a perspective on the sociology of development

I Papers/Articles/Beitrage

CREATING SPACE FOR CHANGE A PERSPECTIVE ON T H E SOCIOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENT*

N O R M A N LONG

Department o/ Rural Sociology of& Tropics and Sub-tropicj, T k Agncufturd University, Wagrningen, Tbi Nrtberlandr

‘Contrary to the vicw of somc rheorctical pracrioncrs, no worker known to historians wcr had surplus-value taken out of his hide without finding somc way of fighting back (there arc plcnty of ways of going slow); and, paradoxically, by his fighting back thc rcndcncics werc divcrtcd and thc ‘forms of dcvclopment’ wcrc thcmsclvcs dcvelopcd in uncxpecred ways.’

(The Poverty of T h y , 1978, p. 345-6)

The above statement by the English historian, E.P. Thompson, crystallizes for me the fundamental problem with general sociological theories of development; and all we have to do is to substitute ‘peasant’ for Thomp- son’s ‘worker’ and we have an equally valid comment on the inadequacies of theories of agrarian social change. Existing theories make for depressing reading, especially if one believes in the capacity of ordinary working men and women to alter the direction of society and thus, as Marx phrased it, ‘to make their own history”.

The theories we have before us, whether they be regarded as ‘liberal’ or ‘radical’, are coloured by simple deterministic and centralistic chinking. O n the one hand, development is visualized in terms of a progressive move- ment towards technologically and institutionally more complex, and hope- fully affluent and integrated forms of ‘modern’ society, while, on the other hand, it is seen (mostly by those of Marxist persuasion) as a restructuring process in accordance with the changing demands of the world capitalist economy. Both versions, however, see social change as emanating from centres of power in the form of state or international intervention and as following some broadly determined developmental path. These external forces encapsulate the lives of Third World peoples, reducing their independence and undermining indigenous forms of solidarity, resulting in increased centralised control by powerful economic and political groups. In

* This t c x ~ is baad on thc author’s inaugural lccturc givcn at thc Agricultural Univcrsiry. Wagcningen, on the 15th of Novcrnbcr 1984, cnritled ‘Ruimtc Schcppcn voor Vcrandc- ring: ccn visic op ontwikkclingssociologic’. A full English version wirh cxtcnsivc footnotcs is ilx, available from the Depanmcnt of Rural Sociology. Wagcningcn.

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this respect, it does not sccm to matter whether the country in question be considered ‘capitalist’ or ‘socialist’, the same general tendency towards incorporation and centralization takes place.

Such interpretations are tainted with a dreadful sense of fatalism, sometimes reminding one a little of George Orwell’s vision of 1984: after all his struggles against ‘doublethink’ and Big Brother ideology, Winston Smith, the main character of the book, finally succombs and acccpts his fate. He becomes, like the Third World peasantry of general sociological theories, ‘incorporated’ and ‘subsumed’ within Big Brother Society.

It is my intention in this paper to contest this view of social change and to show how one might dcvelop types of analysis that take more serious account of the dynamic processes by which ordinary people - peasants, workers, entrepreneurs, bureaucrats, and others - actively engage in sha- ping the outcomes of processes of development. I shall also consider the question of differential social responses to similar social conditions, the problem of relating interactional processes to largcr scale social structure, and, finally, I will discuss how dcvelopment policy is itself transformed during the process of implemcntation.

SOCIAL CHANGE IN AGRARIAN SITUATIONS

Despite differences in ideological and theoretical underpinnings, there is a striking convergence in existing models of rural social changc.

One predominant view is that capital and the State gradually penetrate the rural areas and take control over the functioning of the peasant household economy and over many institutional dimensions at village level. Some writers stress the process by which capital intervenes to transform the nature of peasant enterprise, thus linlung it directly into the logic of world capitalism. For example, Bernstein (1977) argues that the peasantry becomes progressively more deeply embedded in commodity markets through the sale of products and labour and through the purchase of basic necessi- ties and services which they are unable to provide for themselves. This crea- tes an increasing ‘hunger for cash’ which is reinforced by government policies, such as rural taxation, the recruitment of paid labour for the building of infrastructure, or the establishment of agricultural development projects aimed at stimulating market-oriented production.

These various pressures eventually lead to the situation whereby the reproduction of the peasant household depends crucially on thesc various commodity relations, although the pcasant will tend to hedge his bets by continuing to engage in some subsistence-based production. In this way the pcasant economy is transformed in that its functioning is intimately tied into the logic of capitalist structures but not totally undermined. Bernstein concludes by depicting such producers as ‘wage labour equiva-

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lents’ in that, although they are nominally independent, capital and the State exercise a substantial influence over the internal operations of the enterprise and finally appropriate so much of the economic value produced by the household that it is left with no more than a ‘survival wage’.

Other writers focus upon what is called ‘the articulation of modes of production’ whereby non-capitalist production relations and institutions are maintained but become functionally useful o r ‘necessary’ for the opera- tion of capitalist enterprise through the supply of cheap raw materials, foodstuffs, and labour.

In either case - and some writers argue that these different situations constitute different stages in the process of capitalist expansion - the Third World state, backed by foreign financial and technical aid, attempts to regulate these relations between the capitalist and peasant sector in the interests of the ruling class and foreign capital.

Other interpretations use the concept of ‘incorporation’. According to Pearse (1975), incorporation is thc process by which urban centres extend their influence outwards to encompass their hinterland areas. This urban- propelled expansion entails three dimensions: the spread of market relations, improvement of communications, and new institutional develop- ments aimed at modernizing production and establishing more ‘effective’ forms of economic organization and political control. This process necessi- tates the increased presence of government bureaucracy in the countryside and the increased influence of urban styles of life. The combined effect of these processes is, in the long run, to transform the nature of existing rural xxiety so that it conforms more closely to national needs and values. Bai- ley (1969, p. 144-5) holds similar views but shows how the degree of incorporation varies according to whether the state pursues an active integratio- nist policy or allows for certain forms of local autonomy. He also analyses how political middlemen emerge to mediate or bridge a gap in communications between local and national structures.

Another attempt to look at the processes of incorporation - this time in a European context - is that of Benvenuti (1975) who analyses how farm enterprises become integratcd into the wider technological and administra- tive environment. Benvenuti argues that the immediate task-oriented environment of the farmer, which is made up of institutions and officials representing govenment and farmers’ organizations, comes to have a determining influence on farmer bchaviour and on farm enterprise decisions. Hence technical modernization of agriculture is accompanied by increascd coordination between the various institutions involved, such as credit, extension, and marketing organizations, leading to a high degree of consensus betwecn them concerning the problems faced by the farmer and to stronger influence on farmcr roles and on the definition of farm objccti- ves. In the extreme form, the farmer ceases functioning as an independent agriculturalist making decisions about investment and cropping patterns

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and becomes more like a ‘farm worker’. Benvenuti goes as far as to describe this as a new kind of ‘feudal vassalage’, whereby the farmer merely follows the instructions of the technical experts and bends to the wishes of the credit agencies and other input-providers.

Thesc various general models of rural social change have in common the tendency to interpret the restructuring of agrarian systems and farming enterprise as resulting basically from the penetration of external forces. Hence changes in the organization and activities of local populations are seen largely as responses to externally-initiated change. The concept of ‘incorporation’ itself reveals the rather one-sided view of structural change implicit in these formulations. ‘Incorporation’, like the term ‘encapsula- tion’ which is also sometimes used, suggests the image of a powerful set of external forces which envelop a particular piece of territory or social unit and then take control either by intervening directly or by patrolling the boundaries. Something similar is conjured up by the notion of capitalist penetration or expansion or by the idea of the articulation of the dominant capitalist with non-capitalist modes of production. There is little room in these types of models for a full analysis of the interplay of local and extra- local forces. Structural change is depicted essentially as a one-way, somewhat deterministic, process’.

Although it is undoubtedly true that much important structural change has resulted from the impact of outside forces, and that, increasingly, the independent decision-making of the peasant or farmer has been undermined, it is, I believe, theoretically unsatisfactory to basc one’s analysis on the notion of external determination. All forms of external intervention neces- sarily enter the existing life-worlds of the individuals and social groups affected and thus, as it were, pass through certain social and cultural filters. In this way, external factors are both mediated and transformed by internal structures’. It is therefore important to adopt a more dynamic approach to the understanding of social change which recognizes the interplay and mutual determination of external and internal factors and relationships. Such an approach emphasizes the importance of taking full account of ‘human agency”, which means recognizing that individuals, whether they be peasants, landlords or bureaucrats, attempt to come to grips with the changing world around them and that they do this both cognitively on the basis of existing cultural categories, ideologies and forms of practical cons- ciousness, and organizationally in the way they interact with other individuals and social groups.

We must, then, find a place for an actor-oriented analysis’ of social process if we are to avoid the determinism of existing general theories of social change. W e must, that is, look closely at the ways in which different individuals or social groups deal with changing circumstances and attempt to create space for themselves so that they mighc benefit from new factors entering their environments. The interactions and strategies that result

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have a feedback effect on the wider structure and thus influence the broader processes of change, often in unexpected ways4

Let me illustrate the usefulness of adopting such an approach to the study of development processes by discussing some research I have myself carried out in Zambia and Peru.

DIFFERENTIAL RESPONSES TO CHANGE

The question of social differentiation and variation within a given population is central to understanding social change. Even if a population is rela- tively homogeneous in terms of access to economic resources and in stan- dard of living, there will always be important differences of a demographic and ecological kind, between households in a village and between villages of a region. Although lipservice is frquently paid to this in the general theories discussed above, the full theoretical significance of differentiation and variation is missed’. Recognizing heterogeneity entails dealing with the adaptive responses of particular social units (such as types of households, social classes or status groups) to apparently similar sets of circum- stance. This requires identifying specific livelihood strategies and explain- ing their social basis.

The significance of this type of analysis can be illustrated by reference to a study I undertook in Zambia during the two years (1962-64) preceeding National Independence. The title of the book that presented my findings clearly reveals its main theoretical thrust: “Social Change and the Indivi- dual, A study of the social and religious responses to innovation in a Zam- bian rural community” (Long, 1968). A major theme of the book is to explain why a group of Jehovah’s W i t n e w s showed a greater propensity than other farmers in the community to evolve new sociotconomic roles when faced with the introduction of ox-ploughing and Turkish tobacco as a cash crop. During my stay there I was able to observe how particular farmers dcalt with changes in different social fields. I encountered a range of real-life situations in which peasants and small-scale entrepreneurs faced critical decisions concerning technology, economic roles, social status and ideology’. A whole variety of strategies was being experimented with, some apparently successfully, some not.

Within this pattern, however, i t was theJchovah’s Witnesses who stood out as tho% who were able to develop organizationally more viable farming and small-scale business enterprises. Scveral of them also became important brokers with the wider economic and social system. The group peached a modernization ethic which rejected traditional values and modes of behaviour in favour of so-called more ‘progressive’ forms. This ideology carried strong moral sanctions and promoted a methodical approach to life, similar to that described by W e k r for ascetic Protestant sects in Europe during the early period of capitalist development’.

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Jehovah’s Witnesses were, it seems, able to develop more stable enterprises than other farmers in the locality because they could more easily withdraw from, or reinterpret the significance of, matrilineal kinship obligations, whilst at the same time develop useful additional, church-based and moral- ly-approved, social networks, both within and beyond the local area. These social networks were mobilized in order to solve shortages of labour, capital, and farming expertise.

All this was happening during the last years of colonial rule when the liberation struggle was in full swing. Witnesses gave homage neither to the new political leaders fighting against colonial authority, nor to the colonial masters. They stood back from the political arena and got on with the business of doing God’s work and their own. As they put it, they were preparing themselves for God’s New Kingdom on earth which they expec- ted would be inaugurated ‘within a generation’.

It was not surprising therefore that during the early ycars of political Independence, the Witnesses found themselves at some odds with both the political party and government. They refused outright to sing the new national anthem, to join UNIP, the party, or take part in ‘nation-building’ exercises. This was interpreted as against the national interest and, conse- quently, they were quietly excluded from agricultural credit and extension facilities and prevented from marketing through government marketing boards. In some cases, too, their children were expelled from school.

Some years later, when Zambia felt the full brunt of the deepening economic recession, which coincided with a series of breakdowns in the functioning of government services, it was the witnesses, who had been placed outside the State system, who survied best. By this time, they had built their own efficiently organized informal trading and credit system for the marketing of foodstuffs in urban areas and in some cases even stretching across the international border into Zaire. InJuly this year when I returned briefly to Zambia, I found them enjoying a popularity and respect they had never known before. Most people expressed their admiration for them and, when I visited the area of my original research, I discovered that Witnesses and non-Witnesses had worked out a way of accommodating to each other’s ideological point of view. Some aspects of the modernization ethic preached by the Witnesses are now more widespread among the general population; whilst, on the other hand, the Witnesses themselves have contributed to government self-help programmes by building a bridge and by providing local literacy classes.

There are several lessons that can be learnt from this twenty-year old story. In the first place, it appears that groups, like the Jehovah’s Witnesses, that are strategically placed to make good use of new opportunities are probably also likely to survive better in the face of adverse conditions. Yet the secret of their success is not always to bc found in the possession of greater mate-

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rial or economic resources, since these must always be put to work. Hence, organizational and social network resources frequently turn out to bc more critical”. Second, heavy dependence on the State may have a negative effect on a group’s long-term development profile. Antagonistic relations with centres of power may in fact help to consolidate social networks and thus create the social infrastructure for developing alternative forms of social development. Third, one must always look to the unintended conscquen- ccs of government intervention and recognise that ‘indigenous’ self-plan- ncd and self-managed forms of development may, over time, themselves shape national attitudes and development. This reverses the common assumption that the centre shapes the periphery. Finally, implicit in the account is the suggestion that those groups or networks of individuals that posscss the capacity for making rules and enforcing compliance on their members are usually better able to handle external interventions and to use them to their own advantage, sometimes by incorporating them into their own existing social arrangements, and thus perhaps transforming in some way their original social meaning”. The degree to which particular groups or social Sectors posscss this capacity will vary and this will, in part, account for the differential responses shown to outside intervention.

These various theoretical issues cannot, I believe, be properly explored without adopting some kind of actor-oriented approach which looks closely at how different social groups and categories deal with the processes and problems of ‘incorporation’. Furthermore, interventions enter a particular social order, interact with existing social phenomena, transform them, and are themselves transformed. No theory of social intervention is worth much unless it attempts to analysc thcsc inter-related processes.

SOCIAL PROCESS AND STRUCTURE

We cannot however leave the argument at this point, since it is all too easy to rebuff my emphasis on actors and interactional processes by suggesting that such an analysis is too micro and too concerned with individuals to be able to generate propositions about broader structural aspects’”. While I acknowledge the difficulties of combining levels of analysis, it is my view that the study of social process through looking at the actions of specific individuals and social groups can be integrated with an analysis of larger scale institutional and politico-economic structures, in such a way that we can achieve a more sophisticated understanding of the dynamics of structure and structural change.

During the 1970’s, I sought to do just this in a series of studies I carried out in the central highlands of Peru’’. I worked with a team of British and Peruvian researchers in a region that had bccn shaped by a long history of export-oriented mining. Our studies set out to analyse the system of linkages between the local agricultural and trading economy and the

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export sector. W e were especially interested in combining an analysis of the dynamics of small-scale peasant-organized enterprise with that of the larger evolving politico-economic system.

W e initially approached the problem from a ‘structural dependency’ perspective which characterizes the links between sectors of Third World eco- nomies in terms of a hierarchical patterning of dependent relations whereby metropolitan centres extract economic surplus from and exert control over peripheral areas. However, as we proceeded we became more and more aware of the inadequacies of this way of conceptualizing the nature and development of the regional system. A major difficulty with the dependency model is that it paints a broad canvass and concentrates upon viewing change from the metropolitan centre. I t therefore allows little room for local actors’ views of change or for variations in organization and response within a dependency structure.

Our case studies of small-scale traders and transporters showed that interactional data on the types of social networks and normative frameworks utilized by these individuals, together with observational studies of cooperation and social conflict within the farming villages of the region, often provided greater insight into the dynamics and complexities of dependency relations than any form of ‘aggregated’ structural analysis could achieve. What was needed therefore was to combine a structural analysis of political and economic processes with an actor-oriented approach that aimed to understand how specific individuals and social classes responded to processes of intervention.

This type of approach assumes that capitalist expansion takes different forms in different contexts. The differences that arise, both within and between areas, are partly a result of differences of pretxisting local circumstances and history but they also arise from the ways in which capitalist forces are mediated by the nature of local cultural and organizational forms and by the actions taken by specific individuals and social groups. In this way, one can argue that not only are local-level processes influenced by national and international forces but that they, in turn, help to shape these.

Further work on central Peru led us to develop a type of regional analysis that focuses upon documenting the changing interrelations between sectors of production as a means of understanding a region’s development and identity’‘. This enabled us to examine the ways in which local institutions and economic practice in a given area were shaped by direct or indi- rect involvement with export or dominant forms of production. From this we formulated the idea of a ‘regionalized system of production’ that is made up of a system of linkages that develop over time between a dominant production sector and its economic and social hinterland made up of various settlements, social groups and economic enterprises. This system of linkages is dynamic and looks different from different parts of the landsca- pe and at different historical junctures. It is continuously being re-molded

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by the struggles that go on between particular individuals and social groups, and is also affected by the ways in which powerful outside forces impinge upon it. The evolution of such regionalized systems are also associated with the emergence of distinctive life styles and cultural patterns which influence individual and household economic strategies and expxtations.

We have elaborated this concept of a regionalized system of production through a detailed historical analysis of the mine-based economy of central Peru. In this we trace out the system of linkages, and their interplay, that developed betwccn mining, small-scale peasant agriculture and trade, and the provincial urban economy. These processes underlie the evolution of distinctive patterns of socio-economic organization and culture found in this region today. Here I have in mind the pattern of village, household and kinship organization, the types of economic enterprisc, the systems of cmpadrazgo (co-parenthood) and patronage, and the nature of religious celebration and organization. The regional identity and structure that was shaped by the presence of mining in interaction with other activities, conti- nues to affect the strategies of local groups who are now drawn into the economic orbit of Lima-Callao. This is illustrated by the ways in which migrants from the central highlands have captured specific entrepreneurial niches in the city, and retain close ties with their region of origin through the running of small-scale trade and transport businesses that span rural and urban areas”. The development of a mine-based regional economy in central Peru, then, gave to the population of this area a dynamic and ‘pro- gressiveness’ often missing from other highland zones. It also provided the social basis upon which local groups have organized in an attempt to resist the centralizing tendencies of the Peruvian State. The Velsaco Land Reform of 1369-73, for example, ran into serious difficulties in some parts of the rcgion when peasants and small-scale enterpreneurs successfully out- manoeuvred government agencies and officials responsible for its implementation. Far from viewing the Land Reform as a liberating measure, many peasants saw it as a ploy to impose greater control over their activities.

I t is impossible in such a truncated account of our work in central Peru to convey fully the variations that emerged within this regional system: some villages became more closely tied to the mines than others; some households became economically more diversified; some peasant groups accumulated capital and invested in trade, whilst others struggled to hold onto their dwindling small plots; and some village-based groups were more successful in participating in regional politics. Detailed examination of these differing social processes highlights the variegated nature of the regional economy; but also shows how the system of linkages that developed gave considerable space for local groups to pursue their own paths of develop ment. It was in this way, I suggest, that the so-called export-oriented

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‘enclave’ actually dynamized some parts of the hinterland economy’6. This Peruvian example provides an interesting case for looking at the

relationship between social process and structure, since it is abundantly clear from both available historical and contemporary data that the strategies pursued by different interest groups - peasants, miners, entrepreneurs, company managers, and State bureaucrats - have contributed importantly to the evolution of the regional system. It also stresses the need to adopt an historical approach to the problem.

TRANSFORMING POLICY AT THE RURAL DEVELOPMENT INTERFACE

So far I have suggested that a sociological analysis of structural change requires 1) a concern for the ways in which different social actors interpret and manage new elements in their life-worlds; 2) an analysis of how particular groups create space for themselves in order to carry out their own ‘projects’, which may or may not conflict with those of government or other social groups; and 3) an attempt to show how these interactional and interpretive processes can influence the broader structural context.

Running through my discussion has also been the question of how small interactional fields are linked into larger scale systems, and of how one might analyse this articulation process1’. I wish now, then, to identify one methodological approach to studying this articulation process which, I believe, is especially useful when looking at State-peasant relations. I t is based upon the simple notion of focussing upon the critical points of inter- section between different levels of social order where conflicts of value and social interest are most likely to occur’”. These junctures I call ‘interfaces’. For the development sociologist, such interfaces are often to be found where government or other outside agencies intervene in order to implement a particular development policy or programme.

The concept of ‘interface’ suggests some kind of face-to-face encounter between individuals or units representing different interests and backed by different resources. The interacting parties will more than likely also pos- sess different levels of power. Studies of social interfaces should aim to bring out the dynamic and emergent character of the interactions that take place and to show how the goals, perceptions, interests, and relationships of the various parties may be reshaped as a result of being brought into interaction”. In development interface situations, a central issue is the way in which policy is applied and often, in the process, transformed. Systema- tic research on this problem should counteract the tendency for policy analysis to adopt a rather mechanical view of the relations between policy formulation, implementation and outcome’“.

The process by which policy is transformed at the interface is nicely illustrated by the example I gave earlier of the Peruvian Land Reform. This reform policy, which aimed generally at expropriating the large landed

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estates and at creating peasant cooperatives in their place, was not static in character. It was modified several times through additional legislation in order to take care of specific problems and loopholes that arose during implementation. Furthermore, it encountered different socio-economic and political circumstances in different regions of the country and was therefore implemented very unevenly and according to different expropriation criteria. A large number of legal anomalies arose: for example, some large landowners managed to hold on to their estates by carrying out a purely nominal division of the land amongst relatives and favoured peasants so that the land areas fell below the stipulated legal limit per owner. There is also the somewhat ironical example of a group of peasants, who had earlier surrepticiously used capital derived from a government-supervised credit scheme to purchase a small hacienda, losing their property because it was deemed above the set limit. Another strange case is that of several peasant cooperatives, that had a few years earlier received land under the reform, advertising in the regional newspaper for the return of ‘their landlord and patron’ whom they apparently held in much higher esteem than the government ‘tecnicos’ who had been assigned to guide the work of the cooperative. A further interesting dimension is that in some regions of the highlands peasants repelled the Land Reform officials by force and thus prevented the Land Reform being imposed upon them.

Each of these Land Reform scenarios shows a different interface situation which reflects different types of local power structure and different patterns of negotiation between peasants, landlords and government officials. The government Land Reform agency was responsible for the opera- tion of the legislation (for example, with respect to expropriation criteria, the eligibility of beneficiaries, and the criteria for membership of the new committees of the cooperative). In this they had considerable flexibility and discretion, bu t of course they were also at the mercy of peasants and other locally-knowledgeable persons who could distort information or who could break agreements without immediate or easy detection. The process of implementation was further complicated by decisions taken by the agrarian judges who were appointed to adjudicate over appeals lodged against the Land Reform.

I cannot elaborate here these interesting but very complex interface problems as they worked out in Peru; but clearly a close-up study of the pattern of interactions and manoeuvres taking place between implementing agency and the various interested parties would provide penetrating insights into the nature and outcomes of the Land Reform. The level of analytical understanding of both local and national level problems and processes would, I suggest, be far greater than any of the many existing general overview studies can provide. Whilst the latter offer useful information and interpretations on the relationship between stated policy objectives and the results, the crucial middleground is missing. This middleground is

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provided by interface analysis. Once again, then, we see how an interactional actor-oriented approach to the understanding of a delimited social arena can have important pay-offs for comprehending larger scale issues such as the power and policies of the State”.

Interfaces contain within them many levels and forms of social linkage and also different and often conflicting value systems or rationalities. I t is time development sociologists addressed themselves seriously to some of these questions. Moreover, as I have shown, it is here that policy is put into action and reshaped or sometimes even radically transformed. Also, as any enlightened planner or interface worker will readily acknowledge, it is impossible to separate policy, implementation and outcome into water- tight compartments: there is considerable seepage between them and therefore a mixing of elements such that it is often difficult to say where one stops and the other begins.

A further implication is that implementation processes must be looked at diachronically so that the changing nature of the transactions and nego- tiations between the various structural levels and between different actors and interest groups can be analysed. And one also needs to examine how particular development project personnel attempt to deal with environ- mental diversity and uncertainty and the clash of social interests that arise. As ‘frontline’ workers, implementers have a considerable degree of discretion in the performance of their tasks and so-called ‘target’ groups also have room for manoeuvre to reject, modify, o r accept a particular programme. This, then, is why the development interface is a crucial issue in both the analysis and design and implementation of policy. The often large gap between the rhetoric of national planning and policy and what happens ‘on the ground’ calls for close-up analysis of the types of interactions, power relations, negotiating resources and legitimating norms and values of interface actors and organizations. Such interactional studies reveal concretely the nature of State-peasant relations in particular localities or regions, and thus indirectly facilitate a fuller understanding of the character and significance of specific State formations. However, unlike general theories of the State which operate at a high level of abstraction, tending towards the reifi- cation of State institutions and action, the concern for interface situations forces one to look closely at State activity as it affects, and is in turn affected by, the actions of its constituent populations’*.

CONCLUSION

This paper has argued that existing general sociological interpretations of agrarian social change have two major shortcomings. First, they view structural change as resulting from the intervention of powerful external economic and political forces and pay little attention to analysing in detail the interplay and mutual influence of local and extra-local factors and structu-

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res. Second, they tend to adopt a deterministic, top-down perspective which, for the most part, excludes from the analysis the possibility of peasants, small-scale entrepreneurs or ‘frontline’ government officials themselves influencing in any significant ways the processes of change.

These theoretical deficiencies, I argued, can best bc overcome by combining actor-oriented modes of analysis with a broader structural and historical approach. Actor-oriented analysis, I suggested, forces one to grap- ple with important questions such as differential responses to changing cit- cumstances shown by different social categories and groups, as well as with the more general analytical problem of how to relate inreractional processes to macro structures of various kinds. I t also allows one to explore how interventions by the State or some other outside body are mediated and transformed by local structures and processes, often with important reper- cussions on policy and strategy at the centre. The final part of the paper was devoted to this issue and to emphasizing the need for more systematic research on ‘development interface’ situations as a means of providing a more dynamic analysis of State-peasant interrelations.

NOTES

I. Marx’s statcmcnt. of coursc. ~ O C S on to add that ‘rhcy do nor makc it just as rhcy plcasc; they do not makc it undcr circumstanccs choscn by thcmsclves. but undcr circumstanccs directly cncountcrcd, givcn and transmitted from thc past’ (Marx, 1962: i, 252). However. thc gcncral rcnor of his discussion is to strcss rhc active part played by mcn in pursuit of thcir own intcrcst, which brings thcm into conflict with others and which Icads to unintended c o n q u c n c c s of action. Rcccntly, a number of empirical studies (c.g. Gcschicrc, 1984; Mallon. 1983; Dcnoon, 1983) bascd on a mcdc of production analysis havc atremptcd to dcvclop a morc dynamic approach to structural change. This, as Scott Cook (1982, p. 5) has remarked, rcqui- ITS a dcgrcc of eclccticism so that onc might take advantagc of theoretical and mechodo- logical insights drawn from othcr frameworks. My own Pcruvian rcscarch with Bryan Roberts illustrates how onc might combine a political cconomic analysis at rcgional levcl with that of actor stntcgics and intcncrions (Long & Roberts, 1984).

Incorporation studies havc also rcccnrly takcn on a new look as rcscarchcrs havc bcco- mc incrcasingly morc intcrcstcd in analysing thc different reactions to typcs of incorpo- nrion. For cxamplc, Den Oudcn (1981) focuses upon how diffcrcnt households in the Camcroon respond to cconomic and adminisrrative incorporation, and Benvenuri and Van dc Plocg (1984) analysc how diffcrcnt dcgrccs of instirutional incorporation produ- cc contrasting pattcrns of farm management, bascd on intcnsificarion and cxrcnsifica- tion stntcgics.

3 . Aftcr formularing this, I discovcrcd that Comaroff (1982, p. 86. 11 1-2) makcs the u m c point in rclarion to social change proccsscs in Botswana and calls for the usc of morc didccrical forms of analysis. Rangcr (1978) also argucs for a morc dynamic rrcatmcnt of thc rclationship betwccn ‘centrc’ and ‘pcriphcry’ which he bclicvcs is a weakness of cur- rrnt thcorics of ‘undcrdcvclopmcnt’.

4. Scc Giddcns (1979, pp. 49-95) for a fuller discussion of rhc concept of ‘human agency’ and i t s imponancc for developing a rhcorctical analysis of the mutual dcpcndcncc of strucrure and social action.

2.

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5. Thcrc arc many different typcs of actor-oricnred analysis: cxchange thcory, decision- making modcls, ncrwork analysis, symbolic inrcraction, and various phenomenological approachcs. It is not my pu’poa hcrc to diffcrcntiatc bctwccn them in rcrms of their mcrirs and shoncomings.

6. The rclcvancc of micro sociological pcrspcctivcs for undcrstanding macro structurcs and proccsrcs is discusxd in Knorr-Cclina and Cicourcl (1981).

7. For furrher discussion of this issuc, xc Grccnficld and Srrickon (1979) and Long (1977,

8. My study prcxnts a xries of caw study chaptcrs which analyx a number of problematic situations faccd by various individuals and social groups. Thcsc situations arc clucidatcd using ‘situational analysis’ (xe Van Vclxn, 1967) and a decision-making framcwork (Long 1970; 1977, pp. 128-141).

pp. 105-143).

9. k Wcbcr (1930). 10. The samc point is madc by Gaenz (1963, p. 131) in his study of entrcprcneurship in

rwo Indonesian towns; and in morc gcnenl tcrms by Gladc (1967). 11. Moore (1973) suggcsts that rulc making and inducing compliancc arc chancrcrisric of

‘scmi-autonomous’ social fields whcrcin individuals or groups manage to rctain a dcgree of indcpcndcncc from outsidc intervention. Somctimcs, however, thc development of dense social nctworks with a high level of normative consensus prcvcnts quick adapta- tion to changcd circumstanccs, whcn it bccomcs ncccssary to cstablish new social relationships and cxpcrimcnt with ncw values.

12. This is a common criticism, cspccially from Marxist writers. Thc criticism usually takes the form of accusing actor-oricntcd analysts of ‘methodological individualism’ which cntails rcducing cxplanarions of social phcnomcna to statcmcnts about individual motivations, intentions, and interests. Set. for cxamplc. Alavi (1973) and Fosrcr-Caner (1978, p. 244, note 13). Thc major fallacy of this typc of argumcnt is that actor-oricnred forms of analysis arc csscntially intcratcd in isolating cmcrgcnt structures (social grou- pings, ncrworks, and ncgotiatcd ordcrs of social m a n i n g ) which, in turn, constrain and shapc thc bchaviour of thc individual panicipants.

13. Scc Long and Robcns (1978) and (1984). 14. Scc Long (1980), Robcrrs (1980), and Long and Robcns (1984). 13. Scc Aldcrson-Smith (1984). 16. This runs countcr to the cnclavc modcl of dcvclopment which strcsscs the alf-contai-

ncd naturc of cnclavc production with rclarively weak linkagcs into thc surrounding cconomy. k Cardoso and Falctto (1979. pp. 48-53), and Kruijt and Vcllenga (1977) for Pcruvian mining cnclavcs.

17. Aniculation has k n looked at from a number of diffcrcnt theorctical positions: for cxamplc, modc of production analysis, ‘brokcrage’ modcls (Long 1977. pp. 110-128). or the study of powcr domains and levels (Adams 1975, pp. 68-94).

18. An a r l y attempt to analyx thc problems associated with the interaction of diffcrenr Iwcls of social structure is that by Gluckman, Mitchcll and Barncs (1949) who discuss the ‘intcrcalary’ position of thc African villagc hcadman undcr British colonial rulc.

19. Studics of intcrfacc should bring out thc changing and often conflictivc nature of the intcnctions that takc place. They should also not restrict themsclves to obarving mcrc- ly what gocs on during facc-to-fact cncountcrs sincc t h c a intcractions will in part, of courx, bc affcctcd by actors, institutions, and rcsourccs that arc not physically prcscnt. Hcncc, although the mcthodology focuxs upon specific social interactional proccsscs, the analysis aims to situatc rhcx within broadcr institutional and powcr fields.

20. k Grindlc (1980); Wanvick (1982). 21. M a n i n a (1983). for cxamplc, providcs an intcrcsting comparativc analysis of how

Mcxican govcrnmcnt rural dcvclopmcnt policy works out in diffcrcnt rcgional wrings. He shows how the prcxncc of thc State, in the form of govcrnmcnt agcncics and num- bcn of govcrnmcnr personnel, varics according to rhc rypc of rcgional economy and

182

powcr structurc Somc rcgional clitcs, i t appears. havc gratcr lcvcrage than others at national level.

22. Concentrating upon the ways in which rhc State, through its various dcvclopmcnr programmes and organizational structures, atrcmprs to control territory and people is. 1 bclicve, a far more fruitful approach. I t also cnablcs one to cxaminc how rhc ‘structures and capabilirics of state organizations . . . arc condirioncd by devclopmcnts in rhc cconomy and class srructure and . . . by devclopmcnts in the international situation’ (Skoc- pol 1979, p. 31-2).

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ABSTRACT

Thc papcr argucs that wc havc rcachcd an impasx in theorizing about agrarian social changc due to thc dctcrministic and ccntralistic assumptions of existing sociological thcorics of dcvclopmcnt, whethcr they adopt a modcrniration. dependency or polirical cconomy framcwork. What is nccdcd, it is suggcsrcd, is a morc serious attcmpt to analyx the dynamic proccsscs by which individuals and social groups - peasants. workers, cntrcprcncurs, burcaucrats. politicians and othcrs - interact and develop stratcgics for dealing with changing circumstances. Spacc must bc found for an actor-oricnrcd analysis of social process which idcntifics how 'ordinary pcoplc' rarhcr than simply abstract 'social forces' acrivcly shapc thc outcomes of dcvclopmcnr.

The argument. which draws upon thc aurhor's field research in Zambia and Pcru. is dcvclopcd by considering rhrcc analytical issucs: a) thc significance of diffcrcntial rcsponxs to similar social conditions, b) thc problem of rclating inrcracrional proccsxs to largcr scalc social strucrurc, and c) thc question of how devclopmcnt policy is transformed at rhc 'intcrfacc' bcrwccn implemcnter and target population.

RESUME

Gt aniclc tcnd i dtmontrcr I'impassc a laqucllc aboutisscnr lcs rhiorisarions du changc- ment social agricolc, thiorisations qui sont fondics sur dcs conccptions dircrminisres ou centralistcs du dtvcloppcmcnt, qucl quc soir d'aillcurs lcur cadre dc rffcrcncc (modcrnisa- tion, dkpcndancc, Cconomic poliriquc). I1 suggirc la niccssiti d'un cffon plus stricux d'analyx dcs proccssus dynamiques par lesquels individus cr groupcs sociaux - paysans, ouvricrs. cnrrcprcncurs, bureaucrarcs, poliriciens. ctc. - intcragisxnt ct divcloppcnt dcs strarkgics pour s'accommodcr d'un contcxtc mobilc. II faut fairc placc i unc analyx dc I'oricntarion dc I'acteur a I'intiricur d'un proccssus social, pour comprcndrc commcnc dcs "gens ordinai- res", plus quc d'absrraitcs "forccs socialcs", faconncnt lc dtvcloppcmcnt L'argumcntarion cst bastc sur dcs rcchcrchcs dc terrain cn Zambic ct au Perou. Elk cst ccntrtc sur rrois questions. la signification dc rCponxs difftrentcs a un mime contcxrc; le rapport cntrc Irs intcractions ct la strucrurc socialc globalc ct la transformarion dcs proicts dc dkvcloppcmenr dans la rclarion cntre lc "divcloppcur" ct la population.

KURZFASSUNG

In dem Batrag wird ausgcfuhrt, dab wir mit dcm Thcorctisicrcn ubcr dcn sozialcn Wandcl in der Landwirtschaft wegcn dcr dctcrminisrischcn und zcntralisrischcn Annahmcn dcr bcstchcndcn soziologischen Entwicklungstheoricn - xicn cs solche dcr Modcmisicrung, dcr Dcpcndcnz oder dcr politischcn Okonomic - in cinc Sackgassc gcrarcn sind. Fur not- wendig gchaltcn wird cin crnsthafrcrcr Vcrsuch, die dynamischcn Prozcssc zu analysicrcn, wic sozialc Cruppcn - Baucrn, Arbcitcr, Unrcrnchmcr, Burokrarcn, Politiker und andcrc - intcragicren und Stratcgicn cntwickcln, um mir wechxlndcn Urntanden fcrtig zu wcrdcn. Es m u p cine handlungsoricnticrte Analysc sozialcr Prozessc Pktz grcifcn, dic aufzcigt, wic 'gcwohnlichc Mcnschcn' start cinfach abstrakrer 'sozialcr Kraftc' dic Ergcbnissc der Em- wicklung aktiv gcstaltcn. Dic Argumcnration, dic die Fcldforschung dcs Aurors in Sambia und Pcru Icitct, w i d anhand dcr Bcrnchtung von drci analyrischcn Sachvcrhalten enrwickclt: a) dic Bcdcutung untcrschicdlicher Rcaktioncn auf ahnlichc sozialc Bcdingungcn. b) das Problcm verbindcn- dcr Intcraktionsprozcssc mir grobercn sorialen Strukrurcn und c) dic Frage, wic Ent- wicklungspolitik a n der Grcnzflfchc zwischcn Implcmcnror und Ziclbevolkcrung transfor- micrt wird

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