151h January 1992, in Gopinathpur, in a meeting of representatives of fisher
people villages, the people's organisation in Chill.ka was named "Chilika
Banchao Andolan". The 55 member executive committee was formed from
among local fisher people Mr. Gobinda Behera of Gopiilathpur was elected the
convenor.
2. Farmers- They were generally non-fishermen who was also affected by the
Tata project. Though the affected farmers had not forced themselves into an
147
effective movement of their own, the active involvement of Sri Banka Behari
Das, Ex MP and leader of Orissa Krushak Mahasangh had broadened the
campaign base in Orissa and elsewhere in the country (Sharma and Others,
1993:30).
3. "Matsyajibi Mahasangha" - The fishing community had another organisation
known as Matsyajibi Mahasangh which was in initial scage not active due to
lack of proper leadership. The student activists, from 5th to 1 ih August 1991
covered 62 villages that would be directly affected by the project and
rejuvenated the Matsyajibi Mohasangha. Accordingly, meeting under the
auspices of Mtsyajibi Mahasangha were conveyed at Keshpur on 1 ih August,
Pathara on 29th August and Nairi on 11th and lih September 1991. Such
intense activities resulted in the Bhubaneswar rally on 20th September, which
was jointly called by "Matsyajibi Mahasangha'' and "Meet the students".
4. "Meet the Students" - The main architect of the protest movement in Chilika
was "Meet the students" an organisation of Utkal University students. They
were members of a group called "meet the students" working within the
campus 'with a mission to bring about a value based change in society. They
used to get involved in symbolic action programmes that expose the
hollowness of the present system'. On such programme was the 'Alternate
booth' they opened during the polling day of the June 1991 elections, for those
who were against the system. It was found that some 20,000 people preferred
to cast their votes in the 'Alternate booth' set up by "Meet the students".
"Meet the Students" became active as soon as they came to know of Tata's
Plan of action in Chilika. With the help of student leader, Mr. ChittaranJan and
Ms. Srimati Das, the "Meet the Students" started a series of activities, on the
one hand to apprise themselves of the situation and on the other hand to
motivate and unite the traditional fisher people and others who were affected
by the corporate aquatic farm towards a sustained struggle to oust Tatas from
the Chilika and to re-establish the. rights of the local people over the natural
resources of Chilika (Sharma and Others, 1993 :29). During August 1991, the
student activists rejuvenated and strengthened "Matsyajibi Mahasangha" and
148
organised a lot of meeting among fishermen. As a result the Bhubaneswar
rally of201h September 1991 was organised.
As students intensified their activities, the fisher people organised their
confidence and they mobilised themselves into a people's movement of their
own.
5. · Krantadarsi Yuba Sangam - Meanwhile the direct involvement with the
people necessitated the formation of another state level activists forum of the
students, "Krantadarsi Yuba Sangam" with Ms. Srimati Dash as its convenor.
'Meet the Students' remained more as a university based student's fomm. By
that time 24 full time activists of 'Krantadarsi Yuba Sangam' were working in
Chilika.
Activists of 'Krantadarsi Yuba Sangam' and 'Chilika Banchao Andolan' met
Mr. J.J. Irani, Managing Director, TISCO, and appealed him to move out of
Chilika. He assured them that he would look into the matter and even
withdraw the project if it goes against the interest of local people.
6. Orissa Krushak Mahasangha - Orissa Krushak Mahasangha (OKM) which
was headed by Shri Banka Behari Ds, Ex-MP and former minister of Orissa,
had made a name in Orissa for its activities in the field of agriculture,
economic upliftment and environment. It took a leading role in the Chilika
protest movement and the dynamic attitude of Sri Banka Behari Das,
Chairman of OKM made the protest a successful one. The Orissa Krushak
Mahasangha opposed the development in Chilika and organised the fishermen
against hi-tech prawn culture inside a closed body like lake by having various
awareness programme and peaceful actions including conferences, seminars
and cultural programmes (Das, Vol-5:12). It also sought the intervention of
environment minister of government of India.
The environment issue was a new phenomenon attached to the protest
movement by Orissa Krushak Mahasangha. I met Sri Banka Behari Das,
Chairman of OKM on 30th Aprial 1997 at his Bhubaneswar residence. He
responded me that in 1991 when construction work started in Chilika, Sri
B.B.Das proceeded to Chilika to safeguard the fishermen right but due to
149
police intervention, fishermen of the victim villages did not like to fight
against Tata project. So Sri Banka Behari Das thought a new way and gave the
movement an environmental direction. He appealed to the central environment
minister Mr. Kamal Nath and dragged the centre at the environment issue. Sri
Das told that very few people of Orissa elite group were aware of environment
prior to 1991. Even he himself did not know much about the emerging slogan
of environment.
So the environment awareness programme was being continued and also with
meetings and conventions emphasis was being given on cultural programmes
including street dramas in important villages surrounding the lake. In
December 1993, a seminar and folk dramas were also organised in Delhi with
the help of the centre for Science and Environment.
The Environment Ministry convened a conference of representatives of
various concerned ministry, of Tata's state government and OKM, and some
prominent MPs of Orissa on July 30 1992 and the projec~ work was suspended
till further direction of centre. Though the farm made an environment study
through W APCOS, its report was rejected by Environment Ministry. At last
the project was abandoned by the Tata's and· they have intimated the President
of Orissa Krushak Mahasangha accordingly.
Besides the environment issue OKM had organised a number of rally,
demonstration and conventions. To broad base the movement a state level
convention was organised at Bhubaneswar on 2"d November 1992, where
eminent environmentalists, jurists, social activists and politician participated.
Most important feature of the movement was the involvement of fishe.r
women of Chilika in the protest movement. Orissa Krushak Mahasangha had
been emphasising on this aspect through their separate conferences and
through awareness programme.
7. NGOs & PO - Besides the above leading organisations, the various non
governmental organisations and people's organisations working in and around
the lake, contributed a lot to the Protest Movement. Among them Canadian
International Development Agency (CIDA) was prominent one. The problems
150
of Chilika were discussed at two CIDA sponsored workshop, the first was for
representatives of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and People's
organisations (POs) at Panthaniwar, Bhubaneswar on 3rd and 41h of Febmary,
1992 & second workshop on Chilika lake project Design, for scientists and
administrations at Hotel Kalinga Ashok, Bhubaneswar on 51h and 61
h February
1992 (CIDA and CENDERET, 1992).
The other NGOs were (1) Centre for Action Research and Documentation
(CARD) (2) Sabarmati Samittee (3) Anchalika Kunjeswari Sanskrutika Sansad
(4) Vikas Vahini (5) Gopinatha YubakSangha and (6) Anchalika Mahila Vikas
Kendra.
3.4. Extent of Participation in Protest Movement
The participatory behaviour of fishermen and non-fishermen can expose their
extent of participation in the protest movement. The traditional fishermen, the non
traditional fishermen and the farmers around the lake are directly affected by the
project. Their involvement in the protest is active and the survey on sample villages
from Krushna Prasad and Brahmagiri Police Station provides the exact figure in this
connection.
Table -4.1 Participatory activities of fishermen and non-fishermen
Participatory activities Traditional Non-fishermen fishermen
1. Read Literature 311200 40/58
2. Attending Public Meeting 198/200 45/58
3. Taking part in demonstration/procession 186/200 8/58
4. Rasta!Rail Roko 147/200 6/58
5. Gherao to collector office or other authority 132/200 4/58
6. Demolition of Gheribandh 136/200 3/58
7. Arrested by Police 24/200 0/58
8. Written appeal to authority 176/200 8/58
(Source: Data collected from field survey conducted through interview schedule-If).
The protest movement was initiated in the later part of the 1991 opposing Tata
Prawn Project inside the lake near Gola Panaspada villages in Bramhagiri P.S. ofPuri
· district. In the first stage, meeting, demonstration and procession were held. Hand
151
·'!
notes, leaflets, Pamplate were circulated. It reveals that only 31 traditional fisher
people out of 200 traditional fisher people read the literature regarding the action plan
of the movement. But as the non-fisherman are conscious and literate 40 out of 58
non-fishermen read the literature of protest movement. The traditional fishermen are
inspired by the speech of the leaders in various Public meetings.
It is found that 198 traditional fishermen out of 200 attended public meeting
regarding the protest movement. But only 45 out of 58 non-fishermen came to attend
public meeting on protest movement. The fact shows that the traditional fishermen are
much more interested for the course of action regarding protef.t movement than the
non-fishermen. It is because the protest connects with the bread and butter of the
traditional fishermen.
In the course of protest movement several demonstrations and processions
were being projected in Bhubaneswar, the state capital, Puri, the district head quarter
and in the Blocks and Tahasils. In this case also traditional fishermen are more
involved in the demonstrations and procession organised by the student organisation,
Matsyajivi Mahasangha and the Krushak Mahasangha. The survey report reveals that
186 fishermen out of 200 took part in procession & demonstration. But it is only 8 out
of 58 non-fishermen participated in the demonstration or procession as a protest
against the project.
Similarly as a part of protest movement Rasta Roko and Rail Roko were
organised by the various organisations against the project. It is found 147 out of 200
traditional fishermen took part in Rasta Roko & Rail Roko where as only 6 out of 58
non-fishermen took part in the Rasta Roko or Rail Roko. Here also the participation
of traditional fishermen are more in the protest movement than the non-fishermen.
Similarly 132 out of 200 traditional fishermen were involved in Gherao to
collector office and other higher offices protesting against the project. But arty 4 out
of 58 non-fishermen had gone for this type of protest. It clearly indicates that the
. traditional fishermen seriously protested against the project as it snatched away their
livelihood.
A great rally of protest movement preceded to Tata Project site to demolish
the embankment constructed by the Tata in the lake and it also demolished some
152
,;/
portion of the embankment. According to the sample survey report 136 out of 200
traditional fishermen and 3 out of 58 non-fishermen took part in the demolition
activities. In this case also the participation of traditional fishermen was absolute.
During the protest movement, the police activities were a part of suppression
of the protest movement. Some people were arrested by the police and kept for few
days under police custody. 24 out of 200 traditional fishermen were arrested by police
where as none out of 58 non-fishermen were taken into police custody.
Ultimately both the fishermen and non-fishermen protested in written· to the
higher authority. The traditional fishermen wrote to President, Matsyajibi
Mahasangha, Tahasildar, collector, Chief Minister and even to Prime Minister against
the prawn project. They also appealed to court to get back their traditional right over
the lake resources. Similarly the non-fishermen appealed to court to get their access in
the lake fishery resources. When 176 out of 200 traditional fishermen took part in
written petition only 8 out of 58 non-fisher people took part in written appeal for
fishery right.
The above participatory activities of traditional fishermen and non-fishermen
· in the protest movement clearly sum up the motivation of their participation in the
movement against the project. The protest movement is greatly connected with the
livelihood of the fishermen community, which forces them to involve and participate
in the protest movement. The less dependence of non-fishermen on lake resources
indicates their low participation in the protest movement. As the huge prawn project
snatched away the only source of livelihood, the fishermen found no way out but to
move against the project.
3.5.
(1)
Nature of Protest Movement
Though the Protest emerged in Chilika around August 1991, it got its
institutional shape in 1st November 1992 in a state level convention held at
Bhubaneshwar under the banner of Chilika Banchao Andolan organized by
OKM, Krantadarshi Yuba Sangam(KYS). It was attended by eminent
environmentalists, jurists, social activists and politicians.
153
(2) The most important feature of the protest movement is its envirorunental
dimension. When in the initial stage the movement was suppressed by the
state goverrunent, the envirorunental direction of protest movement made it
more popular and scientific. By this all the villagers around the lake are
involved because they felt that many big business houses in Chilika would
follow Tatas and the fishery resources of Chilika would be jeopardised. The
lake would die an unnatural death. Because of modem technology, the water
of the lake would be highly polluted in a few years due to effluent discharge
from prawn ponds. Thus the movement got support of all fishermen of Chilika
and of broad mass of people of the locality and outside. This made the
movement broad-based and powerful. Due to the envirorunent issue of the
movement the central envirorunent ministry was dragged to look into the
matter and made aware of central goverrunent's obligation of the Ramsar
Convention to protect the Chilika.lake which was designated as wetland of
International importance (Das, Vol-2:32). Thus the envirorunent protection
movement guarantees the human rights of life and property of toiling masses.
(3) The other important feature of the movement is that the involvement of
fisherwomen of Chilika. Orissa Krushak Mahasangha has been emphasizing
on this aspect through their separate conferences and through awareness
programmes (Das, Vol-5:2). On ih March 1992, there was a rally of 1000
women marched towards Tata site with the intention to demolish the
embankment.
(4) The protest movement in Chilika reveals the anger and dissatisfaction of the
traditional fishermen against the existing goverrunent policy. The 1991 fishery
policy destabilised the age-old fishermen rights over the lake. Suddenly,
ignoring the customary right of the fishermen, the goverrunent evolved a new
principle for settlement of fisheries in Chilika lake arbitrarily in December
1991, which was not only unreasonable and illegal but also unscientific and
whimsical (Das, Vol-2: 17). "The root cause of inter-village conflicts, which
have involved entire 132 villages around Chilika, lies with Revenue
Department and not with the people. The department's faulty policy decisions
154
and malfunctioning have destroyed the harmonious relationship among the
people in Chilika" (Report of Fact Finding Committee, 1993 :42).
(5) The other aspect of the movement is the economic deprivation of the poor
fishermen in the lake area. The fishermen have been deprived of their
traditional rights over the lake fishery sources. Their rights have been usurped
. by the encroachers and intruders comprising the non-fishermen of
neighbouring villages as well as outsiders and the government both in the past
and at present have failed to protect their interest (Report of Fact Finding
Committee, 1993:42).
( 6) The protest movement is a fight to safeguard the rights of the traditional
fishermen over the lake. The history of the commercialisation of the Chilika
lake is also the history of the marginalisation of its traditional fishing
communities, as a result of the intervention of the rich and powerful non
fishing communities from outside, who usurped the indigenous peoples' right
over the Chilika's resources (Sharma and Others, 1993:15-16). Gradually the
fishermen community, who were more interested in their livelihood, could
realise the importance of environment aspect of the movement. While the
mass movement was confined to two or three villages, which were directly
affected by the Tata project in the initial period, later it had intensified since
Orissa Krushak Mahasangh gave it a new dimension (Das, Vol-4:5). Once
Chilika is saved from the murderous attack of the self-seeking vested interests,
the interest of the fishermen would be automatically safeguarded. The
economic aspect of war for the conservation of ecosystem and environment is
to protect the poor men's access to natural resources (Das, Vol-7:1-2). Thus
the protest movement is an attempt to safeguard the interests of dalits and
downtrodden of that area.
(7) Another admirable aspect of the movement is that the leading activists have
made a deliberate effort to avoid becoming "leaders" and making others the
"followers". While persons like Chittaranjan Sarangi, Srimati Das, Sujata,
Govind Behera are known quite well for their grassroots work in the
movement, they have not allowed any such situation to come in the way of the
process of joint decision-making (Dogra, 1993:21).
155
3.6. Role of NGOs in the Protest Movement
It is this drying up of the normal constitutional process alongside erosion of
the main institutions of Parliamentary democracy, federalism and civil administration,
that has in recent years drawn attention to quite another arena of Politics known under
the general rubric called "grassroots". This encompassed a large terrain of issues and
constituencies, is growing in number of people and groups involved in it and in many
ways much closer to the ground that either the government or any of the parties. It
operates outside the government and parties, works through mechanism other than
elections and while it does engage in struggles for power, this is not aimed at
capturing state power or positions in government or the bureaucracy.
There are many different types and levels of non-party formations. These
include typical voluntary organisations involved in "constructive work" activities that
started during the national movement. To these were added a host of others engaged
in various "development" and "welfare" projects aimed at the rural poor, the artisan,
the tribal and so-forth (Kothari, 1990:235). On the whole these happen to be non
political, receive funds and institutional support from government and international
agencies and occupies important linkage points between seats of government and the
rural power structure.
Quite distinct of these are the struggle-oriented groups, taking up cudgels
against the govern.TTient on behalf of the deprived and the dispossessed. On behalf of
the landless, the dalits, the bonded labourers and the fisher folk deprived of their
traditional livelihood. On behalf of the very large numbers that continuously displaced
and dispossessed of their land due to construction of large dams and power projects.
These kinds of non-party activism are of grassroots type, located in specific micro
settings and highly diffuse and diverse in their organisational spread. Building on
their painstaking efforts over decades but in a way different in kind and significance
from them are the larger, more macro formations known as "Social movements." To
these are added a whole range of movements of later vintage, the ecology movement,
the women's movement, the 'alternative health' movement, the dalit movement and
of late, the simmering movements among the religious and ethnic minorities that are
increasingly feeling alienated and unprotected by the state (Kothari, 1990:235).
156
By the end of the 70's, most voluntary organisations were directly working in
the field, promoting innovation and experimentation. However, in the 80's, we have
seen the emergence of greater initiatives as the part of voluntary organisations to
influence government's Policies and Programmes at different levels in the country.
Similarly, there has also been the emergence of independent research initiatives,
which constantly monitor government's policies and programmes and develop
independent critique of the same (Tondon, 1996:5). Today NGOs in India come out
with social problems like environmental aspect and criticising government's policies,
which affect poor and weaker sections especially in micro level besides their usual
welfare and developmental work. They help in revitalising the comn on mass at the
grass root level for their social responsibility.
NGOs and POs Working on Chilika
A number of NGOs and People's Organisations have been working in and
around Chilika for various purposes. They have good grasp over the problems of the
lake and the fishermen around Chilika. All the NGOs and People's Organisations aim
at the betterment of the people and the lake. They also conduct research study, try to
understand the problems from various angles and also sometimes seek help of the
government.
(1) CIDA - (Canadian International Development Authority): - It is a most
prominent and pioneer organisation. The organisation has been working for
the development of the lake. At the request of the government of Orissa and
the government of India, CIDA is exploring what measures can be taken to
restore the lake's sustainability. It is mainly connected with the geo-physical
problems such as decrease in salinity, proliferation of weeds, shifts in the
mouths through which there is access to the ocean.
(2) · UAA - (Vnited Artists Association): -The UAA works in the villages on the
Southern-side of the lake. UAA has a good grasp of the problems because of
staying in the area. The organisation concentrates its work on the problem of
fishing.
157
(3) Vikash Vahini:- It is a local organisation working on the Northeastern side of
the lake in an area where other PO's are also active. It also deals with the
economic conditions of fishermen of Chilika.
(4) Sabarmati Samiti: - It works on the Southwestern side of the lake in Rambha
areas. It deals with the fishermen problem like fishing, co-operative system
etc.
(5) AKSS (Anchaliks Kunjeswari Sanskrutika Sangathan):-. The organisation
works on the Northern side of the lake. It aims at the cultural aspect of the
fishermen of Chilika.
(6) Gopinath Yuvak Sangha: - A small PO works on the Eastern side of the lake.
It stresses importance on the deteriorating condition of fishermen due to
advent of Prawn culture.
(7) Regional Research Centre for Women: - A PO, operating in the same area as
the Gopinath Yuvak Sangha, works with 42 women groups in the Arkhakuda
area of the lake.
(8) Centre for Action Research and Documentation: - A Bhubaneswar based
NGO, with an office at Balugaon, works along the Western shore of the lake.
Besides the above organisations, several other NGOs and POs work around
the Chilika Lake concerning about the various aspects of Chilika and its resources.
But it is a common fact for all organisations that development is meant for people.
When people are sufferers due to commercialisation of lake, they express their grave
concerns on the rising problems of the lake. They went against the role of state
government activities in the lake. As a result the NGOs and POs participated in the
movement by the following way-
1. Communicating Knowledge to the Society
Regarding the development in Chilika various NGOs and POs communicate
· all types of information to the people. As. NGOs and POs are very sensitive and
advance in acquiring knowledge, they are vigilant with the day-to-day activities of the
government. The 1991 fishery policy and decision for the entry of Tata Project into
158
.I.,
the lake drew the eyes of almost all NGOs and POs of the area first. Then they
communicated the matter to the people. Thus NGOs are the organisations, which can
provide the exact data to the people and the activities of government.
2. Motivation
The organisations play great role in motivating people against the government
policy and the project. The poor and illiterate fishermen do not understand the
complicacy of the policy and the impact of project on the lake. Hence the NGOs and
POs explained the people about the development in detail. Gradually the picture
became clearer and NGOs and POs organised public meeting and met people
personally to convince them. The organisations were aware of the project plan and
anticipated the adverse impact of the project, which was communicated for the
safeguard of interest of the fishermen of Chilika.
3. Organising Meetings and Conferences
To make the movement widespread NGOs and POs tr.ke the leading part in
organising various public meetings and conferences. They revealed the government's
plan and project and analysed the policies affecting the people. Several meetings had
been organised by the various organisations around Chilika and outside of Chilika
area to convince the fishermen about the course of action.
4. Organising Seminars and Workshops
NGOs like Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and Centre
for Development Research and Training (CENDERET) organi.:>ed two workshops on
Chilika lake. The first workshop was organised for Non-governmental and People's
organisation on 3rd ,and 4th ofFebruary1992 at Panthaniwas, Bhubaneswar and second
workshop was for scientists and administrators on 5th and 6th February 1992 at hotel
Kalinga Ashoka, Bhubaneswar. CIDA had requested some research organisations of
Bhubaneswar to under take the study of problems connected with the lake and
establish contact with the people (CIDA and CENDERET, 1992:2). These agencies
presented their reports on various aspects. Local NGOs also shared their experiences,
without forgetting to represent from the local organisations. The latter did speak up at
times, and shared the anxiety of the lake dwellers. In later part of the workshop was
159
devoted to discuss what should be done by NGOs and POs in order to assure that the
interests of the local inhabitants could be protected and promoted without any
intervention in future. At the second workshop on Chilika Lake Project Designs,
scientists and administrators covered the same ground, but with greater stress on the
scientific aspects.
5. Active Participation in Protest
The NGOs and POs initiated the protest movement and took the active
participation. The organisations like "Meet the Students", "Krantadarsi Yuba
Sangam", Swadhikar and Ganatantra Surakhya Samiti (SGSS) and Orissa Krushak
Mahasangha (OKM) were the pioneer agencies in the protest movement. They took
part in procession, demonstration and even arrested by the police.
6. Took Leadership in Protest
Some organisations took leading part in the movements. They had to face the
ruthless oppression of police. Especially, "Meet the Students", "Krantidarsi Yuba
Sangam" and "Orissa Krushak Mahasangha" took the leading part. While "Meet the
Students" initiated the protest, "Orissa Krushak Mahasangha" ended up it with
success. Mr. Chittaranjan and Ms Srimati Das were the leading activist of "Meet the
Students" and Banka Behari Das was leading on behalf of Orissa Krushak
Mahasangha.
7. Act as Media
NGOs and POs acted as media or agency through which the public grievances
were ventilated. They articulated the interests of the poor fishermen and reflected in a
systematic way. They made contact with the people. As the grassroots organisation
they accumulated the practical difficulties of the fishermen and non-fishermen and
projected them as problem. They tried to solve the problem through the protest
movement keeping in view of the government's apathetical activities in the lake.
Almost all NGOs and POs working around lake were involved with the protest
movement. They were preparing the action plan for the movement. The techniques of
the movement were the brainchild of all these organisations. The environmental issue
160
of the lake, which changed the dimension of the protest movement, was raised by
Orissa Krushak Mahasangha. The seminars and workshops organised by NGOs and
various publication on lake and protest made the movement widespread and popular.
The various publications on protest drew the attention of national and international
forum. It was the role ofNGOs and POs made the movement a successful one.
4. . Economic Problems lead to Ecology Movement
Initially the protest movement was started by the fishermen against the project
for the safeguard of their livelihood. As most of them are landless or possess very
small pieces of agricultural land and their dependence on agriculture is so minimal
that their economic condition particularly depends on the fishing potential of the lake.
When they were denied of their traditional rights that they enjoyed since Maratha's
time, the only source of livelihood was snatched away for which the government's
policy was responsible. The policy of 1991 facilitated the entry of massive prawn
project by Tatas and government of Orissa near Panaspada in Brahmagiri P .S. of Puri
District. The neighbouring villages became agitated against the project as it would
have caused disaster to their livelihood. In 1991, a group ofUtkal University Students
with the fishermen started a movement against Tata's entry. In the first visit from 5th
to 12th August 1991, the student activists covered 62 villages that would be directly
affected by the project. Their strategy was to rejuvenate and strengthen Matsyajibi
Mahasngha, the organisation of traditional fisher people. Accordingly, meeting under
the auspices of Matsyajibi Mahasngha was convened at Keshpur on 1 ih August,
Pathara on 29th August and Nairi on 11th and 1th September 1991. Such intense
activities resulted in the Bhubaneswar rally on 20th September 1991, which was
jointly called by "Matsyajibi Mahasangha" and "Meet the Students".
The programme in the state capital was preceded by militant mass actions in
Chilika. On February 16 1992, a gathering of about 8000 people consisting of
fishermen, non-fishermen, women, students and intellectuals t~Jok procession of the
Tata occupied Chilika area. Again on 7th March 1992, there was a rally of 1000
women towards the Tata site with the intension to break the embankment. People's
rally broke the embankment on 15th March 1992. There were about 6000 people from
all over Chilika villages. On March 25 1992, people set up check gate to obstruct the
moment of Tata's vehicles from their godown, which was removed later. On 28th
161
March agitationist declared people's march to Tata s~te where the police restored to
lathicharge. Nearly 70 people were arrested. Somt.: were beaten so savagely in police
custody that they could not walk for several days, others were subjected to the worst
humiliation. In the case of Chittaranjan Sarangi who initially could not be traced, his
father, a gentle retired government official, was arrested and kept in jail for fortnight
(Dogra, 1993). Thus police under the instruction of the political power started
repression and arrests of protestors. In the first stage, as the movement was localised
because three or four villages were directly affected by the . Tata Project, the
administration was able to suppress the movement (Das, Vol-2:31-32).
Subsequently, the Orissa Krushak Mahasangha entered the fray to protect the
livelihood of fishermen and local non-fishermen. Orissa Krushak Mahasngha gave a
new direction to the movement in 1992 by raising the question of environment of the
lake. By this all the villages around the lake were involved. They could gradually
understand that the protection of lake's ecology can only safeguard their livelihood.
They thought that because of modem technology, the water of the lake would be
highly polluted in a few years due to affluent discharge from prawn ponds artd that
would affect the fishery resources. This gained support of all fishermen and non
fishermen of Chilika and outsiders. This made the movement broad-based and
powerful (Das, Vol-2:32).
The fishem1en community participated massively because it was a question of
their livelihood. Previously the fishermen were least concerned with the environment
and ecology of the lake. In course of protest movement they understood that
protection of ecology of the lake would ensure the growth of more and more of
fishery resources in the lake, which was the main concern of their livelihood. The
· survey reports reveal that 76% fishermen responded that they go for protest to save
their lake's ecology and as well as livelihood. 20% fishermen gave their consent in
favour of saving livelihood and 4% said they prefer to save ecology. This new
dimension of struggle brought support of even outside world and the country's media.
Parliament Members of different parties lent their support by writing letters to Prime
Minister to stop Tata Prawn Project and save the environment of the lake. Such
remarkable support from all quarters made the movement broad-based. At last
government of India intervened and the project, which was half-way, was stopped
162
because of non-clearance by Union Environment Ministry. After more than two years
of struggle in 1994 Tata had to go back with their bag and baggages.
The ecological issue of the lake got a sensitive position in the protest. When I
met Banka Behari Das, the President of OKM, he said that due to police repression
the people of victim villages like Gola and Panaspada did not dare to fight against the
Tata Project. So he thought over the problem and gave the movement environmental
direction. In 1992 April he appealed to central environmental minister Mr. Kamal
Nath writing about the development in Chilika. Sri B.B. Das said that even prior to
1991 very few people of Orissa were aware of environment. Even he himself did not
know about the emerging slogan of enviroiunent. 1
The protest movement could able to keep the lake of international im110rtance
as before along with the safeguards of livelihoods of 1 lakh fishermen in and around
Chilika. The protection of environment and protection of livelihood of the poor and
indigenous people, are two sides of the same coin. Hence the environment protection
movement guarantees the human rights of life and property of the toiling masses.
5. From Protest to Policy
At the global level, the events that preceded that Rio summit and took place at
the meeting were fascinating proof that micro movements at the community, state and
even country levels, had few links with the debates, planning and policy formulation
going on at the macro level. In India people's movements such as those against dams,
deforestation and struggle for access to water seemed marginal as compared to the
macro-economic policies that were formulated (Tondon, 1993:45). It was as if there
was one part of the country that was involved in policy making for economic
restructuring at a micro-level, opening up the economy and access to resources, and
another that was concerned with people's movements and struggles. Rajesh Tondon in
his article "Revitalised role forecast for People's movement" (1993:45) puts "I think
India is going to witness more and more dissatisfaction being expressed through
people's movements. We cannot make policies such as cultivating Prawns in Chilika
Lake or exporting rice and other agricultural products without causing a reaction from
people whose lives would be affected by stich as policies." The impact of people's
A report based on interview with Sri Banka Behary Das at his Bhubaneswar residence.
163
movement is not always known immediately. It is only in hindsight that we discover
that they have left significant impression on the way people think and live.
The emerging protest movement and resistance to the development projects in
India provide a lot of materials and scopes to think over government's policies, which
affect the general people. This trend has been developed for last three decades when
environment becomes an emerging slogan in international sphere. The development
projects suffer set back due to lack of local co-operation or. severe resistance.
Governments everywhere are announcing their withdrawal and even if they do not
withdraw in absolute terms, they stay put (Agnihotri, 1995:10). Thus the failure in
implementation of development project focuses light on examining failure ofpublic
policies. The resistance or protest movement against the development project is
unmistakably linked with policy failure. Ten years ago the focus was on specific
projects and fairly narrow range of considerations, notably the technical and economic
aspects. Today the perspective is much wider. Not only has the concern broadened
from project to programmes, but it now includes the appraisal of policies as well.
Such a change has been accompanied · and made possible by some important
modifications to existing decision-making procedures and the development of more
sophisticated tools of analysis (0-Riodan and Derrich Sewell, 1981:1 ).
5.1. Protest in Chilika is the Sign of Policy Failure
The study of Protest movement in the previous chapter clearly shows the
fishery lease policy of 1991 destabilises the lake's ecology and livelihood of one lakh
fisher people around Chilika. The unplanned and over-exploitation of natural
resources and neglect of conservation measures are responsible for substantial
imbalances in the ecology of the area. The economy of fisher-people, based on
commonly shared lake resources, has been destroyed, there by eroding the social and
cultural life of the population as well. The implementation of hastily prepared policy
results a severe protest movement as a sharp reaction to it. It becomes more important
to save lives than to worry about the efficient use of natural resources.
The Chilika people were highly critical of the Tatas' forcefully entry into the
lake. It was the government's fishery policy 1991, which facilitated for the
commercial development in the lake. As a result the policy indirectly affected the
164
livelihood of the fishermen living around Chilika. The grievances of local people
were reflected in the leaflet distributed on the eve of People's movement. It was
stated, "In toto, the fish of Chilika directly or indirectly is the mainstay of the
economy of nearly 98% of the people of that locality. As fish of Chilika is the main
spring of their earning it plays a vital role in the social life of both fishing and non
fishing people. It is seen that there is always an antagonism between the fishing group
itself due to distribution of areas or for other reasons. For this short of atmosphere
government policy and political mechanisation are chiefly responsible. . ....... .
. Besides these major grievances there are 57 other points for which people of
Brahmagri and Krushnaprasad block are opposing entry of Tata into their area .. People
are quite unhappy with this policy of the government. If timely right steps are not
taken to redress the grievances of the people, it may take a turn of Revolution". The
above statement clearly reveals the dissatisfaction of the people over government's
fishery policy.
The Primary Fishermen Co-operative Societies referred the policy issue to the
High Court of Orissa. The honourable court in its verdict mentioned "the Court has
been approached by 36 Primary Fishermen Co-operative Societies, who are the
petitioners in the three petitions, because, according to them, the principles on
settlement of fisheries in Chilika adopted by the government in its Revenue and
Excise Department as contained in the Memo dated December 31, 1991 are radically
different from those followed earlier, so much so that the present policy would
adversely affect the livelihood of about a lakh of fishermen who in the past were
being given settlement of fisheries in Chilika because of their traditional right. The
present policy on the other hand contains a tilt in favour of the non-fishermen and
ends in encouraging a mafia-raj in Chilika. According to the petitioners, the policy is
also unintelligible, arbitrary and has conferred unguide<.i power of the Collector, Puri
and some other officers" (Original Jurisdiction of High Court of Orissa, 1993:3-4).
The Fact Finding Committee on Chilika Fisheries (1993) sums up its view on
the main findings that the Chilika fishery lease policy of the government in the past is
observed to be faulty in the sense that it is not realistic, exhibiting lack of co
ordination between different concerned dep~rtments, as well as the conspicuous lack
of a built in mechanism to prevent subletting, illegal encroachment and mafia-raj in
165
Chilika lake. The statement made by the representatives of a voluntary youth
organisation in the name of "Krantidarshi Yuva Sangam" working for the welfare of
the people in Chilika areas in course of their deposition before the committee, also
corroborates the above-mentioned finding. They have stated thus: "The root cause of
inter-village conflicts, which have enveloped entire 132 villages around Chilika, lies
with the Revenue Department and not with the people. The department's faulty policy
decisions and malfunctioning have destroyed the harmonious relationship among the
people of Chilika. State has become a combination of vested interests, viz.,
Politicians, Prawn mafias and government officials" (Report of Fact Finding
·Committee, 1993:42).
Thus the fishery policy of 1991 did bear the germ of conflict in itself. The
policy not only destabilised the livelihood of one-lakh fishermen around lake but also
it affected the eco-system of the lake. The policy of 1991, which divided Chilika's
fisheries sources into capture and culture fisheries, was a sharp departure from old
policy. When Prawn became the prize commodity of export, outsiders encroached
into Chilika Lake and brought great trouble to the lagoon. The fishermen Community
were completely marginalized. As a result, Chilika, one of the large lagoons in India,
reverberates with the call of those people who survive by it to protect it from the
rapacious rape by corporate industrialists in active collusion with the state. The
intense struggle is being spearheaded by the peoples' organisations like ''Chilika
Banchao Andolan", "Meet the Students", "Chilika Surakhya Parishad", "Orissa
Krushak Mahasangh", and "Krantidarsi Yuba Sangam". They are resisting with all
their might the conversion of Chilika Lake into an area for large-scale commercial
Prawn aquaculture farming by the Tatas. The agitators say, the corporate entry would
not only deprive them of their livelihood, but also destroy the natural eco-system of
the Chilika Lake (Sharma and Others, 1993: 1 ).
166
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