Chapter IV

(i) Ecology Protest in India

(ii) Economic Deprivation Induced Protest

(iii) Protest Movement in Chilika

(iv) Economic Problems Leads to Ecology Movement

(v) From Protest to Policy

Protest Movement

1. Ecology Protest in India: A Review of Past

It is a message that is heard increasingly across India as the country has

intensified its drive towards industrialization over last two decades, and has

consequently encroached further on the forests, river, and fertile lands from which

subsistence communities have traditionally drawn their livelihood. Whether peasant

cultivators or forest dwelling groups or small-scale fisher people, marginalized

communities are banding together and rising up against threats to the environment.

The type of protest varies - from militant blockades such as those in Jharkhand to

Gandhian style non-violent civil disobedience but the underlying goal is the same.

They are challenging a conventional development apparatus that seeks to exploit

natural resources with little concern for the environment and for the people who

directly draw their subsistence from environment (Akula, 1995: 128).

These contemporary grassroots environmental struggle are not new. They are

based in resistance to the incursion on the environment that accompanied British

colonialism in the eighteenth century.

Prior to the arrival of European traders, India consisted of a diverse range of

subsistence communities that were relatively autonomous both politica ly and

economically from the various princely rulers of India. Since communities acquired

. their subsistence locally, they generally understood their dependence 01 local

resources -rivers, forests and fertile lands. Consequently, many communities evolved

a wide range of social and cultural practices that regulated access to and insured

sustainable use of natural resources. Madhav Gadgil and Ramchandra Guha (1992)

argued that these practices emerged during the fourth and ninth centuries in response

to a resource crunch precipitated by a decrease in rainfall, a reduction in soil fertility,

and population growth.

There were of course exceptions and varymg degrees of biocentricism in

different parts of India. In fact, in some regions, communities had practices that were

harmful to the environment. But what is clear is that the traditional mode of resource

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use, guided as it was by a degree of biocentricism, was far less destructive than the

industrial mode of resource use introduced by British.

The British - coming first as traders and becominJ rulers by the mid

eighteenth century sought raw materials for the industrial revolution underway in

Great Britain. Either directly or through local elites, they forced cultivation of

commercial crops like opium, indigo, cotton, sugar, tea and jute for export. As a

result, · local elites asserted greater control over relatively autonomous subsistence

communities. After the British became direct rulers in the mid-eighteenth century, the

process gradually intensified. The intensification of resource control was epitomised

by the 1878 Forest Act. The act gave colonial government a monopoly over forest

produce, obliterating centuries of customary access and threatening the livelihood of

peasants and tribals. The British clear-cut these forests to build ships for British Navy

and to build railway sleepers, causing far more ecological damage than did

subsistence communities.

Early Resistance

There was also resistance to British Rule. Protest movements targeted

European Planters, local landlords, moneylenders, tax-collectors, the military and the

police. In the Bengal peasant revolt of 1859 to 1863, for instance, peasants attacked

the private armies of European planters who had forced them to grow indigo instead

of subsistence crops. During the revolt, peasant fought back using speaks, b0ws and

arrows, clubs and bats. Later the movement became a non-rent campaign against both

planters and zamindars. By the end of the revolt rents were reduced and planters left

the area. The revolt of 1859-63 effectively destroyed the indigo plantation system in

lower Bengal.

Even resistance movement converged with the independence struggle as in the

case of Bihari peasant resistance against forced indigo cultivation in the late­

nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In 1907 and 1908, indigo factories were

boycotted and factory employees intimidated. The struggle attracted the support of

political activists, and in 1917 Mahatama Gandhi, the leader of independence

movement, led the Champaran Satyagraha (civil disobedience movement campaign)

which ended the indigo system in Bihar.

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Resistance to forest laws was especially intertwined with the independence.

Defiance of forest laws was part of the countrywide Quit India campaigns led by the

Indian National Congress from 1920 to 1922 and 1930 to 32.

After achieving independence in 1947, India was faced with a choice between

the models of development- one is Gandian model, which rejected industrialisation

and revival of the organic village communities of the pre-colonial and pre-industrial

past. The other is Nehru model, which advanced a program for accelerated

industrialisation. Soon after independence Gandhi was assassinated and with that the

hope of sustainable development was minimised. The Government not only continued

the natural resources polices of the British, but it also expanded resource - htensive

industrial activity and undertook major development projects like large dams, mining

and energy-intensive agriculture. Not everyone embraced the industrial path, but the

new leaders of India - many of whom had been educated at Oxford and Cambridge in

England - had imbibed the values and ideals of the west and believed that the

industrial model of development was the only path to prosperity. Moreover, the later

generation of Indian leaders also had faith in this model. Consequently, the process of

industrialisation has intensified in the last two decades. The intensification, coupled

with population growth has made the plight of poor even more intensive.

The 450 million poor of India, the majority of whom live in rural areas, simply

cannot withstand the onslaught any longer. The increasing threat to their livelihood­

and a problem with the morality of the violence towards nature that often

accompanies industrialisation - explains in part why ecological resistance is on the

rise in India today (Akula, 1995: 132).

The resistance is diverse and battles are waged on many fronts, addressing

everything from control of rivers to the environmental impact of mining. Often a

movement simultaneously addresses several environmental concern, and frequently

groups of different castes or classes came together to protect common resources.

(i) Chipko and Contemporary Forest Movements

Among the most volatile natural resource conflicts are those over forests,

which are still a major source of livelihood for the rural poor. Among the forest

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movement the Chipko movement in the Himalayas of Uttar Pradesh and Appika

Movement in Kerla are most important.

In the 1960s, the region experienced massive deforestation due to rapid growth

in forest industries and expanded industrialisation. This, combined with the unusually

heavy monsoon of 1970, caused a devastating flood. Many people and livestock died

and water washed away six metal bridges. Villagers began to see connections between

deforestation and flooding. Thus, in March 1973, when the government allotted ash

trees to a sporting goods company that made tennis rackets, villagers - with assistance

from a local Gandhian cooperative - organised against the loggers. Local people

embraced trees that loggers were about to fell. Thus the Chipko "to hug" movement

was born (Guha, 1989:152).

The Government responded by establishing a Forest Corporation, but the

feeling persisted. People continued to protest and the Chipko model of resistance soon

spread to nearby districts. The movement had three major strands. There was Chandri

Prasad Bhatt's "appropriate technology" group that organised the initial Chipko

Protest and that sought a less destructive use of forest based on local .;;awmill

. cooperatives. The second, more biocentric, group represented by Sunderlal Bahuguna

sought a total ban on green felling and the preservation of forest for traditional

subsistence use such as gathering of fuel and fodder. The third faction was led by the

marxist oriented Uttarkhand Sangharsh Vahini. It emphasised the need for economic

redistribution (Omvedt, 1993:133-134). Despite their ideological differences,

however, all of the strands come together to oppose felling and all organised direct

action- ranging from camping in the forests to surrounding timber auction halls.

The climax of the movement came in 1981 when Bahuguna the leader of

biocentric stream of the movement, went on an indefinite hunger fast urging a total

ban on green felling above one thousand meters. Thousands of people engaged in a

series of mass Chipko protests.

The sustained grassroots struggle drew the attention of the media, and the

Prime minister at the time, Indira Gandhi, met with Bahuguna and offered a fifteen­

year ban on commercial green felling in the Himalayan forests of Uttar Pradesh

(Shiva, 1991:108).

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Soon other forest movements in India adopted the Chipko model. In the early

1980s, for instance, the Appiko movement emerged in the Kalase forest of South

Indian State of Karnataka (appiko means "to hug" in the local language). The Kalase

forest is the part of a tropical forest of the Western Ghats, which extends along several

states of the western interior of South India.

The first Appiko movement occurred in 1983 when sixteen men, women and

children of the Salkani village hugged trees in the rarest, forcing woodcutter to leave.

Community members went on to keep a thirty-eight day vigil in the forest until the

Government withdrew the feeling orders. Within month the movement spread to

adjoining districts. In a nearby forest, where trees were to be cut down by a match

manufacturer, Appiko participants hugged trees and performed religious ceremor.y.

The protest forced the minister of forests to come to the area. He subsequently

stopped the operation, and the state government has since banned felling of green

trees in some of the forests of the region. Like Chipko, the goal of Appiko was not

merely to protest deforestation, but also to put forth an alternative model of

development - embodied in the Appiko Slogan, "Ugusu, Belesu and Balasu",

meaning "to save, to grow and to use rationally". Activists thus coupled protests with

activities to raise awareness about sustainable development.

A final example of a grassroots forests struggle comes from the district of

Bastar in the state of Madhya Pradesh. Two third population of the district is tribal,

and forests cover over half the area, and the high bio-diversity of the forests yields a

variety of minor forest products for the tribal population.

During the late 1970s, the government made plans for a World Bank financed

tree plantation project designed to convert much of remaining forest into pine trees for

pulp mill. First the tribals demonstrated and wrote petitions. When that failed they

became more militant prohibiting foresters from cutting trees. In one incident in 1982,

three hundred tribals - armed with traditional bows and arrows-stopped foresters from

taking ten tmck loads of timber out of the forests. When the government did not

respond to the demonstration of tribal, they burnt the trees and Prime Minister, Indira

Gandhi, subsequently suspended the project in 1963.

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Resistance to Dams: Rivers are another natural resources over which there has been

tremendous conflict. The government has vastly increased the number of dam projects

as it seeks to expand energy for industrial development and water for irrigation.

The projects certainly have benefits, but often the benefits go to the few.

Industries receive a disproportionate amount of electricity, and wealthy farmers

typically receive the bulk of irrigation. Meanwhile, the poor bear the costs - ranging

from the drowning of forests and agricultural lands to the salinization or water

logging of surrounding lands. · .,

The most notable resistance movement to a large dam project is the struggle

against the Narmada Valley Development Programme in Madhya Pradesh and

Maharashtra. The $450 million Narmada project was planned in the 1970s. It

encompasses 30 large, 135 medium sized and 3,000 small dams. Overall, it is

estimated that 120 million hectares will be submerged and 300,000 people displaced,

mostly poor tribal villagers.

Protests in the 1980s and early 1990s - consisting of civil disobedience and

many hunger fasts, including one that lasted twenty days - drew international

attention and led to the first outside review commission by the World Banlc After the

report was issued, the World Bank strengthened its environmental and rehabilitation

standards. In March 1993, however, the Indian government- reluctant to meet those

environmental and human rights standards refused the final $170 million of World

Bank loan and is now proceeding with its own funds.

The battle over the seas

Another realm of water conflict is the coastal area of India. There, smail-scale

fisher people battle commercial fishers who are threatening sustainable traditional

fishing practices.

Increasingly, however, fishing communities are orgamsmg against such

ecological destruction. The most notable movement is the Kerala fish workers

struggle, which involves 800,000 fish workers and 120,000 households over the entire

continental shelf of the southern state of Ker~la.

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The enormous increase in mechanised boats and indiscriminate fishing with

trawlers during the spawning season destroyed young fish and damaged the aquatic

ecosystem. The local fisher people were not only affected by the decreased fish catch,

they also felt that the sanctity of the sea was violated.

Gradually, a struggle against the mechanized trawlers ensued. Local nuns and

priests, members ofKerala's large indigenous Christian population and other activists

led mass rallies and direct action such as blocking road and rail traffic and sabotaging

mechanised boats. Women, who were responsible for marketing fish, were especially

active in the struggle. In the mid 1970s, the fish workers organised the Kerala

Swatantra Matsya Thozilali Federation (KSMTF) and then helped form an all India

union, the National Fish Workers Federation, in 1978. The union lobbied state and

federal governments, and their efforts resulted in a law banning mechanised trawlers

in the late 1970s.

Resistance to Mining: - Mining, which has a devastating environmental and social

impact, is another activity that has engendered resistance. For the rural poor, the

major problem is the loss of agricultural and forestland - both directly and from

conversion of land for transport and processing facilities. In addition, mining wastes

pollute streams and toxic substances are carried by rainwater into nearby wa1 erways,

often making the water unfit for human use. Also, mineral treatment pia nts use

enormous amounts of water for washing the ore - with untreated effluents, slimes,

and tailing released into neighbouring streams or lakes. Air pollution also results,

from the wind sweeping mineral dust from waste heaps and from toxic fumes released

during blasting (Akula, 1995:140).

In the Gandhamardan Hills of Orissa, youth and tribal groups are organising

resistance. The hills are considered sacred, providing a storehouse of invaluable plant

diversity and water resources, and feeding twenty perennial streams and two

waterfalls. The Bharat Aluminium Company (BALCO) came to the area in the mid of

1980s in search of Bauxite, but tribals engaged in direct-action campaigns such as

blocking company vehicles. A series of battles followed, pitting tribals against local

police, but in 1989 the tribal-led direct action forced BALCO to shutdown its

operation.

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Another notable anti mining movement occurred in the Doon Valley in the

Himalayas, an area close to the site of the Chipko movement. The perennial water

streams of Doon valley created fertile lands and secure livelihoods for inhabitants.

Limestone quarrying, however, uprooted vegetation and topsoil, consequently

destabilizing slopes and increasing dangers of landslides and flash floods

downstream. Also, mine debris fell into river and canal beds disrupting drinking and

irrigation water supplies. Moreover, since the limestone belt is central to the flow of

underground water, which feeds streams, the entire ecosystem was threatened (CSE,

1985:22).

In 1982, when the leases for the quarries came up for renewal, citizen groups,

including Chipko activists, lobbied the state government to prohibit mining. The

government allowed mining to continue, but after a series of reports attesting to the

environmental damage, the federal Supreme Court ordered the closing of fifty-three of

the sixty mines in the area in J985.

However, some mines continued operating, including the Nahi-Narkot mine.

In 1986, activists launched a satyagraha campaign. For six months, protesters blocked

mining operation. Violence followed. In one incident in late 1986 two hundred men­

presumably sent by mine owners and armed with sticks - attacked the satyagraha

camp. Then, in early 1987, four truckloads of men - armed with revolver, spears,

knives and iron roads - attacked another camp, wounding a number of people (Shiva,

1991 :301-302).

Despite the backlash, protests have continued into the 1990s. Unfortunately,

the remaining mines are owned by government or supply limestone to Tata Steel, a

politically powerful company. Thus the struggle against them may not enjoy the

success of earlier efforts.

The Jharkhand Movement - Perhaps the most intense form of ecological resistance

in India is embodied in the Jharkhand Movement. The movement has multiple goals,

and the sustainable use of natural resources is one of them. The area of Jharkhand -

encompassing parts of the four northeast states of Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa, and

Madhya Pradesh - contains the country's richest coal and iron tracks and much of its

steel industry. There are also several dam and plantation forestry projects. Sociologist

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Gail Omvedt (1993: 127) writes, "More than almost anywhere in the country this

industrialisation was visibility parasitical enclave, grabbing the land of the local

population, and d~stroying much of the rest through deforestation and pollution,

sucking the life of the native communities to tum their men into unskilled labourers

and their women into prostitutes sent all over India."

. Between 1972 and 1975, there emerged a united movement of mine workers,

tribals and low caste peasants in the hill districts of South Bihar and adjoining

· districts. The alliance formed under the banner of Jharkhand Liberation Front,

engaged in a number of protests in 1974, for instance, the Front held "Jharkhand

Day", a huge demonstration of workers and peasants. Participants viewed themselves

a part of a left wing movement as well as an environmental movement, and during the

rall~ they carried red and green flags and shouted slogans of "Jharkhand Lalkhand"

(the forest land shall become a red land). Aside from rallies, Jharkhand groups also

engaged in more militant actions such as seizing land.

The tribaJs of Jharkhand, however, adopted a more militant stance. They

protested against two large dams in the area during the late 1970s, both part of the

Subamarekha "multipurpose projects". Tribals blocked the Koel Karo in the Ranchi

region, preventing trucks and construction machinery from reaching the site.

Meanwhile, tribals in Singhbum, opposed to the lcha dam, engaged in 1978 and 1979

in near guerrilla warfare in which at least twenty people died ( Omvedt, 1993: 12 7-

131).

Singhbhum was also the area in which local people waged a militant struggle

against the State Forest Corporation. In 1975, the forest corporation initiated a

programme of commercial teak forestry, at times replacing biologically diverse

natural mixed forests. The mixed forest included Sal trees, which were important to

tribal economic and ritual life. As one tribal member explained "Sal is ours; teak

belongs to the exploiters". The tribals, thus, destroyed teak nurseries and uprooted

teak trees, leading to further violence.

Just as the Jharkhand movement is sure to become stronger, 30 must similar

movements if they are to survive the economic liberalisation sweeping across India.

In the last few years India has movec; quickly towards a free-market economy,

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courting multinational corporations and embracing free-trade policies. The policies

will probably be an improvement over the heavy-handed state control of industries

that has characterized India, and resulting economic competition may benefit many.

But these policies are also sure to put further pressure on natural resources and to

exacerbate the precarious position of the rural poor.

· 2. . Economic Deprivation Induced Protest

Geographically three sides of Chilika Lake are encircled by a chain of villages

of Puri and Gaijam district, where as other side of it meets the Bay of Bengal. It has

122 fishermen villages with a total population of around 85,000 as per the latest

household survey done by Chilika investigation unit, Balugaon.

Keeping occupation in view it is seen that 40% people of these villages live on

by fishing prawns from Chilika. The rest 60% though not a fishing people but eke out

the living by doing small business relating to fish of Chilika. Most of them are

landless labourer. A very small percent of them own small pieces of agricultural land.

Their dependence on agriculture is so minimal, that their economic condition

particularly depends on the fishing potential of the lake (Dtt.s, Vol-2:29). In toto, fish

of Chilika directly or indirectly is the mainstay of the economy of nearly 98% of the

people of that locality. As fish of Chilika is the main spring of their earning, it plays a

vital role in the social life of both fishing and non-fishing people.

As stated earlier (in Chapter-II) both fishermen and non-fishermen of adjacent

villages of lake draw their sources of livelihood from the natural resources of Chilika.

When 100% fishermen have no way out of the fishery resources ofChilika, a majority

of non-fishermen also depends on lake resources to a great extent. As a whole the

people of about 191 (both fishermen and non-fishennen) villages in and around lake

are wholly dependent on fishing and prawn catching for their livelihood. Most of

them have no land. What little land is owned by a few of them is flooded two or three

times a year with saline water, thus rendering it useless to grow mything (CSE,

1992:23). Thus Chilika cuts their life style in size. The fishermen trace their rights to

fishing in Chilika right back to time of Gulam Shah Quadir when the Afgans ruled

Orissa. In 1897, a Britisher, Mr. Taylor compiled a settlement report of Orissa in

which he mentioned that the fisheries in the lake were the exclusive rights of the

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fishermen community. In 1926, they started a co-operative store at Balugaon and

gradually primary co-operative societies developed. Over the years, the people of this

area have developed a traditional expertise in Prawn catching and have been taking

leases from generation to generation. Legally the entire area has been leased out to

Central Fishermen Co-operative Marketing Societies, Balugaon, which distributes to

different Primary Fishermen Co-operative Societies and then to villages in the form of

lease.·

But in 1986 the entry ofT AT A opened a new chapter in the history of Chilika.

1400 acres of Chilika Lake was allotted to Chilika Aquatic Project, a joint venture of

Orissa government and Tata Houses for prawn cultivation. For this project long dam

of 3 7 kilometres was constructed from Barakudi village of Brahmagiri Block to the

village Gambhari of Krushna Prasad Block. Its width was 40 feets and height was 1 0

feets.

As a result of the construction of the massive project within Chilika, people

lost their only source of livelihood. The project deprived the fishermen from their

customary rights and the access of non-fishermen to the Chilika resources. Their

grievances and dissatisfaction exposed in the form of Protest movement. The

followings are some grievances cited from the leaflet used during the protest

movement with the title - "Crisis in Chilika Lagoon and initiation of a people's

movement".

(1) Within the leasehold land, TATA (1400 hectares), there is a comparatively

high land. At that place people anchor their canoes for fishing. More so when

the water recedes from that place, people use that for cattle and buffaloes

grazing. Now people will be terribly affected as it has been leased out to

TATA.

(2) Now TATA has started constructing a dam across it. Naturally fish will get

confined to dam area only. They cannot come to other side of it. It also closes

the way to Chilika. As a result people cannot take their canoes and boats to

Chilika for fishing. Obviously it will affect their economic conditions.

(3) The rainwater of that area and also water of river Luna, Bhargavi and Daya are

being drained to Chilika. Because of this construction of embankment the

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drainage process will stop. Consequently, arable lands of more than 80

panchayats of Kanas, Brahmagiri, Sakhigopal and Krushnaprasad Block will

be submerged under water for longer period. And it will render the land

uncultivable. Regarding this drainage problem, ·the chief engineers of

Irrigation Department, Sri Banamali Das has sounded a warning to the

Government of Orissa.

( 4) Now the situation at Chilika has become critical. Officials ofT A TA have own

over some local agent by giving bribes. These people work as muscle man for

TAT A. They have started terrorising the common village folk. They try to

entice some people of giving jobs in their concern. But in reality only 630

people will get employment in this project and most of the posts are technical

in nature. Locally technical persons are not available to be employed there. As

it often happens a few people will be employed as fourth-class employees.

Barring a few all will suffer a tremendous economic loss. Many will be forced

to leave their homeland.

( 5) Once TAT A enters the process of production, it will try to have its monopoly

over it. Ultimately it will decide the rate of prawns there. Small fishing people

and businessmen will sustain a terrible loss.

(6) After TATA's takeover a different social culture will emerge there. Liquor and

flesh trade will go on increasing. Goondaism will enjoy its best days.

Consequently, smooth easy life of the village will violently be ruffled.

(7) Now it is seen in that area, essential commodities have started risen up after

TATA's take over. Naturally the costs of living of that area will

unmanageably more for common people.

(8) It will also create an environment problem. Different Prawn processing

factories will be set up. Huge amount of garbage will be heap up in the nearby

places. Polluted water will be drained into Chilika. All these will render the

area inhabitable for human beings. The land of this area is salty which will

lose its productivity due to calcium shortage.

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(9) It is customary that Government should serve notices to the people about the

lease of the land. But it has not been done there. Lands of < ifferent fishing

societies like Mangala Society of Barakudi, Society of Baudpada and Society

of Gurado. are coming under the household land of Tata, which they had got

earlier in the form of lease. But the Government is collecting tax from TAT A

and primary co-operative society.

(10) It has been fixed that TATA would give 834 rupees per hectare of land

annually. But people are ready to give 1500 rupees if they will be provided

with some facilities. But without this they are willing to give 1000 rupees.

Now people are asking in what respect they are inferior to TATA that

government invited it to enter Chilika.

( 11) If the Government feels that people are not acquainted with modem technical

know how in fishing cultivation of prawn then they could have been given

training about it. But what is the real motive of the Government to least out the

land of Chilika when it will add grist to the mill of exploitation.

Besides these major grievances there are 57 other points for which people of

Brahmagiri and Krushna Prasad Block are opposing entry of T ATA into their areas.

People are quite unhappy with this policy of the Government. If timely right steps are

not taken to redress the grievances of the people, it may take a tum of revolution . •

Past experience of Chilika Lake has already exposed the falsehood of the long

cherished myth that once big money comes into an area some benefit also bound to

reach the weaker sections- the so-called trickle-down effect. The grim realit:' is that

the weaker sections may not even remain to absorb the trickle as the entry of big

. houses and her outsiders displaces them from the traditional occupation (Dogra,

1993:20).

The above fact reveals that the massive prawn project marginalizes and

threatens the only source of livelihood of the fishermen, which is as good as right to

life. Under this situation the government of Orissa shows no sympathy towards poor

fishermen. Even in a clear defiance of the centres directive not to allow Tatas to carry

on construction work at Chilika till ecological issues are looked into, Orissa

Government has allowed work on the controversial aquaculture project to continue

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·'·

(CSE, 1992:58). As a result when the fishermen felt that they are deprived of their

age-old livelihood and State Government is a party to it, the fisher folk community

came out to the road against the autocracy of the government. For the safeguard of

their customary rights over Chilika, the fishermen demonstrated their dissatisfaction

and grievances in the form of people's, movement. The momentum of people's

movement was projected in their "Action Plan" in the leaflet crisis in Chilika lagoon.

It is mentioned in the 'Action Plan' that, the worsening con1ition of Chilika and

Chilika people has compelled us - the sensitive activists, to think seriously and act

dynamically. The situation with total perspective in view, needs a value-based

movement to bring the total management back to the people of Chilika who live on it.

Now it is going to be snatched away from them by the Tata with the support of

government. That necessitates to act with a purpose and determination to build up a

people's movement there to stop government's antipeople policy and to wrest Chilika

from the clutches of imperialists and compradors." Chittaranjan Sarangi who was

spearheading the agitation against the Tatas enunciated, "for us today's Dushera is the

beginning of an all out fight against the government and the Tatas, who are

determined not only to deprive thousands of fishermen of their traditional livelihood

but also upset the ecological balance of Chilika lake, which is home for a large :variety

of fish and plants that thrive in brackish water (CSE, 1992:23). Thus the social and

economic deprivation of fishermen solidified the people's movement. Hence

movements are conscious effort on the part of the men to mitigate their deprivation

and secure justice. Due to dissatisfaction, men no longer perform roles adequately,

this is followed by a protest by the deprived that organised movements, and finally

new mechanism of regulation and coordination, such as union, associations and

welfare agencies, are created to mobilise resources and commitments (Oommen,

1990:30).

3. Protest Movement in Chilika

3.1. Course of Protest Movement

In the wake of these developments, a quite powerful people's movement

emerged in the Chilika to protect it frpm the commercial exploitation by the big

business houses and to restore the people their right to manage Chilika. The struggle

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,i,,

operated at different levels through different actors but bound together by a common

purpose.

There are mainly three strata of social forces operating in Chilika contributing

to the emergence of the people's movement; they are the traditional fisher people and

farmers and the students. Among these, the fisher people and the farmers are; those

who are directly affected by the Tata's invasion of Chilika. Students group is an

extraneous force, but deeply involved in Chilika struggle.

(A) Initial Stage of Movement

Fisher people at work

A strategic moment in people's struggle was when 8000 people from the fisher

people community around Chilika reached Bhubaneswar, the capital city of 0 :issa on

201h September 1991, to present at memorandum to the Chief-Minister. That was the

· day when the 3 years lease period for the Chilika land was to expire. The government

had declared its intention not only to discontinue with the practice of leasing out of

fisher people's Primary Co-operative Societies but to leave it open favouring the

entrance of big business. The Bhubaneswar demonstration took place under the

banner of Matryajibi Mahasangha and "Meet The Students" who brought together

fisher people from 121 fishing villages in Chilika. People gave a memorandum to the

Minister of Fisheries, Mr. Surya Naryan Patra, demanding the stoppage of Tata's

entry into Chilika. Minister assured the people that not an inch of Chilika would be

leased out to the Tata's. Consequent to this demonstration, the state Government

constituted a committee under the chairmanship of the Chief-Minister including

MLAs of Khurda, Brahmagiri, Chilika, Chhatrapur and representatives of Chilika

Matsyajibi Mahasangha (Sharma and Others, 1993 :26).

The programme in the state capital was preceded by militant mass actions in

Chilika. On February, 16, 1992, a gathering of about 8000 people consisting of

fishermen, non-fishermen, women, students and intelle~tuals took procession of the

Tata occupied Chilika area. They hoisted their own flag and declared a "people's

curfew" in the area. Village chief from 62 villages vowed to continue their fight

against Tata's illegal occupation ofChilika.

137

On 7th March 1992, there was a rally of 1000 women towards the Tata site

with the intention to break the embankment. People rally broke the embankment on

15th March. There were about 6000 people from all over Chilika villages. Neither the

presence of police force in large number nor the Physical assaults by Tata's goondas

could deter the people from their demonstration to demolish the dam.

On March 25 111 of that year people set up a check gate to obstruct the

movement of Tata's vehicles from their godown. It was removed later.· The

agitationists declared another peoples' march to the Tata site on 28th March. The

administration got panicky and responded with severe police repression. On the day to

the rally 11 platoons of police were despatched to the area. They resorted to

lathicharge. 69 fisher people including 33 women and 6 children were arrested on the

day of the rally and on the previous few days and kept in jail for 14 days. Inspite of

these fierce police repressions, people succeeded in continuing with the fact of

demolition of the dam. On 4th April, the administration executed the arrest of the

leader of the movement, Mr. Chittaranjan Sarangi. Students from the Utkal University

infuriated by this highhandedness, went on a rally and gheraoed the Puri District

Collector demanding the release of all the arrested people including Chitaranjan.

Students in Action

The other strata of social forces, is the students, operating in protest movement

in Chilika. The presence of Utkal University students in Chilika changed the situation

qualitatively. They were members of group called "Meet the students" working within

the campus 'with a mission to bring, about a value based change in society. They used

to get involved in symbolic action programmes that expose the hollowness of the

present system. One such programme was the 'alternative booth' they·opened during

the pooling day of the June 1991 elections, for those who are against the system.

Interestingly some 20,000 people prefer to cast their votes in the 'Alternative booth'

set up by 'Meet the students'.

'Meet the students' geared themselves to the task as soon as they came to

know of Tata's plan of action on Chilika. Led by social activist and Sarvodaya leader,

Mr. Chittaranjan and students activist Ms: Srimati Dash, the 'Meet the students'

embarked on a series of activities, on the one hand to apprise themselves of the

138

·''

situation and on the other hand to motivate and unite the traditional fisher people and

others who are affected by the corporate aquatic farm towards sustained struggle to

oust Tata's from Chilika and to re-establish the rights of the local people over the

natural resources ofChilika. In the first visit from 51h to 121

h August 1991, the student

activists covered 62 villages that would be directly affected by the project. Their

strategy was to rejuvenate and strengthen Matsyajibi Mahasangha, the organisation of

traditional fisher people. Accordingly, meetings under the auspices of Matsyajibi

Mahasangha were convened at Keshpur on 17'h August, pathara on 29th August and

Nairi on 11th and 12th September 1991. Such intense activities resulted in the

Bhubaneswar really on 20th September, which was jointly called by 'Matsyajibi

Mahasangha' and 'Meet the Students'.

As students intensified their activities, the fisher people regained their

confidence and they mobilised themselves into a people's movement of their own. On

15th January 1992, in Gopinathpur in a meeting of representatives of fisher people

villages, the peoples organisation in Chilika was named "Chilika Bon chao Andolan".

The 55 member executive committee was formed from among local fisher people. Mr.

Govinda Behera of Gopinathp11r was elected the convenor.

Meanwhile the direct involvement with the people necessitated the formation

of another, state level activist forum of the students, 'Krantidarshi Yuba Sangam' with

Ms. Srimati Dash as its convenor. 'Meet the students' remains more as a university

. based student forum. By that time 24 full time activists of 'Krantidarshi Yuba

Sangram' were working in Chilika.

Activists of 'Krantidarshi Yuba Sangam' and Chilika Banchao Andolan met

Mr. J.J. Irani, Managing Director TISCO, and appealed to him to move out of Chilika.

He assumed them that he would look into the matter and even withdraw the project if

it goes against the interest of the local people. Later on (October 29, 1992) Chairman

of TISCO, Mr. Russy Mody clarified that the Shrimp Project poses no threat to the

Chilika Lake and all objections are baseless. His voice was based on the WAPCOS

report.

139

Repressive Activities Against Protest

Seeing the people's ire against the Tata prawn project growing day by day and

the enthusiasm with which they are responding to the mobilisation drive by activists

of the meet the students group of Utkal university and the Krantidarshi Yuva

Sangham, one gets the impression that unfulfilled promises by chief minister Biju

Pattanaik and the failure of the Tatas to launch a pre-project communication exercise

among the villagers have combined to create anger against the prawn project.

What had added fuel to the fire is the role of the police, which, obviously

under instructions from the state government, and probably, as generally claimed here

under the influence of the Tatas unleashed excesses against the student activists. The

excesses have been confirmed by two fact-finding teams of civil liberties

organisations - the Ganatantrik Adhikar Suraksha Sangathan, and the Nagarik

Adhikar Surakha Sangathan.

According to these teams, the magistrate, the circle inspector of Puri Sadar

Police station and the sub-inspector of Brahrnagiri police station are alleged to have

ganged up with Tata musclemen and threatened the villagers and activists with dire

consequences if they caused any obstruction to the project (CSE, 1992:23). Over 100

persons were arrested and "false" cases were registered against 22 activists. They

were also alleged to have been beaten up in the police station. Among those arrested

were three women and the father and sister of Chittaranjan Sarangi, who was

spearheading the agitation.

The movement was to mobilise over 8000 people to gherao the state assembly

in September 1991. Then it mobilised people to demolish an embankment, which had

been constructed by the Tata's despite the pressure of nearly 400-armed policeman.

Soon after this the activists tried to prevent the entry of bulldozers for the construction

of embankment. Nearly 70 people were arrested. Some were beaten to savagely in

police custody that they could not walk for several days, other were subjected to worst

humiliation (Dogra, 1993:21). In the case Chittaranjan Sarangi who initially could not

be traced, his father, a gentle retired government official was arrested and kept in Jail

for a fortnight. Despite this repression and even worse threats, the movement could

able to save the resource base of Chilika.

140

(B) Later Stage of Movement

Conversion to Ecology Movement

Initially the neighbouring villagers became agitated against the project as it

would have caused disaster to their livelihood. In 1991 the Orissa Krushak

Mahasangha entered the fray to protect the livelihood of fishermen and local non­

fishermen providing strength tci the movement and supporting the action of !:tudents

organisation and other organisations involved in the movement earlier. Rallies,

Demonstrations, meetings and conferences were organised against the Project and

government's apathetic activities. The police under the instructions of the political

power started repression and arrested the protesters. As the movement was localised

because three or four villages were directly affected by the Tata Project, the

administration was able to suppress the movement.

To broad-base the movement Orissa Krushak Mahasangha gave a new

dimension to the movement from 1992 raising the question of environment of the lake

along with impairment of livelihood. By this all the villagers around the lake are

involved because they felt if Tata's are allowed to enter, other big business houses

will follow suit for earning foreign exchange and big money. The lake will die an

unnatural death. Because of modem technology, the water of the lake will be highly

polluted in a few years due to affluent discharge from prawn ponds and at a

consequence fishery resource will dwindle (Swain, 1995).

This evoked support of all fishermen of Chilika and of broad mass of people

of the locality and outside. This made the movement broad based and powerful.

The fishem1en community participated massively in the protest because it was

a question of their livelihood. The question of environment and ecology of the lake

played a small part for them, though they gradually understc od that protection of

ecology of the lake would ensure growth of more and more fishery resources in the

lake, which was their main concern for livelihood. So Chilika's existence and its

environment protection can ensure the livelihood of indigenous people, the fishermen

community to live honourably. The . "Chilika Banchao Andaol::tn" and other

environmental movement conducted by Orissa Krushak Mahasangha (OKM) since

1992 have one lesson for all. Protection of Environment and Protection of livelihood

141

of poor and indigenous community are two sides of the same com. So the

environment protection movement guarantees the human rights of life and property of

toiling masses (Das, Vol-2: 10).

The new dimension of struggle brought support of even outside world and the

country's media. Parliament members of different parties lent their support by writing

letters to Prime Minister to stop Tata Prawn Project and save the environment of the

lake. Such remarkable support from all quarters made the movement broad bas :::d .

. Broadening the Movement

Meanwhile, steps were taken to broaden the support base of those who had

been in struggle to save Chilika. A meeting of the intellectuals, arranged in

Bhubaneswar on 191h August, 1991, was attended by people like Dr. Bhabagrahi

Mishra, Sri Pradyumna Bal, Sri Banka Behari Das, Sri A.K. Dash, prof. Indranil

Chakrabarty, Prof. Chittaranjan Das and Sri Gangadhar Panigrahi. The meeting

decided to form a platform "Chilika Suraksha Parishad" to co-ordinate the activities.

The cause also receives support from democratic rights organisation like Swadhikar

and Ganatantra Adhikar Surakhya Samiti (SGASS).

In September 1992, the Chilika Banchao Andolan organised a convention of

632 representatives of villages in four blocks to be affected by the Tata Project. In the

last week of September the activists of Kranti darsi Yuba Sangam and Chilika

Banchao Andolan had undertaken a weeklong Padayatra cum boat yatra into the

Chilika villages. Participating in a state level convention in Bhubaneswar, on 2nd

November 1992, eminent environmentalists, jurists, social activists and politicians

urged the centre, state and Tata's to call the CAFL Project in the larger interests of

protecting the ecology of the lake and the livelihood of several hundred villages

situated in the vicinity of the lake.

Protest within Parliament

The course of protest movement was not restricted within Chilika or state

Government but even it approached the central Government also. About 100,000

people both from Chilika areas and state sigried a petition to Parliament appealing for

effective steps to save the lake.

142

Moreover the movement got a concrete shape when on 291h July 1992, a group

of Seven Congress- I Member of Parliament from Orissa raised the issue in both the

houses (Lok Sabha & Rajya Sabha) and urged the Union government to halt the

project immediately. Stating that the Union Government should not allow national or

International tycoons to disturb the placid lagoon or tamper with its biodiversity, the

M.Ps led by Mr.S.K.Sahu reminded environment Minister Kamal Nath both he and

Prime Minister P.V. Narashimha Rao had declared equivocally India's Commitment

to protect biodiversity.

The Chilika Lake they pointed out was one of the largest wetlands in the

Indian sub-continent with distinct ecological character. Earlier, these MPs had also

written a letter to Mr. Kamal Nath drawing attention to the problems that the Prawn

Project would create at the lake.

Several other MPs from Orissa belonging to non-congress(!) parties like

Loknath Chaudhury from the CPI, Mr. Shivaji Pattanaik from CPM and even Janata

Dal member Mr. Srikanta Jena, the Dal's Chief whip in the Lok Sabha a long time

betemoire of Mr. Biju Pattanaik joined congress(!) colleagues and registered strong

protest.

Following pressures from MPs, Mr. Kamal Nath held a meeting of the irate

MPs and state Government officials on July 30, 1992. Representatives of Tata's and

high-level officials from Union Environment Ministry also attended the meeting.

Representatives of Tata's and the State Government tried their best to convince the

MPs that the project would not create any environmental problem and contrary to

general belief, the local people would be greatly benefited. Hov rever the MPs backed

by the officials of the Union Environment Ministry who have been opposing the

project stood firmly on their stand. At last in June 1992 Mr. Kamal Nath ordered the

State Government and Tata authorities to stop the Project till it gets total

environmental clearance.

No Clearance from Environment Ministry

The project did not get clearance from the concerned central government

ministry. In June 1992, Mr. Kamal Nath, Minister of Environment and Forests had

asked the State government to suspend the on going project till the ecological issues

143

affecting the lagoon are thoroughly examined. Consequently, the Water and Power

Consultancy Services (India) Ltd. (W APCOS) in September 1992 came out with a

report that the positive impacts of the farm outweighed its apprehended negative ones

and that the project would not harm the lake's ecosystem. There is nothing surprising

about the quality of the report if one recognises the fact that W APCOS was

commissioned by the Chilika Aquatic Farms Ltd. (CAFL) to prepare the report. It

should be recalled that neither the competency of W A.PCOS to undertake the

assessment was accepted by Union-government nor the terms of reference for the

socio-economic and environmental impact assessment defined (Sharma and Others,

1993:37).

In the context of strong and participative people's movement in Chilika and

the wide support it had acquired all over the country and sensing the danger involved

in accepting the report based on half truth, the Union Environment Ministry was not

prepared to revoke its suspension order. But the Environment Ministry's will to hold

as to its decision to oppose an export-oriented project by a leading industrialist was a

matter of conjecture. And the past experiences like that of the clearance given under

pressure to Sardar Sarovar Projects showed that ultimately it was the vigilance and the

consciousness of the people that matter.

Withdrawal of Project

The people's movement in Chilika was wide spreaded when the question of

ecology rose. The voice of the movement reached Parliament and Environment

Minister suspended the work of the project due to the non-availability of environment

clearance. But when W APCOS came out with the environment report, the report

could satisfy neither the Ministry nor the people of Chilika. The suspension order,

which was imposed on June 1992, was not revoked again. Moreover the protest

movement gradually aggravated the situation. At last after more than two years of

struggle, Tata had to go back with their bag and baggage. Sri Ratan Tata in January

1994 wrote a letter to President, Chilika Banchao Andolan, Sri Banka Behari Das on

behalf of the Tata's regarding the withdrawal of t..~e project from Chilika and quit

Chilika lake without any rancour. The pr,oje~t was formally withdrawn and the letter

to the President, 0 KM confirms the fact.

144

3.2. Phases of Protest Movement

Movement was initiated in later part of 1991 opposing Tat prawn project

inside the lake near Gola-Panasapada villages in Brahmagiri P.S. ~f Puri District.

Meeting, demonstration and procession were held by fishermen and villagers.

Activists were arrested and police repression started in Gola-Panasapada area

in early part of 1992. There was a temporary lull because of repression.

During April 1992, dimension of the struggle was enlarged by introduction of

environment protection issues of Chilika into the protest movement.

A letter signed by MPs of different parties calling for immediate intervention

in restraining Tata's from executing the aquaculture project was submitted to Prime

Minister on 14th May 1992. A memorandum was also submitted to the minister for

Environment and Forests, Mr. Kamal Nath (Sharma and Others, 1993:27).

On 21st June 1992, a seminar was held at Puri against Tata's Prawn Project

inside Chilika on behalf of Orissa Krushak Mahasangha (OKM) and its effects on

livelihood of fishermen and ecology of the lake.

On 30th July, 1992, Conference at Delhi was convened by Union and

Environment Minister, Mr. Kamal Nath to which all political party's parliamentary

leaders of Orissa, Representative of Orissa Krushak Mahasangha and of Tatas and

others were invited. Decision was taken to stop work of the project till environment

clearance is obtained.

Meanwhile in September 1992, The Water and Power Consultancy Services

(India) Ltd. (W APCOS) came out with a report that the positive impacts of the farm

outweighed its apprehended negative ones and that the project would not harm the

. lake's ecosystem. fu the context of strong and participative people's movement in

Chilika and the wide support it had acquired all over the country and sensing the

danger involved in accepting the report based on half truth, the Union Environment

Ministry was not prepared to revoke its suspension order.

On 27th September 1992, Chilika convention was held at Balugaon to involve

in the movement the entire population living around the lake.

145

A State level Conference at Bhubaneswar was held in November 11, 1992

where "Chilika Ban chao Andolan" was floated with a state committee under · .,

presidentship ofBanka Behari Das, Ex-Finance Minister of Orissa.

A meeting was held in Delhi at World Wide Fund for ~ature's hall in

December 12, 1992 and a cultural troop staged a drama on Chilika issues in the

presence of many environmentalists and educationists attended.

The intervention of FIAN, an environment and human rights organisation of

Germany, in support of Chilika Movement in different countries of Europe and

thousands of letter from all over the world to PM and CM demanding the withdrawal

of Tata project are also noted footsteps in the march of protest movement.

In 15th May 1993, Chilika conference at Pathara in the district of Ganjam was

held where women of Chilika area were involved.

Chilika conferences at Sabuliya, Ganjam district on 25th May, 1993 and at

Laxmipur, Ganjam district were held to strengthen the protest movement.

In November 1993, Orissa High Court delivered its judgement against

intensive and semi-intensive prawn culture inside Chilika and only pen method of

culture was permitted (Das, Vol-2:39).

In early J. 994 Chilika conference at Gola was organised and in which mostly

women protestant~ attended.

Fin~lly, in 25th Janua.ry 1994, Tata's representatives formally met OKM

President and conveyed in writing Ratan Tata's decision to withdraw Chilika Prawn

Project.

3.3. The Participants of the Movement and their Role

The struggle operated at different levels through different actors but bound

together by a common purpose. Though the protest movement centred round the Tata

Aquatic Project in Chilika near panaspada of Brahmagiri PS, but it was dispersed

even to Delhi. The following were participants of the protest movements:

146

1. Traditional fisher people - The traditional fisher people are the main strata of

social forces, which took the active part in the movement. It was in 20th

September 1991, 8000 people from the fisher people community around

Chilika reached Bhubaneswar to present a memorandum to the Chief Minister

against the lease policy. The Bhubaneswar demonstration took place under the

banner of "Matsyajibi Mahasangh" and "meet the students" who brought

·together fisher people from 121 fishing villages in Chilika. The programme in

state capital was preceded by militant mass action in Chilika.

On February 16, 1992, a gathering of about 8000 people consisting of

fishermen, non-fishermen, women, students and intellectuals took procession

of Tata occupied Chilika area. There they hoisted their own flag and village

chiefs from 62 villages vowed to continue their fight against Tata's illegal

occupation of Chilika.

On ih March 1992, a rally of 1000 women proceeded towards to the Tata site

with the intention to break the embankment. On 15th March, a rally of 6,000

people from all over Chilika villages broke the embankment. Neither e:ven the

presence of police force nor the physical assault of Tata's goondas could

deviate the people from their determination to demolish the dam.

On March 25th 1992, people set up a check gate to obstruct the movement of

Tata's vehicles. The agitationists declared another people's march to the Tata

site on 28th March. The administration got panicky and responded with police

repression. They restored to lathicharged. About 69 fisher people including

women children were arrested and kept in jail for 14 days. lnspite ofthe police

repression people succeeded in continuing with the act of demolition of dam.

On 151h January 1992, in Gopinathpur, in a meeting of representatives of fisher

people villages, the people's organisation in Chill.ka was named "Chilika

Banchao Andolan". The 55 member executive committee was formed from

among local fisher people Mr. Gobinda Behera of Gopiilathpur was elected the

convenor.

2. Farmers- They were generally non-fishermen who was also affected by the

Tata project. Though the affected farmers had not forced themselves into an

147

effective movement of their own, the active involvement of Sri Banka Behari

Das, Ex MP and leader of Orissa Krushak Mahasangh had broadened the

campaign base in Orissa and elsewhere in the country (Sharma and Others,

1993:30).

3. "Matsyajibi Mahasangha" - The fishing community had another organisation

known as Matsyajibi Mahasangh which was in initial scage not active due to

lack of proper leadership. The student activists, from 5th to 1 ih August 1991

covered 62 villages that would be directly affected by the project and

rejuvenated the Matsyajibi Mohasangha. Accordingly, meeting under the

auspices of Mtsyajibi Mahasangha were conveyed at Keshpur on 1 ih August,

Pathara on 29th August and Nairi on 11th and lih September 1991. Such

intense activities resulted in the Bhubaneswar rally on 20th September, which

was jointly called by "Matsyajibi Mahasangha'' and "Meet the students".

4. "Meet the Students" - The main architect of the protest movement in Chilika

was "Meet the students" an organisation of Utkal University students. They

were members of a group called "meet the students" working within the

campus 'with a mission to bring about a value based change in society. They

used to get involved in symbolic action programmes that expose the

hollowness of the present system'. On such programme was the 'Alternate

booth' they opened during the polling day of the June 1991 elections, for those

who were against the system. It was found that some 20,000 people preferred

to cast their votes in the 'Alternate booth' set up by "Meet the students".

"Meet the Students" became active as soon as they came to know of Tata's

Plan of action in Chilika. With the help of student leader, Mr. ChittaranJan and

Ms. Srimati Das, the "Meet the Students" started a series of activities, on the

one hand to apprise themselves of the situation and on the other hand to

motivate and unite the traditional fisher people and others who were affected

by the corporate aquatic farm towards a sustained struggle to oust Tatas from

the Chilika and to re-establish the. rights of the local people over the natural

resources of Chilika (Sharma and Others, 1993 :29). During August 1991, the

student activists rejuvenated and strengthened "Matsyajibi Mahasangha" and

148

organised a lot of meeting among fishermen. As a result the Bhubaneswar

rally of201h September 1991 was organised.

As students intensified their activities, the fisher people organised their

confidence and they mobilised themselves into a people's movement of their

own.

5. · Krantadarsi Yuba Sangam - Meanwhile the direct involvement with the

people necessitated the formation of another state level activists forum of the

students, "Krantadarsi Yuba Sangam" with Ms. Srimati Dash as its convenor.

'Meet the Students' remained more as a university based student's fomm. By

that time 24 full time activists of 'Krantadarsi Yuba Sangam' were working in

Chilika.

Activists of 'Krantadarsi Yuba Sangam' and 'Chilika Banchao Andolan' met

Mr. J.J. Irani, Managing Director, TISCO, and appealed him to move out of

Chilika. He assured them that he would look into the matter and even

withdraw the project if it goes against the interest of local people.

6. Orissa Krushak Mahasangha - Orissa Krushak Mahasangha (OKM) which

was headed by Shri Banka Behari Ds, Ex-MP and former minister of Orissa,

had made a name in Orissa for its activities in the field of agriculture,

economic upliftment and environment. It took a leading role in the Chilika

protest movement and the dynamic attitude of Sri Banka Behari Das,

Chairman of OKM made the protest a successful one. The Orissa Krushak

Mahasangha opposed the development in Chilika and organised the fishermen

against hi-tech prawn culture inside a closed body like lake by having various

awareness programme and peaceful actions including conferences, seminars

and cultural programmes (Das, Vol-5:12). It also sought the intervention of

environment minister of government of India.

The environment issue was a new phenomenon attached to the protest

movement by Orissa Krushak Mahasangha. I met Sri Banka Behari Das,

Chairman of OKM on 30th Aprial 1997 at his Bhubaneswar residence. He

responded me that in 1991 when construction work started in Chilika, Sri

B.B.Das proceeded to Chilika to safeguard the fishermen right but due to

149

police intervention, fishermen of the victim villages did not like to fight

against Tata project. So Sri Banka Behari Das thought a new way and gave the

movement an environmental direction. He appealed to the central environment

minister Mr. Kamal Nath and dragged the centre at the environment issue. Sri

Das told that very few people of Orissa elite group were aware of environment

prior to 1991. Even he himself did not know much about the emerging slogan

of environment.

So the environment awareness programme was being continued and also with

meetings and conventions emphasis was being given on cultural programmes

including street dramas in important villages surrounding the lake. In

December 1993, a seminar and folk dramas were also organised in Delhi with

the help of the centre for Science and Environment.

The Environment Ministry convened a conference of representatives of

various concerned ministry, of Tata's state government and OKM, and some

prominent MPs of Orissa on July 30 1992 and the projec~ work was suspended

till further direction of centre. Though the farm made an environment study

through W APCOS, its report was rejected by Environment Ministry. At last

the project was abandoned by the Tata's and· they have intimated the President

of Orissa Krushak Mahasangha accordingly.

Besides the environment issue OKM had organised a number of rally,

demonstration and conventions. To broad base the movement a state level

convention was organised at Bhubaneswar on 2"d November 1992, where

eminent environmentalists, jurists, social activists and politician participated.

Most important feature of the movement was the involvement of fishe.r­

women of Chilika in the protest movement. Orissa Krushak Mahasangha had

been emphasising on this aspect through their separate conferences and

through awareness programme.

7. NGOs & PO - Besides the above leading organisations, the various non­

governmental organisations and people's organisations working in and around

the lake, contributed a lot to the Protest Movement. Among them Canadian

International Development Agency (CIDA) was prominent one. The problems

150

of Chilika were discussed at two CIDA sponsored workshop, the first was for

representatives of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and People's

organisations (POs) at Panthaniwar, Bhubaneswar on 3rd and 41h of Febmary,

1992 & second workshop on Chilika lake project Design, for scientists and

administrations at Hotel Kalinga Ashok, Bhubaneswar on 51h and 61

h February

1992 (CIDA and CENDERET, 1992).

The other NGOs were (1) Centre for Action Research and Documentation

(CARD) (2) Sabarmati Samittee (3) Anchalika Kunjeswari Sanskrutika Sansad

(4) Vikas Vahini (5) Gopinatha YubakSangha and (6) Anchalika Mahila Vikas

Kendra.

3.4. Extent of Participation in Protest Movement

The participatory behaviour of fishermen and non-fishermen can expose their

extent of participation in the protest movement. The traditional fishermen, the non­

traditional fishermen and the farmers around the lake are directly affected by the

project. Their involvement in the protest is active and the survey on sample villages

from Krushna Prasad and Brahmagiri Police Station provides the exact figure in this

connection.

Table -4.1 Participatory activities of fishermen and non-fishermen

Participatory activities Traditional Non-fishermen fishermen

1. Read Literature 311200 40/58

2. Attending Public Meeting 198/200 45/58

3. Taking part in demonstration/procession 186/200 8/58

4. Rasta!Rail Roko 147/200 6/58

5. Gherao to collector office or other authority 132/200 4/58

6. Demolition of Gheribandh 136/200 3/58

7. Arrested by Police 24/200 0/58

8. Written appeal to authority 176/200 8/58

(Source: Data collected from field survey conducted through interview schedule-If).

The protest movement was initiated in the later part of the 1991 opposing Tata

Prawn Project inside the lake near Gola Panaspada villages in Bramhagiri P.S. ofPuri

· district. In the first stage, meeting, demonstration and procession were held. Hand

151

·'!

notes, leaflets, Pamplate were circulated. It reveals that only 31 traditional fisher

people out of 200 traditional fisher people read the literature regarding the action plan

of the movement. But as the non-fisherman are conscious and literate 40 out of 58

non-fishermen read the literature of protest movement. The traditional fishermen are

inspired by the speech of the leaders in various Public meetings.

It is found that 198 traditional fishermen out of 200 attended public meeting

regarding the protest movement. But only 45 out of 58 non-fishermen came to attend

public meeting on protest movement. The fact shows that the traditional fishermen are

much more interested for the course of action regarding protef.t movement than the

non-fishermen. It is because the protest connects with the bread and butter of the

traditional fishermen.

In the course of protest movement several demonstrations and processions

were being projected in Bhubaneswar, the state capital, Puri, the district head quarter

and in the Blocks and Tahasils. In this case also traditional fishermen are more

involved in the demonstrations and procession organised by the student organisation,

Matsyajivi Mahasangha and the Krushak Mahasangha. The survey report reveals that

186 fishermen out of 200 took part in procession & demonstration. But it is only 8 out

of 58 non-fishermen participated in the demonstration or procession as a protest

against the project.

Similarly as a part of protest movement Rasta Roko and Rail Roko were

organised by the various organisations against the project. It is found 147 out of 200

traditional fishermen took part in Rasta Roko & Rail Roko where as only 6 out of 58

non-fishermen took part in the Rasta Roko or Rail Roko. Here also the participation

of traditional fishermen are more in the protest movement than the non-fishermen.

Similarly 132 out of 200 traditional fishermen were involved in Gherao to

collector office and other higher offices protesting against the project. But arty 4 out

of 58 non-fishermen had gone for this type of protest. It clearly indicates that the

. traditional fishermen seriously protested against the project as it snatched away their

livelihood.

A great rally of protest movement preceded to Tata Project site to demolish

the embankment constructed by the Tata in the lake and it also demolished some

152

,;/

portion of the embankment. According to the sample survey report 136 out of 200

traditional fishermen and 3 out of 58 non-fishermen took part in the demolition

activities. In this case also the participation of traditional fishermen was absolute.

During the protest movement, the police activities were a part of suppression

of the protest movement. Some people were arrested by the police and kept for few

days under police custody. 24 out of 200 traditional fishermen were arrested by police

where as none out of 58 non-fishermen were taken into police custody.

Ultimately both the fishermen and non-fishermen protested in written· to the

higher authority. The traditional fishermen wrote to President, Matsyajibi

Mahasangha, Tahasildar, collector, Chief Minister and even to Prime Minister against

the prawn project. They also appealed to court to get back their traditional right over

the lake resources. Similarly the non-fishermen appealed to court to get their access in

the lake fishery resources. When 176 out of 200 traditional fishermen took part in

written petition only 8 out of 58 non-fisher people took part in written appeal for

fishery right.

The above participatory activities of traditional fishermen and non-fishermen

· in the protest movement clearly sum up the motivation of their participation in the

movement against the project. The protest movement is greatly connected with the

livelihood of the fishermen community, which forces them to involve and participate

in the protest movement. The less dependence of non-fishermen on lake resources

indicates their low participation in the protest movement. As the huge prawn project

snatched away the only source of livelihood, the fishermen found no way out but to

move against the project.

3.5.

(1)

Nature of Protest Movement

Though the Protest emerged in Chilika around August 1991, it got its

institutional shape in 1st November 1992 in a state level convention held at

Bhubaneshwar under the banner of Chilika Banchao Andolan organized by

OKM, Krantadarshi Yuba Sangam(KYS). It was attended by eminent

environmentalists, jurists, social activists and politicians.

153

(2) The most important feature of the protest movement is its envirorunental

dimension. When in the initial stage the movement was suppressed by the

state goverrunent, the envirorunental direction of protest movement made it

more popular and scientific. By this all the villagers around the lake are

involved because they felt that many big business houses in Chilika would

follow Tatas and the fishery resources of Chilika would be jeopardised. The

lake would die an unnatural death. Because of modem technology, the water

of the lake would be highly polluted in a few years due to effluent discharge

from prawn ponds. Thus the movement got support of all fishermen of Chilika

and of broad mass of people of the locality and outside. This made the

movement broad-based and powerful. Due to the envirorunent issue of the

movement the central envirorunent ministry was dragged to look into the

matter and made aware of central goverrunent's obligation of the Ramsar

Convention to protect the Chilika.lake which was designated as wetland of

International importance (Das, Vol-2:32). Thus the envirorunent protection

movement guarantees the human rights of life and property of toiling masses.

(3) The other important feature of the movement is that the involvement of

fisherwomen of Chilika. Orissa Krushak Mahasangha has been emphasizing

on this aspect through their separate conferences and through awareness

programmes (Das, Vol-5:2). On ih March 1992, there was a rally of 1000

women marched towards Tata site with the intention to demolish the

embankment.

(4) The protest movement in Chilika reveals the anger and dissatisfaction of the

traditional fishermen against the existing goverrunent policy. The 1991 fishery

policy destabilised the age-old fishermen rights over the lake. Suddenly,

ignoring the customary right of the fishermen, the goverrunent evolved a new

principle for settlement of fisheries in Chilika lake arbitrarily in December

1991, which was not only unreasonable and illegal but also unscientific and

whimsical (Das, Vol-2: 17). "The root cause of inter-village conflicts, which

have involved entire 132 villages around Chilika, lies with Revenue

Department and not with the people. The department's faulty policy decisions

154

and malfunctioning have destroyed the harmonious relationship among the

people in Chilika" (Report of Fact Finding Committee, 1993 :42).

(5) The other aspect of the movement is the economic deprivation of the poor

fishermen in the lake area. The fishermen have been deprived of their

traditional rights over the lake fishery sources. Their rights have been usurped

. by the encroachers and intruders comprising the non-fishermen of

neighbouring villages as well as outsiders and the government both in the past

and at present have failed to protect their interest (Report of Fact Finding

Committee, 1993:42).

( 6) The protest movement is a fight to safeguard the rights of the traditional

fishermen over the lake. The history of the commercialisation of the Chilika

lake is also the history of the marginalisation of its traditional fishing

communities, as a result of the intervention of the rich and powerful non­

fishing communities from outside, who usurped the indigenous peoples' right

over the Chilika's resources (Sharma and Others, 1993:15-16). Gradually the

fishermen community, who were more interested in their livelihood, could

realise the importance of environment aspect of the movement. While the

mass movement was confined to two or three villages, which were directly

affected by the Tata project in the initial period, later it had intensified since

Orissa Krushak Mahasangh gave it a new dimension (Das, Vol-4:5). Once

Chilika is saved from the murderous attack of the self-seeking vested interests,

the interest of the fishermen would be automatically safeguarded. The

economic aspect of war for the conservation of ecosystem and environment is

to protect the poor men's access to natural resources (Das, Vol-7:1-2). Thus

the protest movement is an attempt to safeguard the interests of dalits and

downtrodden of that area.

(7) Another admirable aspect of the movement is that the leading activists have

made a deliberate effort to avoid becoming "leaders" and making others the

"followers". While persons like Chittaranjan Sarangi, Srimati Das, Sujata,

Govind Behera are known quite well for their grassroots work in the

movement, they have not allowed any such situation to come in the way of the

process of joint decision-making (Dogra, 1993:21).

155

3.6. Role of NGOs in the Protest Movement

It is this drying up of the normal constitutional process alongside erosion of

the main institutions of Parliamentary democracy, federalism and civil administration,

that has in recent years drawn attention to quite another arena of Politics known under

the general rubric called "grassroots". This encompassed a large terrain of issues and

constituencies, is growing in number of people and groups involved in it and in many

ways much closer to the ground that either the government or any of the parties. It

operates outside the government and parties, works through mechanism other than

elections and while it does engage in struggles for power, this is not aimed at

capturing state power or positions in government or the bureaucracy.

There are many different types and levels of non-party formations. These

include typical voluntary organisations involved in "constructive work" activities that

started during the national movement. To these were added a host of others engaged

in various "development" and "welfare" projects aimed at the rural poor, the artisan,

the tribal and so-forth (Kothari, 1990:235). On the whole these happen to be non­

political, receive funds and institutional support from government and international

agencies and occupies important linkage points between seats of government and the

rural power structure.

Quite distinct of these are the struggle-oriented groups, taking up cudgels

against the govern.TTient on behalf of the deprived and the dispossessed. On behalf of

the landless, the dalits, the bonded labourers and the fisher folk deprived of their

traditional livelihood. On behalf of the very large numbers that continuously displaced

and dispossessed of their land due to construction of large dams and power projects.

These kinds of non-party activism are of grassroots type, located in specific micro

settings and highly diffuse and diverse in their organisational spread. Building on

their painstaking efforts over decades but in a way different in kind and significance

from them are the larger, more macro formations known as "Social movements." To

these are added a whole range of movements of later vintage, the ecology movement,

the women's movement, the 'alternative health' movement, the dalit movement and

of late, the simmering movements among the religious and ethnic minorities that are

increasingly feeling alienated and unprotected by the state (Kothari, 1990:235).

156

By the end of the 70's, most voluntary organisations were directly working in

the field, promoting innovation and experimentation. However, in the 80's, we have

seen the emergence of greater initiatives as the part of voluntary organisations to

influence government's Policies and Programmes at different levels in the country.

Similarly, there has also been the emergence of independent research initiatives,

which constantly monitor government's policies and programmes and develop

independent critique of the same (Tondon, 1996:5). Today NGOs in India come out

with social problems like environmental aspect and criticising government's policies,

which affect poor and weaker sections especially in micro level besides their usual

welfare and developmental work. They help in revitalising the comn on mass at the

grass root level for their social responsibility.

NGOs and POs Working on Chilika

A number of NGOs and People's Organisations have been working in and

around Chilika for various purposes. They have good grasp over the problems of the

lake and the fishermen around Chilika. All the NGOs and People's Organisations aim

at the betterment of the people and the lake. They also conduct research study, try to

understand the problems from various angles and also sometimes seek help of the

government.

(1) CIDA - (Canadian International Development Authority): - It is a most

prominent and pioneer organisation. The organisation has been working for

the development of the lake. At the request of the government of Orissa and

the government of India, CIDA is exploring what measures can be taken to

restore the lake's sustainability. It is mainly connected with the geo-physical

problems such as decrease in salinity, proliferation of weeds, shifts in the

mouths through which there is access to the ocean.

(2) · UAA - (Vnited Artists Association): -The UAA works in the villages on the

Southern-side of the lake. UAA has a good grasp of the problems because of

staying in the area. The organisation concentrates its work on the problem of

fishing.

157

(3) Vikash Vahini:- It is a local organisation working on the Northeastern side of

the lake in an area where other PO's are also active. It also deals with the

economic conditions of fishermen of Chilika.

(4) Sabarmati Samiti: - It works on the Southwestern side of the lake in Rambha

areas. It deals with the fishermen problem like fishing, co-operative system

etc.

(5) AKSS (Anchaliks Kunjeswari Sanskrutika Sangathan):-. The organisation

works on the Northern side of the lake. It aims at the cultural aspect of the

fishermen of Chilika.

(6) Gopinath Yuvak Sangha: - A small PO works on the Eastern side of the lake.

It stresses importance on the deteriorating condition of fishermen due to

advent of Prawn culture.

(7) Regional Research Centre for Women: - A PO, operating in the same area as

the Gopinath Yuvak Sangha, works with 42 women groups in the Arkhakuda

area of the lake.

(8) Centre for Action Research and Documentation: - A Bhubaneswar based

NGO, with an office at Balugaon, works along the Western shore of the lake.

Besides the above organisations, several other NGOs and POs work around

the Chilika Lake concerning about the various aspects of Chilika and its resources.

But it is a common fact for all organisations that development is meant for people.

When people are sufferers due to commercialisation of lake, they express their grave

concerns on the rising problems of the lake. They went against the role of state

government activities in the lake. As a result the NGOs and POs participated in the

movement by the following way-

1. Communicating Knowledge to the Society

Regarding the development in Chilika various NGOs and POs communicate

· all types of information to the people. As. NGOs and POs are very sensitive and

advance in acquiring knowledge, they are vigilant with the day-to-day activities of the

government. The 1991 fishery policy and decision for the entry of Tata Project into

158

.I.,

the lake drew the eyes of almost all NGOs and POs of the area first. Then they

communicated the matter to the people. Thus NGOs are the organisations, which can

provide the exact data to the people and the activities of government.

2. Motivation

The organisations play great role in motivating people against the government

policy and the project. The poor and illiterate fishermen do not understand the

complicacy of the policy and the impact of project on the lake. Hence the NGOs and

POs explained the people about the development in detail. Gradually the picture

became clearer and NGOs and POs organised public meeting and met people

personally to convince them. The organisations were aware of the project plan and

anticipated the adverse impact of the project, which was communicated for the

safeguard of interest of the fishermen of Chilika.

3. Organising Meetings and Conferences

To make the movement widespread NGOs and POs tr.ke the leading part in

organising various public meetings and conferences. They revealed the government's

plan and project and analysed the policies affecting the people. Several meetings had

been organised by the various organisations around Chilika and outside of Chilika

area to convince the fishermen about the course of action.

4. Organising Seminars and Workshops

NGOs like Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and Centre

for Development Research and Training (CENDERET) organi.:>ed two workshops on

Chilika lake. The first workshop was organised for Non-governmental and People's

organisation on 3rd ,and 4th ofFebruary1992 at Panthaniwas, Bhubaneswar and second

workshop was for scientists and administrators on 5th and 6th February 1992 at hotel

Kalinga Ashoka, Bhubaneswar. CIDA had requested some research organisations of

Bhubaneswar to under take the study of problems connected with the lake and

establish contact with the people (CIDA and CENDERET, 1992:2). These agencies

presented their reports on various aspects. Local NGOs also shared their experiences,

without forgetting to represent from the local organisations. The latter did speak up at

times, and shared the anxiety of the lake dwellers. In later part of the workshop was

159

devoted to discuss what should be done by NGOs and POs in order to assure that the

interests of the local inhabitants could be protected and promoted without any

intervention in future. At the second workshop on Chilika Lake Project Designs,

scientists and administrators covered the same ground, but with greater stress on the

scientific aspects.

5. Active Participation in Protest

The NGOs and POs initiated the protest movement and took the active

participation. The organisations like "Meet the Students", "Krantadarsi Yuba

Sangam", Swadhikar and Ganatantra Surakhya Samiti (SGSS) and Orissa Krushak

Mahasangha (OKM) were the pioneer agencies in the protest movement. They took

part in procession, demonstration and even arrested by the police.

6. Took Leadership in Protest

Some organisations took leading part in the movements. They had to face the

ruthless oppression of police. Especially, "Meet the Students", "Krantidarsi Yuba

Sangam" and "Orissa Krushak Mahasangha" took the leading part. While "Meet the

Students" initiated the protest, "Orissa Krushak Mahasangha" ended up it with

success. Mr. Chittaranjan and Ms Srimati Das were the leading activist of "Meet the

Students" and Banka Behari Das was leading on behalf of Orissa Krushak

Mahasangha.

7. Act as Media

NGOs and POs acted as media or agency through which the public grievances

were ventilated. They articulated the interests of the poor fishermen and reflected in a

systematic way. They made contact with the people. As the grassroots organisation

they accumulated the practical difficulties of the fishermen and non-fishermen and

projected them as problem. They tried to solve the problem through the protest

movement keeping in view of the government's apathetical activities in the lake.

Almost all NGOs and POs working around lake were involved with the protest

movement. They were preparing the action plan for the movement. The techniques of

the movement were the brainchild of all these organisations. The environmental issue

160

of the lake, which changed the dimension of the protest movement, was raised by

Orissa Krushak Mahasangha. The seminars and workshops organised by NGOs and

various publication on lake and protest made the movement widespread and popular.

The various publications on protest drew the attention of national and international

forum. It was the role ofNGOs and POs made the movement a successful one.

4. . Economic Problems lead to Ecology Movement

Initially the protest movement was started by the fishermen against the project

for the safeguard of their livelihood. As most of them are landless or possess very

small pieces of agricultural land and their dependence on agriculture is so minimal

that their economic condition particularly depends on the fishing potential of the lake.

When they were denied of their traditional rights that they enjoyed since Maratha's

time, the only source of livelihood was snatched away for which the government's

policy was responsible. The policy of 1991 facilitated the entry of massive prawn

project by Tatas and government of Orissa near Panaspada in Brahmagiri P .S. of Puri

District. The neighbouring villages became agitated against the project as it would

have caused disaster to their livelihood. In 1991, a group ofUtkal University Students

with the fishermen started a movement against Tata's entry. In the first visit from 5th

to 12th August 1991, the student activists covered 62 villages that would be directly

affected by the project. Their strategy was to rejuvenate and strengthen Matsyajibi

Mahasngha, the organisation of traditional fisher people. Accordingly, meeting under

the auspices of Matsyajibi Mahasngha was convened at Keshpur on 1 ih August,

Pathara on 29th August and Nairi on 11th and 1th September 1991. Such intense

activities resulted in the Bhubaneswar rally on 20th September 1991, which was

jointly called by "Matsyajibi Mahasangha" and "Meet the Students".

The programme in the state capital was preceded by militant mass actions in

Chilika. On February 16 1992, a gathering of about 8000 people consisting of

fishermen, non-fishermen, women, students and intellectuals t~Jok procession of the

Tata occupied Chilika area. Again on 7th March 1992, there was a rally of 1000

women towards the Tata site with the intension to break the embankment. People's

rally broke the embankment on 15th March 1992. There were about 6000 people from

all over Chilika villages. On March 25 1992, people set up check gate to obstruct the

moment of Tata's vehicles from their godown, which was removed later. On 28th

161

March agitationist declared people's march to Tata s~te where the police restored to

lathicharge. Nearly 70 people were arrested. Somt.: were beaten so savagely in police

custody that they could not walk for several days, others were subjected to the worst

humiliation. In the case of Chittaranjan Sarangi who initially could not be traced, his

father, a gentle retired government official, was arrested and kept in jail for fortnight

(Dogra, 1993). Thus police under the instruction of the political power started

repression and arrests of protestors. In the first stage, as the movement was localised

because three or four villages were directly affected by the . Tata Project, the

administration was able to suppress the movement (Das, Vol-2:31-32).

Subsequently, the Orissa Krushak Mahasangha entered the fray to protect the

livelihood of fishermen and local non-fishermen. Orissa Krushak Mahasngha gave a

new direction to the movement in 1992 by raising the question of environment of the

lake. By this all the villages around the lake were involved. They could gradually

understand that the protection of lake's ecology can only safeguard their livelihood.

They thought that because of modem technology, the water of the lake would be

highly polluted in a few years due to affluent discharge from prawn ponds artd that

would affect the fishery resources. This gained support of all fishermen and non­

fishermen of Chilika and outsiders. This made the movement broad-based and

powerful (Das, Vol-2:32).

The fishem1en community participated massively because it was a question of

their livelihood. Previously the fishermen were least concerned with the environment

and ecology of the lake. In course of protest movement they understood that

protection of ecology of the lake would ensure the growth of more and more of

fishery resources in the lake, which was the main concern of their livelihood. The

· survey reports reveal that 76% fishermen responded that they go for protest to save

their lake's ecology and as well as livelihood. 20% fishermen gave their consent in

favour of saving livelihood and 4% said they prefer to save ecology. This new

dimension of struggle brought support of even outside world and the country's media.

Parliament Members of different parties lent their support by writing letters to Prime

Minister to stop Tata Prawn Project and save the environment of the lake. Such

remarkable support from all quarters made the movement broad-based. At last

government of India intervened and the project, which was half-way, was stopped

162

because of non-clearance by Union Environment Ministry. After more than two years

of struggle in 1994 Tata had to go back with their bag and baggages.

The ecological issue of the lake got a sensitive position in the protest. When I

met Banka Behari Das, the President of OKM, he said that due to police repression

the people of victim villages like Gola and Panaspada did not dare to fight against the

Tata Project. So he thought over the problem and gave the movement environmental

direction. In 1992 April he appealed to central environmental minister Mr. Kamal

Nath writing about the development in Chilika. Sri B.B. Das said that even prior to

1991 very few people of Orissa were aware of environment. Even he himself did not

know about the emerging slogan of enviroiunent. 1

The protest movement could able to keep the lake of international im110rtance

as before along with the safeguards of livelihoods of 1 lakh fishermen in and around

Chilika. The protection of environment and protection of livelihood of the poor and

indigenous people, are two sides of the same coin. Hence the environment protection

movement guarantees the human rights of life and property of the toiling masses.

5. From Protest to Policy

At the global level, the events that preceded that Rio summit and took place at

the meeting were fascinating proof that micro movements at the community, state and

even country levels, had few links with the debates, planning and policy formulation

going on at the macro level. In India people's movements such as those against dams,

deforestation and struggle for access to water seemed marginal as compared to the

macro-economic policies that were formulated (Tondon, 1993:45). It was as if there

was one part of the country that was involved in policy making for economic

restructuring at a micro-level, opening up the economy and access to resources, and

another that was concerned with people's movements and struggles. Rajesh Tondon in

his article "Revitalised role forecast for People's movement" (1993:45) puts "I think

India is going to witness more and more dissatisfaction being expressed through

people's movements. We cannot make policies such as cultivating Prawns in Chilika

Lake or exporting rice and other agricultural products without causing a reaction from

people whose lives would be affected by stich as policies." The impact of people's

A report based on interview with Sri Banka Behary Das at his Bhubaneswar residence.

163

movement is not always known immediately. It is only in hindsight that we discover

that they have left significant impression on the way people think and live.

The emerging protest movement and resistance to the development projects in

India provide a lot of materials and scopes to think over government's policies, which

affect the general people. This trend has been developed for last three decades when

environment becomes an emerging slogan in international sphere. The development

projects suffer set back due to lack of local co-operation or. severe resistance.

Governments everywhere are announcing their withdrawal and even if they do not

withdraw in absolute terms, they stay put (Agnihotri, 1995:10). Thus the failure in

implementation of development project focuses light on examining failure ofpublic

policies. The resistance or protest movement against the development project is

unmistakably linked with policy failure. Ten years ago the focus was on specific

projects and fairly narrow range of considerations, notably the technical and economic

aspects. Today the perspective is much wider. Not only has the concern broadened

from project to programmes, but it now includes the appraisal of policies as well.

Such a change has been accompanied · and made possible by some important

modifications to existing decision-making procedures and the development of more

sophisticated tools of analysis (0-Riodan and Derrich Sewell, 1981:1 ).

5.1. Protest in Chilika is the Sign of Policy Failure

The study of Protest movement in the previous chapter clearly shows the

fishery lease policy of 1991 destabilises the lake's ecology and livelihood of one lakh

fisher people around Chilika. The unplanned and over-exploitation of natural

resources and neglect of conservation measures are responsible for substantial

imbalances in the ecology of the area. The economy of fisher-people, based on

commonly shared lake resources, has been destroyed, there by eroding the social and

cultural life of the population as well. The implementation of hastily prepared policy

results a severe protest movement as a sharp reaction to it. It becomes more important

to save lives than to worry about the efficient use of natural resources.

The Chilika people were highly critical of the Tatas' forcefully entry into the

lake. It was the government's fishery policy 1991, which facilitated for the

commercial development in the lake. As a result the policy indirectly affected the

164

livelihood of the fishermen living around Chilika. The grievances of local people

were reflected in the leaflet distributed on the eve of People's movement. It was

stated, "In toto, the fish of Chilika directly or indirectly is the mainstay of the

economy of nearly 98% of the people of that locality. As fish of Chilika is the main

spring of their earning it plays a vital role in the social life of both fishing and non­

fishing people. It is seen that there is always an antagonism between the fishing group

itself due to distribution of areas or for other reasons. For this short of atmosphere

government policy and political mechanisation are chiefly responsible. . ....... .

. Besides these major grievances there are 57 other points for which people of

Brahmagri and Krushnaprasad block are opposing entry of Tata into their area .. People

are quite unhappy with this policy of the government. If timely right steps are not

taken to redress the grievances of the people, it may take a turn of Revolution". The

above statement clearly reveals the dissatisfaction of the people over government's

fishery policy.

The Primary Fishermen Co-operative Societies referred the policy issue to the

High Court of Orissa. The honourable court in its verdict mentioned "the Court has

been approached by 36 Primary Fishermen Co-operative Societies, who are the

petitioners in the three petitions, because, according to them, the principles on

settlement of fisheries in Chilika adopted by the government in its Revenue and

Excise Department as contained in the Memo dated December 31, 1991 are radically

different from those followed earlier, so much so that the present policy would

adversely affect the livelihood of about a lakh of fishermen who in the past were

being given settlement of fisheries in Chilika because of their traditional right. The

present policy on the other hand contains a tilt in favour of the non-fishermen and

ends in encouraging a mafia-raj in Chilika. According to the petitioners, the policy is

also unintelligible, arbitrary and has conferred unguide<.i power of the Collector, Puri

and some other officers" (Original Jurisdiction of High Court of Orissa, 1993:3-4).

The Fact Finding Committee on Chilika Fisheries (1993) sums up its view on

the main findings that the Chilika fishery lease policy of the government in the past is

observed to be faulty in the sense that it is not realistic, exhibiting lack of co­

ordination between different concerned dep~rtments, as well as the conspicuous lack

of a built in mechanism to prevent subletting, illegal encroachment and mafia-raj in

165

Chilika lake. The statement made by the representatives of a voluntary youth

organisation in the name of "Krantidarshi Yuva Sangam" working for the welfare of

the people in Chilika areas in course of their deposition before the committee, also

corroborates the above-mentioned finding. They have stated thus: "The root cause of

inter-village conflicts, which have enveloped entire 132 villages around Chilika, lies

with the Revenue Department and not with the people. The department's faulty policy

decisions and malfunctioning have destroyed the harmonious relationship among the

people of Chilika. State has become a combination of vested interests, viz.,

Politicians, Prawn mafias and government officials" (Report of Fact Finding

·Committee, 1993:42).

Thus the fishery policy of 1991 did bear the germ of conflict in itself. The

policy not only destabilised the livelihood of one-lakh fishermen around lake but also

it affected the eco-system of the lake. The policy of 1991, which divided Chilika's

fisheries sources into capture and culture fisheries, was a sharp departure from old

policy. When Prawn became the prize commodity of export, outsiders encroached

into Chilika Lake and brought great trouble to the lagoon. The fishermen Community

were completely marginalized. As a result, Chilika, one of the large lagoons in India,

reverberates with the call of those people who survive by it to protect it from the

rapacious rape by corporate industrialists in active collusion with the state. The

intense struggle is being spearheaded by the peoples' organisations like ''Chilika

Banchao Andolan", "Meet the Students", "Chilika Surakhya Parishad", "Orissa

Krushak Mahasangh", and "Krantidarsi Yuba Sangam". They are resisting with all

their might the conversion of Chilika Lake into an area for large-scale commercial

Prawn aquaculture farming by the Tatas. The agitators say, the corporate entry would

not only deprive them of their livelihood, but also destroy the natural eco-system of

the Chilika Lake (Sharma and Others, 1993: 1 ).

166