a stylistic and pragmatic study of verb phrase anaphors

7/30/2019 a stylistic and pragmatic study of verb phrase anaphors

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d. John *did it/?did that,1

too.

(2) A: Who broke the vase?

B: a. John broke the vase.

b. John did.

c. ?John did so.d. John did it/did that.

(1b, c) and (2b, d) are anaphoric alternatives to (1a) and (2a), respectively.

Their corresponding Japanese anaphors are shown in (3) and (4), respectively.2

(3) Mary-ga utai mashi-ta soshite

Mary sang and

a. John-mo utai mashi-ta.

John-too sang

b. John-mo desu.John-too did

c. John-mo soo shimashi-ta.

John-too so did

d. John-mo ?sonna/*anna koto shimashi-ta

John-too it / that did

(4) A: Dare-ga kabin-o wari mashi-ta ka?

Who 3

vase broke

B: a. John-ga kabin-o wari mashi-ta.

John vase broke

b. John desu.4

John did

c. ?John-ga soo shimashi-ta.

John so did

d. John-ga sonna/anna koto shimashi-ta.

John-too it / that did

(3b, c) and (4b, d) are also anaphoric alternatives to (3a) and (4a), respectively.

First, I would like to deal with the hierarchy of stylistic preferability among (i)

expressions with full VPs as in (1a, 2a, 3a, 4a), (ii) those with zero VP anaphorswhere VP ellipsis occurs with tensed auxiliaries like do as in (1b, 2b) and desu as in

(3b, 4b) and with tenseless elements which will be shown later, and (iii) those with

lexical VP anaphors where phrases like do so as in (1c) or do it/do thatas in (2d) and

like soo suru/shimasu as in (3c) or sonna/anna koto suru/shimasu as in (4d).

Then, through the discussion I will reach some conclusion on common characteristics

between English VP, V and V anaphors and Japanese ones. Finally, I would like to

observe in which style the anaphors occur or in which situations they often appear

pragmatically.

2. Verb Phrase Anaphors in English

2.1. Stylistic Hierarchy


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Matsui (1986) discussed lexical VP anaphors in English, do so, do it, and do that

syntactically and (a little pragmatically), but not stylistically. Here I will discuss the

order of preferability or appropriateness of VP, V and V anaphors which were

checked by the four Americans.5 The symbol shows that the left side is preferred

to the right.

The order of preferability for VP anaphors in the examples already shown in (1) and

(2) is bca and bda, respectively. The same results are obtained in the

following examples; that is, the former in (5) and (6) and the latter in (7).

(5) My father visited my sister last Monday and

a. my aunt visited my sister/her last Monday, too.

b. my aunt did, too.

c. my aunt did so, too.

d. *my aunt did it/did that, too.

(6) John swam well and

a. Mary swam well, too.

b. Mary did, too.

c. Mary did so, too.

d. ?Mary did it/did that, too.

(7) A: Do you know who put the book here?

B: a. I heard Johnput the book/it here/there.

b. I heard John did.

c. ?I heard John did so.d. I heard John did it/did that.

In (1), (5) and (6) the lexical VP anaphor do so is acceptable, but do itand do that

are not . On the other hand, in (2) and (7), do itand do that are acceptable but do so

is not. This is because do so is used purely in syntactic context and do it, do that in

syntactical context with a pragmatic one. (See note 1.) Both do so and do it, do that

are regarded as lexical anaphors, that is, they belong to one group, though they behave

differently in syntax and pragmatics. Do it and do that in (2) and (7) have the

connotation of blame.

Therefore, we can say that there is a strong tendency to prefer the most economicalvariant, that is, zero VP anaphors as in (1b, 2b, 5b, 6b and 7b). Lexical VP anaphors

like do so, do itand do thatare more economical than the full VPs. The full VPs are

awkward, stylistically unfavored. This stylistic preferability may come from not only

economical points or brevity but also clarity so that our attention will be focused on

new information. Then, let us consider (8) and (9).

(8) The house belongs to me now.

a. It belongs to me by the terms of his will.

b. It does by the terms of his will.

c. It does so by the terms of his will.

d. *It does it/?It does thatby the terms of his will.


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(9) My father visited my sister last Monday and

a. my aunt visited my sister/herlast Friday.

b. my aunt didlast Friday.

c. my aunt did so last Friday.

d. *my aunt did it/?my aunt did thatlast Friday.

In (8) and (9) the order of preferability is different from that in (1), (2) and (5), (6),

(7), that is, cba, not bca, nor bda. The comparison of (9) with (5)

makes it clear that the lexical V anaphor do so is stylistically preferable to the zero V

anaphor do when contrastive elements representing new and important information

appear after the anaphor or at the end position. This may be because the auxiliary do,

tensed zero V anaphor, tends to cover optional elements as well as obligatory ones

and the verb phrase do so, obligatory ones.

We have a little complicated phenomenon when contrastive elements occur at the

final position.6

(10) Mary put a book here and

a. Johnput a book/one on the desk.

b. *John didon the desk.

c. *John did so on the desk.

d. *John did it/did thaton the desk.

(11) John lay in the bed and

a. Tom lay on the sofa.

b. *Tom didon the sofa.

c. *Tom did so on the sofa.d. *Tom did it/did thaton the sofa.

As shown in (10) and (11), the anaphors like do, do so and do it/thatare not used

when the contrastive element is subcategorized by the verb and is obligatory in the

sentence.7

(12) Mary congratulated you on your marriage and

a. John congratulated you on your success.

b. John didon your success.

c. John did so on your success.

d. *John did it/did thaton your success.

In (12) the contrastive element is not subcategorized by the verb but strongly

connected with it. Here, full Vs are preferred to V anaphors : ab, c. Further,

consider (13).

(13) John ate an apple and

a. Harry ate an orange.

b. *Harry didan orange.

c. *Harry did so an orange.

d. *Harry did it/did thatan orange.

e. Harry an orange.


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The tenseless zero V anaphor like (13e)8

is often used instead of the repeated verb

when the contrastive element after it is subcategorized by the verb.

As we have seen in (8-13), there appear some different phenomena even when the

anaphor is medial.

Therefore, we may conclude in general that the hierarchy of stylistic preferability iszero VP anaphors lexical VP anaphors full VPs when VP anaphors do not have

contrastive elements except too after them, while it is lexical V anaphors zero V

anaphors full Vs when they have optional contrastive elements after them.

Further, it is full Vs lexical or zero V anaphors when contrastive elements after

them are not subcategorized by the verb but strongly connected with it. Only full Vs

or Vs or tenseless zero V anaphors are acceptable when contrastive elements after

them are subcategorized by the verb. Through VP, V and V anaphors we can see a

gradual shift of sentence construction. That is, we will have four types of stylistic

hierarchy under the conditions described above as follows:

(14) a. zero VP anaphors lexical VP anaphors full VPs

b. lexical V anaphors zero V anaphors full Vs

c. full Vs lexical or zero V anaphors

d. full Vs or Vs or tenseless zero V anaphors

The hierarchy of stylistic preferability seems to be closely related with that of

cohesion.

Let us examine two types of zero VP anaphor, tensed and tenseless ones, as in (15a,

16a) and (15b, 16b), respectively.

(15) a. Mary met Bill and John did, too.

b. . . . and John, too.

(16) a. Mary was taking her dog for a walk and John was, too.


(15b) and (16b) are ambiguous because they can be interpreted as Mary met both Bill

and John, and Mary was taking both her dog and John as well as the same meaning

as (15a) and (16a), respectively. Thus, English native speakers tend to avoid using

(15b) and (16b) for expressing (15a) and (16a).Then, how about (17)? There occurs no ambiguity.

(17) a. Mary sang and John did, too. (=1b)


From the stylistic viewpoint that the maximally ellipted and most economic

expressions are preferred if they are unambiguous, we may choose (17b) rather than

(17a). However, the three American informants say that (17a) is usually used as well

as the expression so did John and that (17b) is hardly or never heard pragmatically,

though it is grammatical. Compare (18) with (17).

(18) A: Who sang?


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B: a. John did.

b. John.

(18b) is used. That is, tenseless zero VP anaphors are used pragmatically in answers

for questions, especially in informal or casual style, but they sound blunt.

(9a, b, c) and (10a) may be expressed as follows, respectively.

(19) a. My father visited my sister last Monday and my aunt last Friday.

b. Mary put a book here and John on the desk.

(19a, b) are ambiguous because they can be interpreted as My father visited my sister

last Monday and (he visited) my aunt last Friday and Mary put a book here and (she

put) John on the desk as well as the same meaning as (9c) and (10a), respectively.

They do not sound blunt, but English native speakers tend to avoid (19a, b) for

expressing (9c) and (10a). There occurs no ambiguity for gapping in (11a) and (12a,

b, c) as seen in (20a) and (20b), respectively. The tenseless V or V anaphors can beused in these cases.

(20) a. John lay in the bed and Tom on the sofa.

b. Mary congratulated you on your marriage and John on your success.

c. John ate an apple and Harry an orange.

Let us consider (21).

(21) a. John sang and John danced.

b. . . . and he danced.

c. . . . and [ ] danced.

The order of preferability is cba. Thus, through the examples like (21), I assume

that the hierarchy of stylistic preferability of VP phrases shown in (14a) which occurs

most frequently seems to be parallel to that of NP phrases: zero anaphors lexical or

pronominal anaphors full NPs.

The examples we have observed so far are those in spoken style. Are VP or V

anaphors like do, do so and do itused in written style? Let us look at the following:

(22) He summoned them to fetch Omba, the lovable dwarf. And they did.(Salinger 1953: 73)

(23) a. Trial judges occasionally have opportunities to engage in direct and

immediate policy making in their decisions. More often it is the appellate judge

always without jury who does so. (Skidmore &

Tripp 1985: 212)

b. I mailed my letter and drawings to Sister Irma, going out to the street to do

it. (Salinger 1953: 134)c. My father went to a costume party once wrapped from head to foot in

aluminum foil. Dan giggled, remembering when Mr. Muirhead had done

that. (Williams 1972: 87)


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(e) Ike: Im going to make this work. Fish. Im going to do it! (Runaway

Bride)

(f) Ike: Thats breaking and entering. Ill call the sheriff.

Maggie: You do that. (Ibid.)

(f) I couldnt push her off, could I?

Yes.Oh, no. No. I couldnt do that, said the young man. (Salinger 1953:

13)

(g) I gave her the camera.

You gave her the camera! (op.cit.172)

(g) I dont do anything. I dont have to do anything. (Williams

1972: 87)

informal written style

(24) (a)= (22)

(b) The instant Id said it, I wished I hadnt. (Salinger

1953: 100)(c) I couldnt have stopped myself, even if Id wanted to. (op.cit: 66)

(d) When he had done so(=taken up his position), he took out a handkerchief .

(op.cit: 71)

(e) It was the buddy,that did it. (op.cit.: 131)

(e)= (23b)

(f)= (23c)

formal written style

(24) (a) The system did work and to some extent still does.

(Skidmore & Tripp 1985: 138)

(b) It rests upon a distinction between those things that may be done by ordinary

legislative procedure and those that may not; .

(Janowitz & Hirsch (eds.) 1981:

13)

(c) Legislators, however, are free to listen to arguments from anyone, and

indeed they are expected to. (Skidmore & Tripp 1985: 86)

(d)= (23a)

(d) Most states and cities have adopted civil service merit systems, generally

following United States government requirements that any program

spending federal money must do so. (op.cit.: 180)

Let us analyze the data of Table 1, VP anaphors. The following percentages are

obtained by them.

(25) spoken style

a. zero VP anaphors : lexical VP anaphors : full VPs

= (a) + (b) + (c) : (d) + (d) + (e) + (e) + (f) + (f) : (g) + (g) = 152 : 25 : 24 =

75.6% : 12.4% : 11.9%

b. tensed zero VP anaphor do : tensed lexical VP anaphors

= (a) : (d) + (e) + (f) = 73 : 6 = 92.4% : 7.6%

(26) informal written stylea. zero VP anaphors : lexical VP anaphors : full VPs


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= (a) + (b) + (c) : (d) + (d) + (e) + (e) + (f) + (f) : (g) + (g) = 32 : 13 : 0 =

71.1% : 28.9% : 0%


= (a) : (d) + (e) + (f) = 15 : 4 = 78.9% : 21.1%

(27) formal written stylea. zero VP anaphors : lexical VP anaphors : full VPs

= (a) + (b) + (c) : (d) + (d) + (e) + (e) + (f) + (f) : (g) + (g) = 40 : 20 :

0 = 66.7% : 33.3% : 0%


= (a) : (d) + (e) + (f) = 28 : 7 = 80% : 20%

The characteristics of VP anaphors in spoken style like (28) and those in written style

like (29) are obtained from (25) and (26, 27), respectively, besides Table 1:

(28) a. In spoken style zero VP anaphors are used much more than lexical ones.

Also, as seen in (25b), the percentage of the appearance of tensed zero VPanaphor do is strikingly high as compared with that of tensed lexical ones do it

and do that. The other zero anaphors are used much more. Thus,

(14a) is proved, that is, the data confirm the proposal of the hierarchy that the

maximally ellipted and most economic expressions, zero VP anaphors,

are preferred most in spoken style.

b. The examples using do so cannot be found in spoken style, as far as my data

are concerned, because it is used only in linguistic or syntactical context,

not in actual utterance or pragmatic context and it is somewhat formal. Do it

shows the highest frequency in lexical VP anaphors because it can

appear in syntactical context as well as in pragmatic one, and it is a medial

anaphor not appearing in the situation expressed emphatically like do

that.

c. Full VPs appears only in spoken style. They are used to emphasize VPs or to

call a special attention to them. (There are examples of (repeated) full

VPs in case that hearers cannot catch what speakers say, but they are not

counted in the number of full VPs.)

(29) a. The appearance number of VP anaphors in informal and formal written

styles is considerably decreasing as compared with that in spoken style, that

is, 105 (37.2%) : 177 (62.8%), which total (26a, 27a) and (25a) except full VPs,

respectively. We may say that VP anaphors are a very usefulcommunication, esp. in spoken style.

b. Zero VP anaphors are used much more than lexical ones both in informal

and formal styles, which demonstrates the same phenomenon as that in

spoken style. That is, the hierarchy shown in (14a) is also proved in written

style.

c. The lexical VP anaphor do so which does not appear in spoken style in my

data occurs in written style. This is because it is somewhat formal. The

anaphors do itand do thatalso do not appear in formal written style in my data.

This may be because they are used in syntactical context with a

pragmatic one (See note 1).

2.2.2 V anaphors


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Next, the number of the appearance of V anaphors is as follows, as far as the data I

got are concerned.

(30) Table 2: Types and Frequency of V Anaphors

_____________________________________________________________________Anaphors spoken style informal written style formal written style

_____________________________________________________________________

Zero V anaphors

do (a-i) 0 (a-ii) 0 (a-i) 0 (a-ii) 0 (a-i) 6 (a-ii) 0auxiliaries like will, can, (b-i) 4 (b-ii) 0 (b-i) 0 (b-ii) 0 (b-i) 1 (b-ii) 0be, have and should have

to (c) (c) (c)

Lexical V anaphors

do so (d-i) 0 (d-ii) 0 (d-i) 1 (d-ii) 0 (d-i) 7 (d-ii) 0

do it (e-i) 19 (e-ii) 0 (e-i) 6 (e-ii) 0 (e-i) 0 (e-ii) 0

do that (f-i) 3 (f-ii) 0 (f-i) 0 (f-ii) 0 (f-i) 0 (f-ii) 0Full Vs (g-i) 2 (g-ii) 6 (g-i) 5 (g-ii) 5 (g-i) 1 (g-ii) 11

Gapping (Zero V anaphors) (h-i) 0 (h-ii) 0 (h-i) 0 (h-ii) 0 (h-i) 4 (h-ii)

8

((i) stands for the number of anaphors when they have optional contrastive elements

after them and (ii) their number when contrastive elements after them are not

subcategorized by the verb but strongly connected with it. No number both in (i) and

(ii) is shown just by 0 like (a) 0.)

e.g. (V anaphors)

spoken style(30) (b-i) Sabrina: and I thought I had grown up, but I guess I hadnt really.

(Sabrina)

(e-i) Cindy: We do it(rub ears) to our dog. (Runaway Bride)

(f-i) Peggy: Yes, rubbing your ears is very soothing. Cory does thatto me when

I hyperventilate. (Ibid.)

(g-i) Brantley: I never slept with the boss.

Christy: No, you sleptwith the bosss wife. (The Secret of My Success)

(g-ii) I dont want to talk to Sandra, I want to talk to you.

(Salinger 1953: 84)


(30) (d-i) When she finally reassumed her squat on the pier edge, she seemed to

do so with maximum regret, . (op.cit.: 82)

(e-i) Every other weekend, Tommy wouldnt drink. He did it, he said, to keep

trim. He did itbecause he could. (Williams 1972: 195)

(g-i) Try the sports deck for meditation tomorrow morning before breakfast but

do not lose consciousness. Also do not lose consciousness in the

dining room if that waiter drops that big spoon again.

(Salinger 1953: 180)

(g-ii) Mary Hudson waved to me. I wavedback. (op.cit.: 66)



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(30) (a-i) The Supreme Court may thus scrutinize actions of the Congress and the

president, as it didin the Watergate decisions.


(b-i) Major elections cannot occur irregularly, as they may in a parliamentary

system . (op.cit.: 121)

(d-i) Although support for the war in Vietnam did finally drop below thoselevels found during Korea, it did so only after the war had gone on

considerably longer . (Janowitz & Hirsch (eds.) 1981: 90)

(g-i) The legislature is elected for a specific term, and the president is elected

separately, also for a definite period of time.


(g-ii) In the first case an individual derives satisfaction from talking about a

problem; in the second case he derives satisfaction from taking some

form of concrete action. (Janowitz & Hirsch (eds.) 1981: 42)

(h-i) About 400 markets are calculated for daily newspapers and about 230

markets for broadcasting stations. (op.cit.: 168)

(h-ii) Some issues probably are better resolved by one approach; others, by

another. (Skidmore & Tripp 1985: 123)

The number of the appearance of V anaphors is not many, as compared with that of

VP anaphors. The analysis of the data shown in Table 2 leads to the following (31),

(32) and (33):

(31) spoken style

a. (optional elements followed)

zero V anaphors : lexical V anaphors : full Vs : Gapping

= (a-i) + (b-i) : (d-i) + (e-i) + (f-i) : (g-i) : (h-i) = 4 : 22 : 2 : 0 = 14.3% : 78.6% :7.1% : 0%

b. (strongly connected elements followed)


= 0 : 0 : 6 : 0 = 0% : 0% : 100% : 0%

(32) informal written style



= (a-i) + (b-i) : (d-i) + (e-i) + (f-i) : (g-i) : (h-i) = 0 : 7 : 5 : 0 = 0% : 58.3%

: 41.7% : 0%

b. (strongly connected elements followed)zero V anaphors : lexical V anaphors : full Vs : Gapping

= 0 : 0 : 5 : 0 = 0% : 0% : 100% : 0%

(33) formal written style



= (a-i) + (b-i) : (d-i) + (e-i) + (f-i) : (g-i) : (h-i) = 7 : 7 : 1 : 4 = 36.8% :

36.8% : 5.3% : 21.1%

b. (strongly connected elements followed)


= 0 : 0 : 11 : 8 = 0% : 0% : 57.9% : 42.1%


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The characteristics of V anaphors in spoken style like (34) and those in written style


(34) a. In spoken style, when optional contrastive elements, new information, are

added to V, lexical V anaphors are mostly used and do itamong the

anaphors is used most. Thus, the hierarchy of (14b) is proved by (31a).b. In case that contrastive elements after V anaphors are strongly connected with

the verb, full Vs are most preferred. This also proves (14c).

c. There are no examples using do so and Gapping functioning V in spoken

style.

(35) a. In case that optional contrastive elements are added to V', lexical V

anaphors are preferred, do itin informal written style and do so in formal

written style. This may prove (14b).

b. In case that contrastive elements after V anaphors are strongly connected with

the verb, full Vs are used most in both informal and formal written

styles. This proves (14c).c. The frequency of do so and Gapping is the highest in formal written style

because their features may agree with the style.

As shown in (34a, b) and (35a, b), the same results are obtained both in spoken and

written styles, which proves (14b) and (14c).

2.2.3. V anaphors

The following shows the frequency of V anaphors which occur when contrastive

elements after them are subcategorized by the verb.


_____________________________________________________________________

Anaphors spoken style informal written style formal written style

_____________________________________________________________________

Full Vs (a) 37 (a) 25 (a) 32

Gapping (Zero V anaphors) (b) 0 (b) 2 (b) 20

_____________________________________________________________________

e.g. (V anaphors)

spoken style(36) (a) Anne: Which way do you vote, Matthew?

Matthew: I vote Conservative. (Anne of Green Gables)


(36) (a) She(=Maggie) puts her hand on his shoulder. Ike puts his hands around

her waist . (Runaway Bride)

(b) She proceeds down the aisle, Bob behind her. (Ibid.)


(36) (a) newspapers make associations, and associations make newspapers .

(Janowitz & Hirsch (eds.) 1981: 69)

(b) Some hasten to protect others; some to protect themselves:

(op.cit.: 235)


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(37) a. (spoken style) full Vs : Gapping (tenseless zero V anaphors)

= (a) : (b) = 37 : 0 = 100% : 0%

b. (informal written style) full Vs : Gapping

= (a) : (b) = 25 : 2 = 92.6% : 7.4%

c. (formal written style) full Vs : Gapping

= (a) : (b) = 32 : 20 = 61.5% : 38.5%

From (36) and (37) we can say the following:

(38) a. In case that contrastive elements after V anaphors are subcategorized by the

verb, full Vs are used overwhelmingly in three styles. This proves (14d).

b. Gapping appears in written style, esp. it is frequently used in formal written

style, but it does not appear in spoken style. It may be preferred in

formal expressions.

3. Verb Phrase Anaphors in Japanese

3.1. Stylistic Hierarchy

We would like to examine whether the same stylistic hierarchy of preferability for VP

anaphors can be seen in Japanese.

(39) (=3) Mary-ga utai mashi-ta soshite Mary sang and

a. John-mo utai mashi-ta. John sang, too.

b. John-mo desu. John did, too.

c. John-mo soo shimashi-ta. John did so, too.

d. John-mo ?sonna/*anna koto shimashi-ta. John did it/that, too.

In (39) the hierarchy may be abc. The full VP comes first. Then, this result is

quite different from that of the corresponding English described at the beginning of 2,

that is, bca. However, consider (40).

(40) (=4) A: Dare-ga kabin-o wari mashi-ta ka? Who broke the vase?

B: a. John-ga kabin-o wari mashi-ta. John broke the vase.

b. John desu. John did.

c. ?John-ga soo shimashi-ta. John did so.

d. John-ga sonna/anna koto shimashi-ta.12

John did it/that.

The stylistic hierarchy in (40) seems to be bda, the same result as that in English.

The phenomenon that (40c) is unacceptable13

is quite the same as that in English.

Sonna/Anna koto suru has a pragmatic context or a concrete and vivid image, the

connotation of blame, which do itand do thathave.

(41) John-ga wari mashi-ta.

John broke

Comparing (41) with (40b), we Japanese prefer both stylistically. The repeated verb

may be considered a VP anaphor and one of the best expressions of the VP anaphors

in Japanese. It is not relevant to new-old information but is related to cognitive

identification. Since only a verb appears as the predicate in (39), it will be regarded as


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a repeated verb in (39a). Therefore, through the examination of (39) and (40, 41) the

following stylistic hierarchy will be proposed:

(42) zero VP anaphors, repeated verb anaphors lexical VP anaphors full VPs

Further, observe (43).

(43) (cf. (7))

A: Dare-ga sono hon-o koko-ni oki mashi-ta ka?

who the book here put Q

Who put the book here?

B: a. John-ga sono hon/ sore-o koko/soko-ni okimashi-ta.

John the book/ it here/there put

John put the book/it here/there.

b. John desu.

John did John did.

c. John-ga soo shimashi-ta.

John so did John did so.

d. John-ga sonna/(?)anna koto shimashi-ta.

John it / that did John did it/that.

e. John-ga oki mashi-ta.

John put

The stylistic hierarchy in (43) may be b, ecda. The repeated verb is the

highest as well as the zero VP anaphor. Both (43c) and (43d) are regarded as lexical

anaphors, that is, they belong to one group. Again they obey the hierarchy of (42).

Pragmatically we often hear shimasu/shimashi-ta, suru/shi-ta,

yarimasu/yarimashi-ta, or yaru/ya-tta instead of a little long and stiff expressions

sonna/anna koto shimasu/shimashi-ta/suru /shi-ta, as well as repeated verbs as in

(41) and (43e). That is, (John-ga) shimashi-ta/yarimashi-ta/shita-n da yo/ya-tta-n da

yo may cover the functions ofdo itand do thatas well as the repeated verbs.

(44) (cf. (9))

Chichi-wa ototoi imooto-o tazune,

father the day before yesterday sister visited

a. oba-wa kinoo imooto/kanojo-o tazune mashi-ta.

aunt yesterday sister/her visitedb. oba-wa kinoo desu/deshit-a.

did

c. oba-wa kinoo soo shimashi-ta.

so did

d. oba-wa kinoo *sonna/*anna koto shimashi-ta.

it / that did

e. oba-wa kinoo tazune mashi-ta.

visited

My father visited my sister the day before yesterday and my aunt (did so)

yesterday.

In (44), where the optional contrastive element appears before the anaphors, the order


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of preferability is different from that of (42), that is, ecba, not b, eca :

(45) repeated verb anaphors lexical V anaphors zero V anaphors full Vs

The hierarchy is quite the same as that of (9) in English, or (14b), under the similar

condition except that repeated verb anaphors show the highest. Then consider (46).

(46) (cf. (10))

Mary-wa koko-ni hon-o oki,

Mary here book put

a. John-wa tsukue-no ue-ni hon-o oki mashi-ta.

John desk on book put

b. John-wa tsukue-no ue-ni *desu/*deshi-ta.

c. John-wa tsukue-no ue-ni *soo shimashi-ta.

d. John-wa tsukue-no ue-ni *sonna/*anna koto shimashi-ta.

e. John-wa tsukue-no ue-ni oki mashi-ta.

put

Mary put a book here and John put a book on the desk.

In (46), where the obligatory contrastive element appears before the anaphor, the

order of preferability is ea, that is, (47).

(47) repeated verb anaphors full Vs

Zero and lexical V anaphors are not used, the same phenomenon as that of (10) in

English, when the contrastive element before the anaphors is subcategorized by the

verb and is obligatory in the sentence. In English the subcategorization of the verbrules out (46e). Compare (48) with (12).

(48) Mary-wa anata-no kekkon-o o-iwai-shi,

Mary your marriage congratulated

a. John-wa seikoo-o o-iwai shimashi-ta.

John success congratulated

b. John-wa seikoo-o *desu/*deshi-ta.c. John-wa seikoo-o *soo shimashi-ta.

d. John-wa seikoo-o *sonna/*anna koto shimashi-ta.

Mary congratulated you on your marriage and John congratulated you on your

success.

In its corresponding English, (12), the contrastive element is not subcategorized by

the verb but strongly connected with it, which leads to the hierarchy of (14c). In

Japanese (48), only full Vs or repeated verb anaphors are acceptable: (48a) functions

as both a full verb and a repeated verb anaphor. Further, compare (49) with (13).

(49) John-wa ringo-o tabe,

John apple ate

a. Harry-wa orengi-o tabe mashi-ta.

Harry orange ate

b. Harry-wa orengi-o *desu/*deshi-ta.

c. Harry-wa orengi-o *soo shimashi-ta.


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d. Harry-wa orengi-o *sonna/*anna koto shimashi-ta.John ate an apple and Harry ate an orange.

Here again only full Vs or repeated verb anaphors are acceptable when the contrastive

element before them is subcategorized by the verb. As shown in (48) and (49), in

Japanese there is no difference like that between (12) and (13) in English, that is, likethe difference between (14c) and (14d). However, there are two types of stylistic

hierarchy in Japanese as in (46) and (49) when contrastive elements are

subcategorized by the verb, while there is only one type in English because the

noncontrastive object NP subcategorized by the verb can usually be ellipted in

Japanese as in (46e) but it cannot in English. Thus, we will have four types of stylistic

hierarchy under the conditions described above.

(50) a. zero VP anaphors, repeated verb anaphors lexical VP anaphors full

VPs

b. repeated verb anaphors lexical V anaphors zero V anaphors full Vs

c. repeated verb anaphors full Vs

d. full Vs or repeated verb anaphors

English has tenseless V or V anaphors like (13e) and (20) and Japanese also tenseless

V or V anaphors as shown in (51). Right reduction in the first clause occurs in (51),

while Gapping, the medial ellipsis phenomenon in coordinate clauses, occurs in the

second clause in the corresponding English, because of the word order difference.

(51) a. Chichi-wa ototoi (imooto-o tazune), oba-wa kinoo imooto-o tazune mashi-

ta. cf. (44a)

b. Mary-wa koko-ni (hon-o oki), John-wa tsukue-no ue-ni hon-o okimashi-ta.cf. (46a)

c. Mary-wa anata-no kekkon-o (o-iwai-shi), John-wa seikoo-o o-iwai shimashi-

ta. cf. (48a)

d. John-wa ringo-o (tabe), Harry-wa orengi-o tabe mashi-ta. cf. (49a)

Tenseless V anaphors appear in (51a, b) and tenseless V anaphors in (51c, d). This

may be equal to repeated verb anaphors in stylistic preferability; however, tenseless

V and V anaphors sound a little formal and can be seen mainly in formal speech or in

written style, while repeated verb anaphors can be both in spoken and written styles

because one can say the very first what one wants to say, which will bring the latter to

the easier use in spoken or colloquial style.

Here let us examine tenseless VP anaphors, comparing with tensed VP anaphors

which are used most preferably in style.

(52) (cf. (15))

a. Mary-wa Bill-ni ai mashi-ta, John-mo desu/ai mashi-ta.

Mary Bill met John too did/ met

Mary met Bill and John did, too. or Mary met Bill and (Mary met) John,

too.

b. Mary-wa Bill-ni ai mashi-ta, John-mo.

Mary met Bill and John, too.


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(52a) corresponds to English (15a). It incurs ambiguity, that is, John-mo in both

(52a) and (52b) is interpreted as the object as well as the subject, though (15a), the

corresponding English of (52a), does not, because both the subject and the object

precede the verb in Japanese, but not in English. To prevent the ambiguity, we often

say John-ni-mo by using the Case marking when John is treated as the object. (52b)

is used in informal or casual style but it sounds blunt, like its corresponding English(15b).

3.2. Analyses of the Data and Discussion

Here we would like to examine their frequency in use (i) in spoken or conversational

style, (ii) in informal written style and (iii) in formal written style. I used the same

materials employed in English data, that is, conversational parts in four movie scripts

and two novels as the data for (i), stage directions in the scripts and the parts except

conversational ones in the novels for (ii) and two academic books for (iii), some of

which have already been translated into Japanese by professionals.14

Before the presentation of the data, I would like to add two points. First, we cannot

differentiate tensed and tenseless in Japanese so clearly as in English.15

The

Japanese have the concept of tense, so that Japanese has such expressions as ta/-tta

which show the Past (See note 2), but the expression of tense in Japanese is weak; in

other words, it covers a wide sphere. For example, desu, an auxiliary, is used for the

past as in (52a) as well as for the present as follows:

(53) Mary-wa Bill-ni ai masu, John-mo desu.

Mary Bill meet John too do

Mary meets/will meet Bill and John does/will, too.

Further, when a person asks a hearer the following questions (54) where tense is

different, the hearer may answer the same for them like (55).

(54) a. Nani-o shite imasu ka?

what doing are Q

What are you doing?

b. Nani-o kino shimashi-ta ka?

what yesterday do Past Q

What did you do yesterday?

c. Nani-o asu suru tsumori desu ka?what tomorrow do are going to Q

What are you going to do tomorrow?

(55) Hon-o yondari .

book read

I am reading/read/am going to read a book.

The expression like (55) shows mitigation of speech acts, in this case, mitigation of

assertion, a kind of politeness in Japanese. The expressions following (55) may be

shite imasu, shimashita and suru tsumori desu, though many Japanese people do

not use full verb forms in informal speech. We often recognize tense in such verbalexpressions as the above or in relation to time adverbials like ima (now), kino


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(yesterday) and asu (tomorrow). Therefore, in Tables 4, 5 and 6 we do not

differentiate tensed and tenseless.

Second, in order to see the corresponding Japanese anaphors to English ones, we will

compare them in Tables 4, 5 and 6 with VP, V, V anaphors in spoken style, informal

written style and formal written style of English ones used in Tables 1, 2 and 3.

3.2.1. VP anaphors

As far as the data I used for the three styles are concerned, the number of the

appearance of VP anaphors is as follows:

(56) Table 4: Types and Frequency of VP Anaphors

_____________________________________________________________________


_____________________________________________________________________

Zero VP anaphorsdesu (Aux.) P (a) 10 (a) 2

(shimasu) (b) 12other auxiliaries Q (b) 7 (f) 1 (b) 2no expressions R (a) 27 (e) 1 (a) 6 (e)2 (e)1 (a) 11 (d) 2

(b) 12 (f) 1 (b) 4 (b) 1

(c) 8 (g) 1 (c)1 (c) 1

Lexical VP anaphors

soo shimasu S (a) 11 (e) 4 (a)3 (e)2 (a) 2 (d) 7 (d) 11

(b) 9 (f) 1 (b)3

(c) 3 (c) 1

sonna/anna koto(-o) T (a) 1 (e) 3 (e) 6 (d)1shimasu or yarimasu (b) 2 (f) 4 (f)3

(g) 1

repeated verb anaphors (a) 24 (e) 2 (e) 2 (a)6 (d)2 (a) 13

U (b) 19 (g) 19 (g) 3 (b)5 (e)2 (b) 9

(c) 7 (c)2

_____________________________________________________________________

(The alphabet with a small letter corresponds to that used in English Table 1. The

number in the blank space in the alphabetic order is 0.

The italicized alphabet stands for tenseless anaphors as shown in (24). )

e.g. (56)(VP anaphors)spoken styleP (a) Prescott: Whos Carlton Whitfield? I didnt hire any Carlton Whitfield.

Christy: Well, somebody did. (The Secret of My Success)

(J.) Dareka tano hito deshoo ne.

(b) Vera: So, you wont mind if Brantley and I go out to lunch to get better

acquainted?

Brantley: No! No, I cant. (Ibid.)

(J.) Dame desu.

Q (b) Ever consider that?

Yes, of course, I have, Teddy said. (Salinger 1953: 194)

(J.) Un, mochiron, aru sa.

(f) Vera: Turn the keys, start the car, put it in drive and step on the gas. Any idiot


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can do that, even my husband. (The Secret of My Success)

(J.) Donna baka demo dekiru wa yo ne, utino shujin demo.

R (a) Sabrina: He met me at the station.

Maude: Didhe? = (24) (a) (Sabrina)

(J.) Kono ko-ga ^ .16

(b) Thanks. Tell her thanks for me.I will. Gnight! (Salinger 1953: 111 )

(J.) Aa ^ . O-yasumi!

(c) Sabrina: You mustnt take the wrong boat.

Linus: Ill try not to. = (24) (c) (Sabrina)

(J.) ^ Ki-o tsukeru yo.

(e) Ann: Am I talking too much? and I can stop if I make my mind up to do it.(Anne of Green Gables)

(J.) demo ^ kesshin sureba yamerare masu kara.

(f) Vera: and if you can do to them what youve done to me.

Brantley: I cant do that. (The Secret of My Success)

(J.) ^ Deki nai yo.(g) Linus: Yes, thats why he needed the glasses.

David: Yes, thats why I needed the glasses. (Sabrina)

(J.) Soo, dakara ^ nan da.

S (a) its the one film where you really shouldget there on time. I mean if you

dont, the whole charm of it is gone. (Salinger 1953: 53)

(J.) Sooshi-nai to, are-no miryoku-wa zero-ni naru no sa.

(b) I made up my mind Im not gonna worry about it. What for?

I wouldnt. I really wouldnt. (op.cit.: 75)

(J.) Watashi nara, soo suru toko da yo. Hontoni, watashi nara, soo suru toko da

yo.

(c) I mean its very hard to meditate and live a spiritual life in America. People

think youre a freak if you try to. (op.cit.: 188)

(J.) soo shiyoo to suru to, .

(e) It would take quite a lot of meditation and emptying out to get the whole

thing back but you could do itif you wanted to. (op.cit.: 197)

(J.) dakedo, soo shita kerya, kore-wa dekiru yo .

(f) Ike: Thats breaking and entering. Ill call the sheriff.

Maggie: You do that. (Runaway Bride)

(J.) Soo shite.

T (a) I dont care.

I see that. I see you dont, Boo Boo said. (Salinger 1953: 84)(J.) sonna koto-wa wakatteru wa.

(b) Sabrina: Ive spoiled your evening, havent I?

Linus: No, you havent. (Sabrina)

(J.) Iya, sonna kotoshi-nai sa.

(e) You asked me how I get out of the finite dimensions when I feel like it. I

certainly dont use logic when I do it. (Salinger 1953: 190)

(J.) Boku-wa ne, sonna koto-o suru toki-wa,

(e) Sabrina: But why? Why did you do it, Linus? (Sabrina)

(J.) Naze sonna kotoshita no,?

(f) I couldnt push her off, could I?

Oh, no. No. I couldnt do that, said the young man. = (24) (f) (Salinger1953: 13 )


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(J.) Sonna koto deki nai yo.

(g) Linus: Ive, uh, got to go sailing.

David: Yes, hes got to go sailing. (Sabrina)

(J.) Soo, aniki-wa soo suru koto-ni natteru.

U (a) Sabrina: Suppose you dropped one.

Linus: Suppose I did. (Ibid.)(J.) Otoshi-tara doo naru-tte.

(b) Diana: And as long as my mother doesnt find out.

Anne: She mustnt. (Anne of Green Gables)

(J.) Mitsukatte-wa ike nai wa.

(c) You dont have to discuss it if you dont want to, (Salinger 1953:

192)

(J.) Sore-wa hanashi-taku nakya, hanasu hitsuyoo-nai koto dake do ne.

(e) At least, thats why we think he did it(=ran away). = (24) (e) (op.cit.:

79 )

(J.) sore-ga ano ko-no iede-shita wake datte.

(e) Sabrina: Id have died.Linus: And fast. Eight cars. One wouldve done it. (Sabrina)

(J.) Ichi dai datte shinde-ita daro.

(g) I gave her the camera.

You gave her the camera! = (24) (g) (Salinger 1953: 172)

(J.) Kanojo-ni kamera motase-te yatta- tte!

(g) Christy: You want me to spy on him?

Prescott: No, I dont want you to spy on him. (The Secret of My Success)

(J.) Iya, supai shiro-tte iunja-nai.


Q (b) I told her I certainly would (write a story), if I could. (Salinger 1953:

100)

(J.) Kitto kai-te ageru yo. Moshi dekitara ne to, watashi-wa ii-mashi-ta.

R (a) They either had your number on them or they didnt. (op.cit.: 89)

(J.) Renchu-wa kocchi-o kazu-ni irete iru ka ^ inai ka sono dochiraka nano desu

kara.

(b) Some of us had tried to oblige him. Some of us hadnt. (op.cit.: 131)

(J.) Mata ^ sono gyaku-no renchu mo ita.

(c) She had very high standards when she wanted to. (Williams 1972:

83)

(J.) Kanojo-no reberu-wa ^ nozomi-shidai-de hijo-ni takai mono-ni na-tta.(e) He addressed me in a lowered, an almost prudent tone of voice. It was the

buddy, I think, that did it. (Salinger 1953: 131)

(J.) ^ Dooyara kono aiboo-no sei da-tta rashii.

(e) I mailed my letter and drawings to Sister Irma around three-thirty in the

morning, going out to the street to do it. = (23) (b) (Ibid.)

(J.) gozen san-ji han goro ^ wazawaza soto-ni dete tookan shita.

S (a) I glanced behind me now and then. Each time I did, Harry Hudson waved

gaily to me. (op.cit.: 65)

(J.) Soo suru tabini, meri hadosun-wa watashi-no tokoro-e yooki-ni te-o fu-

tta.

(b) Im not saying I will, but I could go on for hours escorting the reader .(op.cit.: 61)


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(J.) Watashi-wa jibun-kara susun-de soo suru ki-wa nai ga, .

(e) He talked to the plants. He always told them what he was going to do before

he did it, (Williams 1972: 114)(J.) Nani-o suru nimo kanarazu soo suru mae-ni kusa ki-ni hanashi kake-ta.

T (d) I advocate no doctrine; it is not my nature to do so. (Salinger 1953:154)

(J.) sonna koto-o suru-no-wa watashi-no shoo-ni awa-nai no desu.

(f) Dan giggled, remembering when Mr. Muirhead had done that. (Williams

1972: 87)

(J.) Dan-wa myuahedo shi-no sonna koto-o shita-no-o omoidashi-te shinobi

warai shita.

U (a) She used to visit him in his room several nights a week but now she doesnt.

(op.cit.: 118)

(J.) ima-wa moo kite kure-nai.

(b) The instant Id said it, I wished I hadnt. = (24)(b) (Salinger 1953:

100)(J.) Sore-o itta totan-ni iwana-kereba yokatta to omoi mashi-ta.

(c) I couldnt have stopped myself, even if Id wanted to. = (24)(c)

(op.cit.: 66)

(J.) (te-o furu koto-o) Yame-taku tomo, yame-yoo-ga naka-tta daroo.

(d) When he had done so(=taken up his position), he took out a handkerchief .

(op.cit.: 71)

(J.) Sono shisei-o tori oeru-to, hankachi-o toridashi-te .

(e) Even after they disappeared, the girls could not believe they had really done it.

(J.) hontoo-ni kie-ta-no ka shinji-rare naka-tta.


P (a) While only 1 percent of persons in the Group I category reported reading a

nonfiction book in the previous year, almost one in four persons in Group

VI did. (Janowitz & Hirsch (eds.) 1981:

351)

(J.) yo nin-no uchi hobo hitori da-tta.

R (a) Stated simply, the functional approach is the attempt to understand the

reasons people hold the attitudes they do. (op.cit.: 43)(J.) hitobito-ga naze ^sonna taido-o tori tsuzukeru-ka-o rikai shiyoo to suru

koto de aru.

(b) the President can put forth some claim to a national constituency thatCongress, although it is a national legislature, cannot.

(J.) daitoryo-wa yuukensha-ni renpoo gikai-ga ^deki-nai shuchoo-o suru

koto-ga dekiru. (Skidmore & Tripp 1985: 126)

(c) Bureaucrats can, if they want to, regulate a law to death.

(op.cit.: 196)

(J.) Kanryoo-wa ^nozomu nara hooritsu-o muryokuka suru koto-ga dekiru.

(d) Most celebrated is Doc Holliday came west to practice medicine whenever

he was sober enough to do so. (Janowitz & Hirsch (eds.) 1981: 233)

(J.) Mottomo yuumei nano-wa Doc Holliday de ^ochitsuite iru toki-wa .

S (a) The campaign may have reactivated old loyalties, but, if it did, they were not

the same old loyalties as in 1948. (op.cit.: 332)(J.) tatoe soo shita to shite mo .


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(c) Legislators, however, are free to listen to arguments from anyone, and indeed

they are expected to. = (24)(c) (Skidmore & Tripp 1985: 86)

(J.) jissai karera-wa soo suru yoo kitai sarete iru.

(d) to engage in direct and immediate policy making in their decisions. More

often it is the appellate judge always without jury who does so. =(23a)

(J.) soo suru no wa jyooso saibankan de aru koto-ga ooi.(op.cit.: 212)

(d) Most states and cities have adopted civil service merit systems, that any

program spending federal money must do so. =(24)(d) (op.cit.: 180)

(J.) renpoo seifu-no okane-o tsukau ikanaru keikaku-mo soo shinakereba

ikenai to iu...

U (a) The system did work and to some extent still does. =(24)(a)

(op.cit.: 138)

(J.) Sono shisutemu-wa kako-ni hatarai-te ite, imademo aru teido hatarai-te iru.

(b) between those things that may be done by ordinary legislative procedure

and those that may not; (Janowitz & Hirsch (eds.) 1981: 13)

(J.) futsu-no rippo tetsuzuki-ni yotte nasareru mono to nasare-nai mono tono aida-ni

Let us analyze the data of Table 4, VP anaphors. The following percentages are

obtained by them.

(57) spoken style

a. zero VP anaphors : lexical VP anaphors : repeated verb anaphors

= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 80 : 45 : 76 = 39.8% : 22.4% : 37.8%

b. (corresponding to Englishzero VP anaphors (a) + (b) + (c))

zero VP anaphors : lexical VP anaphors : repeated verb anaphors

= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 76 : 26 : 50 =50.0% : 17.1% : 32.9%

c. (corresponding to English lexical VP anaphors (d, d) + (e, e) + (f, f))


= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 3 : 18 : 4 = 12.0% : 72.0% : 16.0%

d. (corresponding to Englishfull VPs (g, g))


= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 1 : 1 : 22 = 4.2% : 4.2% : 91.7%



= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 16 : 12 : 17 = 35.5% : 26.7% : 37.8%b. (corresponding to Englishzero VP anaphors (a) + (b) + (c))


= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 13 : 6 : 13 = 40.6% : 18.8% : 40.6%



= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 3 : 6 : 4 = 23.0% : 46.2% : 30.8%



= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 17 : 21 : 22 = 28.3% : 35.0% : 36.7%

b. (corresponding to Englishzero VP anaphors (a) + (b) + (c))zero VP anaphors : lexical VP anaphors : repeated verb anaphors


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= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 15 : 3 : 22 =37.5% : 7.5% : 55.0%



= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 2 : 18 : 0 = 10% : 90% : 0%

The characteristics of VP anaphors in spoken style and those in written style areshown as in (60) and (61), respectively, which are obtained from (57) and (58, 59),

besides (56), Table 4.

(60) a. (57a) shows what we predict in the hierarchy, (50a). That is, zero VP

anaphors and repeated verb anaphors are preferred to lexical VP anaphors in

spoken style.

b. Among the Japanese VP anaphors corresponding to English zero VP anaphors,

zero VP anaphors are preferred most, as shown in (57b). In the

same way, among those corresponding to English lexical VP anaphors, lexical

VP anaphors are used most frequently as (57c) shows. Among those

corresponding to English full VPs, repeated verb anaphors are usedoverwhelmingly as shown in (57d). This proves a great similarity between the

two languages in the use of VP anaphors.

c. Zero anaphor do in English corresponds to no expressions of zero anaphors

more than the other anaphors in Japanese (See (a) in Table 4). This

may prove that English do stands just as a place-holder as the examples like

(17a, b) and (18a, b) show. Though it is natural that the other auxiliaries

except desu are used for the corresponding English auxiliaries like will and can,

it is a typical phenomenon as Japanese VP anaphors that repeated

verb anaphors occur more than the other anaphors (See (b) in Table 4).

(61) a. The hierarchy of (50a) is proved by (58a) and (59a); that is, zero VP

anaphors or repeated verb anaphors are preferred to lexical VP anaphors both

in informal and formal written styles. The frequency of repeated verb anaphors

is higher than that of zero anaphors in formal written style. This may

come from the fact that we need more cognitive identification, the main

function of repeated verb anaphors.

b. Among the Japanese VP anaphors corresponding to English zero VP anaphors,

repeated verb anaphors or zero VP anaphors are used more than

lexical ones in written styles, as shown in (58b, 59b), which is the same

phenomenon in spoken style. On the Japanese anaphors corresponding to

English lexical VP anaphors, we can say the same as that in spoken style, thatis, lexical VP anaphors are used most frequently, as (58c, 59c) show,

esp. they are predominant in formal style. We do not refer to Japanese anaphors

corresponding to English full VPs because they do not appear in

written styles, as pointed out in (28c).

3.2.2. V anaphors

Next, the number of the appearance of V anaphors is as follows:


_____________________________________________________________________


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_____________________________________________________________________

Zero V anaphors

desu (Aux.) P 0 0 0

other auxiliaries Q (b-i) 4 (f-i) 1 0 0

(g-ii) 1no expressions R 0 (g-i) 1 (a-i) 2 (d-i) 1

(h-i) 4 (h-ii)5

Lexical V anaphors

soo shimasu S (e-i) 5 (d-i) 1 (a-i) 2 (d-i) 2

(f-i) 2 (e-i) 3

sonna/anna koto(-o) T (e-i) 3 0 0

shimasu or yarimasu

repeated verb anaphors U (e-i) 11 (e-i) 3 (a-i) 2 (d-i) 4

(g-i) 2 (g-ii) 5 (g-i) 4 (g-ii) 5 (b-i) 1 (g-i)1 (g-ii) 11

(h-ii) 3

_____________________________________________________________________(The number in the blank space in the alphabetic order is 0.)

e.g. (62)(V anaphors)

spoken styleQ (b-i) Sabrina: and I thought I had grown up, but I guess I hadnt really.

(Sabrina)

(J.) hontoo-wa zenzen natte nanka inaka-tta-n dawa.

(f-i) Davenport: Now, if youll get the hell out of here, well finish the job.

Brantley: I cant do thatfor you, Don. (The Secret of My Success)

(J.) Sore-wa deki-nai na, don.

(g-ii) Christy: We could never pull that off.Brantley: Are you going to tell me that I cant pull it off? (Ibid.)

(J.) Soredemo deki-nai-tte iu no ka?

S (e-i) Maggie: No, its humiliating and youve been doing it(=making a harmless

joke) since I was a kid. (Runaway Bride)

(J.) toosan-wa watashi-ga kodomo-no koro kara itsumo soo yatte-ta.

(f-i) Prescott: I want you to stay close to Christy and keep Whitfield away from

her. Will you do thatfor me? (The Secret of My Success)

(J.) Soo shite kureru ka?

T (e-i) I grew my own body, he said. Nobody else did itfor me . (Salinger

1953: 197)

(J.) Hoka-no hito-wa dare-mo sonna koto shite kureya shinaka-tta.U (e-i) Well, he could make me laugh thatway, Eloise said. He could do itwhen

he talked to me. He could do itover the phone. He could even do it

in a letter. (op.cit.: 28)

(J.) watashi-o warawasu koto-ga dekitano yo. Watashi-ni nanika hanashi-o

shite-wa warawase-ta wa. Denwa demo warawase-ta wa.

(g-i) Anne: Im sorry, Mrs. Cadbury. But I wasnt paying attention.

Mrs. Cadbury: You havent been paying attention for the past six months.

(Anne of Green Gables)

(J.) Kono rokka getsu, zu-tto ukkari shiteru wa ne.

(g-ii) Anyway, I dont want to talk to Sandra, I want to talk to you. (Salinger 1953: 84)

(J.) Tonikaku Sandra to-wa hanashi-taku-nai no yo. Omae to hanashi-tai no yo.


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R (g-i) The yard boys girl friend is not talking to him. She has not been talking for

days actually. (Williams 1972: 119)

(J.) kare-ni hanashi kakete kure-nai. Soremo, moo nannichi-mo ^.

S (d-i) When she finally reassumed her squat on the pier edge, she seemed to do sowith maximum regret, . (Salinger 1953: 82)

(J.) soo suru koto-o totemo kuyan-de iru yoo de a-tta.

(e-i) Every other weekend, Tommy wouldnt drink. He did it, he said, to keep

trim. He did itbecause he could. (Williams 1972: 195)

(J.) daietto-no tame soo shita to itta ga, soo dekiru jishin-ga atta kara soo

shita no da.

U (e-i) They spent the winter in Elizabeths house in the South and they drove up

to Sams house for the summer. They had done ittwice now.

(J.) imamade nido sono yooni sugoshite kita.

(Williams 1972: 41)

(g-i) The phone rings a few times, but Brantley ignores it. He stares it for amoment, and it rings again. (The Secret of My Success)

(J.) Denwa-ga suukai natta. futatabi natta.

(g-ii) They went to Europe. They went to Mexico.

(Williams 1972: 45)

(J.) Karera-wa yooroppa-ni itta. Mekishiko-ni itta.


R (a-i) This process may consume many years, as it didin the lengthy segregation

cases of past decades. (Skidmore & Tripp 1985: 209)

(J.) koko suu jyuu nen-no hijoo-ni nagai jinshu kakuri jirei-no ^yooni .

(d-i) Only the Congress can declare war, and presumably it need not wait to be

asked to do so by the president. (op.cit.: 168)

(J.) daitooryoo-ni ^motomera-reru made matsu hitsuyoo-wa nai.

(h-i) About 400 markets are calculated for daily newspapers and about 230

markets for broadcasting stations.

(Janowitz & Hirsch (eds.) 1981:

168)

(J.) Yaku 400 no kuiki-wa nikkan shinbun yoo-ni^, yaku 230 no kuiki-wa

hoosookyoku yoo-ni kimera-re te iru.

(h-ii) In the 1968 general election, two of these cities gave large majorities to

Hubert Humphrey, two to Richard Nixon, and the fifth gave Nixon aslight edge. (op.cit.:77)

(J.) korera-no toshi-no uchi, ni toshi-de hanfuri-ga^, nitoshi-de nikuson-ga

taisa-no tokuhyou-de yuui-to natta .

S (a-i) The Supreme Court may thus scrutinize actions of the Congress and the

president, as it didin the Watergate decisions.

(J.) wootaageito jiken-no saiketsu-de soo shita yooni.


(d-i) Most districts now apply no literacy test at all, and they cannot do so to

exclude particular groups. (op.cit.: 15)

(J.) tokubetsu-no guruupu-o haijo suru tame-ni soo suru koto-wa deki-nai.

U (a-i) Later, if these symbols are challenged, as some in the peace and black-power groups unwisely didwith the flag and the anthem, the response may


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be violent. (op.cit.: 27)

(J.) mondai-ni sareru nara, kokki ya kokka-ni taishite mondai to shita yooni

.

(b-i) Major elections cannot occur irregularly, as they may in a parliamentary

system . (op.cit.: 121)

(J.) futeikiteki niwa okonawa-re-nai, dewa okonawa-reru ga .(d-i) Judges may openly cite such articles as helpful, and Supreme Court

opinions have done so in one of every four decisions. (op.cit.: 85)

(J.) yakudatsu to shite inyoo suru kamo shirenai, inyoo shite kita.

(g-i) The legislature is elected for a specific term, and the president is elected

separately, also for a definite period of time. (op.cit.: 121)

(J.) Rippoofu-no giin-wa ittei kikan eraba-re, daitooryoo-mo betsuni eraba-

reru.

(g-ii) In the first case an individual derives satisfaction from talking about a

problem; in the second case he derives satisfaction from taking some form

of concrete action. (Janowitz & Hirsch

(eds.) 1981: 42)(J.) hito-wa manzoku-o oboeru ga, manzoku-o oboeru node aru.

(h-ii) Some issues probably are better resolved by one approach; others, by

another. (Skidmore & Tripp 1985: 123)

(J.) Aru hoohoo-ni yotte umaku kaiketsusa-reru mondai-mo areba, betsu-no

hoohoo-ni yotte kaiketsusa-reru mondai-mo aru.

The number of the appearance of V anaphors is not many, as compared with that of

VP anaphors. The analysis of the data shown in Table 5 leads to the following (63),

(64) and (65):

(63) spoken style

a. (corresponding to optional elements followed in English) ((a-i)~(g-i))

zero V anaphors : lexical V anaphors : repeated verb anaphors

= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 5 : 10 : 13 = 17.9% : 35.7% : 46.4%

b. (corresponding to strongly connected elements followed in English) ((a-ii)~(g-

ii))


= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 1 : 0 : 5 = 16.7% : 0% : 83.3%

c. (corresponding to Englishzero V anaphors (a-i)+(b-i))


= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 4 : 0 : 0 = 100% : 0% : 0%d. (corresponding to English lexical V anaphors (d-i)+(e-i)+(f-i))

= zero V anaphors : lexical V anaphors : repeated verb anaphors

= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 1 : 10 : 11 = 4.5% : 45.5% : 50%

e. (corresponding to English full Vs (g-i)+(g-ii))


= 1 : 0 : 7 = 12.5% : 0% : 87.5%




= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 1 : 4 : 7 = 8.3% : 33.3% : 58.3%b. (corresponding to strongly connected elements followed in English) ((a-


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ii)~(g-ii))


= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 0 : 0 : 5 = 0% : 0% : 100%

c. (corresponding to English lexical V anaphors (d-i)+(e-i)+(f-i))


= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 0 : 4 : 3 = 0% : 57.1% : 42.9%d. (corresponding to English full Vs (g-i)+(g-ii))

= zero V anaphors : lexical V anaphors : repeated verb anaphors U

= 1 : 0 : 9 = 10% : 0% : 90%




= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 3 : 4 : 8 = 20.0% : 26.7% : 53.3%

b. (corresponding to strongly connected elements followed in English) ((a-

ii)~(g-ii))

zero V anaphors : lexical V anaphors : repeated verb anaphors= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 0 : 0 : 11 = 0% : 0% : 100%

c. Gapping

(optional elements followed in English) ((h-i))

no expressions : repeated verb anaphors = 4 : 0 = 100% : 0%

(strongly connected elements followed in English) ((h-ii))

no expressions : repeated verb anaphors = 5 : 3 = 62.5% : 37.5%

d. (corresponding to Englishzero V anaphors (a-i)+(b-i))


= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 2 : 2 : 3 = 28.6% : 28.6% : 42.8%

e. (corresponding to English lexical V anaphors (d-i)+(e-i)+(f-i))


= P+Q+R : S+T : U = 1 : 2 : 4 = 14.3% : 28.6% : 57.1%

f. (corresponding to English full Vs (g-i)+(g-ii))


= 0 : 0 : 12 = 0% : 0% : 100%

The characteristics of V anaphors in spoken style like (66) and those in written style


(66) a. In spoken style, when optional contrastive elements, new information, are

added to V, repeated verb anaphors are preferred most and then comelexical V anaphors Thus, the hierarchy of (50b) is proved by (63a).

b. Among the Japanese V anaphors corresponding to English V anaphors, that

is, when contrastive elements after V anaphors are strongly

connected with the verb, repeated verb anaphors are most preferred as shown in

(63b). This also proves (50c).

c. The frequency of zero V anaphors is quite similar to that in English as shown

in (63c), the occurrence of lexical V and repeated verb anaphors is

also similar to that of lexical V anaphors in English as in (63d), and English

full Vs correspond to repeated verb anaphors in Japanese as in (63e).

This shows that there is a great similarity between the two languages.

(67) a. In written style, in case that optional contrastive elements are added to V',


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repeated verb anaphors are preferred most and then come lexical V

anaphors in both informal and formal styles. This is the same phenomenon as

that in spoken style, that is, the hierarchy of (50b) is proved by (64a)

and (65a).

b. Among the Japanese V anaphors corresponding to English V anaphors, that

is, when contrastive elements after V anaphors are stronglyconnected with the verb, only repeated verb anaphors are used in both informal

and formal styles. This proves (50c).

c. Gapping which appears only in English formal written style mainly

corresponds to no expressions among zero V anaphors as in (65c). A great

similarity is also shown between the two languages.

d. Repeated verb anaphors are preferred most in correspondence to English zero

V anaphors in formal written style as shown in (65d). The

occurrence of lexical V and repeated verb anaphors is very similar to that of

lexical V anaphors in English as in (64c, 65e) and English full Vs

correspond to repeated verb anaphors in Japanese as in (64d) and (65f), which

is the same phenomenon as in spoken style and shows a greatsimilarity between the two languages.

3.2.3. V anaphors

Finally, we would like to examine the frequency of V anaphors in use. The following

shows the number of the appearance of V anaphors corresponding to English ones

which occur when contrastive elements after them are subcategorized by the verb.


_____________________________________________________________________


_____________________________________________________________________

Zero V anaphors

desu (Aux.) P 0 0 0

other auxiliaries Q 0 0 0no expressions R (a) 2 (b) 0 (a) 0 (b) 2 (a) 0 (b) 17

Lexical V anaphors

soo shimasu S 0 0 0

sonna/anna koto(-o T 0 0 0

shimasu or yarimasu

repeated verb anaphors U (a) 35 (b) 0 (a) 25 (b) 0 (a) 32 (b) 3

_____________________________________________________________________

e.g. (68)(V anaphors)

spoken style

R (a) Anne: Which way do you vote, Matthew?

Matthew: I vote Conservative. (Anne of Green Gables)

(J.) Hoshutoo da ne.

U (a) Brantley: All right, so you dont eat lunch. Do you eatdinner? (The Secret

of My Success)

(J.) yuushoku-wa taberu ne?


R (b) The room had two windows, one of which overlooked the field and the


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other, the sea. (Williams 1972: 132)

(J.) Sono hitotsu-no mado kara denen-ga ^, moo hitotsu-no mado kara umi-ga

miwataseru.

U (a) Anne kisses Marilla and hugs her tightly. Matthew kisses Anne, then hugs

her. (Anne of Green Gables)

(J.) An-wa marila-ni kisushite kara kanojo-o tsuyoku dakishimeru. Mashuu-waan-ni kisushite kara dakishimeru.


R (b) Some hasten to protect others; some to protect themselves:

(Janowitz & Hirsch (eds.) 1981: 235)

(J.) Isoide tanin-o mamoroo to suru hito mo ireba, ^ jibun-o mamoroo to suru

hito mo iru.

U (a) newspapers make associations, and associations make newspapers .

(op.cit.: 69)

(J.) Shinbun-wa kakawari-o tsukuri, kakawari-wa shinbun-o tsukuru.

(b) One relates again to the problem and violence, another to cases of panic

response to news or information, . (op.cit.: 276)

(J.) Hanzai to booryoku-no mondai-ni kankeisuru mono to, nyuusu ya

jyoohoo-ni ijyo-ni hannoo suru baai-ni kankeisuru mono to-ga aru.

(69) a. (spoken style) (corresponding to full Vs in English (a))

(a) zero V anaphors (no expressions) : repeated verb anaphors

= R U = 2 35 = 5.4% 94.6%

b. (informal written style) (corresponding to full Vs (a) and Gapping in English

(b))

(a) zero V anaphors (no expressions) : repeated verb anaphors= R U = 0 25 = 0% 100%

(b) zero V anaphors (no expressions) : repeated verb anaphors

= R U = 2 0 = 100% 0%

c. (formal written style) (corresponding to full Vs (a) and Gapping in English

(b))

(a) zero V anaphors (no expressions) : repeated verb anaphors

= R U = 0 32 = 0% 100%

(b) zero V anaphors (no expressions) : repeated verb anaphors

= R U = 17 3 = 85% 15%

From (68) and (69) we can say the following:

(70) a. Among V anaphors corresponding to English V ones, that is, when

contrastive elements after V anaphors are subcategorized by the verb, repeated

verb anaphors are used overwhelmingly in three styles as shown in (69a),

(69b(a)) and (69c(a)). This proves (50d). This is the same phenomenon

as full Vs in English.

b. No expressions among zero V anaphors are used overwhelmingly in written

style, as in (69b(b)) and (69c(b)) . This is also the same

phenomenon as Gapping in English. When the repeated verb anaphors appear in

formal written style, longer new elements are usually preceded.


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4. Conclusion

I have observed and discussed VP, V and V anaphors in English and Japanese from

stylistic and pragmatic viewpoints and may conclude as follows:

In English There are four types of stylistic hierarchy for VP, V and V anaphors:

a. zero VP anaphors lexical VP anaphors full VPs

b. lexical V anaphors zero V anaphors full Vs

c. full Vs lexical or zero V anaphors

d. full Vs or Vs or tenseless zero V anaphors

(a) is when no contrastive elements except too appear after VP anaphors, (b) when

optional contrastive elements representing new and important information occur after

V anaphors, (c) when contrastive elements after them are not subcategorized but

strongly connected by the verb and (d) when contrastive ones are subcategorized bythe verb. Through VP, V and V anaphors we can see a gradual shift of sentence

construction in English.

Between two types of zero VP anaphor, tensed and tenseless, tenseless ones are

likely to be ambiguous. I assume that this is one of the reasons why they are hardly or

never heard pragmatically. They are sometimes used in answers for questions in

informal or casual style, but they sound blunt. Tenseless V or V anaphors can be used

where there arises no ambiguity, without sounding blunt.

The hierarchy for VP anaphors shown in (14a) which occurs most frequently

seems to be parallel to that for NP phrases: zero anaphors lexical or pronominal

anaphors full NPs.

The data have proved my proposal of the hierarchy shown in (14), that is,.

In spoken or conversational style, zero VP anaphors appear much more than the

lexical ones, esp. in tensed VP anaphors, which confirms the proposal of the hierarchy

that the maximally ellipted and most economic expressions, zero VP anaphors, are

preferred to lexical ones in spoken style. Likewise, both in informal and formal

written style, zero VP anaphors are used much more than lexical ones, though the

appearance number of VP anaphors is strikingly decreasing as compared with that in

spoken style. Therefore, we may say that VP anaphors are a very usefulcommunication vehicle in spoken style rather than in written style.

As to V anaphors that optional contrastive elements, new information, are added to

V, lexical V anaphors are preferred in the three styles probably because of the

stylistic stability. Do it among the anaphors is used most in spoken and informal

written styles and do so in formal written style. In case that contrastive elements after

V anaphors are strongly connected with the verb, full Vs are most preferred in the

three styles.

As to V anaphors that contrastive elements after V anaphors are subcategorized by the

verb, full Vs are used overwhelmingly in three styles, while Gapping appears in

written style, esp. in formal written style, not in spoken style. It may be preferred in


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formal expressions.

Among lexical anaphors in VP and V anaphors, do so seldom occurs in spoken style,

while it appears more in formal written style because it is used only in syntactical

context, not in pragmatic context and it is somewhat formal.Do itshows the highest

frequency both in spoken and informal written styles because it can appear insyntactical context as well as in pragmatic one, and it is a medial anaphor not

appearing in the situation expressed emphatically like do that.

In Japanese

There are four types of stylistic hierarchy for VP, V and V anaphors:

a. zero VP anaphors, repeated verb anaphors lexical VP anaphors full VPs

b. repeated verb anaphors lexical V anaphors zero V anaphors full Vs

c. repeated verb anaphors full Vs

d. full Vs or repeated verb anaphors

(a) is when no contrastive elements except the subject with mo (too) appear before VP

anaphors, (b) when optional contrastive elements representing new and important

information occur before V anaphors, (c) when obligatory contrastive elements

appear before V anaphors and (d) before V anaphors. Repeated tensed verbs are used

as VP anaphors and considered one of their best expressions in Japanese. They are not

relevant to new-old information but are related to cognitive identification. They are

also most preferred as V and V anaphors.

Both types of zero VP anaphor, tensed and tenseless, incur ambiguity because the

subject and the object precede the verb in Japanese. Tenseless VP anaphors are

usually used in informal or casual style but they sound blunt, which is the samephenomenon as English tenseless VP anaphors. Tenseless V and V anaphors, which

appear as right reduction in the first clause may be equal to repeated verb anaphors in

stylistic preferability, though they may sound a little formal and be seen mainly in

written style, while repeated verb anaphors may be both in spoken and written style.

Generally we can say , but in practice we cannot differentiate tensed and

tenseless in Japanese so clearly as in English. The Japanese, of course, have the

concept of tense, so that Japanese has such expressions as ta/-tta which show the

past, but the expression of tense in Japanese is weak; in other words, it covers a wide

sphere. For example, desu, an auxiliary, is used for the past as well as for the present.Though many Japanese people do not use full verb forms in informal speech, for

mitigation of speech acts, we often recognize tense in such expressions as ta/-tta or

in relation to time adverbials like kinoo (yesterday).

The data have proved my proposal of the hierarchy shown in (50), that is,.

No expressions of zero anaphors and repeated verb anaphors are used most

frequently as Japanese VP anaphors both in spoken and informal written styles17

, and

repeated verb anaphors in formal written style. Among the Japanese VP anaphors

corresponding to English zero VP anaphors, zero VP anaphors or repeated verb

anaphors are used more than lexical ones in the three styles; among those

corresponding to English lexical VP anaphors, lexical VP anaphors are used mostfrequently in the three styles; among those corresponding to English full VPs, which


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appear in spoken style in my data, repeated verb anaphors are used overwhelmingly.

This proves a great similarity between the two languages in the use of VP anaphors.

As to V anaphors that optional contrastive elements, new information, are added to

V, repeated verb anaphors are preferred most and then come lexical V anaphors in

the three styles. Among the Japanese V anaphors corresponding to English Vanaphors, that is, when contrastive elements after V anaphors are strongly connected

with the verb, repeated verb anaphors are most preferred in the three styles.

Examining the frequency of each of the V anaphors, we again realize a great

similarity between the two languages; English zero V anaphors correspond to

Japanese zero anaphors in spoken style, English lexical V anaphors to Japanese

lexical anaphors (with the repeated verb anaphors in written style) and English full

Vs to Japanese repeated verb anaphors in the three styles. Gapping appearing only in

English formal written style mainly corresponds to no expressions among zero V

anaphors, which also shows a great similarity between the two languages.

As to V anaphors corresponding to English V anaphors, that is, when contrastiveelements after V anaphors are subcategorized by the verb, repeated verb anaphors are

used overwhelmingly in the three styles, which is the same phenomenon as full Vs

appearing in English. No expressions in zero V anaphors are used overwhelmingly in

written style, esp. in formal written style, corresponding to Gapping in English. Again

a great similarity is shown between the two languages.

In both English and Japanese, the result may come from economy, brevity and clarity

in expression so that we may focus our attention on new information, as well as

stylistic stability. The hierarchy of the preferability seems to be closely related with

that of cohesion.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank anonymous Language and Style reviewers for having accepted

the earlier version of this paper. Unfortunately, the international journal ceased to

appear a few years ago and my article was not in the journal.

Notes

1 As Matsui (1986) points out, do so is used only in syntactical context, while do it

and do thatare used in syntactical context with a pragmatic one. Do itand do that

cannot appear when the verb is [+Stative] like belong, costand contain and when the

verb phrase consists of only one [-Transitive] verb. However, purely in pragmatic

context, do itand do thatcan be used even in the [-Transitive] verb of the coherent

anaphor inferred from the context of speech. Do that can appear in the situation

expressed emphatically (e.g. with only andjust), while do itcannot, because thatofdo

thatcan receive stress. This is why do itis preferable to do thatwhen there is another

element after the anaphor.

2 wa, -ga, -o/-ni and no after the noun usually represent particles of Topic, Subject,

Object and Genitive/Possessive, respectively. ta/-tta after the verb like oki-ta/nemu-tta or after the auxiliary verb like mashi-ta stands for an auxiliary showing the Past or


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the Present Perfect or showing confirmation. -ni also represents a particle of direction

and yo or no at the end of a clause a particle of emphasis or a gentle tone often used

by females. The notation like Topic and Subject is not shown in this paper.

3 The word marked by < > must appear in English but usually does not occur in

Japanese.

4 Only in (4b) ga showing Subject does not appear. Some linguists analyze (4b) as

(Kabin-o wa-tta nowa) John desu or It is John (that broke the vase), where the

parenthesized part is ellipted. In other words, the use of desu/da, in examples like

(4b), can be an instance of reduced cleft.

5 I express my hearty thanks again to Mr. Gregory Peterson, Sister Mary Vivienne and

Sister Maureen Brinker. I also express my thanks to Dr. Robert Kritzer for having

checked the data newly.

6 It is natural that V(P) anaphors like do and do so are not used when adjectives andverbs are in focus as the following examples show:

(i) a. Mary is pretty and she is clever (too).

b. . . . and Betty is clever.

(ii) a. The boys read the play and they acted it (too).

b. . . . and the girls acted it.

7 You may say that zero V anaphors like do and did are used in the following

examples.

(i) John plays Hamlet and Bill {plays/ does/ *does so/ *does it/ *does that} Othello.

(ii) John solved this problem and Mary {solved/ did/ *did so/ *did it/ *did that} that

one.

However, do in (i) and (ii) is not a V anaphor, but a verb denoting action. It has the

same meaning in itself as play, solve, etc. See Matsui (1985).

8 The medial ellipsis phenomenon in coordinate clauses like (13e) is called Gapping.

For details, see Matsui (1988).

9 The movie scripts I used are Sabrina (Ernest Lehman 1954), Anne of Green

Gables (Kevin Sullivan 1985), The Secret of My Success (Jim Cash & Jack Epps,

Jr. and A. J. Carothers 1989) and Runaway Bride (Josann McGibbon and Sara

Parriott 1999). The names in parentheses after the movies show script writers. Thetwo novels areNine Stories by J. D. Salinger (1953) and Taking Care: Short Stories by

Joy Williams (1972). The two academic books are Reader in Public Opinion and

Mass Communication by M. Janowitz and P. Hirsch (eds.) (1981) and American

Governmentby M. J. Skidmore and M. C. Tripp (1985).

10 The conditions of comparative clauses are: (a) The element of contrast must be

present in both the main and the complement clauses. (b) The figure of scale, the

common characteristic, must not appear in the complement clause as in *John eats

faster than Mary eats fast. The use of do so, do it and do that violates the (b)

constraint. That is, they can cover the figure of scale in the above sense. Therefore,

than and as expressing comparison can be said to have the figure of scale in thecomplement clause. We cannot say what so, itand that in this combination refer to.


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They behave as a unity. Do can also cover the figure of scale, but it has a different

nature from do so, do itand do that; it is an auxiliary and it stands just as a place-

holder because Mary is also acceptable as well as Mary did. For details, see Matsui

(1985).

11 The following examples show that do behaves like an auxiliary.(i) A: John swam well.

B: Did Mary *do/ do so/ do it/ do that?

(ii) A: John cant drove a car.

B: Bill cant/ *cant do/ cant do so/ cant do it/ cant do that, either.

(iii) A: John hunts birds.

B: Yes, I have watched him *do/ do so/ do it/ do that. (For details, see Matsui

1985.)

12 Since itand thatin do itand do thatare treated as nominals, do itand do thatmay

literally be expressed as sonna koto suru and anna koto suru in Japanese,

respectively. So in do so is not considered to be a nominal as shown in (i).(i) a. It/That was done by Mary.

b. *So was done by Mary.

13 I assume that the unacceptability of soo desu/shimashi-ta is due to the degree of

the action expressed by the verb. Such an expression as soo desu/shimasu is

unsuitable for expressing the blameful action.

14 The translators of the movie scripts are Ms. K. Oikawa and Mr. M. Oikawa

(Sabrina) and Ms. M. Fujita (Runaway Bride), but those ofAnne of Green Gables and

the Secret of My Success are not known to us, though I employed the scripts from

Screenplay with the Japanese translation. The translators of the novels are Mr. T.

Suzuki (Nine Stories) and Mr. H. Kawasumi (Taking Care).

15 Tense in Japanese is represented by the contrast ofsuru-form and shita-form.

(i) a. John-ga utau. John will sing.

b. John-ga uta-tta. John sang.

(ii) a. Teeburu-no ue-ni ringo-ga aru. There is an apple on the table.

b. Teeburu-no ue-ni ringo-ga a-tta. There was an apple on the table.

In (i), which shows action, suru-form usually expresses future as in (ia), while in (ii),

showing state, it expresses the present as in (iia). Shita-form represents the past as (ib)

and (iib) show. Observe the following subordinate clauses.(iii) a. Ame-gafuru node, kasa-o ka-tta.

rain fall since umbrella bought

Since it will rain, I (have) bought an umbrella.

b. Ame-gafu-tta node, kasa-o ka-tta.

rain fell since umbrella bought

Since it (had) rained, I bought an umbrella.

(iv) a. Haha-ga kaette kuru mae-ni, shukudai-o oeru.

mother back come before homework finish

Before Mother comes back, I will finish my homework.

b. Haha-ga kaette kuru mae-ni, shukudai-o oe-ta.

(have) finishedBefore Mother comes back, I have finished/finished my homework.


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c. *Haha-ga kaette ki-ta mae-ni, shukudai-o oeru/oe-ta.

Before Mother came back, I will finish/ (have) finished my homework.

(v) a. Terebi-o mi-ta ato de, shukudai-o suru.

TV (have)watched after homework do

After I have watched TV, I will do my homework.

b. Terebi-o mi-ta ato de, shukudai-o shi-ta.did

After I watched TV, I did my homework.

c. *Terebi-o miru ato de, shukudai-o suru/shi-ta.

watch

After I watch TV, I will do/did my homework.

The time of the occurrence of the main clause is a standard. -ru form expresses after

the time as in (iiia) and -ta form before the time as in (iiib). Thus, only ru form is

acceptable in the subordinate clause with the word mae-ni(before), while ta form is

unacceptable as in (ivc). On the other hand, only ta form is acceptable in the

subordinate clause with the word ato-de(after), while ru form is unacceptable as in

(vc). Further, you will note that Japanese verbs conjugate.

16 ^ shows the position of no expressions.

17 As the concrete examples show, the frequency of repeated verb anaphors is higher

than that of no expressions of zero anaphors in spoken style of the novel, while the

former is lower than the latter in that of the movie scripts. This may come from the

fact that the movie involves prosodic features in the vivid situations.

References

Banfield, Ann. 1981. Stylistic deletion in coordinate structures.Linguistic Analysis 7.

1. 1-32.

Bloor, Thomas and Meriel Bloor. 1995. The Functional Analysis of English: A

Hallidayan Approach. London: E

a stylistic and pragmatic study of verb phrase anaphors

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