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1 A Theory of Satisfaction and Utility with Empirical and Experimental Evidences* Louis Lévy-Garboua Centre d’économie de la Sorbonne, Université de Paris I (Panthéon-Sorbonne), and CIRANO [email protected] Claude Montmarquette Université de Montréal and CIRANO [email protected] AFSE-JEE LYON 2007 * We thank the Bell University Laboratory for their financial support. We are grateful to Julie Héroux and Nathalie Viennot-Briot for their competent help in conducting this research. Any remaining errors are ours.

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A Theory of Satisfaction and Utility with Empirical and Experimental Evidences*

Louis Lévy-Garboua

Centre d’économie de la Sorbonne, Université de Paris I (Panthéon-Sorbonne), and CIRANO

[email protected]

Claude Montmarquette

Université de Montréal and CIRANO

[email protected]

AFSE-JEE

LYON 2007

* We thank the Bell University Laboratory for their financial support. We are grateful to Julie Héroux and Nathalie Viennot-Briot for their competent help in conducting this research. Any remaining errors are ours.

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I. Introduction

People often express judgments of satisfaction or dissatisfaction towards their own past experience

of a brand, a film, their job, the incumbent government, and even their whole life. These judgments,

which are often much easier to collect than objective data, have been widely used by psychologists,

political scientists, and consumer studies for predicting repeat purchases of a brand or electoral

outcomes, and for describing the happiness or “subjective well-being” (SWB) of various segments of

the population. However, the bulk of satisfaction and happiness research emphasizes the reference-

dependence of the satisfaction variable (for a recent survey of the psychological literature on SWB, see

Diener et al. 1999), a result which stands in sharp contradiction with the conventional economic

analysis of utility as a preference index. This may help explain why most economists, with a few

prominent early exceptions (Easterlin 1974, Hamermesh 1977, Freeman 1978, Borjas 1979), have

long felt unable to extract reliable information from subjective data of this kind. Fortunately, we

believe, there are signs that the situation is now rapidly changing since the publication of a few

influential papers (Clark and Oswald 1996, Kahneman, Wakker and Sarin 1997, Frey and Stutzer

2002). These papers, among others, have contributed to a better recognition by economists that

satisfaction judgments were meaningful. However, we are still concerned that these papers take the

identification of “satisfaction” with “utility” for granted, although until very recently the

psychological literature on SWB did not commonly refer to “utility”.1 Such bold translation of SWB

into utility is questionable and has far-reaching implications for economic analysis. The best known

illustration of what we mean is that, if satisfaction and utility are just the same thing, Easterlin’s

(1974, 1995) observation that raising the incomes of all does not increase the happiness of all does

demonstrate that utility is a function of relative income, since the latter is not affected by uniform

economic growth.2 Even though the economics profession is increasingly receptive to psychological

insights (e.g. Rabin 1998), we doubt that many are ready to accept all the welfare implications of

relative utility. Kahneman et al. (1997) solve this theoretical puzzle by making a distinction between

decision-utility and experienced utility. They refer to decision-utility as a preference index describing

how choices are made and to experienced utility as the measure of pleasure and pain suggested by

Bentham (1789). Consequently, they postulate the existence of two very different meanings for 1 Diener et al.(1999) never mention the word “utility” in their extensive survey on SWB. 2 Although Easterlin’s early conclusions have recently been challenged on larger cross-national data sets (see Veenhoven 1996, Diener et al. 1999: 287-289), it is by now a widely held view that the individual’s ranking in the income distribution of an economy, or relative income, has a significant, and typically greater, impact on the level of happiness than absolute income.

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“utility” and show experimentally that experienced utility, unlike decision-utility, is not being

maximized. However, the conceptual meaning of experienced utility, or pleasure and pain, remains

unclear in their approach.

The theoretical contribution of this paper is to propose a more complete, yet more parsimonious,

solution to the satisfaction puzzle. The latter is consistent with Kahneman et al.’s (1997) contention

that experienced utility should not be confused with decision-utility but it strictly follows the

economic usage of defining “utility” as a preference index. We jointly define here decision-utility as

the ex ante utility, and experienced utility as the ex post utility, that both associate to a single preference

relation. In a truly predictable world, the ex ante utility would always coincide with the ex post utility

and this distinction would not matter. But the real world is full of surprises and the experienced utility

of a brand or of a job often differs from the decision-utility even if the latter led to the prior choice

of that brand or job. The surprises that occurred since the experience began make the difference. Ex

post utility is conditional on the experienced contingencies that were unexpected when the decision

was made or the experience began. This definition of experienced utility has the obvious advantage

of being simple and natural for an economist. We also refer to “satisfaction” and “dissatisfaction” as

a measure of pleasure and pain. It will be argued in general, as suggested in our earlier work on job

satisfaction (Lévy-Garboua and Montmarquette 2004), that satisfaction judgments and feelings after

a specific experience relate to, but do not coincide with, the ex post utility of that experience in that

they manifest the experienced preference for the experienced action relative to available alternatives. In

simple words, reporting one’s satisfaction is the judgment that one would wish to repeat one’s past

experience if one could choose again.

Since preferences involve comparisons, satisfaction judgments and feelings which reflect this

experienced preference must be relative. Thus the reference-dependence of satisfaction judgments

and feelings does not require that an individual’s utility function be reference-dependent as well. The

findings and discourse of psychologists about the reference-dependence of satisfaction judgments

and feelings may be reconciled with the conventional economic analysis of utility as a preference

index. This has the further consequence that human feelings and subjective well-being should be

measured on ordinal scales.

The economic interpretation of satisfaction judgments and feelings given here offers many

interesting predictions regarding satisfaction judgments. We can explain, for instance, why so many

persons usually report themselves as happy or satisfied (e.g. Campbell 1981, Diener and Diener

1996); why even large shocks may not cause large and lasting effects on satisfaction and happiness in

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the future ( Brickman and Campbell 1971 and Kahneman 1999 speak of “treadmill effects”); why

raising the incomes of all does not necessarily increase the happiness of all (Easterlin 1974, 1995;

Diener and Suh 1997; Oswald 1997); and why satisfaction is so much dependent on our capacity to

choose what we like and revise our decisions in case of need. We feel that this last implication has

not fully received the emphasis that it deserves in the literature, and thus we provide new empirical

evidence that differences in average life satisfaction across countries can be largely attributed to

differences in economic and political freedom.

Another objective of this paper is to comfort some of the empirical evidences with experimental

data. But, above all, we mobilize the experimental economic approach to test our theoretical views

on satisfaction that cannot be easily test otherwise.

Section II develops the theory of satisfaction judgments and feelings as an experienced preference

and derives the main properties of the former. Section III shows that the theoretical predictions

conform to a number of robust findings of the literature on SWB. We emphasize here the major

influences of freedom of choice and experienced utility gaps (i.e. the difference between what

happened and what might have happened) on satisfaction. Section IV shows empirical evidence that

life satisfaction is less dependent on GDP per capita than on indicators of the freedom of choice, as

forcefully argued by Sen (1999). Section V discusses the results of our experiment on satisfaction.

Section VI concludes.

II. A theory of satisfaction

There is an “obvious” theory of satisfaction judgments and feelings, which simply identifies the

latter (SWB) with “utility” (U):

USWB ≡ .

This theory is seldom taken literally. For instance, Clark and Oswald (1996) refer to a social utility,

Frey and Stutzer (2002) to a procedural utility, and Kahneman et al. (1997) to a hedonic notion of

utility suggested by Bentham (1789) and later discarded by economists. It is not very clear whether

these utility functions should be the same and how they relate to actual decisions. However, in order

to demonstrate that SWB is an economic variable, it is necessary to relate the latter to decision-

utility. In marketing research, consumers’ satisfaction is taken as a good predictor of repeat

purchases of the experienced product. In political science, citizens’ satisfaction with political leaders

or the incumbent government is taken as a good predictor of their future election or reelection. In

labor research, job satisfaction is taken as a good predictor of job mobility (e.g. Freeman 1978). In

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social psychology as well, inequity feelings are thought to give rise to decisions that will reduce

inequity (Adams 1963). The problem is that none of these contentions, which have received

extensive empirical confirmation, can be seen as a straightforward prediction of the simple theory of

satisfaction-as-utility. Although a satisfying experience may often yield high utility, a high-utility

good would only be chosen if it yielded more utility than available alternatives. Moreover,

competition normally entails the availability of alternative goods yielding high utility as well, so that

high utility per se cannot explain the positive correlation between consumers’ satisfaction and repeat

purchases of an experienced good. An experienced good will be repeatedly purchased by rational

consumers only as long as it is experience-preferred to the best opportunity.

Thus a more economically-relevant definition of satisfaction judgments and feelings is the following.

The latter elicit the experienced preference for one good or bad over available alternatives. The

present notion of experienced preference is quite as flexible as the more familiar notion of decision-

preference. It is not restricted to the real experience of one brand or job but extends to anticipated

options available in the future, just like decision-preference does, and furthermore to mental

experiences of past options that might have been chosen but were eventually discarded. In the

present paper, we make the simplifying assumption of perfect memory. The latter hypothesis may

serve as a good starting point since it is in line with the concept of “autobiographical self” that

Damasio (1999) derived from evidence on neurological pathologies and direct observation of the

brain.3 Thus we might restate that satisfaction judgments and feelings elicit the decision-preference

of the autobiographical self. Since the individual is supposed to make an ex post comparison of her

own experience with what it might have been, her satisfaction manifests a feeling of regret-rejoicing.4

We formally define satisfaction or subjective well-being derived from an experienced good z as an

ordinal variable taking discrete values. If individuals only compare their own situation with a single

alternative, the satisfaction judgment or feeling is a binary variable (not satisfied-satisfied)

3 Damasio (1999: 174) suggests that the following mental evaluation process is being continually implemented in the brain by what he calls the “autobiographical self”: “The autobiographical self is based on autobiographical memory which is constituted by implicit

memories of multiple instances of individual experience of the past and of the anticipated future. The invariant aspects of an individual’s biography form the basis for autobiographical memory. Autobiographical memory grows continuously with life experience but can be partly remodelled to reflect new experiences. Sets of memories which describe identity and person can be reactivated as a neural pattern and made explicit as images whenever needed. Each reactivated memory operates as a “something-to-be-known” and generates its own pulse of core consciousness. The result is the autobiographical self of which we are conscious.”

4 This is not to be confused with the ex ante feeling of regret-rejoicing sometimes invoked in the analysis of decision under risk.

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)()(1 ∗≥= zUzUifSWB

(1)

)()(0 ∗<= zUzUif

where ∗z designates the mentally experienced alternative and U is the individual’s utility function.

The continuous latent variable,

(2) )()(),( ∗∗∗ −≡ zUzUzzSWB , (

enables us to rewrite the satisfaction function as

0),(1 ≥= ∗∗ zzSWBifSWB

(3)

0),(0 <= ∗∗ zzSWBif

We contend that the SWB functions which can be estimated either from self-reports or by

objectively measuring emotions (Kahneman 2001) reflect such experienced utility gaps. ∗SWB describes

the feeling of pleasure and pain and relates it to the preference-based definition of utility used in

modern economics. ),( ∗zzSWB defines the satisfaction function of the individual with respect to the

objects of choice z at a given date conditional on the reference ∗z .

Treating satisfaction as an experienced preference is no more difficult than treating it as an

experienced utility but yields more and better predictions, as will appear in later sections. The price

to be paid is that researchers must give up the hope of directly measuring utility, but this is partly

compensated by the possibility of measuring other unobservable variables at the individual level like

pleasure and pain (Kahneman et al. 1997) or the propensity to quit the present job (Lévy-Garboua,

Montmarquette and Simonnet 2007). Our approach to satisfaction is related to those of Festinger

(1957) and Adams (1963) for social psychology or Michalos (1980) for social indicators research. For

example, psychologists treat equity as a specific form of outcome satisfaction arising in social

interactions. Adams (1963) defines inequity by the dissonance between a person’s experience (say

her perceived wage rate) and her normative expectation (the fair wage). He then follows Festinger’s

(1957) contention that people react to cognitive dissonance when their experience does not conform

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to their normative expectation.5 Satisfaction, like inequity, is generated by the dissonance between

experienced utility of a good or bad and its normative expectation. The magnitude of dissonance is

well captured by the experienced utility gap (2), which is the difference between experienced utility

and its normative expectation. When normative expectations are met by the experienced outcome,

the experienced utility gap is positive and people are satisfied with the outcome. On the other hand,

when experienced outcome falls short of normative expectations, the experienced utility gap is

negative and people are dissatisfied with the outcome. The various types of pleasure caused by

satisfaction and the various types of pain caused by dissatisfaction define just as many types of

tension which drive the person to reduce them by the most appropriate action. The various types of

tension define specific emotions, as Zajonc (1980) notes that many emotions function like a drive

commanding one’s current preferences and generating a context-dependent motivation to act

accordingly. The correspondence between emotions and drives, and between drives and immediate

actions, points at the preference-like nature of emotions. Emotions are functional in driving new

decisions, which is consistent with Damasio’s (1994) contention that Descartes’ error was to

dissociate rational decision from emotions. Damasio observed that a man who had kept his

reasoning ability but lost his emotions after a commotion eventually made bad decisions because he

lacked the emotional response, in other words the actual preference, which would drive him to take

the decision that his own reason prescribed.

PROPOSITION 1. Satisfaction with respect to a vector of goods elicits the preference of the autobiographical self

for the vector of outcomes truly experienced by the individual relative to at least one mentally experienced vector of

reference outcomes.

The main result of this paper is that feelings must differ from utility when the latter is defined as a

preference index and they manifest experienced preferences. Consequently, we believe that utility

analysis is often immune from the reference-level effects concerning human satisfaction or well-

being to be found in the psychological literature.

Two features of reference-dependence that have been identified in a wide variety of domains are

loss aversion and diminishing sensitivity to outcomes, which Tversky and Kahneman (1991) derive

5 Adams (1963:467) writes: “(a) The presence of inequity in Person creates tension in him. The tension is proportional to the magnitude of inequity present. (b) The tension created in Person will drive him to reduce it. The strength of the drive is proportional to the tension created; ergo, it is proportional to the magnitude of inequity present.”

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from the basic laws of perception. Loss aversion is the assertion that people often exhibit

substantially more negative reactions to a small loss than they show positive reactions to a same-

sized gain. Diminishing marginal sensitivity to outcomes is the assertion that changes in any

direction close to one’s reference level are more strongly felt than changes further away. The present

theory of satisfaction derives both similar and different implications from the stepwise shape of the

satisfaction function, which are summarized by the following proposition.

PROPOSITION 2

Holding one reference level constant, there is an asymmetry of satisfaction feelings with respect to one-dimensional gains

and losses from an initial position in the vicinity of this reference level. When the initial position lies slightly above the

reference level (which is then an opportunity level), it is immediately felt an aversion to moderate losses but no attraction

to gains of equal size. However, the sensitivity of dissatisfaction to losses diminishes with the size of loss. When the

initial position lies slightly under the reference level (which is then an aspiration level), it is immediately felt an

attraction to moderate gains but no aversion to losses of equal size. However, the sensitivity of satisfaction to gains

diminishes with the size of gain.

If there is a finite number of reference levels, satisfaction increases or decreases by steps. It makes a discrete jump

upward (downward) each time the situation becomes better (worse) than one of the options and stay flat between two

consecutive options.

Proof: See Appendix.

III. Implications of the theory for satisfaction judgments

1. Treadmill effects

Following Brickman and Campbell (1971) and Kahneman (1999), we shall speak of “treadmill

effects” when current shocks, even large, do not cause large and lasting effects on satisfaction and

happiness. The early evidence by Easterlin (1974) that sustained economic growth does not increase

the average level of happiness may be the best known example of a treadmill effect in the economic

literature. The prevalence of treadmill effects is attested by the finding that “bottom-up” factors like

current external circumstances account for a small share of the variance in SWB reports (Argyle

1999, Diener et al. 1999). SWB is moderately stable across the life span, so that it has come to be

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viewed by “top-down” theories as a personality trait (Diener and Lucas 1999).6 These results actually

derive from equation (2) if past experiences are unobservable in surveys and weight more heavily

than current data. Moreover, to the extent that an individual’s personality is partly acquired and

shaped by her life antecedents, the unobservable heterogeneity of past experience may capture part

of what is attributed to personality in the “top-down” theories of SWB.

Indeed, several kinds of treadmill effects are predicted by equation (2). They result from the

reference-dependence of satisfaction, from the role and weight of past experience, and from the

length of the average life expectancy. For instance, uniform economic growth would have little

effect on experienced utility gaps because it keeps on raising both actual incomes and market

opportunities alike. An external shock that similarly affects, after a brief transition period, both the

individual’s situation and his opportunities in the future will have only a minor impact on

satisfaction. This is exactly what is to be expected from, say, winning a lottery or becoming a

paraplegic after an accident and, indeed, Brickman et al. (1978) found that, after a period of

adjustment, lottery-winners were hardly happier and paraplegics hardly less happy than a control

group. Here, a permanent shock on utility levels results in a temporary shock on utility gaps. i.i.d.

temporary shocks affecting current outcomes and options repeatedly would also leave average

satisfaction virtually unchanged. For instance, the temporary pleasure of watching a good play is

randomly distributed and does not convey to future plays as each play is usually seen once. Lévy-

Garboua and Montmarquette (1996) found that experienced theatre-goers reported liking the last

play they saw with the same frequency than inexperienced spectators although general theatre

appreciation scores correlated with experience of theatre. Both good and bad surprises do not have

much effect on satisfaction in the long run when they equally affect the utility of actual experience

and alternatives.

Even when this is no longer true, the effect of bad surprises on experienced utility can sometimes

be offset by a revision of choice (e.g., a bad job match can be offset by quitting the job) if there is

enough time ahead of us. This has the intriguing implication that some components of satisfaction

like satisfaction with job (Hamermesh 1977, Clark et al. 1996, Lévy-Garboua and Montmarquette

1998) and marriage (Argyle 1999) may eventually increase with age. The explanation runs as follows.

6 The psychological literature distinguishes between “top-down” and “bottom-up” factors affecting SWB. Bottom-up factors are external and objective factors like the experience of pleasant or unpleasant events and socio-demographic variables (e.g., age, gender, education, income, and marital status). Top-down factors are internal and subjective factors, like personality or adaptation and coping processes, that determine how events are perceived (see Diener et al.(1999 ) for more details).

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Rational workers will keep moving to what they expect to be the best job and cannot systematically

make wrong predictions in the long run, under rational expectations. Thus, provided a significant

share of workers is able to capture rents on their job, the average present value of past wage gaps

will remain permanently positive after a sufficient number of years (and jobs). The future

component will stabilize with experience as a result of learning and eventually converge in

probability towards zero as the duration of the remaining life at work declines. The upward-sloping

relationship of job satisfaction with age, which results from the combination of these two effects, is

obtained in the long run. It is not necessarily monotonic over the life cycle and may be U-shaped.

The foregoing analysis can easily be replicated for marriage.

2. Most people are happy

A stylized fact of studies of satisfaction judgments is that responses are typically concentrated in

the upper segments of the satisfaction scale (e.g., Campbell 1981, Diener and Diener 1996). Most

people usually report that they are happy or pretty happy! For instance, Sousa-Poza and Sousa-Poza

(2000) compare average levels of job satisfaction between 21 developed countries and find a high

level of satisfaction in all countries, with an unweighted average of 78.7% reporting themselves in

the top-three levels of a seven-point scale. 7 This fact would be hard to explain in the satisfaction-as-

utility framework. By contrast, its interpretation is illuminating in the experienced preference

framework. The rationality assumption implies that, under certainty, individuals will always be

satisfied with choices they deliberately made. If experienced utility coincided with decision-utility, all

rational decision-makers would be fully satisfied with their choices. Under dynamic uncertainty,

however, experienced utility will not generally coincide with decision-utility so that experienced

utility will not be generally maximized by the actual choice of rational individuals. In short,

satisfaction judgments and feelings reveal how far experienced utility has been maximized! The high

scores of satisfaction and happiness, which are commonly observed, indicate that people often

experience the outcomes of their own choices and that the incidence of bad surprises is fairly

limited. The low incidence of bad surprises upon satisfaction in the long run is caused by treadmill

effects.

7 They analyzed the data set on Work Orientations from the 1997 International Social Survey Program. All countries used the same wording for the job satisfaction question and the same seven-point scales for reporting individual answers.

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3. Satisfaction and the freedom of choice

The variability of satisfaction judgments across domains in the aggregate mainly reflects the degree of

freedom of individual choices which characterizes each of these domains. Market goods usually get

higher satisfaction scores from customers in market economies than do governments from citizens

in democratic regimes. The reason is presumably that market goods are privately chosen by all

consumers while governments are only chosen by the median voters. More generally, satisfaction

with private domains of life (health, housing, marriage and work) is typically higher than satisfaction

with public matters, at least in modern western nations (Veenhoven 1996). People in these nations

are certainly freer to choose for themselves than for society. But they are also freer to choose for

society the more democratic is the society. Frey and Stutzer (2000) show on a sample of Swiss

residents that direct democratic rights ( which vary across the 26 cantons) raise happiness and they

also attribute the lower score of foreigners to the fact that the latter are deprived of the right to vote.

Other convincing evidence is the fact that respondents report greater overall job satisfaction than

pay satisfaction. The mean scores (standard deviations) found by Clark and Oswald (1996, data

appendix) on a 1-7 scale were respectively 5.50 (1.51) and 4.49 (1.95). A suggested interpretation is

that individuals control their job as a whole better than their pay, because choosing a job is a

package deal whose single elements, like pay, cannot be separately and therefore, in most practical

instances, freely chosen. The same argument runs, of course, for other attributes of the job.

People tend to be less satisfied on average with experiences out of their control. To some extent,

the sense of control is dictated by personality. Extraversion is associated with the personal ability to

control one’s environment and with positive affect, while introversion and neuroticism go with a

loss of control and negative affect. For instance, Veenhoven (1996: 27) makes the point explicit:

“With respect to personality, the satisfied tend to be socially extravert and open to experience. There is

a notable tendency towards internal control beliefs, whereas persons who are dissatisfied tend to feel

they are a toy of fate. Much of the findings on individual variation in life-satisfaction boil down to a

difference in ability to control one’s environment.”

At the macro level, unemployment and inflation rates, which have been found to adversely affect

reported happiness (Di Tella et al. 2001), are two bads beyond individual control. At the micro level,

persons who lost their employment are less happy, holding income and other individual traits

constant (Clark and Oswald 1994, Gerlach and Stephan 1996, Winkelmann and Winkelmann 1998),

and it is argued here that the measured fall in happiness indicates to what extent unemployment was

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involuntary. Consequently, job satisfaction studies provide evidence of job rationing in the labor

market.

All of these findings are immediately implied by a choice-theoretic interpretation of reported

satisfaction and happiness like ours, while they remain mere “facts of life” under the more

traditional view of satisfaction as utility.

IV. Empirical evidence on satisfaction and the freedom of choice

We present earlier in the section satisfaction and the freedom of choice, Veenhoven (1996: 27)

makes the point explicitly that ‘Much of the findings on individual variation in life-satisfaction boil

down to a difference in ability to control one’s environment.’

Given the importance of this prediction of the present model and its relative neglect by other

models, we give an empirical illustration of the profound impact that the freedom of choice in all

compartments of life can have on life satisfaction. We gathered statistics on life satisfaction,

economic freedom, political and social freedom, and GDP per capita (in PPP), for 40 countries and

three years (1985, 1990, 1995). A detailed account of sources and methods is provided in Appendix.

Life satisfaction is taken from three waves of the World Values surveys, which address adults of 18

and over in 45 societies. It is measured for each respondent on a 10-point scale by increasing order

of satisfaction, and a national average is then computed for each year. To make data as comparable

as possible, we follow Diener et al. (1995) by taking standardized values for the three years. A nation-

wide index of political and social freedom is being published annually since 1972 by Freedom

House. This index averages political rights and civil liberties on a number of dimensions, each

measured on a 7-point scale. We inverted this scale so as to rank freedom by increasing order.

Countries rating 1-2.5 on the freedom scale are generally considered as “not free” and countries

rating 5.5-7 are considered as ‘free”, with countries rating in the intermediate range 3-5.5 being

considered as “partly free”. We were able to add the recently published index of economic freedom

provided by Gwartney and Lawson (2002) in order to complete the range of domains for which

freedom of choice is being apprehended.

Figure 1 plots life satisfaction, measured as deviation from the mean) against GDP per capita for the

75 country-year observations for which all of these indexes were available. This sample of countries

and years is wider than the one considered by Veenhoven (2000) and reproduced by Frey and

Stutzer (2002) which was restricted to 38 mainly developed countries at the beginning of the 1990s.

Moreover, Veenhoven’s study is concerned with happiness rather than life satisfaction. At first

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glance, a rising concave relationship can be seen. However, three groups of countries can be sharply

distinguished on the figure, which are signaled by different colors: developed market economies (49

observations in blue), developing market economies (23 observations in pink), and planned or

centralized economies (23 observations in yellow). Obviously, for its greatest part, the positive

correlation between life satisfaction and income is spurious and caused by the unusually low level of

life satisfaction in planned or centralized economies. Table 1 confirms the diagnosis by showing that

economic and political or social freedom correlate with income and even more strongly correlate

with life satisfaction. Planned and underdeveloped market economies have very comparable incomes

on average and much lower incomes than developed market economies. However, the difference in

life satisfaction between developed and underdeveloped market economies is only one-third of what

it is between developed and planned economies. A closer inspection of table 1 suggests that

economic freedom is on average even more important than political or social freedom in

determining life satisfaction. The results exhibited by table 1 and figure 1 are so clear that we believe

that they are robust. The freedom of choice is likely an essential determinant of life satisfaction at

least as much as economic freedom is an essential determinant of income growth. Freedom might

well be, through all its manifestations, the most important determinant of development in the broad

sense advocated by Sen (1999).

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Figure 1: Life satisfaction and per capita income across countries, 1985-1995

-3,00

-2,50

-2,00

-1,50

-1,00

-0,50

0,00

0,50

1,00

1,50

2,00

0,00 5000,00 10000,00 15000,00 20000,00 25000,00 30000,00

GDP Per Capita (International $, PPP)

L i f e S a t i s f ac t i on

A : Market Oriented, B : Market OrientedD D l iCentralized

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Table 1 Average indicators for non-market and market economies by level of development, 1985-

1995

Countries Life Satisfaction

GDP Per Capita

Political Freedom

Economic Freedom

No Obs.

Developed Market Economies

1985-1995 0,48 16316,46 6,61 6,88 49

1985 0,30 12414,74 6,20 6,53 19

1990 0,62 17039,00 6,50 6,94 20

1995* 0,58 22284,67 6,95 7,44 10

Developing Market Economies

1985-1995 -0,05 5070,99 4,37 5,03 23

1985 -0,33 3730,00 4,26 4,46 7

1990 0,02 5081,25 4,46 4,84 8

1995 0,19 6234,09 4,37 5,72 8

Non-market Economies

1985-1995 -1,09 5226,80 3,78 4,08 23

1985 -1,33 4575,00 4,43 4,11 4

1990 -1,15 5094,55 3,63 3,62 11

1995 -0,89 6597,06 3,67 4,71 8

Life satisfaction: All things considered, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole these days? (on a scale from 1 to 10, where 1 = dissatisfied, 10 = satisfied). Data for 1990 and 1995 were standardized to be compatible with Diener et al’s (1995). World Values Study Group (1994). World Values Survey, 1981-1984, 1990-1993, and 1995-96. GDP per capita in international $, PPP: World Bank. Main indicators. Political and Social Freedom: Average of political rights and civil liberties ratings. Countries whose ratings average 1-2.5 are generally considered "Free," 3-5.5 "Partly Free," and 5.5-7 "Not Free. We use the continuous variable (7.7 - the country’s rating) to measure the countries’ Political and Social Freedom. Freedom House (2001). Freedom in the World Country Ratings, 1972-73 to 2000-01. Economic Freedom: A chain-weighted summary index measuring the degree of economic freedom present in 5 major areas: Size of Government (expenditures, taxes and enterprises); Legal Structure and Security of Property Rights; Sound Money; Freedom to Trade with Foreigners; Regulation of Credit, Labor, and Business. The Index varies from 0 to 10, with high score meaning more economic freedom. Economic Freedom of the World: 2002 Annual Report, by J. Gwartney and R.Lawson. List of countries: Developed market economy:

16

Austria, Belgium, Britain, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, South-Korea, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, USA, West-Germany or Germany. Developing market economy: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, India, Mexico, Nigeria, South-Africa, Turkey. Planned economy or centralized government: Belarus or USSR, Bulgaria, China, Czech Republic or Slovakia, Estonia or USSR, Hungary, Lithuania or USSR, Latvia or USSR, Poland, Romania, Russia or USSR, Slovenia or Yugoslavia.

V. Experimental evidence on satisfaction

In this section, we want to mobilise the experimental method to further test our theory of

satisfaction.

To our knowledge, Charness and Grosskopf (2001) were the first to use experimental games to link

reported measure of happiness and relative payoffs. They did not find support for the hypothesis

that happiness levels are correlated with relative payoffs. They explain this result by the lack of

concern for social standing in participants. They found, however, that misery loves company as they

were sign of a willingness to lower another person’s material payoff below one’s own to level-off

self-reported happiness.

In two important papers, Coricelli et al (2005) and Camille et al (2006), have run experiments on

regret with neuroimaging studies of choice behaviour. Using simple gambling games, they find that

regret has a profound impact on decision making as people’s choices are often made to avoid highly

unpleasant emotion.

Our experiments are closely related to the works of those last authors without, however, using

neuroimaging. Our measure of satisfaction is exclusively related to a usual questionnaire using a

Likert scale.

1. The experimental protocol

Participants are shown 12 pairs of bets, where only positive payoffs are involved, which are

expressed in experimental money units. For example,

A: 4500 2 chances over 10 B: 800 with 10 chances over 10

: 0 8 chances over 10

17

One option has an expected payoff superior to the other albeit by not too much. For the paired

lottery number 12, option A has an ambiguity component. The 12 paired-lotteries, presented in the

appendix, cover a wide range of cases seen in the literature. The visual presentation is the same for

all lotteries with option A always representing the riskier option. The order or presentation of the

paired-lotteries is at random for each participant, but the ambiguity-component-paired-lottery 12 is

always played last. As payoffs are relatively small, we could deduct by expected utility theory that the

chosen option will be the one with the biggest expected payoff based on Rabin’s (2000) argument.

Once a choice is made or attributed, the lottery is played individually and the result is always

communicated to the participant. The draw is individual and therefore the result could differ among

individuals for the risky option.

After each play and after the lottery has been drawn with the result known, the participant must

record her level of satisfaction with her choice on a continuous 10 point-scale, where 1 is the lowest

level of satisfaction and 10 the highest level. Each choice of paired-lotteries is played 10 times.

The gains of the participants are determined at the end of the experiment by a random draw of one

of the lotteries played and then of one the 10 games played with that lottery. The mean revenues

earned by the participants was 17 Canadian $ for about one hour of play.

We have run three treatments: two treatments, T1 and T3, where participants choose freely their

option and one treatment where an option is imposed to them, T2. The freedom of choice

treatments are with limited and full information. In short:

• T1: Free choice with limited diffusion of the results

The participants chose freely option A or option B they prefer. They are only informed of the

results of their own choice. Specifically, they do not know the result of the other option of choice,

except when the option not chosen yields a sure payoff.

• T2: Imposed choice and limited diffusion of the results

One of the two options is imposed at each participant. This option remains the same for all the 10

games of the same lottery. The imposed choice is drawn randomly with 50% of participants

receiving the option A and 50% the option B. The participants are only informed of their result of

their own imposed choice. Specifically, they do not know the result of the other option, except when

the option not imposed upon them yields a sure payoff.

• T3: Free choice and full diffusion of the results

18

The participants chose freely option A or option B they prefer. They are informed of the result of

their own choice and the result of the other option.

As seen from the protocol, this experiment yields many elements like the liberty of choices, regret-

rejoicing and information, which will permit to test some of the ideas and propositions discussed

before.

2. The experimental results

Which options are most preferred? Or on the choice of the larger expected payoff option

In figures 2, we report the mean frequency of choice of options A and B for each pair of bets in the

limited and full information treatments, respectively T1 and T3.

Figure 2a: Mean frequency of choice of options A and B for each pair of bets when the risky option A has the highest expected gain

Lottery 1 (Option B is a sure gain)

0.47 0.490.53 0.51

0.4

0.45

0.5

0.55

1 3

Treatment

Choice A Choice B

Lottery 3 (Option B is a sure gain)

0.58 0.590.42 0.41

00.20.40.60.8

1 3

Treatment

Choice A Choice B

Lottery 7

0.400.510.60

0.49

00.20.40.60.8

1 3

Treatment

Choice A Choice B

Lottery 8

0.70 0.74

0.30 0.26

00.20.40.60.8

1 3

Treatment

Choice A Choice B

Lottery 9 (Option B is a sure gain)

0.41 0.490.59 0.51

00.20.40.60.8

1 3

Treatment

Choice A Choice B

19

Figure 2b: Mean frequency of choice of options A and B for each pair of bets when the sure option

B has the highest expected gain

Figure 2c: The ambiguity paired-lottery

Lottery 12

0.40 0.390.60 0.61

00.20.40.60.8

1 3

Treatment

Choice A Choice B

For paired-lotteries 1, 3, 7, 8 and 9, in figures 2a, option A has the highest expected gain. Expected

gain is greater for option B in paired-lotteries 2, 4, 5, 6, 10 and 11 presented in figures 2b. Figure 2c

considers the pair of bets 12 with the ambiguity component for option A.

In about 70% of the choices, the option with the higher expected gain is favored by the participants.

In paired-lotteries 1, 2, 3, 5, 9, 10 and 11, the option B is a sure gain. With the exception of the third

pair of bets, the sure gain option attracts participants.

Lottery 2 (Option B is a sure gain)

0.38 0.420.62 0.58

00.20.40.60.8

1 3

Treatment

Choice A Choice B

Lottery 4

0.33 0.410.67 0.59

00.20.40.60.8

1 3

Treatment

Choice A Choice B

Lottery 5 (Option B is a sure gain)

0.38 0.430.62 0.57

00.20.40.60.8

1 3

Treatment

Choice A Choice B

Lottery 6

0.470.49

0.530.51

0.4

0.45

0.5

0.55

1 3

Treatment

Choice A Choice B

Lottery 10 (Option B is a sure gain)

0.37 0.430.63 0.57

00.20.40.60.8

1 3

Treatment

Choice A Choice B

Lottery 11 (Option B is a sure gain)

0.34 0.40

0.66 0.60

00.20.40.60.8

1 3

Treatment

Choice A Choice B

20

The result for the paired-lottery 3 is interesting since it contradicts Kahneman and Tversky’s (1979)

result in their seminal work with a near equivalent paired lottery (4000: 8/10. 0:2/10 ; 3000: 10/10)

and where the sure gain was favored by 80% of participants although the gamble has a higher

expected value. A potential explanation for this difference lays with the information gathered on

experienced probabilities when participants play 120 times in our experiment! They get eventually

convince that option A is an interesting bet given the odds.

For paired-lotteries 4 and 8 where 1 2( , ) ( , )A y p and B y p ε= = + with

10,0,021 <<<>>> pyy ε , the expected utility model choice applies.

For the paired-lottery 12 with the ambiguity component for option A, the option B with a 50%

chance to win 6000 ECUS or nothing is clearly preferred.

Some graphics indicate differences in choices between T1 and T3, for some paired-lotteries, with a

reversal in mean choices for the paired-lottery 7. In the treatment with the limited information, T1,

option B dominates despite the higher expected value of option A. But when the full information is

revealed, T3, both options are almost equally chosen. It may well be the case again that by playing

many times the same paired-lottery and all paired-lotteries in general, a probability of 60% appears a

relatively a good odd to gamble on the riskiest option.

Figure 3 shows how information might affect the dynamics of choices. In general, option A is

preferred to option B with the treatment with full information, T3. In the first period, for all paired-

lotteries confounded (excluding paired-lottery12), there is not much difference between the

treatments in the proportion of choice of option A. But over the number of plays with the

information cumulating in the full information treatment, participants in that treatment appear to

choice more frequently the more risky choice A relatively to those involved with the limited

information treatment.

21

Figure 3: Proportion of choice A per treatment per play (without lottery 12).

0

0.1

0.2

0.3

0.4

0.5

0.6

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Play

Treatment 1 Treatment 3

In table 2, we report the results of a random effect probit model on the choice or option A, the

more risky choice.

22

Table 2: Determinants of choosing option A (Random-effects probits)

Limited information (T1) Full information (T3)

Coefficient. p>z Coefficient z

A is the highest expected payoff

0.1874 (0.1085)

0.084 0.2814 (0.0984)

0.004

B is the highest expected payoff

-0.2045 (0.1085)

0.059 -0793 (0.0982)

0.419

B is a sure gain -0.1348 (0.4153)

0.001 -0.1780 (0.0421)

0.000

Paired-lottery12 0.00101 (0.0854)

0.991 -0.2009 (0.0861)

0.020

Play number -0.0095 (0.0067)

0.154

0.00268 (0.0068)

0.692

Period -.000338 (0.0095)

0.594 -0.000233 (0.00064)

0.715

Rho 0.2493 (0.04455)

0.000 0.1786 (0.0369)

0.000

log likelihood -2991. 76 -2908.97

# of observation 4 920 4560

The regression results confirm the attractiveness of the sure gain option in the limited information

treatment. It has also play a role in the full information treatment along with the situation when

option A offers the highest expected payoff. As participants play a number of times the paired-

lottery, the probability of choosing option A declines for the limited treatment but remains constant

in the full information treatment. However, the coefficients of this variable and of the period

variable are statistically insignificant.

What is satisfaction?

We have argued in previous sections that reported satisfaction is not an ex ante measure of the

utility, but measures an ex post latent preference for the choice made. In other words, it is an

23

experienced utility or related to ex post utility. After the outcome of your choice, you are either

happy with your choice or not.

Figure 4 presents the distribution of aggregate levels of satisfaction for all participants for the

freedom of choice treatments T1 and T3.

Figure 4: Level of satisfaction for T1 and T3

0

0.05

0.1

0.15

0.2

0.25

0.3

0.35

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Den

sity

Treatment 1 Treatment 3

We observe a U-shape level of satisfaction with the highest density for the top level of satisfaction.

Participants playing the ‘free choice full information’ treatment, T3, reported in larger number high

levels of satisfaction (levels 8 to 10). Furthermore, fewer participants playing T3 are dissatisfied with

their choices relatively to participants involved with the ‘free choice limited information’ treatment,

T1. Thus, to a large extent, the level of satisfaction with T3 dominates the observed level of

satisfaction of T1. With T3, participants being informed of the outcome of their choices and of the

alternative choices, these results are coherent with Camille et al, and Coricelli et al, in showing that

potential situations of regret have an impact on decision making with people’s choices often made to

avoid dissatisfaction.

24

To explore the determinants of satisfaction, we report in table 3, the results of a panel probit on our

measure of reported satisfaction regress on variables constructed to reflect our theoretical arguments

and those of others. To simplify the analysis in panel, we have run a binary regression with a positive

level of satisfaction defined set to 1 if the reported level is 8 or above, and 0 otherwise.

The following independent variables were constructed:

Expected payoff of the chosen option. Note that for lottery 12, in the ambiguity option, we

assume that the participant considers an equal probability of 50% for both outcomes.

Expected payoff of the chosen option*lottery12. A crossed variable.

If satisfaction is utility, we expect positive statistically significant coefficient affecting the expected

pay off variable since it represents a good approximation of expected utility.

Risk averse participant: The number of times that the participant has chosen the sure option when

available.

This is an idiosyncratic measure of risk attitude of participants, a control variable.

Number of gains with the alternative choice prior to decision: This variable is constructed for

all the 12 lotteries for T3. For T1, it is available only when the participant has chosen the option A

of a lottery where the option B is a sure gain; it is set to 0 otherwise. Having realised what could

have happened, it is a measure of regret and we expect a negative sign coefficient.

Gap between payoffs: The realised payoff minus the alternative payoff. Again this variable is

constructed for all the 12 lotteries for T3. For T1, it is available only when the participant has

chosen the option A of a lottery where the option B is a sure gain; it is set to 0 otherwise. A negative

value is a form of regret, while a positive value yields matter for rejoice. Thus the expected

coefficient is positive.

Payoff when the winning choice is from a risky option and its square.

Payoff when the winning choice is a sure outcome and its square.

These variables with a positive coefficient simply stress that winning more increases happiness. We

expect a negative sign on the square of these variables following our proposition that the sensitivity

of satisfaction diminishes with the size of the gain (see proposition 2).

25

Lottery 12: A binary dummy variable.

Table 3: Determinants of satisfaction with free choices

(Random-effects probits)

Coef. P>z

Expected payoff of the choice option -0.0000585 (0.0000317)

0.065

Expected payoff of the choice option*lottery12

-0000938 (0.0000305)

0.002

Risk averse participant

0.006578 (0.00777)

0.397

# of wins with alternative choice prior to decision

-0.02410 (0.01048)

0.021

Gap between payoffs 0.000253 (0.0000153)

0.000

Payoff from a winning risky option 0.001212 (0.0000346)

0.000

Payoff f.w.r.o. squared -1.24e-07 (5.04e-09)

0.000

Payoff from a winning sure choice 0.0001780 (0.0000726)

0.000

Payoff f.w.s.c. squared -3.35e-07 (2.35e-08)

0.000

Constant -1.5778 (0.4470)

0.000

Rho 0.5745 (0.04139)

Log likelihood: -3229.68; Prob > chi2 = 0.0000. Likelihood-ratio test of rho = 0: chibar2 (01) = 2644; Prob >= chibar2 = 0.000. Number of observations: 9 840.

Table 3 indicates that the variable ‘Expected payoff of the chosen lottery’ is statistically insignificant

coefficients in explaining satisfaction. We therefore reject the hypothesis that satisfaction is a

measure of ex ante utility. Furthermore, the negative coefficients on expected payoff variables are

puzzling.

26

The hypothesis of a constant utility, ex ante or ex post, is rejected by the data, considering the strong

effect of the “# of wins with alternative choices prior to decision” variable. In other words, regret

and information from the past explain satisfaction but, not utility. The regret-rejoice variable, ‘gap

between payoffs’ confirm that bad and good surprises explain satisfaction, and again is not coherent

with the hypothesis that satisfaction measures ex ante utility. Bigger winning payoffs increase

satisfaction, a result coherent with the hypothesis that satisfaction is experienced utility or related to

ex post utility. The negative sign on the squared variables confirm that the sensitivity of satisfaction

diminishes with the size of the gain.

In view of those results, satisfaction is not a measure of ex ante utility but a measure of an ex post

latent preference for the choice made.

If your are satisfy, you repeat your choice

If the theory of expected utility explains the participants’ choices, no change should occur. However

on average, we have observed that in 27.5% of cases a different decision is made.

Further evidence supporting that satisfaction is an emotion leading to a decision, is reported in table

4 on the effect on the probability that a participant will change his decision when he is satisfied with

his previous choice. We have argued that reporting one’ satisfaction is the judgment that one would

wish to repeat one’s past experience if one could choose again.

Table 4: Determinants of the probability of changing option (Random-effects probit)

Coef. P>z

Past satisfaction* -0.0201 (0.00486)

0.000

Risk adverse participant -0.00446 (0.00444)

0.315

Constant -0.40559 (0.18412)

0.028

Rho 0.25269 (0.03385)

*Scale 1 to 10.

Log likelihood: -4525.3095; Prob > chi2 = 0.0001. Likelihood-ratio test of rho=0: chibar2 (01) = 936.47; Prob >= chibar2 = 0.000. Number of observations: 8 532.

27

The results of table 4 show that if you are satisfied with your past choice, the lower the probability

you will change it. Note that 50% of people report a level of satisfaction greater than eight on a scale

of 1 to 10. At the lowest level of reported satisfaction, the probability of changing his choice is

30.24% and drops to 23.42% if reported satisfaction from the previous choice is at level 10.

Satisfaction and freedom

With treatment T2, where we impose a choice to the participant in the context of a limited diffusion

of the results, our aim was to formulate an experiment that will further support the empirical

evidence reported earlier on freedom and satisfaction.

Figure 5 shows the distribution of aggregate levels of satisfaction for all participants when one

option is imposed to them. It does not differ much from those presented earlier for treatments with

freedom of choice, T1 and T3, falling somewhere between the two.

Figure 5: Level of satisfaction for Treatment 2

0

0.05

0.1

0.15

0.2

0.25

0.3

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Density

28

One difficulty with our experiment is that the treatments were not played sequentially, denying to

participants an alternative to the game they played. They might not have totally felt their constrained

choice as they could not have perceived that other participants have played with a free choice in

treatments T1 or T3. If will also have been interesting to have a treatment with no choice but with

full information displayed to the participants. There is one situation however, where the constraint

might have been felt stronger is when the participant did not win.

In table 5, we present a random effects probit model on satisfaction (= 1 if level 8 to 10 is reported;

0 otherwise) restricted the cases where participants did no win.

We see that the freedom with full information treatment, T3, yields a relatively higher level of

satisfaction then the freedom with limited information treatment, T1, and the constrained treatment,

T2. These results suggest that freedom of choice and information matter for satisfaction.

Table 5: Determinants of satisfaction restricted to cases where participants did not win (Random-effects probit)

Coef. P>z

Free choice and limited info.

-0.11631 (0.2110)

0.582

Free choice and full info.

0.55364 (0.2925)

0.058

No choice and limited info.

-2.25130 (0.1541)

0.000

Rho 0.68007 (0.04110)

Log likelihood: -1016.57; Prob > chi2 = 0.0645. Likelihood-ratio test of rho=0: chibar2 (01) = 1248.32; Prob >= chibar2 = 0.000. Number of observations = 5124.

VI. Conclusion

Empirical and experimental evidences support our theoretical discussion that reported satisfaction, a

variable largely available in many surveys, is not utility, but measure change in utility or simply an ex

post latent preference for the choice made.

29

This distinction between satisfaction and utility has the major implication that the reference-

dependence of satisfaction need not contaminate utility analysis. It is important to recognize that so

much puzzling behavior, which has long marked a dividing line between economics and other

disciplines, like sociology and psychology, appear to be wholly consistent with standard utility

analysis once the distinction has been recognized.

The variable satisfaction largely presents in survey data has led to many interesting studies by

economists and others to explain a whole set of decisions by individuals. We expect that using this

variable in an experimental context will also be useful for research on human behavior. More work is

needed, however, to cope with this challenge.

Appendix: The 12 paired-lottery choices

# Option A Option B Expected payoff difference

1 2/10 of 4500, 8/10 of 0 10/10 of 800 100

2 8/10 of 3000, 2/10 of 0 10/10 of 2500 -100

3 8/10 of 4500, 2/10 of 0 10/10 of 3400 200

4 2/10 of 3000, 8/10 of 0 3/10 of 2500, 7/10 of 0 -150

5 2/10 of 4000, 8/10 of 0 10/10 of 900 -100

6 7/10 of 1100, 3/10 of 0 9/10 of 900, 1/10 of 0 -40

7 6/10 of 5000, 4/10 of 0 9/10 of 3000, 1/10 of 0 300

8 2/10 of 6000, 8/10 of 0 3/10 of 3000, 7/10 of 0 300

9 1/10 of 8000, 9/10 of 0 10/10 of 700 100

10 6/10 of 5000, 4/10 of 0 10/10 of 3200 -200

11 1/10 of 10000, 9/10 of 0 10/10 of 1100 -100

12 ? of 6000, ? of 0 5/10 of 6000, 5/10 of 0 ----

30

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APPENDIX Proof of proposition 3. We first assume that there exist only one option and use the framework of equation (1) where SWB takes values 0 and 1. Supposing then that individual i be initially satisfied with a measurable characteristic z at time t, we have : ∗> zz and 1)( =zSWBt

i . This implies: (i) 1)( =∆+ zzSWBt

i , for all 0>∆z and (ii) 0)( =∆− zzSWB ti , when ∗−≥∆ zzz . Thus, if the level

of opportunities ∗z does not change, there is an asymmetry of satisfaction feelings – but not necessarily of utility - with respect to gains and losses from an initial position slightly above this reference level. A moderate gain will not render us more satisfied whereas a moderate loss may make us feel dissatisfied. This is a discrete form of loss aversion. The same line of reasoning can be followed slightly differently to prove a discrete form of diminishing sensitivity. If i were initially dissatisfied with z, we would have : ∗≤ zz and

0)( =zSWB ti . This now implies: (i) 1)( =∆+ zzSWB t

i , when ∗−>∆ zzz and (ii) 1)( =+∆+ xzzSWB t

i , for all 0≥x and ∗−>∆ zzz . Consequently, if the level of opportunities does not change, there is a diminishing sensitivity of satisfaction – but not necessarily of utility – with respect to gains from an initial position slightly below this reference level. A moderate gain may change our satisfaction level while further gains will not be felt. This is now a discrete form of diminishing sensitivity. A similar reasoning shows that diminishing sensitivity applies to losses as well. The foregoing analysis can be extended when there exist more than two options. As the level of the characteristic moves continuously upward (downward), satisfaction will make discrete jumps in the same direction each time the situation becomes better (worse) than one of the options and stay flat between two consecutive options. The satisfaction function increases by steps.