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ENVIRONMENTAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT YARA DALLOL BV

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9 THE RECEIVING ENVIRONMENT – SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE

PROJECT AREA

9.1 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND

To determine the social receiving environment ERM has conducted a series of

detailed social studies including:

Socio-economic assessment including Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) and Key Informant Interviews (KII);

Health data collection and assessment;

Cultural heritage survey and assessment; and

Visual and landscape assessment.

This Chapter of the report provides a demographic, cultural and economic

overview of the Project Area and also describes the physical infrastructure and

services available in the Social Study Area. The purpose of collecting this

information is to provide baseline data for conducting the impact assessment

and to monitor and measure changes against the potential future changes to

the Social Study Area due to the presence of the Project.

Ethiopia is located in the Horn of Africa and it is bordered by Eritrea to the

north and northeast, Djibouti and Somalia to the east and southeast, Sudan

and South Sudan to the west, and Kenya to the south; as shown in Chapter 5.

It is the second most populous country in Africa (after Nigeria which has a

population of approximately 179 million people); with a population of

97 million people (1) across a total area of 1.1 million.

As is previously mentioned, the Social Study Area is located in the Afar

National Regional State (ANRS), which is in the north-east of Ethiopia. The

ANRS region borders Eritrea to the north and northeast, Djibouti in the east,

Somali National Regional State in the southeast, Oromiya National Regional

State in the south, Amhara National Regional State and Tigray National

Regional State in the west, as shown in Chapter 5. The ANRS is divided into

five administrative zones (i.e., Zones); which are further subdivided into

29 Woredas (district municipalities) and 401 rural and 28 urban Kebeles (local

municipalities).

9.1.1 Social Areas of Influence (AoI) – Social Study Area

The Area of Influence (AoI) can be defined as the area likely to be affected by

the proposed Project activities during the pre-construction, construction

operations and closure / decommissioning phases. This area has been defined

based on the IFC definition and also includes:

(1) http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.TOTL

http://www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/er.html

http://www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/dj.html

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http://www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/et-ti.html


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The primary Project site(s) and related facilities that the Project Proponent develops or controls (e.g., pipelines, access roads, and disposal areas, construction camps) and the additional areas in which aspects of the environment could conceivably experience significant impacts.

Associated facilities that are not developed and funded as part of the proposed Project, but are essential for the Project and without which the Project cannot proceed, and the associated additional areas in which aspects of the environment could conceivably experience significant impacts.

Areas potentially affected by cumulative impacts resulting from other potential or known developments at the time of the ESIA, further planned phases of the Project or any other existing circumstances.

Areas potentially affected by impacts from predictable (but unplanned) developments as a result of the proposed Project (i.e., induced activities), occurring at a later stage or at a different location.

The social areas of influence are shown in Figure 9.1; this area takes into

consideration the socio-economic characteristics of the population within the

Social Study Area.


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Figure 9.1 Project Areas of Influence


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9.2 STUDY METHOD AND LIMITATIONS

The baseline draws on a range of primary data (collected for the purpose of

the proposed Project) and publically available secondary data from various

sources. The primary data used in this section of the report was collected

predominantly through a series of semi-structured, qualitative focus group

discussions and Key Informant Interviews (KIIs). Focus Group Discussions

(FGDs) were conducted with community elders, men, women and Woreda,

Zonal, as well as Kebele leaders and officials at Woreda, Zonal and Regional

levels; while key informant interviews were undertaken with healthcare

professionals. Ad hoc conversations and observation also formed a core

component of data gathered and used in this section. In addition, feedback

received through the Scoping phase public consultation process for the Project

has been used to inform this baseline.

In order to close any potential data gaps arising due to the absence of House

Hold Surveys (HHS), FGDs and KIIs were designed specifically to gather both

qualitative and some quantitative data on specific topics relating to potential

socio-economic vulnerability in the Social Study Area, such as gender and

livelihoods. Broadly the FGDs and KIIs covered the following topics:

Demographic description;

Local administrative structures and governance;

Local economy and livelihoods;

Education and health services; and

Local utilities and infrastructure.

Table 9.1 below provides the rationale for the use of specific data collection

methods.

Table 9.1 Data Collection Method, Relevance and Target Audiences

Data Collection

Methods

Justification for Method Used Target Audience

Key Informant

Interviews (KIIs) / One-

to-one interviews

Provides detailed information through

two-way communication.

Interviews are by invitation only, so it

is easier to predict and prepare for the

types of issues that are likely to be

raised.

Allows issues to be verified, tested

and solutions developed.

Woreda officials

Kebele leaders

Medical professionals

Focus Group

Discussions (FGDs)

Allows issues to be verified, tested


Allows for more in-depth discussion

and analysis of issues.

Allows for the active participation of

specific individuals or groups that

may be unable to contribute in more

open formats.

Allows for better management of

discussions on controversial or highly

emotive topics.

Elders, Men, Women

(in-depth knowledge of

the socio-economic

characteristics of the

community).


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Data Collection

Methods

Justification for Method Used Target Audience

Ad hoc meeting Allows issues to be verified, tested


Any community member

Observation - Greater population and

landscape of the Study

Area

No detailed HHSs were undertaken due to time availability, geographical

extent and accessibility of the communities in the Social Study Area, but also

due to the availability of sufficient secondary data pertaining to the Social

Study Area.

The villages consulted were selected based on the:

Proximity of the village to the Project Area.

Gathering and usage of natural resources located on the proposed Project

Site.

Villages that house the local government leaders (kebele leaders) (refer to

Section 9.3.1).

Levels of vulnerability (as defined by the International Finance

Corporation [IFC]) to access to infrastructure, services, employment,

livelihoods, poverty, health, education, and gender.

The villages and government authorities engaged are shown in Table 9.2

below.

Table 9.2 Stakeholders Engaged from 28April to 7 May 2014

Date Village/ Gov. Leaders Type of Engagement

28 April

2014

Bada Admeruk FGDs: women, elders and men

Bada Admeruk Kebele leaders

KIIs: Health Care Practitioner

Local guide (to show the team areas

used to collect various natural resources)

29 April 2014 Bada Ermile FGDs: women, elders and men

Bada Ermile Kebele leaders (for health,

education, finance, agriculture, and

others)

KIIs: Health Care Practitioner

30 April 2014 Abaa/ Kulili

(Elifan Kebele)

FGD: women and men

KII: Elder

01 May 2014 Dallol Woreda FGD: Woreda Leaders (for health,


others)

03 May 2014 Asagosso

Baheita Kebele

FGDs: women, elders and men

Asabuya FGDs: women, elders and men


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Date Village/ Gov. Leaders Type of Engagement

05 May 2014 Musley FGDs: women

KII: local man, and elder (woman)

06 May Mororo KII: local household

Hamad Ela KII: local business woman and man

07 May 2014 Zonal Government FGD/KII: Zone 2 Officials for health,


others

Secondary data sources used included publicly available electronic data as

well as hard copy data collected from various government offices. The types

of secondary data used included:

Reports from the Ethiopian Central Statistics Agency;

National Population and Household Census (2007);

Reports from the African Health Observatory;

Ethiopian Demographic Health Survey 2011;

Previous ESIAs/ EIAs undertaken in the area; and

Various internet sources.

Limitations

The limitations to the Social Study were related to time constrains and

accessibility of certain sections of the Social Study Area. These limitations are

outlined in Table 9.3 below, along with proposed follow-up actions.

Table 9.3 Limitations and Proposed Follow-up Actions

Limitation(s) Follow-up Action(s)

Respondents tend naturally to exaggerate their

personal situation(s) when being interviewed.

This can compromise the quality of data

collected during one-to-one interviews as well

as FGDs.

Continued testing and ground-truthing of the

socio-economic characteristics of the Project

Area before proceeding with development.

Not all areas of importance for the use of

natural resources were mapped as part of the

study as our guides were not familiar with

some of these locations.

Prior to the commencement of construction

activities, there is a need to work with village

elders and try to locate all these areas.

The majority of the secondary data used in the

report is outdated, especially information from

the 2007 Population and Household Census.

Update relevant sections of the baseline as up

to date information becomes available from

relevant government offices in order to keep

abreast of the socio-economic changes in the

country.

9.2.2 Structure of the Chapter

This Chapter will present the socio-economic and health characteristics of the

receiving environment and is structured as follows:

Political, Governance and Administrative Structure

Demographic Profile


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Health Care Services

Education System

Economic and Livelihood Activities

Utilisation and Dependency on Natural Resources

Vulnerable/ Marginalised Groups

Access to Public Infrastructure and Services

Cultural Heritage

Landscape and Visual

9.3 POLITICAL, GOVERNANCE AND ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE

Ethiopia has a federal system of government which was established in the

early 1990s, in accordance with the Charter of the Transitional Government (a

national charter that functioned as a transitional constitution), adopted in

1991. Prior to this, the country was ruled by monarchs until 1974, when the

Provisional Military Administrative Council (known locally as the Derg)

overthrew Ethiopia’s last monarch, Emperor Haile Selassie. The Derg

established a one-party communist state fronted by Colonel Mengistu Haile

Mariam. In 1991 Mengistu was ousted by the military and a coalition of rebel

groups, known as the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front

(EPRDF). The EPRDF assumed state power and still continues to govern the

country. It developed the constitution in 1995 which established the Federal

Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) with a pluralist political system. The

country is headed by a Constitutional President, currently Mulatu Teshome

Wirtu and the government is headed by an Executive Prime Minister

(Hailemariam Desalegn at the time of writing), who is elected by parliament.

Parliament is divided into two houses; the House of People’s Representatives

and the House of the Federation. The structure of government at a Federal

level is illustrated in Figure 9.2 below.


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Figure 9.2 Government Structure

9.3.1 Administrative Structure

The change from monarchy rule to a federal government system resulted in

the decentralisation of power and administration. As is mentioned

previously, Ethiopia is now divided into nine National Regional States and

two city administrations. Each state is drawn along ethno-linguistic lines and

is endowed with a degree of self–rule. Each state is headed by a state

president which is elected by the state council. These states are further

divided into 103 Zones (sub-regions), 800 Woredas (districts), and 15,000

Kebeles (the lowest administrative units). Furthermore, the changes in the

government system resulted in the two largest pastoral societies, the ANRS

and Somali National Regional State, which have their own regional

governments. Figure 9.3 shows the four government administrative levels in

Ethiopia and their functions.


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Figure 9.3 Administrative Government Structure in Ethiopia

Zone administrations act as mediators between the regional state offices and

the Woredas. They are active administrative institutions that oversee the

function and activities of the Woredas by co-ordinating development

activities, providing public services and technical assistance. Zonal

governance structures vary; in some states zones elect councils, which also

form executive committees, in others, no such councils exist and zonal

executive committee members are appointed by the Regional Council.

Woredas are responsible for planning and implementing development

activities and social programmes within their areas. They oversee the Kebeles

that come under their jurisdiction. Each Woreda has a council and an

executive committee; the council consists of elected representatives from the

Kebele and the committee consists of approximately 12 members, namely

bureau sector chiefs (1).

Kebeles are the lowest government administration units. Each Kebele

Administration (KA) has an elected leadership which includes a Council, a

Cabinet and advisors. The latter is composed of a chairperson, an executive

committee and a social justice committee. Kebeles act as mediators between

local government authorities and local villages and are charged with:

Mobilising village members for communal work, such as the construction

of roads or waterworks.

Communicating government programs and policies to village members.

Presenting village requests to formal government institutions (e.g. district

administration).

(1) Yilmaz and Venugopal, 2008


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In the ANRS, enlisting the support of clan or traditional leaders to

recognise the Afar Ada (customary law).

9.3.2 Traditional Governance Structure

In the local area and across the ANRS, traditional governance structures remain a strong and respected parallel administrative system. Traditionally, the Afar society is structured along the lines of sultanates; tribes, clans, lineages and families. The various sultanates located across Djibouti, Ethiopia and Eritrea have generally been recognised as centres of political and spiritual leadership. Whilst the powers of traditional leaders are reported to have declined in recent years, they still hold sway, especially at the local level. Local community members report that it is clan leaders and elders that provide the strongest and most effective leadership structures at the village level, and the majority of Afar community members will defer to their elders for any important matters. In Afar society the clan is the most important political and social unit. A clan is formed by an extended group of families, and serves as a nucleus for administration and cooperation to conduct social activities among clan members. The clan is also the lowest social unit which can hold communal property rights over land and other natural resources. Clan leadership is composed of a three tiered system composed of clan leaders described in Table 9.4 below. Grading of clans and lineages as young/small/junior (hundah) and elder/bigger/senior (kaddah) is typical amongst the Afar. Different roles are allocated to each lineage: a senior lineage of a clan provides political leadership while a junior one provides ritual leadership or leadership of the sanction-executing unit (fimaa). Typically members of the council of elders (daar-idola) and members of fimaa are recruited from all lineages of a clan.

Table 9.4 Clan Leadership, Roles and Responsibilities

Afar Traditional Leaders Roles and Responsibilities

Clan leader (makabans) The makabans is the external representative of the clan and interacts on behalf of the group with the government administrations and other clans. He is also the arbiter of intraclan disputes.

Council of elders or daar-edola The council of elders or daar-edola are the second most powerful leaders in a clan, and function as the judges of the internal affairs of a clan. They are often elected to their post due to their characteristics of wisdom, impartiality and an ability to make peace. They also act as the chief authority in marriage arrangements and negotiate dowries.

Sanction-executing unit (fimaa/finna) The sanction-executing unit (fimaa/finna) is a multi-

purpose institution whose size and number often varies

between clans. The fimaa leaders carry out basic village

tasks including the execution of sanctions passed by clan

leaders, the supervision of more junior fimaa members

and, in collaboration with clan elders, help to maintain

good relations within the clan.

Despite pressure from the central government, the traditional Afar social and political organisation is still effective at the local level and continues to play a


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strong role in governing Afar social, economic and political life. The traditional system often overlaps with the formal administrative system, both formally and informally with clan leaders and village elders commonly represented on the Kebele board.

9.3.3 Women and Governance

The Afar people are a patriarchal society, with leadership roles largely assigned to men and women generally confined to primary care or domestic tasks such as childcare, cooking and fetching water. Access to land and physical possessions are maintained and controlled by the men; in the event of a marital separation, the man acquires both land and possessions. From previous studies conducted in the broader Social Study Area, women claimed that men control the allocation of resources, with the patriarchal system of inheritance perpetuating this phenomenon, even in the event of death. Whilst land is owned by the village (as opposed to by the individual) plots of land are titled to men as opposed to women and it is men (often elders) who decide how it is used, e.g., for construction or farming purposes. A widowed woman is potentially able to inherit the family property for the wellbeing of her children only if she agrees to remain unmarried. However the closest male relative to the deceased (son or brother) is still able to make decisions concerning her resources and physical possessions. Men are recognised as the chief income generators, and a woman’s dependence on a man is widely recognised in the Social Study Area.

9.3.4 Land Tenure and Ownership

In Ethiopia all land belongs to the State; whilst land can be leased to private individuals, they cannot own it. The Constitution provides for equal access, use, transfer and administration over land. It grants access to agricultural land for rural residents, and allows all inhabitants to utilise the land for farming. Farmers and pastoralists are granted lifetime ‘holding rights’ giving them rights to the land except for its sale and mortgage. Land tends to be governed by common property regimes in pastoral areas. In the ANRS, whilst land tends to be allocated by the Kebele, it is administered at the clan level. Furthermore, each clan customarily manages it resources collectively. Afar traditional institutions allow for two types of resource users: clan

members with primary rights (Waamo) and neighbouring pastoralists who

have secondary rights (Isso) (1). Waamo defines exclusive and in alienable

rights of a member of a specific Afar clan or lineage. Waamo rights bestow a

given clan or lineage with primary rights to a specified territory, whereas Isso

defines secondary inalienable rights which are granted to non-members. As

well as imposing certain restrictions on to holders, Isso (literally meaning

‘lease’) are limited in scope and in time. For example, right holders’ are

prohibited from cutting down certain trees and are only entitled to a defined

grazing land for a specified time period.

In the Social Study Area, whilst all land is allocated by the Kebele leaders, informal land tenure systems also hold a powerful position within the

(1) Hundie, 2008


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villages. For example, only the Afar can hold land in the area; visiting or resident highlanders can only rent it. The majority of the Afar in the Social Study Area reported that they owned their houses (94.7 percent) in addition to holding the land they live on.

9.4 DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE

This Section provides a description of the demographic characteristics of the

federal, regional and local population. The demographic characteristics

described below include population size and growth, age and gender

distribution, ethnicity and language, religion, population migration and

trends.

9.4.1 Federal Level

The population of Ethiopia has grown by an estimated 314 percent since 1950;

the reasons for continued high population growth are unclear (1). The current

(2014) average growth rate of the population is estimated at 2.9 percent

annually. It is predicted that the Ethiopian population will reach the

100 million mark by 2020. The gender distribution of the population is

approximately a 50/50 percent split; with an estimated ≥64 percent of the

population under the age of 25 years. Children form 44 percent of this group,

while the middle-aged and elderly are forming an estimated seven percent.

This is a feature typical of developing countries; demonstrating younger

populations due to high birth rates, limited family planning and poor access to

health infrastructure. Figure 9.4 shows the population size, growth and age

and gender distribution.

Figure 9.4 Population Size, Growth, Age and Gender Distribution of Ethiopia

Source: World Bank, CIA, and Population Census 2007

The Oromo ethnic group and language are the most dominant in the country

at 34.5 and 33 percent respectively; followed by Amhara and Amharic (official

(1) www.worldbank.com

86

87

88

89

90

91

92

93

94

95

96

Population Size and Growth in 3 years

2012 2013

2014 2.6% Increase

3.92% Increase

10 0 10

Under 1

5-9

15-19

25-30

35-39

45-49

55-59

65-69

75+

Population (%)

Ag

e g

rou

p

Population by Age and Gender

Male

Female


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language) at 27 and 29.3 percent respectively (1). Afar ethnic group and

language speakers represent only 1.7percent of the population. Ethiopian

Orthodox, Islam, and Protestant religions are followed, representing 43,

34 and 19 percent, respectively (2); this is illustrated in Figure 9.5 below.

Figure 9.5 Ethnicity, Language and Religion in Ethiopia

Source: Population Census, 2007

National Migration Patterns

Decades ago conflict and political violence, ecological degradation, famine,

poverty, repatriation, rural-urban migration, and resettlement by government

were the main drivers of inter-and-out migration (and without any particular

pattern) in Ethiopia (3). In subsequent years (1990s and 2000s), however, a

clearer pattern of migration has emerged, which includes internal migration

(rural-urban and rural–rural migration); government resettlement; and

international migration (including international refugees) (4). Inter-migration

(e.g., within Ethiopia) is said to be more significant than international

migration (at a rate of -0.2 per 1,000 people of the population) (5).

The primary inter-migration flows are rural-urban migration, which is driven

by the search of business and employment opportunities; and rural-rural

(1) Population Census, 2007 (2) Population Census, 2007 (3) IOM, http://ronairobi.iom.int/ethiopia (4) IOM, http://ronairobi.iom.int/ethiopia (5) www.indexmundi.com/ethiopia

05

10152025303540

Oro

mo

Am

haric

So

mali

Tig

rayan

Sid

am

o

Gura

gie

gna

Wola

ytta

Hadiy

ya

Afa

r

Gam

o

Unknow

n

Oth

er

Oromo Amhara Somali Tigray SasamaGurage Welaita Hadiya Afar Gamo Godeo Other

Ethnicity

Language

Ethnicity and Language

43%

34%

19%

2% 1% 1%

Ethiopian Orthodox Islam Protestant Traditional Catholic Other

Religion


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migration, which can be an adaptation strategy to poor agricultural and living

conditions. (1).

Ethiopia experiences significant cross-border immigration from surrounding

countries including pastoralists in search of grazing grounds and water,

traders and merchants as well as frequent and significant influx from Somalia,

Sudan, and Eritrea caused by conflict and drought. According to the United

Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Ethiopia received a

substantial number of new immigrants in late 2014 (particularly from South

Sudan), leading to a total population of more than 729,000 immigrants in early

2015(2), who are mainly accommodated in camps throughout the country (3);

see Table 9.5 below.

Table 9.5 International Migrants in Ethiopia in 2013, and Estimates for 2014 and 2015

Type of Population Origin Dec-13 Jan-15 Dec-15 (Projected)

Total in country

Total 409,040 729,460 821,700

Refugees Eritrea 86,010 106,670 131,660

Somalia 235,920 254,680 265,010

South

Sudan 82,090 300,000 350,000

Various 4,220 67,620 74,530

Asylum-seekers Eritrea 50 50 50

Somalia 200 50 50

South

Sudan 300

50 200

Various 250 350 350

Source: UNHCR http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e483986.html

The number of asylum seekers is relatively small in comparison and the

reasons for this are unknown.

9.4.2 Regional Level

The ANRS was amongst the country’s least populated regions (lies sixth of

nine regions); with a population of 1.6 million in 2012; which accounts for

1.9 percent of the nation population, see Table 9.6. However, this number may

have been inaccurate given the remoteness and scattered settlement pattern of

the regional population. The population of Zone 2 comprised of 25 percent of

the regional population at 391,467; while the Dallol Woreda comprised of the

highest percentage of the population (24 percent) of the total zonal population

at 92,444 (4).

(1)http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e483986.html

http://www.google.co.uk/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&frm=1&source=web&cd=6&ved=0CEUQFjAF&url=http%3A%2F%

2Fmgsog.merit.unu.edu%2Fpublications%2Fexternal_policy_reports%2F2009_Country_Paper_Ethiopia.pdf&ei=-lq-

VNaHKsGQ7AbTk4HoAQ&usg=AFQjCNEFvFtpzrunxCtQZ1AGf3CRoUwYRw&sig2=ApI2LtcSFAu7H3egnnOvLg&bvm

=bv.83829542,d.ZGU (2)http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e483986.html (3) http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e483986.html (4) The population numbers used were predicted population growth numbers for the Zonal, Woreda and kebele levels for

2012

http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e483986.html


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Table 9.6 Population Size and Distribution: Regional, Zone, Woreda, and Kebeles

Area Population Size

Afar National Regional State 1,602,995

Zone 2 391,467 (25%)

Dallol Woreda 92, 444 (6%)

Project Affected Kebeles: (Adkuwa, Alefan

Kulili, Bada Ermile, Bada Admeruk)

22,938

Sources: Source: http://www.geohive.com/cntry/ethiopia.aspx (accessed on May 14, 2014)

The population of the Dallol Woreda is likely to have increased further with

the presence of the military, and people moving into the area in search of

employment and business opportunities associated with the mining activities

that occur across the Woreda.

The regional population is said to have an annual population growth rate of

2.1 percent which is 0.8 percent below the national growth rate (1). The

average household size for the region was 5.7 people/household; with the

rural and urban households averaging 6.1 and 3.9 people/household

respectively. The average of gender distribution of the population is 50/50 for

the region, zone 2 and Woreda; as indicated in Table 9.7 below.

Table 9.7 Population Characteristics the Afar National Regional State

Afar National

Regional State

Zone 2 Dallol Woreda

Population growth

rate (% per annum)

2.1 2.2 -

Urban population (%

of population)

18 13 8

%age of population

below age of 15 (%)

45 43 48.

Gender Split in % Male: 50 Female: 50 Male: 56 Female: 44 Male: 56 Female: 44

Sources: World Bank, 2010 and Population Census, 2007

Table 9.7 further indicates that majority of the population in the ANRS

(82 percent) resides in rural areas and only 18 percent in urban areas (2). Only

eight percent of the population reside in urban areas at the Woreda level. The

population across the region was young in 2007 (during the census) with

young children and youths forming 45 percent of the population; with the

young population at Woreda level slightly higher than that of the region (by

three percent). The young population can be attributed to the early age of

marriage amongst the population, which subsequently results in early

pregnancies, as well as a general lack of knowledge and availability of

contraceptives.

(1) Population Census Commission, 2007 (2) Population Census Commission, 2007


9-16

The predominant ethnic group in the ANRS are the Afar people (90 percent)

followed by Amhara, Arogba and Tigray, with smaller numbers (less than

one percent) of Oromo, Welaita and Hadiya (1). The Afarigna language is

widely spoken in the region. The most common religion in the region is Islam

averaging 96 percent as indicated in Figure 9.6 (2).

Figure 9.6 Religion: Afar National Regional State, Zone 2, and Woreda

Source: The 2007 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia: Statistical Report for Afar

Regional Migration Patterns

Inter-migration is high within the region since an estimated 80 percent of the

population of the ANRS are transhumant –pastoralists and migrate in search

of grazing areas for their livestock within the regional boundaries (3). Other

Afar people migrate out of the region or other parts of the region for trade

purposes, and in search of business and employment opportunities. The

region and more specifically Zone 2 also have high levels of in-migrants from

neighbouring countries (Somalia and Eritrea) and from the highlands of

Ethiopia.

Zone 2 is the centre of the salt trade, potentially resulting in the higher

presence of Amhara and Tigrean groups (traditionally involved in the

artisanal salt mining industry). In addition the Ethiopia – Eritrea war has

resulted in the displacement of people along the border including Eritreans

who are predominantly from the Tigrean ethnic group. Zone 2 is aligned to

the north-eastern Eritrean border potentially allowing for easy access from

Eritrean Tigreans into Ethiopia.

The non-Afars are often involved in a variety of activities including small-

scale trade, local government jobs and construction. In-migration of non-Afar

groups has been particularly well documented in the southern parts of the

region where large commercial farms have been established. For instance, the

Dallol Woreda is reported to contain an estimated 15,000 refugees at present

(1) Source: CSA, “The 2007 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia: Statistical Report for Afar. 2) Population Census Commission, 2007 (3) The 2007 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia: Statistical Report for Afar

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

Orthodox Muslim Protestant Traditional Catholic

Afar Region

Zone 2

Dallol Woreda


9-17

(2014) (1). It should be noted that specific data was not available and estimates

by officials have been relied upon.

9.4.3 Village Level

In the Social Study Area, the population size in various settlements varies

from 8,968 at its highest and 1,757 at its lowest as indicated in Table 9.8 below.

The population of the Social Study Area is dominated by youths, young

children and middle aged people with fewer elderly (mostly in their 70s).

Table 9.8 Population Size and Distribution of Villages/ Kebeles Consulted in the Social

Study Area

Kebele /Town Population Gender Distribution No. of Households

No. Housing Units

Male Female

Adkuwa (Rural Kebele) 8, 968 5,282 3,686 1,258 1,239

Adkuwa Village 1,757 1,050 707 371 334

Simbilali 3,725 2,023 1,702 6,77 670

Alefan-Kulili 3,314 1,840 1,474 509 506

Bheieta 3,405 1,835 1,570 455 426

Bada Admeruk 3,730 2,079 1,651 581 570

Bada Ermile 6,926 3,878 3,048 988 973

Source: Focus Group Discussions, 28 April to 7 May 2014

The population of the Social Study Area is mainly of Afar ethnicity and speak

Afarigna language; with a few people who speak Amharic (specifically the in-

migrant population; trans-located government officials, the Afar that have

received some schooling and those who have worked elsewhere outside the

region). Islam is the main religion followed by the population.

The population is male dominated (64 percent) and 36 percent female. Even

though the male population is higher than the female population, there are

fewer men residing permanently in the villages, as they often migrate to other

areas within the broader Social Study Area, region and Woreda in search of

grazing and economic opportunities. Often the elderly men are found

residing alongside young boys and youths as well as community leaders/ or

Kebele leaders.

Migration Patterns in the Social Study Area

Similarly to the pattern of regional migration, the population of the Social

Study Area tend to migrate in search of pastures and collection of non-timber

forest products (NTFPs) i.e., palm leaves as well as trade opportunities. Due

to the desert conditions (including drought) in the Social Study Area and to

livelihoods that are dependent on agricultural activities (mainly livestock

rearing), the male population tends to migrate in search of better pastures.

(1) Pers Comm, May 2014


9-18

Some of the areas known for their grazing in the Social Study Area are

Hamah, Bada, Berketi and Dodom; (refer to Figure 9.17 on Page 9-47). These

are close to the villages of Musley, Asabuya, Bada Ermile and Bada, which are

located further within a 10km radius of the Project Area. Men will travel up to

50km to reach these various pastures and will stay in these areas for four to

six months at a time or until the pastures cannot sustain their livestock. They

will then move on to other area or track back to their own villages especially

once they have received word that the pastures there have recovered.

The local population also travels outside the Ethiopian boarder and into

Eritrea to purchase and sell goods. In Bada Ermile and Bada Admeruk people

reported that they used to travel to Eritrea to sell livestock and some goods

but this has decreased due to the conflict between the countries.

In-migration to the Social Study Area is reportedly low consisting of mainly

traders and salt miners. In other parts of the broader Social Study Area, in-

migration has increased with the start of mining exploration activities of

Allana Potash Corp., G&B and Yara Dallol BV, due to the employment

opportunities presented by the road construction by the Defence Construction

Engineering (DCE). The economic activities associated with the presence of

these companies and the military has resulted in an increased migration of

both men and women into the area.

9.5 HEALTH CARE SERVICES

This Section provides a description of the Federal, Regional, and Local health

characteristics for the Social Study Area. This includes an analysis of the

current health context and prevalent diseases, as well as a discussion of the

standard and availability of health infrastructure across the Federal, Regional

and Local levels.

9.5.1 Federal Level

The health care system in Ethiopia comprises of a three-tiered structure

namely tertiary, secondary and primary health care services as shown in

Figure 9.7.


9-19

Figure 9.7 Structure of the Health Care System

Source: http://www.aho.afro.who.int/profiles_information/index.php/Ethiopia:Analytical_summary_-_Service_delivery(undated)

In the fiscal year 2004/5 (the latest date for which data was available) health

expenditure in Ethiopia was an estimated 30 percent of total government

expenditure on services (3.5% of GDP) (1). The heavy financing of the health

sector by donors reveal a highly unsustainable sector that can collapse if the

donor funding were to cease. Further to this, in many instances the Federal

Ministry of Health has no or limited control on the allocation and utilisation of

the donations as most come already ear-marked for specific courses or health

facilities.

In 2007, the Federal Ministry of Health developed and implemented a Health

Care Financing Strategy; aimed at increase funding for health by improving

resource mobilisation; to ensure equitable resource allocation; and efficiency

of resource utilisation.

Some of the key components of the Strategy include:

Revenue retention and utilization;

Facility governance;

A system of fee waiver and exemption for those who cannot afford to pay;

Outsourcing of non-clinical services; and

(1)https://www.med.or.jp/english/journal/pdf/2009_04/279_286.pdf

http://www.aho.afro.who.int/profiles_information/index.php/Ethiopia:Analytical_summary_-_Service_delivery(undated)

http://www.aho.afro.who.int/profiles_information/index.php/Ethiopia:Analytical_summary_-_Service_delivery(undated)

https://www.med.or.jp/english/journal/pdf/2009_04/279_286.pdf


9-20

Establishing a private sector to strengthen the supply and delivery of

quality health services (1).

The Federal Ministry of Health is envisioning that the implementation of the

strategy will result in effective utilisation of the funds by the various public

health programmes implemented, and also allows for regular monitoring and

evaluation.

The health care system in Ethiopia has a shortfall in available health workforce

with a ratio of 0.7 health workers per 1,000 people, which is low compared

with the WHO recommendations of 2.3 health workers/1,000 people. The

greatest shortfall is for physicians, whose numbers show a decreasing trend

over past years and are now 1: 42,706 people; this is among the lowest ratio in

sub-Saharan Africa (2). In rural and remote areas, 83 percent of the population

is underserved by health workers (3).

Health indicators for the country are provided in Table 9.9 below and reveal a

population with a life expectancy of 60 years, and a male population with a

short lifespan compared to its female counterparts at 57 and 62 years,

respectively. Furthermore, the country has a significantly higher birth rate of

39 births/1,000 people than the death rate of nine deaths / 1,000 people (4); this

could provide an explanation for the rapid increase in the Ethiopian

population growth rate.

(1) http://www.aho.afro.who.int/profiles_information/index.php/Ethiopia:Analytical_summary_-

_Health_financing_system#cite_note-eight-2 (2) WHO: Africa Health Observatory (3) Ibid. (4) WHO: Africa Health Observatory


9-21

Table 9.9 Health Profile of the Ethiopian Population

Health Indicators Units / Percentages

Birth rate 37.66 births/1,000 population (2014 est.)

Death rate 8.52 deaths/1,000 population (2014 est.)

Infant mortality rate Total: 55.77 deaths/1,000 live births

Male: 63.77 deaths/1,000 live births

Female: 47.53 deaths/1,000 live births (2014 est.)

Total fertility rate 5.23 children born/woman (2014 est.)

Life expectancy at birth total population: 60.75 years

Male: 58.43 years

Female: 63.15 years (2014 est.)

Contraceptive prevalence rate 28.6% (2010/11)

HIV/AIDS - adult prevalence rate 1.3% (2012 est.)

HIV/AIDS - people living with

HIV/AIDS

758,600 (2012 est.)

HIV/AIDS - deaths 47,200 (2012 est.)

Access to improved water source Urban: 96.8% of population

Rural: 42.1% of population

Total: 51.5% of population (2012 est.)

Access to improved sanitation facility Urban: 27.4% of population

Rural: 22.8% of population

Total: 23.6% of population (2012 est.)

Maternal mortality rate 350 deaths/100,000 live births (2010)

Children under the age of 5 years

underweight

29.2% (2011)

Health expenditures 4.7% of GDP (2011)

Physicians density 0.03 physicians/1,000 population (2009)

Hospital bed density 6.3 beds/1,000 population (2011)

Source: http://www.indexmundi.com/ethiopia/demographics_profile.html

Ethiopia is characterised by a predominantly rural and impoverished

population with limited access to safe water, housing, sanitation, food and

health care. The disease burden (responsible for 74 percent of deaths and

81 percent of disability adjusted life years lost per year) is dominated by

malaria, prenatal and maternal death, acute respiratory infection, nutrition

deficiency, diarrhoea and HIV/AIDS (1). As indicated in Figure 9.8,

communicable diseases are the main cause of mortality in the country

(1) http:/ / www. aho. afro. who. int/ profiles_information/ images/ d/ d5/ Ethiopia-Statistical_Factsheet. pdf


9-22

(70 percent) followed by non-communicable diseases (19 percent) and injuries

led to an estimated eleven percent of deaths.

Figure 9.8 Diseases that have resulted in Mortality in Ethiopia

Source: Ethiopia: Health Profile (undated) http://www.who.int/gho/countries/eth.pdf?ua=1

The limited number of health institutions, inefficient distribution of medical

supplies and disparity between rural and urban areas, due to severe under-

funding of the health sector, make access to health-care services very difficult

even for preventable diseases (1).


Regionally, health services and infrastructure are also relatively

underdeveloped, i.e., of 116 hospitals in the country four are within the

Region (approximately three percent); furthermore of 14,192 health posts

countrywide only 251 are within the Region, accounting for approximately

1.7 percent (2). This is approximately in line with the percentage of the national

population living in the ANRS. Table 9.10 below shows the distribution of the

health care infrastructure and personnel at Federal, Regional and Woreda

levels.

Table 9.10 Healthcare Services and Infrastructure in the Afar National Regional State

Health Services & Infrastructure Federal Regional Dallol Woreda

Hospitals 116 4 -

Health Centres 2,142 28 5

Health Posts 14,192 251 15

Healthcare Professionals

Physicians (general practitioners

and specialists)

1,421 15 -

Health Officers 3,096 29 1

Nurses (Diploma and BSc holders) 26,423 185 22

Pharmacy Professionals 3,624 63 2

Medical Laboratory Professionals 3,672 40 3

(1)http:/ / www. aho. afro. who. int/ profiles_information/ images/ d/ d5/ Ethiopia-Statistical_Factsheet. pdf (2) Afar Regional Bureau of Health and Ministry of Health, 2011

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

Communicable Diseases Non-communicableDiseases

Injuries


9-23

Health Services & Infrastructure Federal Regional Dallol Woreda

Community Health Workers/

Health Extension Workers (HEW)

30,995 572 36

Source: Afar Regional Bureau of Health and Ministry of Health, (2011)

Common illnesses found at Woreda level are:

Malaria (especially during the rainy season);

Upper Respiratory Infection (URI) due to dust;

Diarrhoea due to the consumption of un-purified water;

TB (reasons unclear);

Problems linked to the consumption of un-purified water;

Urinary tract /bladder Infection due to unsafe drinking water;

Kidney illnesses due to limited water consumption;

Sun stroke; and

Eye disease due to dust.

Based on interviews with health officials (1) in the Woreda, an estimated

20 percent of the Woreda population has HIV/AIDS; however, they noted that

the prevalence numbers were declining. The figure of 20 percent does

however seem exaggerated and according to the USAID (July 2008), the level

of HIV/AIDS in the ANRS is approximately 2%. No information is available

on the provision of anti-retroviral drugs being given to the infected.

9.5.3 Local Level

Access to health care services in the Social Study Area is low due to lack of

health care facilities and medicines. Of the villages visited, Bada had access to

health centre and a health post, while the remainder of the villages had no

formal health facilities or only access to a health post (refer to Table 9.11).

Villagers with no health facilities tend to go to the Adukua Kebele for medical

care.

Table 9.11 Access to Health care Facilities in the Social Study Area

Village/ Kebele Health Centres Health Posts

Bada Admeruk X X

Bada Ermile - X

Elifanti Abaa/ Kulili - X

Asabuya - -

Musley - -

Asagosaa - X

Loko Oguda - -

All health care facilities in the Social Study Area have medical professionals

(i.e, nurses); however, these professionals cannot provide the services needed

due to a lack of medication and supplies and capacity shortages. This is

exacerbated by the lack of electricity for refrigeration of perishable medicines.

(1) Pers Comm, May 2014


9-24

The main service that the health professionals are able to provide daily is

primary care in the form of first aid and the vaccination of children. The

vaccines are sent by the Federal Ministry of Health using refrigerated trucks to

ensure their viability. Once the health workers have received the vaccines,

they must be administered within 12 hours or will become unsafe for use.

All seriously ill people are referred to a hospital in Mekele. There are four

ambulances across the Woreda; but they often do not have fuel and as such

people have to make their own arrangements for the transportation of the sick

to Mekele. This is difficult given the lack of public transportation services and

low private vehicle ownership in the area. During in-field baseline data

collection, local communities close to the Project Area reported that Yara

Dallol BV has been assisting them with the transportation of gravely ill people

to Mekele.

Water-borne diseases are the most dominant diseases in the Social Study Area,

especially diarrhoea due to a lack of potable water, reportedly followed by

kidney related illnesses and urinary tract infections. Health workers hold

frequent campaigns promoting free water treatment methods (such as boiling

of water before consumption), but people often do not follow advice given

and suffer from water borne diseases.

Other health risks are linked to the lack of sanitation facilities and people

using open spaces to relieve themselves, and in doing so contaminate surface

water sources. During diarrhoea outbreaks, the health workers distribute

agari (a liquid/ or powdery water purification drug) to households. Kidney

illnesses along with urinary tract infections are reported to be caused by

dehydration due to the heat and shortage of water in the area.

The lack of electricity and medication was reported as being the main

challenge facing health care service provision in the Social Study Area.

During baseline data collection communities reported that the lack of potable

water and sanitation facilities is the main cause of illnesses and deaths.

No cases of HIV/AIDS were reported by the local population; suggesting that

the prevalence of the diseases is not formally recognised or recorded.

9.6 EDUCATION SYSTEM

The Ethiopian education system consists of four cycles; two cycles of primary

and two cycles of secondary schooling (refer to Figure 9.9).


9-25

Figure 9.9 Ethiopian Education System

Source: http://shelbycearley.files.wordpress.com/2010/06/education-in-ethiopia.pdf

http://shelbycearley.files.wordpress.com/2010/06/education-in-ethiopia.pdf


9-26

As indicated in Figure 9.9, the education system comprises of eight years of

primary education subdivided into two cycles of basic primary (Grade one to

four) and general education (Grade five to eight). Secondary education also

comprises of two cycles, general secondary education (Grade nine and ten)

and preparatory secondary education (Grade 11 and 12). When pupils

complete second cycle of primary education they are required to take the

Eighth Grade National Examination.

Subsequent to attaining their Primary School Leaving Certification

Examination (PSLCE); pupils can either continue onto secondary education

cycles or enrol for a junior level Technical and Vocational Education and

Training (TVET). Those who choose to attend TVET can seek employment

once they attain their TVET certification. The second cycle of a secondary

education entails a further four years of schooling with those who complete

grade nine and ten attaining the Ethiopian General Secondary Education

Certificate Examination (EGSECE); if able to complete Grade 11 and 12 pupils

can sit for the Ethiopian Higher Education Entrance Examination (1).

Key indicators of education status at a national level are shown in the Table

9.12. These show an increase in education expenditure to 5.5 percent of total

expenditure in 2010 (an increase from the 4 percent in 2004) (2). School

enrolment has increased from 68.5 percent to 82 percent in both primary and

secondary schooling levels and the government is predicting 100 percent

enrolment in primary school at the end of 2014/2015 (3).

Table 9.12 Key National Education Indicators

Indicator Value

Enrolment rate % (2011) 82

Education expenditure (% of GDP) (2005 – 2010) 5.5

Pupil-teacher ratio, primary (2010) 54

Pupil-teacher ratio, secondary (2010) 43

Literacy rate, adult total (% of people ages 15 and above) (4) (2008) 29.8

Source: World Bank, Databank, 2011

Literacy levels of the Ethiopian population are low with an estimated

89 percent having no schooling and/ or have attained some primary

schooling; as illustrated in Figure 9.10 (5). Of this total, 45 percent of the

population has no schooling; while for others (44 percent) have some primary

education. As expected, the urban population are more literate compared to

the rural population (78.6 and 49.1 percent) respectively. Furthermore, only

0.1 percent completed secondary school in rural areas compared to 3.2 percent

in urban areas (6).

(1) Ministry of Education, 2012 (2) World Bank, Databank, 2011 (3) World Bank, Databank, 2011 (4) Expressed as a %age - the number of children enrolled in primary school who belong to the age group that officially

corresponds to primary schooling, divided by the total population of the same age group. (5) Central Statistics Agency, 2011 (6) The Central Statistics Agency, 2011


9-27

Figure 9.10 Highest Level of Schooling Attended or Completed in Ethiopia

Source: Central Statistics Agency, 2011


Regionally an estimated 61.3 percent of the total population has not received

any education; with an estimated 69.3 percent of those without an education

being females and 53.4 percent male (1). This can be attributed mainly to the

pastoralist and nomadic lifestyle of the Afar people, since this a key

influencing factor in preventing children from attending school (refer to Table

9.13). Other barriers to school enrolment in rural areas include family

disapproval, marriage, lack of schooling facilities, poverty, and domestic /

farming / herding duties.

Table 9.13 Literacy Levels of the ANRS Population

Indicator Percentage

No schooling 61.3

Some schooling (primary and secondary) 38.7

Female

Literacy rate 38.4

Illiteracy amongst females compared to males 69.3

Some primary education (female) 25

Completed primary education (female) 1.6

Completed secondary education (female) 0.3

Male

Literacy rate 52.5

Illiteracy amongst males compared to females 53.4

Some primary education (male) 35.3

Completed primary education (male) 3.4

Completed secondary education (male) 1.2

Source: Final Report: Demographic Health Survey, 2011

(1) Central Statistics Agency, 2011

45% 44%

3% 4% 1%

3%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

50%

No education Some primary Completedprimary

Some secondary Completedsecondary

Tertiaryeducation


9-28

For the 2014 school year, there are 7,500 pupils registered at the various

schools in the Woreda (1). Of these, 69 percent are males and 31 percent

females. The Woreda has a total of 47 schools of which 49 percent are 1st Cycle

Primary Schools, and 42 percent 2nd Cycle Primary Schools and two percent 1st

and 2nd Cycle Secondary Schools (2). There are 250 teachers divided amongst

the various school levels, resulting in a teacher-pupil ratio of 1:30. The low

teacher-pupil ratio is caused by low attendance of schooling in pastoralist

communities such as that of the Woreda.

9.6.2 Village Level

Like in many pastoralist communities in the world, the general levels of

education in the Social Study Area are low, even by rural standards. This is

especially significant amongst the women; with an estimated 95 percent being

illiterate in the Social Study Area. The shortage of schools across the Social

Study Area, and the traditional/ cultural beliefs that educated women are

unmarriageable also contribute to this, along with the amount of domestic

work that is expected of a girl child.

There is a severe lack of schools across the Social Study Area; and where they

are present, they only provide primary education and rarely secondary

education. Bada Ermile and Bada Ademruk have schools; while Elifan Aba/

Kulili access is approximately one kilometre away from village. Table 9.14

shows the availability of schools in the Social Study Area

Table 9.14 Surveyed Villages and Schools in their Area

Village 1st Cycle 2nd Cycle 1st Cycle 2nd Cycle Distance from

Village to School

Primary Education Secondary Education

Bada Admeruk 1 1 - - 500 m

Bada Ermile 1 1 - - 50 m to 500 m

Elifanti Abaa/ Kulili 1 - - - 1-1.5 km radius

Asabuya No schools, children attend school in Bada/ Baheita -

Musley No schools, children attend school in Bada/ Baheita -

Asagosaa 1 - - - 1 km

Loko Oguda No schools, children attend school in Bada/ Baheita -

The shortage of schools and the resultant distances that pupils have to travel

to reach school has resulted in many children not attending school.

Furthermore, the combination of household chores including collection of

water and fuel wood, preparing the fields for cropping, and livestock grazing

are regarded as more important for the household than children attending

school.

Vocational training centres and other institutions of higher learning are not

found in the Woreda, its Kebeles or Social Study Area. For a person to obtain

(1) Pers Comms, May 2014 (2) Zone-2 Administration Office, May 2014


9-29

higher education they need to relocate to Semera, Mekele, or Addis Ababa;

this requires financial support which many families cannot afford to give to

their children.

Figure 9.11 Typical School Building in the Social Study Area

The schooling system in the Social Study Area is also impacted by:

A shortage of classrooms resulting in some pupils being taught outside or

under the trees.

A shortage of learning materials (textbooks, chalkboards, pens/pencils,

exercise books.

Budgetary shortfalls.

Shortage of qualified school teachers.

High teacher turnover due to the harsh conditions in the area.

9.7 ECONOMIC AND LIVELIHOOD ACTIVITIES

This Section describes the economic and livelihood activities at Federal,

Regional and Local levels.


9-30

9.7.1 Federal Level

Ethiopia’s strong economic performance continued for the tenth consecutive

year, with real GDP growth estimated at 9.7 percent in 2012/13 (fiscal year) (1).

As in preceding years, the economic growth was broad-based with all the

economic sectors contributing to the growth. Sectorial contributions to the

GDP are shown in Table 9.15.

Table 9.15 Sectorial Contribution to the GDP: 2012/2013 Fiscal Year

Sectors Contribution in Percentages

Agriculture, hunting, forestry, fishing 43

of which fishing 0.1

Mining 1.3

Manufacturing 3.9

Electricity, gas and water 1

Construction 4.8

Wholesale and retail trade, hotels and restaurants 18.8

of which hotels and restaurants 2.9

Transport, storage and communication 5.3

Finance, real estate and business services 9.8

Public administration, education, health and social

work, community, social and personal services

3.4

Other services 5.7

Source: African Economic Outlook: Ethiopia 2014

Agriculture, hunting, forestry, fishing sector continued to be the backbone of

the Ethiopian economy, contributing 43 percent to GDP. In the same fiscal

year (2012/13), total crop cultivated land expanded by 0.3 million ha, and the

yield per hectare also increased to 1.8 tons (2). The growth in the sector was

boosted by:

Good weather in the cereal growing areas;

Enhanced government support services to smallholders;

Improvement in yields; and

Expansion in the area under cultivation (3).

Regardless of the improvements in yields, agricultural productivity is still

very low, partly due to limited use of chemical fertilisers and improved

farming practices. Furthermore the rise in population growth rates have

contributed to a decline in farm size as some of the land originally used for

agricultural purposes is now being used for settlements. As a result an

estimated 4.5 million people remain dependent on food relief such as PSNP.

(1) African Economic Outlook: Ethiopia, 2014 (2)African Economic Outlook: Ethiopia, 2014 (3) Africa Economy Outlook Ethiopia 2014


9-31


Like the rest of the country, the ANRS is reliant on the agricultural sector for

livelihoods; specifically livestock production at 90 percent. Livestock keeping

in the region is mainly for subsistence purposes and it is only sold when

needed. According to the local authorities, the production of livestock is

decreasing in the region especially in Zones 1, 2, and 4 due to recurring

drought and land degradation. Livestock produced include camels, goats,

sheep and cattle; but of these camels and goats are the most resilient to the

harsh climatic conditions of the region. Zonally the proportion of goats was

higher at 43 percent, followed by sheep at 24 percent, cattle at 17 percent and

camels at 13.5 percent (1).

In the southern Zones of the ANRS, along the Awash and Mille River basins,

people engage in agro-pastoralism (migrating to and fro from these areas to

grow crops). These areas are marked by large scale crop farming, owned by

the state or by individuals. Some of the crops grown in the area include

cotton, sorghum and vegetables.

Livelihoods in Dallol Woreda are similar to those undertaken at regional level,

and consist of livestock production and small scale crop production. The

quantity of livestock found in the Woreda is indicated in Table 9.16 below.

Table 9.16 Summary of Livestock Population in Dallol Woreda, 2009

Woreda Livestock Types and Number Total

Dallol Goats Sheep Cattle Camels Equines Poultry

13,081 17,600 41,783 32,804 1,106 - 106,374

Source: BOFED, 2009: Afar Regional Atlas 2. June 2009

Livestock keeping also forms a significant part of the daily sustenance of

households through meat and milk products. While livestock products (viz.

skin hides and butter produced from the milk) serve as a source of income for

households. The crops produced are consumed or used to barter with

neighbours for other household items.

Crop production serves as the secondary livelihood activity in the Woreda.

Crops grown in the area comprise of sorghum and maize. As depicted in

Table 9.17, Kebeles such as Bada Admeruk, Bada Ermile, Leasgedi, Alefan-

Kulili, Garsat, Sebiba, Adkuwa (rural) and Asegara are agro-pastoral

communities. They combine livestock keeping with crop production systems

as strategy to overcome consequences of repeated droughts and degradation

of natural pasture. Furthermore, these Kebeles have access to somewhat

sustainable water sources which allow them to grow crops.

(1) BOFED, 2009: Afar Regional Atlas 2. June 2009


9-32

Table 9.17 Livestock and Crop Production by Kebeles in the Dallol Woreda

Kebele Production System of the Kebele

Pure-Pastoralism Agro-pastoralism

Iynedeb X

Leasgedi X

Ma’awo X

Sebiba X

Berih X

Adiaro X

Asegara X

Adkuwa (Rural Kebele) X

Simbilali X

Alefan-Kulili X

Bheyeta X

Garsat X

Bada Admeruk X

Bada Ermile X

Source: Dallol Woreda Administration Office, May 2014

9.7.3 Local level

Livelihoods in the Social Study Area comprise mainly of agricultural activities; with livestock keeping as the primary economic activity and crop production as a secondary activity along with trading. These livelihoods activities are described in detail below. Livestock Production

The population of the Social Study Area are pastoralists who keep livestock

for subsistence and income generation. The most common livestock kept are

goats, sheep, cattle, donkeys and camels as ranked by the interviewees. The

majority of households in the area keep goats as they are able to survive the

harsh climatic conditions of the area. Those residing in close proximity to

permanent water sources such as Bada Admeruk and Bada Ermile also keep

cattle (which have a low tolerance for heat) and a very low number of

households also keep sheep, donkeys and camels.

It was reported during stakeholder engagement events that approximately ten

years previously a household was perceived to have wealth in the Social

Study Area in terms of the number of camels a household owned; however,

the price of camels has increased and trade has decreased significantly, as

such people can no longer afford to purchase camels as they used to.

Currently, a household that owns more than ten goats is regarded as rich;

while a household with a large variant of livestock is regarded as very

wealthy.

Livestock slaughter for household sustenance is not common; livestock are slaughtered when they have visitors, weddings, traditional ceremonies or when the household wants to purchase clothing and food items. Households tend to rely heavily on livestock products especially milk, which is said to be consumed at all meal-times. Due to a shortage of markets in the broader


9-33

Social Study Area, the majority of people sell their livestock in Adukua Town (approximately two to three days walk depending on the location of the farmers’ village to the market). The selling price of various livestock is indicated in Table 9.18 below. Camels reportedly fetch the highest price at the markets, followed by cattle.

Table 9.18 Livestock Prices

Type of livestock Current Price Perceived Good Price (1) ETB USD ETB USD

Camel

Male 7,000 350 15,000 750

Female 8,000 400 15,000 750

Cattle

Male 3,000 150 6,000 300

Female 4,000 200 5,000 250

Goat

Male 1,500 75 2,000 100

Female 600 30 1,000 50

Source: Pers. Comms, May 2014

Furthermore, female camels and cattle fetch the highest prices at the markets

because of their milk production levels. The milk can be turned into butter,

which is then sold at the local markets and /or to neighbours for household

income. Even though goats are a perceived as a sign of wealth, they are

currently (2014) fetching the least cash at the market due to their abundance;

see Figure 9.12.

Figure 9.12 Goats in the Social Study Area

Livestock Products

Livestock products that are highly valued by the population are milk, meat,

and skin hides (in order of importance); while bones are deemed insignificant.

(1) Perceived 'Good' Price refers to the maximum price available that vendors indicated they could receive in markets

during seasonal times of demand. This may be higher than the current or 'evereyday' price.


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Milk produced by livestock is consumed by the household or turned into

butter which is then sold. Meat is never sold; rather, it is consumed by the

household and sometimes shared with the neighbours. Skin hides are used to

make mats, strings for beds, furniture and sari (water carrying containers) or

coda (milk containers). The various prices and uses of skin hides are

summarised in Table 9.19.

Table 9.19 Sale and Uses of Livestock Skin

Livestock Type Price Uses

Goat ETB 15 (USD 0.75) Mats and Sari/ Coda

Sheep ETB 20 (USD 1) Mats and gifts

Camel Not for sale Discarded

Cattle Not for sale Mats, strings, and other


Grazing/ Pastures

For the past three years there has been a significant decline in graze due to a

lack of rain; which has also increased the amount of time men and young boys

spend away from home in search of better pastures. Commonly used pastures

in the Social Study Area include areas in and around Adukua, Bahare, Bada/

Musley and Balakia Mountain. The type of livestock grazed in each of the

above areas is indicated in Table 9.20 below.

Table 9.20 Livestock Grazing Areas

Grazing Area Types of Livestock Graze in Area

Adukua Goats, sheep, camels

Bahare Cattle only

Bada/ Musley Cattle only

Balakia Mountain Goats, sheep, camel


Other prominent grazing areas in the Social Study Area and/ or used by the

population are shown in Figure 9.17. People residing in Musley, Bada

Admeruk and Ermile tend not to migrate to feed their livestock as they have

adequate pastures. Travelling to the various grazing areas can take a day or

two depending on the herdsmen’s place of origin and the location of pastures.

An elder always accompanies the herdsmen to pastures, so as to negotiate

access to pastures with the local villagers. Depending on the availability of the

graze, herdsmen can stay in one location for a maximum of six months. The

herdsmen are always housed by the host villagers near to where they are

grazing their livestock, including relatives. Livestock are also fed sorghum

stocks after harvest.

Crop Production

Sorghum and maize are the main crops grown in the Social Study Area. All

crop production is for the household consumption and only excess is sold


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(which is unusual). Crop production is mainly undertaken by men including

ploughing, seeding, weeding, and harvesting; while women assist only with

the transportation and storage of the crops. The crops are mainly rain-fed,

and where a village is in close proximity to permanent or seasonal water

source irrigation occurs (refer to Figure 9.13). However, the close proximity of

crops in and around Bada to seasonal and permanent water sources often

leads to loss of crops during the highland (Tigray) wet seasons as the water

runoff washes away the crops.

Figure 9.13 Crops Produced in the Social Study Area

Gravel soils occur across the Social Study Area, which has resulted in a

shortage of arable land. As a result, some villages practice a sharecropping

farming system, so as to ensure that their neighbours (without arable land) get

a share of the crops. Sharecropping was reported in Bada Admeruk and Bada

Ermile Kebeles and associated villages. Crop production is still reliant on the

traditional methods of cropping and no mechanisation or use of fertilisers.

This has led to low crop yields; and farmers also believe that their seed-saving

methods are the cause of the low yields. As one interviewee stated:

“We still use seeds originally used by our fore-fathers and have not changed them.

Every season we harvest and save some seed for the next season of cropping may be

that is why the crop yields are so low.”

This statement bears truth when considering what scientists say about the use

of saved seeds. Agricultural studies show that plants, which reproduce

through natural means, tend to adapt to local conditions over time, and evolve

as reliable performers in their localities a process known as landraces (1). The

studies further show that success in seed saving is highly dependent on the

users of stored seeds skills of how to better enhance the capacity of their

landraces. This can be achieved through the use of seed storage methods that

(1) Jarvis et al., 2000

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seedbank


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maintain viability of the seeds (viz. open pollination) (1) and detection of

conditions that will maximise germination and detecting the presence of

diseases that are seed-borne, so that these can be eliminated (2).

Land preparation for cropping begins in July and actual ploughing in August

(the wet season when the ground is saturated). According to the locals, a

100 ha of agricultural land can produce six X 50kg bags of sorghum. Maize is

often sold for ETB300 (USD 15)/ 50kg. According to the locals, there are no

agricultural extensions or NGOs operating in the area. Sometimes

government officials from the Zonal and Woreda levels visit the area but it is

reported that they do not bring any assistance for the villages.

Salt Mining

Artisanal salt mining occurs across the Social Study Area and it is undertaken

by both men and women to varying degrees and scales. The women tend to

collect salt for household consumption; while men collect salt to generate an

income. All interviewees residing in villages in or close to the Project Area

ranked salt mining as an important livelihood activity for income generation

(salt is freely available and easily accessed), as well as a culturally valued asset

for the Afar people. Salt collection occurs in various places across the Social

Study Area, and in varying quantities (refer to Section 9.8).

Artisanal salt mining in the broader Social Study Area is based on the salt flats

located north of Lake Assale (refer to Figure 9.14). Salt is created from the

annual patterns of water flow from the hyper-saline Lake Assale. The salt

mining season extends between September and July, and is dependent on the

retreat of the water from Lake Assale. During the wet season (July – end

August), the high temperatures on the salt pan (50 to 60°C) makes salt mining

impossible. Literature sources and local people in the area reference a variety

of dates from which the artisanal salt mining and trade began; however, it is

widely acknowledged that it is an activity that spans several centuries,

geographic locations and ethnic groups.

(1) Open pollination is pollination by insects, birds, wind, or other natural mechanisms. (2) Jarvis et al., 2000

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plant_pathology


9-37

Figure 9.14 The Artisanal Salt Trade at Assale

People are involved in the salt trade work for a varying number of months,

with salt cutters and diggers working for approximately the same amount of

time). A salt cutters time ranged between two to 10 months, and a salt diggers

time ranged between two to nine months. Salt transporters (via camel) are

involved in the salt trade for an average of three months of the year, and are

the only group to work in the salt trade one month of the year.

When the duration spent working in the salt trade is compared to income

received from involvement there is a direct correlation; transporters were

recorded to have the lowest income, and cutters the highest. Amongst those

involved in artisanal salt mining, the salt diggers earn the least income in a

good month (USD 56); in turn the salt transporters earn the most income

approximately USD 250. In contrast, on a bad month, salt transporters earn

the least income approximately USD 14; while the salt cutters earn the

approximately USD 100; as indicated in Table 9.21.

Table 9.21 Income Generated by Salt Miners

Month Salt Cutter Salt Digger Salt Transporter

Good ETB 4,000 (USD 200) ETB 1,134 (USD 56) ETB 5,000 (USD 250)

Bad ETB 2,000 (USD 100) ETB 623 (USD 31) ETB 286 (USD 14)

Source: Pers. Comms; April/May 2014


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Salt Mining Process

The salt mining process is a well-established practice with systematically

defined labour division and elaborated job structures. There are at least four

steps of work done by different groups in harmony until the salt blocks reach

the Berahale collection station.

A group of two to three men work on hewing the layer of salt crust from the

surface, a process known as Fekolo. Workers who work on Fekolo are called

Deo’dina in Afar. In the initial process of lifting salt layer from the surface, the

Fekolo use axel and two pairs of stick called Feiena. When the salt surface is hit

with the Feiena stick and if it makes a sound which signals that the salt layer is

detached from the bottom it can easily be hewn. They split the salt layer at the

fracture line (Kirkir) and insert the Feiena stick in to the opening to pill it

upward. The Feiena workers pill-out as many salt layers as possible in a day

and make them ready for the next process of shaping the irregularly shaped

salt layers into rectangular blocks.

The activity of chiselling and shaping rectangular salt blocks is called Tsereba

and the workers known as Khedli in Afar or Eyel’e in Tigrigna languages. This

is a very sophisticated and delicate work that needs talent and experience and

informal rules mean it can only be carried out by Afars. The salt blocks are

shaped by using a special chisel, called Godma. Only the Afar men are allowed

to shape the salt blocks and no other ethnic groups. Key informants told that

in the past, highlanders also used to work as Tsereba/Eyele; but it has recently

become the sole activity of the Afar men only. It is unclear how this change

came about, but it is thought that it signifies a sense ownership of the salt

resource to the local Afar men; so that they will have authority to determine

the size and value of the salt blocks.

The people who will finally take the salt loaded on animal back to Berahale

are referred to as Arho, of which the majority are from Edaga Hamus and

Adigrat areas in the Tigray highlands, and sometimes from as far as the Raya

and Weldia areas. The Arho transport the salt blocks up to the town of

Berahale. The salt is transported by camel caravan (as shown in Figure 9.15).

These camel caravans follow a route along the Sabah River valley, which is the

shortest route to Berahale. The journey to Berahale often begins at midday

and arrives at the first station on the river side village of Sabha at around

10pm. There, the Arho and their animals rest until 10am the next day and then

continue with their journey to Berahale.


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Figure 9.15 Camel Caravans

Upon arrival in Berahale, salt is recorded and sold at the Salt Selling

Associations warehouse. Salt is then stored at the warehouse until it is

transported out of Berahale by truck to other regions of Ethiopia. According

to some locals, a block of Gereweyna (smaller block of salt) is sold ETB 11 to12

(USD 0.50 to 0.60) in Berahale and ETB 25 to 30 (USD 1.25 to 1.50) in Mekele;

while a block of Golo’o (bigger block of salt) is sold ETB 15 to 17 (USD 0.75 to

0.85) in Berahale and ETB 35 to 40 (USD 1.75 to 2.0) in Mekele. In addition, the

blocks of Gereweyna and Golo’o are further resized in to equal halves prior to

selling at the Agulae and Mekele markets.

No salt associations exist in the broader Social Study Area; however, in the

neighbouring Berahale Woreda there is a salt association. However, the

Berahale Salt Association caters for only its own people and no outsiders.

Protection of the Artisanal Salt Trade

Recent developments in the greater Social Study Area from other exploration

companies have caused some changes to the accessibility of the salt flats. This

includes a road and drill pad that has been constructed, and has the potential

to encourage vehicles to travel all the way to the edge of the salt mining area.

Transportation of salt by vehicles has been rejected by several groups as the

services (such as food, accommodation etc.) provided by the villages situated

along the salt transportation routes would be lost, the operation of the Arho

would cease and there is a risk that trucks would pass straight through

Berahale without stopping, rendering the Selling Association redundant.

According to local people, previous attempts to introduce semi-mechanised

salt mining systems, such as pumping saline water from the lake to

evaporation ponds were fiercely rejected by both the local villages and local

government, and the activities were stopped. Maintaining the use of donkeys

and camels for transport to and from the salt plains appears to be a conscious

decision by the Afar people and the Tigray transporters as a means to


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maintain control over the traditional salt industry. There appears to be

awareness that many Afar do not have the knowledge, capital, experience or

maintenance skills to recruit a fleet of trucks to transport the salt, and

mechanised transport would mean that they would be removed from the

economic chain. In addition, the use of camels maintains tourist interest in the

area and increases income for small shops, hotels and bars. Further self-

protection measures include the ‘salt mining rules’ that explicitly state that

Ethiopians of other ethnic groups are prohibited from the salt cutting

activities, and the rejection of attempts to mechanise the local salt production.

Trade and Markets

There are no formal or informal markets in the Social Study Area; however,

informal trading occurs in many of the larger villages (viz. Hamad Ela and

Berahale). The traders often sell household food items or own and run

coffeehouses/restaurants. According to the FGDs the majority of traders in

the area are from the highlands including the Mekele, Tigray and Somali.

Traders purchase their food items from Mekele and transport it to the villages

by trucks. The closest market to the Social Study Area as identified by the

local population is in Hamad Ela and Bada; people will walk for two to three

days (depending on the location of their village to the town) to sell their

produce and/ or to purchase food items and clothing.

Hamad Ela has approximately four to five prominent shops that sell a range of

products including wheat, coffee, tea and some vegetables, the latter

commonly perish due to the lack of fridges in Hamad Ela. A considerable

portion of clothes, shoes and perfumes are also imported from towns along

the Ethiopian border with Djibouti and the Tigray region. In addition to the

local shops women from the highlands operate tea / or coffee shops with salt

trade workers and the military as common customers.

Men in Bada Admeruk and Ermile reported that they used to trade across the

border in Eritrea but the conflict between the two countries it is no longer

undertaken. However, in the women’s FGDs, they reported that men and

youths cannot cross the border to Eritrea anymore, but women, the elderly

and young children still cross the border to purchase some food items or to

collect lost livestock. The apparent contradiction in the reports about trading

in Eritrea, may be caused by fears of reprimand should either governments

hear that people are still crossing the border.

Livelihoods Ranking by Gender

There are distinct gender divisions within the livelihood roles of men and

women in the Social Study Area. Men are involved in salt mining, fetching

fire wood and some were reported to work for companies in the area as

labourers and guards. During FGDs women reported they were typically

involved in palm eungwa collecting and the creation of woven palm products

including woven palm mats selen. In some villages women are also involved

in small scale trade and the (small scale) salt mining industry. From


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discussions in the field it was reported that women tend to work longer hours

than men (with women working up to 13 hours a day in comparison to an

average of seven hours for men).

Moreover, men ranked artisanal salt mining most important from an income

generating perspective; while women ranked livestock as most important for

income generation. There was broad agreement that livestock are a key

source of financial capital, and generate considerably higher cash income than

other activities. Livestock were also viewed as the only form of savings

available for many households. Women have more involvement with

livestock rearing activities compared to artisanal salt mining, which may

explain the relative importance they give to livestock rearing and therefore the

higher ranking.

9.7.4 Employment and Unemployment and Skills Levels

Formal employment levels in the Social Study Area are significantly low, with

the majority of the population engaged in subsistence livelihoods activities; as

discussed in Section 9.7. Prior to the commencement of mining activities in the

area, government services were the only source of formal employment (health

care, education and administrative services). The presence of mining activities

has; however, slightly expanded the range of potential employers;

nevertheless, the lack of education and skills has meant that the local people

can only secure temporary unskilled positions with the mines. The current

road construction activities, have also afforded the local population (men and

women) temporary employment opportunities.

9.7.5 Household Income and Expenditure

In general, household income levels are very low in the Social Study Area.

This is due to the population’s dependence on subsistence livelihoods. The

local Afar households in the Social Study Area derive the majority of their

income solely from livestock keeping, palm collection (specifically for

women), artisanal salt mining, and for those who are civil servants from the

government. In turn, the highlanders living in the area often derive their

income from their businesses including prostitution. The monthly household

income varies from ETB 0 to ETB 300 (USD 0.0 to 15) on a bad month and ETB

600 (USD 30) plus on a good month (excluding business owners and civil

servants).

The household income is used to purchase food items i.e., coffee, tea, sugar,

rice, pasta, spices, oil and wheat. Clothing for young women forms a

significant part of the Afar household expenditure as it is believed that a well-

dressed young woman will attract a suitable husband.

The lack of employment and business opportunities in the Study Area,

combined with the reliance on unproductive pastoralist livelihoods, and the

harsh climatic conditions result in low levels of household income.

Furthermore, as the average household income is low, none of it is allocated


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towards savings, which leaves the household vulnerable to non-routine events

or unplanned costs.

9.7.6 Poverty

As mentioned previously, Ethiopia has high levels of poverty, mainly due to

the over reliance on rain-fed agriculture sector. The agricultural sector is

estimated to make up 45 percent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product

(GDP) and ensures the livelihoods of 80 to 85 percent of the population (1).

Changes in the rainfall pattern or worldwide prices for coffee affects the

incomes of an estimated 30 to 40 million people and can mean hunger for

10 to 15 million people (2). Chronic food insecurity is a noticeable feature of

rural Ethiopia in any year, irrespective of the presence of unusual climatic or

economic shocks. The major causes of food insecurity in Ethiopia include land

degradation, recurrent drought, poor and inadequate management of risk

(associated with natural disasters), population pressure, and subsistence

agricultural practices dominated by rain-fed farming and characterized by low

inputs and low outputs (3).

Over the course of the last decade, Ethiopia has received an average of

700,000 MT of food aid annually. Across the country, the predictable (chronic)

and unpredictable (acute or transitory) needs of the Ethiopian population

have largely been met through various emergency relief programmes (4). In

turn, they have saved millions of lives and continue to do so; it has, however,

failed to protect the population’s livelihoods and assets (such as schools,

clinics, roads and others).

As a result of the above, the Productive Safety Net Program (PSNP) was

introduced by the Government in 2005; and has since become one of the

largest safety net programs in the world. The objectives of PSNP are:

To provide transfers to the chronically food insecure population in a way

that prevents asset depletion at the household level; and

To creates productive assets at the community level.

Originally, the beneficiaries of the PSNP comprised of households identified

in the 262 food insecure Woredas across eight regions (5). In 2006 and 2007, the

programme was expanded to include the ANRS and Somali National Regional

(1)http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/0,,contentMDK:21072837~menuPK:1804

110~pagePK:146736~piPK:146830~theSitePK:258644,00.html (2)http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/0,,contentMDK:21072837~menuPK:1804




110~pagePK:146736~piPK:146830~theSitePK:258644,00.html


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State, respectively. The program is currently (2014) providing food aid to an

estimated 319 Woredas.

The program is divided into two components, namely sub-projects and direct-

support. These are explained below:

Sub-projects – each benefiting community has to annually identify priorities with the aim that a selected sub-project will contribute to community’s well-being, i.e., construction of a health posts, veterinary clinics, schools, and other public infrastructure that is lacking in the community. These communities receive food supplies (mainly wheat) for six months of the year whilst they are engaged in the public-works projects.

Direct Support Program – this is aimed at households that are described as labour-poor and cannot participate in public works associated with the sub-project program. These include households with no economically active persons. These families receive food from PSNP throughout the year.

The entire population of the Social Study Area falls under the PSNP; and an

estimated 95 percent is on the sub-projects program and the remaining five

percent on the Direct Support program. In all villages visited, when people

were asked about their livelihoods activities, their responses were similar:

“…Safety Net is how we survive as there are no employment opportunities in the

area…”

Moreover, the Dallol Woreda official; stated that there are always people

surviving on PSNP or Emergency Aid in the Woreda.

Such statements reveal a high dependence of people on the PSNP food

supplies, and begs the question of whether people will be able to survive in

the area in the absence of the program.

The interviewees noted that the food supplies provided as part of PSNP were

inadequate and unsustainable as they receive food supplies when they are

working on PSNP related projects only. Furthermore, the participants stated

that they did not see the correlation between the construction of community

infrastructure and the right to food security. As one participant puts it:

“… having good infrastructure is not going to ensure food security for my household

so I don’t understand why we have to undertake such projects…”

9.8 UTILISATION AND DEPENDENCY ON NATURAL RESOURCES

Natural resources are fundamental to the survival and livelihood of the

majority of people in rural Ethiopia. The most commonly exploited of these

are timber products (i.e., wood) due to the shortage of electrical power across


9-44

the country, water and land which is used for settlements and agricultural

activities.

9.8.1 Collection and Processing of Palm Leaves

The collection and processing of palm leaves in the Social Study Area is a key

livelihood activity undertaken by the local women. The local name for the

palm is engwa (scientifically known as hyphaene thebaica). The palm trees are

not widespread and tend to grow along the muddy liminal areas of the salt

flats.

The collection and processing of palm leaves is a traditional day-to-day

activity and occupies a significant portion of an Afar woman’s day. In the

Social Study Area women prefer to collect their own palm leaves instead of

purchasing them from the Adukua market or Hamad Ela. For instance

women from Elifan Abaa travel on foot for up to five days with young

children to collect palm leaves in the Musley area. They stated that it was the

most cost effective way of getting the palm leaves. Aside from its economic

benefits, the collection and processing of palm leaves also serves as a means

for women to sit together and socialise. Visiting relatives from areas where

there are palm resources, often bring palm leaves for their kin.

Women collect the leaves in early hours of the morning before the sun gets too

hot. They either carry the palm leaves on their backs or use donkeys to

transport it for them. Once they reach home, the women dry the palm leaves

in the sun as part of processing and individual fronds are separated using a

small wooden instrument. The individual strands are then braided together

and arranged into thin strips which are then sown together to assemble larger

palm mats locally known as selen. Palm fibres are also processed into a variety

of other products including baskets, ropes and brooms. Selen is mostly used

in the construction of the Afar dome shaped houses or as insulation inside the

houses. Women also purchase dyes to design a variety of patterns on their

palm leave products, as shown in Figure 9.16.


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Figure 9.16 Palm Products

Men play three important roles when it comes to palm products, namely -

Transportation of palm to the village on their return from pastures in

villages close to palm resources;

Production of beds using the palm ropes produced by women; and

Assisting women with the sale of palm products in the markets.

Some women do not collect palm leaves for their own uses, but in order to sell

it at the market in Adekua or Hamad Ela. The dry palm fronds cost between

ETB 70 and 120 (USD 3.5 to 6) depending on the quantity required. Palm

products that generate the most income are beds ETB 1,000 (USD 50); coloured

selen ETB 400 (USD 20), and rope ETB 70 to 100 (USD 3.5 to 5). On average,

the sale of palm products generates an income of ETB 250 (USD 12.5) in a

good month and ETB 100 (USD 5) in a bad month for the household.

9.8.2 Water Resources

Due to its lack of availability, water is a highly valued natural resource in the

Social Study Area. Women and children walk for hours to collect household

water daily. All the water found in the area is said to be run-off water from

the highlands as the area receives little to no rain. See important water

sources as reported by the households in Section 9.10 (Public Infrastructure and

Services).


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9.8.3 Grazing Areas

As previously mentioned, livestock keeping is the main subsistence livelihood

of the population which gives importance to areas that provide adequate

grazing for livestock. Important grazing areas as identified by the surveys are

shown in Figure 9.17.

9.8.4 Salt Mining

Salt as discussed in Section 9.7.3 is also an important natural resource for the

local communities as it provides a constant source of household income.

Important salt collection areas are shown in Figure 9.17. It should be noted

that the salt collection shown to the northwest of the North Musley

Concession is not the main area referred to later in this section for traditional

salt mining. This area was referred to during stakeholder engagement events

as an area where powdered salt can be collected at a small scale, and is

reported to be utilised by a small number of people. This area is not a critical

resource for the salt mining and serves as a source of subsistence salt.


9-47

Figure 9.17 Important Natural Resources Collection Areas in the broader Social Study Area


9-48

9.8.5 Collection of Wood/ Fuel Wood

A limited number of large trees are found in the broader Social Study Area

and mainly along certain sections of the dry river beds and banks. Wood is

not only used as a source of energy for the household but it is used in the

construction of houses and some household furniture, i.e., beds and tables

(refer to Figure 9.18). Both women and men spend hours collecting fuel wood

across the Social Study Area. Based on observations, the population of the

area has developed ways of preserving the local wood supply, and instead of

uprooting and cutting down trees whenever they need fuel wood, they tend to

harvest naturally dried tree branches. Even when they harvest wood for

furniture or the construction of houses, people take only what they need and

do not uproot any trees.

Figure 9.18 Wood Products

9.9 VULNERABLE/ MARGINALISED GROUPS

Vulnerable or disadvantaged groups are defined by IFC as – individuals or

groups who could experience adverse impacts from a proposed project more severely

than others based on their vulnerable or disadvantaged status. This status may stem

from an individual's or group's race, colour, sex, language, religion, political

or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. In

addition other factors should be considered such as gender, ethnicity, culture,

sickness, physical or mental disability, poverty or economic disadvantage, and

dependence on unique natural resources (1).

Based on the definition above, the entire population of the Social Study Area

can be considered as vulnerable due to their economic disadvantages,

dependence on natural resources, health status and gender.

The population of the Social Study Area resides in a remote and very poorly

serviced location (including a lack of health care, schools, waste collection and

(1) IFC Glossary of Terms, http://www1.ifc.org/wps/wcm/connect/corp_ext_content/ifc_external_corporate_site/home


9-49

sanitation facilities). Furthermore, there is a severe shortage of potable water

in the area which has led to:

School children attending school for only two to three hours a day;

Women walking for three to four hours to and from water collection points;

Livestock deaths; and

Men migrating back and forth from their homes in order to keep their livestock hydrated.

Access to health care facilities is limited, and where they are present, the

facilities do not have medicines. Health facilities cannot stock pile certain

medicines due to the lack of electricity and extreme heat. This means the

populations’ health status is poor making them more vulnerable (further

details in Section 9.5).

Large areas of the land in the Social Study Area consist of gravel and boulder

plains with little arable soil available; and where soils occur they are often

covered by salt. As such, there is limited land available for growing crops

(further details in Section 9.10).

The economy of the population depends upon subsistence livelihoods

activities such as livestock keeping and growing of sorghum. However,

ongoing drought and poor soil quality have led to significant shortages of

food supplies, leading to the population relying on Productive Safety Net

Program (PSNP) and emergency aid for half of the year.

This leaves the population highly vulnerable to diseases and to high mortality

rates.

Gender and age vulnerability also occurs in the Social Study Area. This is

described below.

9.9.1 Women

Ethiopia is traditionally a patriarchal society and women maintain a

subordinate position. Cultural attitudes perceive women as docile,

submissive, patient, and tolerant of monotonous work and violence. The

vulnerability of women is related to their lack of education; while some

women receive some primary education many have no schooling. This is

partially due to the belief that an educated woman cannot attract a suitable

man.

In Afar society, women can be inherited at the death of her husband by the

deceased’s brother; and a husband can also inherit his deceased wife’s sister.

Polygamy is a common practice in the Afar region – men may receive

permission to marry up to four wives, but with preconditions. Elder women

may be divorced by their husbands who then marry younger girls leaving

older women alone. The accepted belief that only a male child has the right of


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inheritance of his family’s has led to fewer women owning their own land.

Women do not hold any position of power until they are elderly and/ or if

they are considered to have some wisdom.

Table 9.22 presents the different daily activities of men and women in the

Social Study Area. These activities vary according to commonly accepted

gender roles of the communities. Women in the area spend most of the

dealing with household activities, which include the collection of water and

preparation of meals. According to this calendar, women have less time

socialising with other women. In turn, men spend most of their time working

on the crop fields /or herding livestock and socialising.

Table 9.22 Daily Calendar for Women and Men in the Social Study Area

Activities Time

Women Men

Preparing for pray/ praying time/ Solat 5:00-6:00 AM 5:00 am -6:00 AM

Preparing breakfast & eating 6:00-7:00 AM 6:00-7:00 AM

Fetching of water &firewood 7:00am-12:00 PM

Working in the field - 7:00am -12:00 PM

Lunch preparation 12:00- 1:00 PM -

Social gathering - 12:00- 1:00 PM

Praying (Solat), Lunch eating & making palm mat 1:00- 3:00 PM -

Praying (Solat), Lunch eating & rest - 1:00- 3:00 PM

Fetching water 3:00-4:00 PM -

Baking bread, preparing dinner, preparing beds

for sleep

3:00-4:00 PM -

Chatting with friends, eating dinner - 3:00-7:00 PM

Washing dishes & making mat until gets dark and

sleep

7:00-10:00 PM -

Source: Pers. Comms, April/May 2014

Table 9.23 shows the division of household activities/ labour.

Table 9.23 Profile of Division of Labour among Family Members in the Social Study

Area

Men Women Boys Girls

Household Activity

Water fetching - √ - √

Collecting of fuel wood √ - - -

Grinding √ -- - -

House cleaning - √ - √

Washing - √ - -

Child caring - √ - √

Looking after the family well-being - √ - -

House construction √ √ - -

Livestock and Crop Production

Agriculture

Ploughing √ - √ -

Seeding √ - - -

Weeding √ - √ -

Harvesting √ - √ -

Transporting √ √ √ √

Storage √ √ - -


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Men Women Boys Girls

Livestock Herding(large) √ - - -

Livestock Herding (small) √ √ √ √

Income Generating Activities

Selling salt √ √ - -

Selling palm leaves - √ - -

Selling palm mats √ - √ -

Fire wood selling √ - - -

Community Management

Social obligations √ - - -

Development meeting √ - - -

Source: Pers. Comms, April/May 2014

9.9.2 Female Children

There are three specific factors that render young girls vulnerable in Afar

society, namely lack of education, the practice of genital circumcision and

early age of marriage. It is estimated that 72 percent of the Afar women have

undergone infibulation circumcision. This occurs between the ages of seven to

nine; and in some areas it is carried out within the first few days after birth.

This practice can leave the girls with severe pain and trauma, shock,

haemorrhage, sepsis, urine retention, ulceration of the genital region, and

urinary infection, among other complications.

In addition, Afar girls are generally married at about 12 to 15 years old and

the husband can be as old as 60 or 70 and already married. The girls have

little or no choice of a husband once selected for arranged marriage.

9.9.3 Elderly

The elderly within the village are less likely to receive an income and are

reliant upon other members of a household. Thus their ability to adapt to

potential changes in their environment is reduced. Within this group it is

important to differentiate between men and women as women are identified

to be more vulnerable than men. Elder men within the village play a

prominent role in traditional institutions and village level decision making.

9.9.4 Children and Youth

The general lack of schooling in the Social Study Area as well as the lack of

secondary schooling facilities, means that children and youth do not have

many alternatives other than continue with pastoralism. This is likely to

diminish a young person’s ability to secure formal employment in the future

and can result in continued dependency on aid programs for survival.

Table 9.24 provides a vulnerability matrix; this presents analysis of the above

vulnerability factors to illustrate how baseline conditions can affect access to

different forms of capital for sensitive receptors.


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Table 9.24 Vulnerability Matrix

Capital Specific Considerations Assessing Vulnerability of Receptors Vulnerable Receptors Context and Location of Vulnerable

Physical Capital Education Facilities

Health Care Facilities

Transport Facilities

Recreation Facilities

Household Goods and Equipment

Minimal access to services and infrastructure due

to factors such as cost, distance or quality of

services

Provision of key services and infrastructure is poor

Men, women, children, youths and

elderly

Minimal access to services including health care and education facilities,

roads and public transportation.

People have to travel on foot great distances to access most services

including markets.

Household assets are minimal due to a migratory lifestyle of the population.

Social Capital Strong social networks and connectedness

Rights / ability to participate in decision

making

Ability to participate in orthodox economic

and social systems

Restrictions on rights and ability to participate

freely in governance

Subject to marginalisation and discrimination

Subject to violence/ abuse

Girl child and women Minimal participation of women in making household decisions

General lack of women participation in leadership roles.

Women are viewed as inferior to men and men’s needs are seen as more

important to that of women.

Young girls are subjected to female circumcision, early marriages and no

schooling.

Women do not control or participate much in household finance issues.

Minimal ability to participate in orthodox governance and decision making

systems.

Restrictions on rights of association, ability to participate freely in

governance.

Human Capital Knowledge and skills

Access to and level of education

Ability to Provide Leadership

Health and Nutritional Status

Frequent incidence/ high prevalence of health

conditions

High rates of maternal/child mortality

Low life expectancy

Poor food security

Presence of vector borne diseases

Women, men, children , youths

and elderly

In particular:

Women and children

Poor soil quality, outdated methods of growing crops, and a lack of water

result in low crop yield.

High dependency on food aid for the majority of the year through the

SupportNet programme.

Lack of education, skills and employment opportunities is significantly high.

Poor health status and low immunity to diseases, illness and incidents

including malaria, malnutrition and birth complications.

Limited access to contraceptives and family planning.

High maternal and child mortality linked to the shortage of health facilities

and poor living conditions.

Diarrhoea and malaria are some of the key health issues that face the area

due to poor environmental health conditions.

Economic Capital Diversity of livelihoods

Productivity of livelihood

Access to savings and support networks

Adequate level of income generation

Access to loans and credit

Reliance on one unsustainable principal livelihood

Principal livelihoods are relatively unproductive

and/or highly seasonal

Low levels of income levels relative to expenditure

Low ability to pay for food, key services, resources

and infrastructure

Limited access to savings, loans, banking, and

financial support systems

Women, men, youths and elderly

In particular:

Households dependent on crop

production

Reliance on agricultural activities (crops and livestock) in a desert has left

the population highly vulnerable especially during the dry seasons or when

there is drought.

Income levels are significantly low across the area due to a lack of economic

opportunities as well low education levels of the population.

There are no savings, loan, or banking services in the area.


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Capital Specific Considerations Assessing Vulnerability of Receptors Vulnerable Receptors Context and Location of Vulnerable

Natural Capital Water

Non-Timber Forest Products

Land

Timber

Pasture

Heavily dependent on a particular resource, with

few alternatives available

Resource shortages are frequent and serious

Low availability of alternatives for a number of

important ecosystems services

Pre-existing exposure to environmental pollution

or contamination

Women, men, youths and elderly

In particular:

Children and women

Drought is a frequent phenomenon in the area; resulting in a constant water

shortages.

Water shortages result in women walking long distances in order to reach

viable sources.

School hours have been shortened (three hours a day) due to a shortage of

water.

Soil quality is poor and characterised by gravel soils.

Pastures for the livestock are limited and often result in conflict between the

various herdsmen.


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9.10 ACCESS TO PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE AND SERVICES

This Section provides the description of access to, and availability of, public

services and infrastructure in the country, region and Social Study Area.

Services discussed include access to water and sanitation, sources of

energy/power, waste management services, transportation infrastructure and

services, and access to telecommunications.

9.10.1 Access to Potable Water

Access to safe drinking water is very low in Ethiopia, with approximately

49 percent of the population having access to safe drinking water in 2011 (1).

The lack of access to safe drinking water and general poor hygiene practices

continues to result in diarrheal disease; which is the number one cause of

under-five mortality in Ethiopia (2). USAID states that agricultural activities

are the largest consumer of water in Ethiopia (93 percent) from both surface

and underground water resources. Water abstraction for agriculture;

however, represent only four percent of the overall country’s available

renewable water resources (3). The rapid population growth and continued

variations in rainfall pattern and distribution has led to the country

experiencing extreme water scarcity, degraded water quality and chronic food

insecurity.

Overall, an estimated 51 percent of the population has access to improved

water sources which include piped water into dwellings/ yard /plot,

communal tap/standpipe, borehole, protected well/ spring, rainwater or

bottled water; however, in some rural areas these improved water sources are

saline meaning people do not consume it. Furthermore, Table 9.25 estimates

that 93 percent of the urban population has access to improved water sources

compared to 42 percent of the rural population. The remaining rural

population (58 percent) relies on non-improved water sources such as

unprotected well/ springs, tanker truck/cart with small tank, surface water

(river/lake/pond/stream dam), and other sources classified as unprotected.

Table 9.25 Water Sources, Collection and Treatment in Ethiopia

Characteristic Population in Percentages

Urban Rural Total

Source of Water

Improved source 92.8 41.6 50.8

Non-improved source 7.2 58.4 49.2

Time to Obtain Water (round trip)

Water on premises 49 1.4 10

Less than 30 minutes 29.1 34.8 33.8

30 minutes or longer 21.4 63.6 56

Don't know/missing 0.4 0.3 0.3

Person who Usually Collects Water

(1) http://www.usaid.gov/ethiopia/water-and-sanitation (2) www.USAID.gov/ethiopia (3) The Ethiopian water resources are estimated to have an annual renewable annual range of 13.5 to 28 billion m³

(underground water), of which only about 2.6 billion m³ are currently exploitable.


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Characteristic Population in Percentages

Water on premises 49 1.4 10

Adult woman 35.3 69.3 63.1

Adult man 6.6 5.8 5.9

Female child under 15 years old 5.3 17.6 15.4

Male child under 15 years old 2.8 5.2 4.8

Other 0.9 0.7 0.7

Water treatment Prior to Drinking

No Water Treatment Used 86.3 91.1 90.2

Uses Water Treatment 12.9 8.3 9.1

Source: Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey, 2011

With reference to Table 9.25, adult women and young girls are solely

responsible for collecting water (at 69.3 and 17.5 percent respectively) in

households where there is no piped water source in the dwelling/yard/plot.

This is witnessed mainly in rural areas; while in urban areas only 35.3 percent

of adult women collect water, with some men (6.6 percent) and young girls

(5.3 percent) assist with the collection of water. The collection of water tends

to take longer in the rural areas compared to the urban areas. Women in the

rural areas walk for 30 minutes or longer to and from a water collection point

(63.6 percent) with only a limited number whose return trip to a water

collection point is less than 30 minutes (34.8 percent).

A significantly large percentage of the population does not treat its water

before consumption in both rural and urban areas at an estimated 90.2 percent

overall (and 91.1 and 86.3 percent respectively). It is unclear why people do

not treat their water before consumption, but this may be linked to the lack of

financial resources to purchase the necessary treatment or energy (fuel wood)

to boil the water before consumption.

Majority of the ANRS is desert, which receives an annual average

precipitation of 150mm. In general, the water supply rate is extremely low,

and women and children spend considerable energy in securing water.

The population of the Social Study Area relies on various sources of water, of

which are located within a two to ten kilometre radius of their villages. The

driest months in the area are May to August where temperatures rise to the 50

degrees Celsius and above. The water sources include springs, wells, rivers

and boreholes that pump water into tanks. The majority of the water sources

in the Social Study Area are saline and the population tends not to consume it.

The presence of the military (ENDF) in the area has also created a new water

provider for the local people. The military provide some villages located

along the road with water, which the military pumps from an underground

aquifer and purifies for its own consumption, but also provides it to the locals

in need. The various water sources across villages in the Social Study Area are

shown in Figure 9.19.


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Figure 9.19 Some Water Sources in Social Study Area

Bada water tanks

Spring at Musley

Regale/Bada River

Bada animal drinking pond

9.10.2 Access to and Availability of Energy Sources

The type of household energy source used in Ethiopia is dependent on the

location of the household, i.e., rural or urban area. The common energy

sources in the country are fuel wood (85 percent), followed by agri-residue (1)

(seven percent), petroleum (six percent) (refer to Table 9.26). Access to

electricity is low at an estimated ten percent of the population with the

majority of those with electricity residing in urban areas (85.2 percent) and

only 4.8 percent in rural areas (in 2011). In urban areas, people also use

charcoal (29.9 percent) and kerosene (10.1 percent (2)) as alternative sources of

energy; while those located in the rural areas tend to use charcoal and dung (3).

Table 9.26 Energy Sources and Consumers

Sources of Energy

Fuelwood 85 %

Agri-residue 7 %

Petroleum 6 %

Electricity 2 %

Consumers of Energy

Households 89 %

(1) Agri-residue -cuttings from crops which can be used as manure or to make a fire (2) Central Statistics Agency, 2005 (3) Dung - livestock droppings


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Transportation 6 %

Services 3.6 %

Agriculture 0.9 %

Industry 0.5 %

Source: Population Census Commission, 2008 and Central Statistics Agency (2011)

Moreover, Table 9.26 illustrates that the main consumer of energy in the

country are households (89 percent) followed by services (3.6 percent) and

transportation (6.1 percent) (1). Fuel wood is consumed by 77 percent of the

population. Fuel wood also serves as the main source of energy for household

cooking for both rural and urban households (86 and 46 percent)

respectively (2). The high dependency on fuel wood and charcoal can be

attributed to the lack of electricity infrastructure.

The Government’s Universal Access Electricity Program, is an arm of the Plan

for Accelerated Sustained Development to End Poverty (PASDEP). This

programme aims to increase electricity access to households particularly in

rural areas. Between 2000 and 2005 the proportion of households with access

to electricity in urban and rural areas rose by ten percent and 1.5 percent (3)

respectively. These figures, however, illustrate the continued rural-urban

disparity in provision of and access to basic services in the country.

At regional, zonal levels and Social Study Area, access to electricity is low

even in government establishments such as schools and health centres and

posts. All households in the Social Study area reported that they did not have

access to electricity and relied on fuel wood for household cooking with some

shop owners using diesel generators.

9.10.3 Waste Management

There is limited secondary information related to the extent of waste

management services across Ethiopia; many research papers on waste

management have focused on Addis Ababa as a case study. It is clear, though

that waste collection is an issue of growing concern in the country. Across the

country people with limited or no access to waste collection services tend to

dispose of the waste along the roadsides and in the open fields. In areas

where there is some access to such services, they are plagued by irregular or

unreliable collections.

In addition, access to improved sanitation facilities in the country is estimated

at 24 percent (4). Approximately eight percent of the rural population has

access to improved sanitation facilities and 29 percent (5) in urban areas, with

the remaining 63 percent still using open spaces/field for sanitation.

(1) Population Census Commission, 2008 and Central Statistics Agency (2011) (2) Population Census Commission, 2008 and Central Statistics Agency (2011) (3) Population Census Commission, 2008 and Central Statistics Agency (2011) (4) http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.STA.ACSN (5) Community based assessment on household management of waste and hygiene practices in Kersa Woreda, Eastern

Ethiopia, 2010.


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Similarly to conditions at a Federal level, the ANRS lacks solid waste and

sanitation facilities. It is estimated that 91 percent of households use the bush

/ and open field. Zonally, almost the entire population uses the bush/ open

field for sanitary purposes (97 percent).

In the Social Study Area, there are no sanitation or/ solid waste disposal and

collection facilities. People use the open spaces for sanitary purposes.

Diarrhoeal illnesses are high in the area because of the improper management

of waste. This is significantly high during the rainy season when all the dirt is

washed into the rivers from which people collect water for domestic use. The

health officials reported that diarrhoea cases increase significantly during the

wet season due to the flooding and to all types of wastes being washed into

the water sources.

9.10.4 Transportation Infrastructure and Services

This Subsection discusses road, rail and public transportation.

Surface Transport Infrastructure (Road, and Rail)

The road network in Ethiopia is less developed as compared with some of

Ethiopia’s neighbouring countries; however, the Government has committed

to investing approximately three percent of its GDP to road network

infrastructure (1). The current length and surface of trunk road infrastructure

is basic and currently adequate in connecting the various regions and the

capital city to the coast. In 2010, an estimated 88 percent of the road network

was paved - mainly trunk roads. Of the unpaved roads 60 percent were

considered as being in good or fair condition (refer to Figure 9.20).

(1) http://eneken.ieej.or.jp/data/4496.pdf

http://eneken.ieej.or.jp/data/4496.pdf


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Figure 9.20 Typical Roads in Ethiopia

One of the challenges facing the Government with respect to road

infrastructure is the need to increase access to the rural areas. For instance, in

2010, approximately 90 percent of Ethiopian population lived more than two

kilometres of an all-weather road and this represents a high degree of

isolation; given that over 76 percent of the country’s population resides in

rural areas.

Ethiopia has a limited railway services corridor between Addis Ababa and

Dire Dawa to/and the Port of Djibouti; however, the Addis Ababa to Dire

Dawa section of the railway is currently not operational. In 2010 the

Government began negotiations and reached an agreement with the

governments of China and India to finance the rehabilitation and expansion of

the country’s railway network (1). The Government has since rehabilitated the

section of the railway servicing the stretch between Dire Dawa and the Port of

Djibouti and it is now fully functional.

Future plans include the construction of 5,000 km long railway network

connecting Addis Ababa to various locations including Mekele. The project

will be undertaken in two phases over a five year period and it is expected to

create an estimated 300,000 construction jobs and cost US$336 million

annually. The railway network will be able to handle approximately

(1) Ethiopia: Government Signs $1.5 Billion New Railway Study MOU, http://allafrica.com/stories/201001190639.html


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six million tonnes of freight per year. The Government of India has given a

loan of US$300 million for the construction of the Mekele-Djibouti rail line.

The country has access to a single port i.e., Port of Djibouti (situated in the

neighbouring country of Djibouti) upon which it depends for its imports and

exports. The Djibouti Government has formed a partnership with DP World,

the Dubai-based international terminal operator with the signing of a 20 year

agreement to manage and invest in the port rehabilitation and expansion.

Since the deal was signed the port is said to be operating more efficiently and

now includes new functional oil and container terminals. Another port in

Tadjoura is under construction for the import and export of goods to and from

Ethiopia.

Air transport

Air travel in Ethiopia is run by the state-owned Ethiopian Airlines (the sole

national carrier), which is considered as one of the best three carriers in air

transportation in Africa. It has an extensive national and international

network. A limited number of private/ charter flights are also found in the

country, these mostly service the private sector such as mining companies.

General Public Transportation

Public transportation in Ethiopia is widely available in the urban area

compared to the rural areas where access is poor. Public transport comprises

of minibuses, private taxis, buses, bajaj (tricycle), and tuk-tuk (modified

motorcycle that can carry up to six people). In the rural areas, transportation

is provided by trucks, donkeys and camels but many people tend to walk to

their destinations (refer to Figure 9.21).

Figure 9.21 Various Modes of General Public Transportation in Ethiopia

The ANRS regional capital Semera has access to public transportation

including air travel whilst the remaining parts of the region has access to

buses, minibuses, camels and other forms of transport. The road

infrastructure consists mainly of gravel roads; however, construction of

asphalted roads by the Government is currently underway. It is envisioned


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that this will increase the availability of public transport in the regional and

zonal levels.

Approximately four years ago, there were no asphalt roads in the Social Study

Area; however, the presence of the mining companies has resulted in the

several kilometres of asphalt roads being constructed, leading into the area.

The majority of the roads to the villages are gravel, and impassable in certain

sections during both the dry and wet seasons.

Public transportation in the Social Study Area is scarce. Most people walk to

their destinations or use donkeys or camels. Some hitch rides on trucks

belonging to the highlanders. Those who trade in Adukua can walk for up to

three to five days to reach the markets so they can sell their livestock or salt

(refer to Figure 9.22).

Figure 9.22 Camel Carrying Fuel Wood in the Social Study Area

Telecommunication Services

Ethiopia has a telecommunications monopoly namely Ethio Telecom, a state-

owned company for both mobile and fixed-line services. An estimated

25 percent of the Ethiopian population is said to have access to mobile phones

while only 2.5 percent has access to internet (1). In 2011, Ethio Telecom stated

that it was operating 854,000 landlines, which is approximately one landline

(1)http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21584037-government-expands-mobile-phone-network-

tightens-its-grip-out-reach (Aug, 2013)

http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21584037-government-expands-mobile-phone-network-tightens-its-grip-out-reach

http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21584037-government-expands-mobile-phone-network-tightens-its-grip-out-reach


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per 100 people in the country (1). In 2011, it was estimated that only

0.2 percent of the rural population has access to mobile phones, which can be

attributed to a lack of appropriate infrastructure (electricity to charge, and

availability of mobile phone towers).

Similarly to the national level, at a regional and zonal level people do not have

fixed-line services and rely on their mobile phones to receive and make phone

calls. For instance, whilst visiting Zone 2 government officials, ERM observed

that the authorities used mobile phones to call each other for the meetings and

to access some of the data that the consultants had requested.

Until recently, there were no fixed-lines or mobile phone services in the Social

Study Area, but the presence of the mining exploration activities has resulted

in a mobile phone towers being installed in Hamad Ela and Bada. The service

is however poor, and sometimes disrupted for days.

Overall, the lack of infrastructure and service development in the Social Study

Area can be attributed to the impermanent and scattered nature of its

settlements and with no formal settlement pattern. Sometimes, what is

referred to as a village consists of only three or four households, which have

moved from their main village to settle elsewhere within the broader area.

For this reason, when the Government installs new infrastructure, it tends to

focus on large settlement. Those who have moved away from the large

settlements therefore tend to miss out on access to key services.

9.11 CULTURAL HERITAGE

This Section describes the national, regional, and local cultural heritage context

for the proposed Project. The national cultural context presents information on

the prehistory and history of Ethiopia while the regional context focuses on

the northern portion of the Afar Depression, commonly known as the

“Danakil Depression.” The local cultural heritage context presents the results

of the cultural heritage baseline surveys of the Project Area. The local context

provides a description of known and potential cultural heritage sites (both

living cultural heritage and archaeological sites) in the Project Area.

9.11.1 National Cultural Context

Ethiopia’s cultural heritage resources are very diverse. Numerous early

hominid and Palaeolithic discoveries attest to the region’s role in the process

of human evolution and mankind’s expansion out of Africa, while Ethiopian

states have been active participants in the flow of goods and ideas between

Europa, Asia, and Africa. For millennia, this interaction – coupled with

Ethiopia’s diverse cultural makeup – has led to the development of numerous

unique expressions of governance, architecture, and culture whose remains

(1) http://www.infoasaid.org/guide/ethiopia/telecommunications-overview#sthash.rGoFqcuW.dpuf


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can still be seen in the modern day. A summary of the relevant periods and

important aspects of each is provided in Table 9.27.

Table 9.27 Timeline of Ethiopian Prehistory and History

Period Dates Description

Human Origins 5 to 3

MYA

Evolution of early hominids including Ardipithecus,

Australopithecus anamensis, and Australopithecus afarensis. Their

remains have been discovered in the following locations:

Middle Awash Valley and Northern Afar, Ethiopia. Early

hominids evolved in Ethiopia during the late Pliocene.

Early Stone Age 1 to 3

MYA

Appearance of Oldowan tools associated with members of the

genus Homo. Homo erectus remains have been discovered in the

Middle Awash Valley and Northern Afar regions of Ethiopia as

well as the Bay of Zula in Eritrea. Development of Oldowan

and Acheulian tool technology

Middle Stone Age 1 MYA to

40,000 BC

Appearance of fully modern humans (Homo sapiens sapiens).

Fossils and dense scatters of Middle Stone Age tools have been

found at: Mai Ba'ati in northern Afar and Agherri in the

Danakil Depression.

Late Stone Age 40,000 to

1,000 BC

Late Stone Age artefacts and small settlements from this period

have been found at Buri Paleolake and the Bay of Zula,

southern Eritrea.

Pre-Aksumite

Civilization/

Ethiopian Bronze

Age

1,000 BC

to AD 100

Rise of socio-political complexity and early states, including the

Kingdom of Daamat and important site of Yeha in northeast

Ethiopia. Evidence of independent domestication of barley in

Ethiopia.

The Aksumite

Empire/Ethiopian

Classical Period

AD 100 to

1,000

Rise and fall of the Aksumite Empire, the first Christian state.,

Expansion of regional and long distance trade, mineral

extraction in the Horn of Africa, and the development of

monumental architecture. Domestication of coffee.

Ethiopian

Medieval Period

AD 1,000

to 19th

century

Period of violence and war punctuated by periods of isolation

from the outside world. Founding of the Zagwe Dynasty and

the carving of the rock-cut churches of Lalibela. Revival of the

Solomonic Dynasty and founding of the city of Gondar.

Ethiopian-Adal War.

Modern Period

19th

century to

present

Emperor Menelik II secures throne in 1889. Italian invasions in

the 19th and 20th centuries. Serious droughts and famines.

Communist takeover of the government in 1970s. Formation of

Eritrean state, Border conflicts with Eritrea (including 1998-

2000 Ethiopian Eritrean War and signing of a peace agreement).

Subsequent growth and stability. Earliest documented

commercial salt and potash mining in the Danakil Depression.

Human Origins (4.2 to 2.6 Million Years Ago [MYA])

Ethiopia’s Awash River valley, located in the southern Afar Depression (well

away from the Yara Dallol BV Project Area), contains the remains of several

early hominid species believed to be ancestral to modern humans, including

Australopithecus (Au.) anamensis, Au. africanus, and Au. afarensis. The most

famous discovery from the Awash Valley is the 3.2 million year old

Australopithecus skeleton “AL 288-1,” better known as Lucy, discovered near

the town of Gona in 1974 (1) . “AL 333,” a 3.2 million year old site consisting of

(1) Johanson et al., 1982


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a mass grave containing thirteen Au. afarensis individuals has also been found

in the Awash Valley.

Early, Middle, and Late Stone Ages (2.6 MYA to 1,000 B.C.)

The world’s oldest stone artefacts, dating 2.6 to 1.5 MYA, have been excavated

at the Ethiopian site of Gona. The Gona site has provided significant

information concerning the earliest tool-using hominid populations, the

technological development of stone tool production and use, as well as the

evolution of early cultural patterns (1). Numerous other Stone Age sites can be

found across the Great Rift Valley from Kenya to Eritrea, including the Early

to Late Stone Age site of Mai Ba’ati near the north-eastern Ethiopian city of

Mekele, and the Middle to Late Stone Age site of Agherri in the eastern

Danakil Depression. (2).

Aside from stone tools, genetic plant evidence obtained from Late Stone Age

archaeological sites in Ethiopia suggests that early cultivated barley did not

diffuse to northeast Africa from the Middle East as previously thought,

suggesting independent domestication of the crop within the Horn of

Africa (3).

Pre-Aksumite Civilization (1000 B.C. to A.D. 100)

Near the end of the Late Stone Age, groups of Semitic peoples from the

Arabian Peninsula began moving into the Horn of Africa. The interaction

between the native Cushitic peoples and these migrants, coupled with a shift

from highly mobile to settled societies, is widely believed to have fostered

more complex forms of socio-political organization. The early stages of

increasing cultural complexity in Ethiopia developed hand-in-hand with those

in the Arabian Peninsula and the seafaring economic networks of the Red Sea.

Early Egyptian texts mention a kingdom known as Daamat, which represents

the first written reference to Ethiopia, although the nature and extent of the

kingdom remains little researched (4). The most important archaeological site

dating to the Pre-Abyssinian period is the city site of Yeha, located about

100km east of Aksum.

Aksum Period (A.D. 100 to 1000)

The Kingdom of Aksum (or Axum), also known as the Aksumite Empire, was

a highly developed civilization most widely known today for its impressive

local architectural traditions. Emerging from a blend of native Ethiopian and

Arabian traditions, the Kingdom of Aksum used its proximity to the Red Sea

trade networks to become a major regional power, eventually controlling

portions of both the Sudan and Arabia. At the height of its power in the 4th

century AD, Aksum became the first major empire to convert to Christianity.

(1) Semaw, 2000 (2) Aerts et al., 2010 (3) Orabi et al., 2007 (4) Fattovich, 2009


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In the 7th century; however, Aksum lost control of its Red Sea ports to Arab

traders and soon fell into steep decline.

Extensive regional and overseas exchange networks were the source of the

Aksumite Empire’s power. These trade networks reached as far abroad as the

Mediterranean Sea and China. Exported goods included agricultural products,

salt, gold, iron, ivory and livestock. The 1st century AD Greco-Roman text

Periplus Maris Erythraei (“Circumnavigation of the Red Sea”), states that

precious metals, Egyptian clothing, wine from Laodicea and olive oil from

Italy were imported at the Aksumite port of Adulis (central Eritrea). Aksumite

exports included ivory from the Sudanese Nile Valley, gold from

southwestern Ethiopia, and salt from the Danakil Depression (1). The coffee

bean was first domesticated in the Ethiopian highlands around the 6th century

AD, and its later discovery by Arab traders in the 13th century led to its global

trading.

Ethiopian Medieval Period (A.D. 1000 to 1800)

The centuries following the collapse of the Aksumite Empire are known as the

Ethiopian Medieval Period, and are characterised by the interaction – often

violent – between the Christian kingdoms of highland Ethiopia and a series of

outside forces. Emerging from the remnants of Aksum, the Christian Zagwe

dynasty ruled over much of modern Ethiopia and Eritrea during the 12th and

13th centuries AD. The rock-hewn churches at the Zagwe capital of Lalibela are

some of best known structures dating from this period.

The Zagwe were succeeded by the Solomonic dynasty, who ruled Ethiopia

until 1974. For centuries, the Solomonic emperors ruled from traveling royal

camps until the Emperor Fasilidas established a permanent capital at Gondar

in 1635. The city served as the capital through 17th century, and its public and

private architecture – most notably Fasil Ghebbi, the imperial residence –

display a variety of foreign influences, including Hindu, Arabic, and

European Baroque elements.

Increasing Arab control of the regional trade networks and the consolidation

of imperial Ethiopian power in the highlands during the Medieval Period also

encouraged the spread of Islam across the Horn of Africa. Nomadic groups

like the Somali and Afar present in the arid lands east of the Ethiopian Plateau

established numerous small Islamic trading states, and in the early 15th

century, the Adal Sultanate rose to power in the Afar Depression. Over the

next century, the Sultanate engaged in intense warfare with the Ethiopian

Empire as each sought to expand its territory.

The first sustained direct relations between Ethiopia and Europe began in the

early 16th century in response to the Ethiopian-Adal War, when the

Portuguese aided the Ethiopians against the Adal Sultanate and their Ottoman

Turk allies in one of the first proxy wars between the two European powers.

(1) Sernicola and Philippson, 2011


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Following an attempt by the Portuguese-supported Jesuit order to convert the

population to Roman Catholicism from Ethiopian Christianity during the mid-

17th century, however, the Emperor Fasilides expelled all Europeans from the

kingdom and embarked on a policy of isolation.

Modern Period (A.D. 1800 to Present)

Beginning in the second half of the 17th century and continuing until the mid-

19th century, the Ethiopian Empire, weakened by internal divisions and war,

remained isolated from much of the Western world. This tumultuous period

ended when the Emperor Menelik II secured the throne in 1889 and began a

process of territorial expansion and political centralization that marked the

beginning of the modern Ethiopian state. In 1890, Italian colonial aspirations

in the Horn of Africa led to the founding of the Colonia Eritrea along the Red

Sea. Following their 1895 defeat in the First Italo-Ethiopian War, the Italians

successfully invaded Ethiopia in 1935 and occupied the country until 1941.

Following the Second World War, the Ethiopian Empire was re-established

under the rule of Haile Selassie, who began a campaign of modernization. The

annexation of Eritrea in 1962, however, marked the start of the 30 year-long

Eritrean War of Independence; and increasing internal discontent in the early

1970s led to a socialist coup d’etat in 1974. The rule of the Ethiopian one-party

state (known popularly as “the Derg”) was defined by violence and

corruption, and popular dissatisfaction was further exacerbated by periodic

droughts and famine, the worst occurring between 1984 and 1985.1

The Derg regime collapsed in the late 1980s, and following a series of

provisional governments, the modern states of Eritrea and Ethiopia were

formed in 1993 and 1995, respectively. Disputes about the exact border

between the two nations resulted in the Eritrean-Ethiopian War from 1998 to

2000 (2). On 18 June 2000 both countries agreed to a comprehensive peace

agreement and binding arbitration of their disputes under the Algiers

Agreement. Stemming in part from the country’s long history, several regional

organizations are based in Addis Ababa, including the African Union and the

offices of various Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs).

9.11.2 Regional Cultural Context

The unique landscape of the Danakil Depression has been a part of the Horn

of Africa’s prehistoric and historic-era cultural development over the last 4.2

million years. A lack of research in the Danakil; however, has limited the

understanding of the processes and details of this involvement. The baseline

information presented focuses on the Danakil Depression’s archaeological

past and the culture of the local Afar people.

Located at the northern edge of Ethiopia’s Afar Depression (the terminus of

the East African Great Rift Valley), the Danakil Depression was part of an

important migration route out of Africa for both modern humans and earlier

(1) Clay and Holcomb, 1986 (2) Tesfay, 2000


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hominids throughout the late Pliocene, Pleistocene, and early Holocene

periods. Evidence for Late Stone Age occupations in the adjacent southern

Awash River Valley and in the Eritrean portions of the Danakil suggest an

extensive occupation of the area. A series of significant Stone Age sites have

been identified in the southern Buri Peninsula, Eritrea. These sites are

composed of numerous dense clusters of circular stone constructions with

associated artefacts dating from the Early Stone Age through the Late Stone

Age (1,2). Sites with similar interior structures have been preliminarily

identified by ERM in other portions of the Danakil Depression.

Key to any interpretation of potential archaeological sites in the Danakil

Depression is an understanding of the local climate over the last 50,000 years.

Palaeo-environmental data suggest that prior to 32,000 years ago the Horn of

Africa possessed a more humid climate resulting in denser vegetation cover

during the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene. Some areas – including the

Danakil – were partially covered by paleo-extensions of the Red Sea (Bonatti et

al. 1971). A trend towards increasing aridity coupled with cultural

developments like the intensification of agricultural activity and increasing

demographic pressure from the Late Holocene through the mid–first

millennium AD directly contributed to the processes of environmental

degradation and declining population throughout the Afar Depression by the

late first millennium AD. These historic changes in the local environment

mean that areas that seem nearly uninhabitable today may have had springs,

streams, lakes or even paleo-sea shores that would have been attractive

locations for prehistoric populations.

Despite the Afar region’s aridity, the Danakil Depression has served as an

important trading link between the Red Sea ports and the highland Ethiopian

kingdoms since at least the Aksumite period of the 1st millennium BC. Records

indicate that Aksumite caravans exploited the natural salt plains of the

northern Danakil and interacted with the local nomadic groups, possibly

including ancestors of the modern Afar people. Islam spread through these

trade networks during the latter half of the 1st millennium AD, leading to the

creation of a series of Muslim trading sultanates throughout the entirety of the

Afar Depression during the 2nd millennium AD.

With the exception of the Adal Sultanate of the 15th and 16th centuries AD,

which challenged the primacy of the Ethiopian Empire, and the modern Afar

Sultanate (also known as the “Aussa” or “Awsa Sultanate”), which nominally

commands the loyalty of the modern Afar groups found throughout the

region, very little is known about the cultural history of the Danakil

Depression during the 2nd millennium AD.

Rare historical accounts of European expeditions into the Danakil offer

variable information. An account of the 1625 expedition of the Jesuit Jeronimo

(1) Lightfoot, 1996

(2) Beyin and Shea, 2007 (3) Beyin and Shea, 2011


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Lobo, (1) provide little information about the region’s cultural heritage, instead

focusing on a detailed description of the natural landscape. In 1810 a Mr.

Coffin, assistant to the British official Henry Salt, travelled through the

Danakil en route from Amphillla Bay on the Red Sea to Chelicut, Ethiopia. In

1928, the British explorer L.M. Nesbitt led a small expedition through the

Danakil Depression from south to north, traveling over 800 miles during a

period of three and a half months (Figure 9.23 and Figure 9.24; Cooke 1867;

Nesbitt 1928, 1930a, b, & c). These accounts provide information on the

cultural and economic activities practiced in the region during the 19th and

early 20th centuries, including the creation of palm frond products and salt

mining, which are still carried out by modern Afar populations. Nesbitt’s

account specifically documents salt mining at sites near Fia and Lake Assale,

as well as the associated centuries-old tensions between various ethnic groups

competing over this important natural resource.

Figure 9.23 Nesbitt’s 1928 Route through the Danakil Depression

(4) Smith, 2011


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Figure 9.24 Tomb Sketches from Nesbit’s Travel Journal

Industrial-scale exploitation of the Danakil Depression’s salt deposits dates to

the early 1900s, when Italian prospectors from Eritrea established the

Compagnia Mineraria Coloniale to extract potash and sulphur at Mount Dallol

between 1916 and 1929 (Nesbitt 1930c; Geological Survey of Ethiopia 2010).

Potash mining at Dallol was restarted by the US-based Parsons Company

between 1958 and 1968. Abandoned mining camps from both periods can be

found throughout the Project Area, including near the crater of Mount Dallol

and along the main roads (Figure 9.25).

Figure 9.25 Mining Camp Ruins in the Danakil Depression

9.11.3 Local Cultural context (Project Area)

The Cultural Heritage Study Area was initially defined with two

considerations in mind (see Figure 9.26). The first consideration was to make

sure that the Study Area covered all proposed Project components and

concession areas, many of which extend into the Dallol salt flats to the east.

The second consideration was to make sure that the Cultural Heritage Study

Area covered all cultural anomalies identified through desktop analysis of


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satellite imagery. Of course, the imagery analysis covered the proposed

Project components, but it also extended to the west into the foothills of the

Ethiopian Plateau. The reason for this western extension was twofold: 1) to

investigate the potential for Paleolithic archaeological sites that existed at

elevations above sea level before the Danakil Depression was cut off from the

Red Sea about 20,000 years ago, and 2) to provide a better local context for the

types of cultural sites within the greater Project Area. Accordingly, the initial

Study Area was defined as such. However, once in the field, ERM learned of

an important concentration of sites further to the north of the defined Study

Area. It was decided to visit these more northern sites as well and so the Study

Area was extended to the north.


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Figure 9.26 Cultural Heritage Study Area


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9.11.4 Cultural Heritage Baseline

ERM’s cultural heritage baseline assessment was carried out in three stages

over a period of nine months. An initial scoping visit was carried out in

October 2013 with the objective of assessing the Project Area and determining

the most effective course of action for the follow-on and more detailed field

survey. An extensive desktop analysis programme was subsequently carried

out in order to inform and guide the follow-on field survey in April 2014. The

results of these stages have been examined and used to generate the

recommendations that follow.

Desktop Results: Literature Review and Satellite Imagery Analysis

The desktop analysis carried out by ERM was comprised of two tasks – a

literature review and a remote sensing survey. The literature review

consulted a large number of academic, professional, and historical texts in

order to determine the history of previous archaeological studies in the Project

Area, and identify the types of cultural resources that might be present.

Archaeological resources within the Horn of Africa date from the Palaeolithic

to the modern era, and include the remains of early hominids, pre-state

complex societies, local kingdoms, and medieval empires. Within the Horn of

Africa, the geological formation known as the Afar Depression extends across

Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Djibouti. The Project Area is located in a northern region

of the Afar known as the Danakil. The importance of the northern Afar in

Palaeolithic times can be tied in part to its position at the northern extent of

the Great African Rift Valley, an important natural corridor through which

early hominids migrated out of Africa.(1) For example, a one-million-year-old

hominid cranium was recently discovered at Buia between the Bay of Zula

and Mount Dallol.(2) The presence of Early and Middle Stone Age tools dating

between 2.6 million years ago and 10000 BC are documented along the

adjacent mountain slopes and alluvial fans to the east and west of the Project

Area.(3)

Evidence of Late Stone Age occupations in the northern Afar and adjacent

parts of Eritrea dating between 10000 and 1000 BC suggest the climatic

conditions at that time were more humid. A number of Late Stone Age site

complexes have been identified on the shores of Eritrea’s Buri Paleolake and

the Bay of Zula. The Buri Paleolake sites are comprised of large, dense clusters

of various types of stone cairns.(4) Larger stone cairns of a similar style are

known to exist within the Afar, including the Danakil Depression.

The subsequent remote sensing survey used publically available, high

resolution satellite imagery, which included the following sources: Google

Maps, Bing Maps, World Imagery, NASA Blue Marble and USGS Earth

(1) Abate et al., 2010 (2) Abate et al., 1998 (3) Roubet, 1970 (4) Lightfoot, 1996


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Explorer. In addition to the publically available imagery, the Project also

provided high resolution commercial imagery (GeoEye) covering the

landscape around the Project Area. The goal of the desktop analysis was to

visually identify archaeological anomalies within the Cultural Heritage Study

Area in order to guide the subsequent archaeological field survey. In order to

accomplish this, a 1:2500 grid was set up over the area. Imagery within each

grid box was thoroughly examined for evidence of cultural heritage

anomalies. In total, 76 archaeological anomalies were identified through the

desktop remote sensing analysis (see Figure 9.27).


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Figure 9.27 Cultural Heritage Anomalies Identified During Remote Sensing Analysis


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Baseline Field Survey Results

Guided by the results of the desktop review, ERM carried out a field survey

within the Project Area. The objective of this phase of the study was to

ground-truth the potential archaeological anomalies that were identified

during the desktop remote sensing analysis. Ground-truthing was undertaken

by field walking to the locations of the anomalies to assess and verify if they

were indeed true archaeological sites. In addition, the locations of any

previously unidentified archaeological sites encountered during the survey

were also recorded. The ERM field survey recorded the key data - the location,

age, function, size, and sensitivity - of all positively-identified archaeological

sites. In total, 78 sites were identified in such manner. In the case of those

remotely sensed anomalies determined not to be true archaeological sites (i.e.

a natural pile of stones), this negative identification was noted, although no

additional information was recorded. Also, in several cases, anomalies

identified during the remote sensing effort were situated in inaccessible

locations (i.e. on top of bluffs or far from passable roads) and were therefor

not visited due to health and safety concerns (see Figure 9.28).

ERM investigations identified six different categories of tangible cultural

heritage resources within the Project Area. A description of each category is

provided below, along with photos of the resources and the relative frequency

of the identified resources by category. Annex E (Part II of the ESIA) provides a

complete list of recorded archaeological sites found during the ERM cultural

heritage survey of the Project Area.


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Figure 9.28 Overview of Field Results from Cultural Heritage Survey


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Isolated Cairns

The term cairn refers to a man-made pile or stack of stones. A cairn may serve

as a grave, religious structure, storage area, or landscape marker. Cairns can

be found either in groups or as isolated features. The most common type of

isolated cairn found in the Project Area is the conical cairn (refer to Figure

9.29). The function of the conical cairns is not fully understood, but the most

likely scenario is that they are grave markers. However, without more

intensive investigations a degree of uncertainty will remain concerning the

functions of cairn structures.

Nevertheless, there are some aspects about these cairn structures that are

known. Based on evidence collected by ERM, it can be conservatively stated

that these cairns are more than 100 years of age and, in some circumstances,

are likely very much older. The first indication comes from the travel accounts

of the British explorer L.M. Nesbitt, who led a small expedition across the Afar

in 1928(1). The Nesbitt expedition documented hundreds of large cairn

complexes along their route between Afdera and Mount Dallol. At the time,

local peoples mentioned that these structures were built by an ancient

population that left the area long ago. Nesbitt’s accounts (which describe the

cairns as “graves”) are the only published description of these archaeological

sites. Additionally, during this survey (and during a different ERM survey

carried in 2012 within the southern Danakil) diagnostic Late Stone Age

obsidian tools were recorded around several conical cairns. If these stone tools

are indeed associated with the original use of the cairns, this suggests that at

least some of the encountered cairns could be between 5,500 and 4,000 years

old.

Figure 9.29 Isolated Cairn Types Found in Project Area

Cairn Clusters

Cairn clusters or complexes can be characterised as a grouping of multiple

cairns; the density of individual cairns within a cluster can vary. Cairn clusters

are quite common in the western half of the Project Area, and are sometimes

(1) Nesbitt, 1929

Isolated Conical Cairns


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comprised of several different cairn types. Several complexes are quite large

and cover over ten hectares. Most cairn clusters are likely quite old and

perhaps date back to the very end of the Late Stone Age (ca. 3000 – 1000 BC),

although it is possible some complexes date to the Ethiopian Medieval Period

or later. Functionally, it is quite likely that the cairn complexes are cemeteries.

Most clusters do not have a bounding wall, but there are a few examples of

smaller clusters that are surrounded by a 1 meter tall wall with a south-facing

opening. This second type of cairn cluster (see Figure 9.30, right-hand image)

appears to be a recent modern period cemetery (19th century AD to present).

Figure 9.30 Cairn Cluster Types Found in Project Area

Cairn Clusters (Cemeteries)

Historic Architecture

There are only two recorded historic structures in the Project Area. The first is

located to the north of the Project Area, and is a large stone-built structure that

may have functioned as either a mosque or communal gathering area (see

Figure 9.31, left image). This structure is in good condition and is probably a

modern period construction dating to the 19th century.

A more substantial historic structure is the old Parsons’ mining headquarters

(see Figure 9.31, right image). This mud-brick building was built in the 1960s

and is in dilapidated condition, although the exterior walls remain partially

intact. Located just a few hundred meters to the east of the existing Yara Site

Camp, the old headquarters building may be of historic interest regarding the

mining history of the Danakil.


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Figure 9.31 Historic Architecture Found in the Project Area

Historic Architecture

Military Structures

A current Ethiopian military base is located adjacent to the Yara Site Camp,

and dozens of military shooting blinds surround the military base (refer to

Figure 9.32). These structures are recently built and are of very low sensitivity.

Additional military structures are not common within the greater Project

Area.

Figure 9.32 Military Structures Found in the Project Area

Military Shooting Blind

Rock Shelters

Many rock shelters (shallow caves – refer to Figure 9.33) are located in the far

western reaches of the Project Area within the deep gullies leading into the

foothills of the Ethiopian Plateau. Rock shelters are known to have been

favoured habitation areas for early hominids throughout the Great African

Rift Valley; however, because the Danakil was covered by the Red Sea until

around 20,000 years ago, only those rock shelters that are at elevations above

sea level could be considered as potential locations for early hominid shelters.

The ERM survey team identified one rock shelter within the Project Area at an

elevation above modern sea level. However, it would be necessary to conduct


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test excavations here in order to investigate if early hominid remains or

artefacts are present.

Figure 9.33 Rock Shelter Found in Project Area

Rock Shelter (Above Sea Level)

Abandoned Settlements

The most common type of site recorded in the Project Area was abandoned

settlements. These sites often come in the form of expansive clusters of dense

stone circles, and tend to be located in the western half of the Project Area.

These stone circles most likely formed the base of thatched dome tents, which

are still in common use by the local Afar people today. The abandoned

settlement sites appear to range in date from the very recent past up to 3,500

years old. This assessment is based upon the analysis of numerous artefacts

that were recorded at many of these settlements, including ceramics, obsidian

stone tools, cowrie shells (see Figure 9.34, bottom left image) and amethyst

beads (see Figure 9.34, bottom right image). Based on this information, these

abandoned settlements have been identified as some of the more sensitive

archaeological resources in the region as they have the most potential to

provide insight into how the ancient populations of the Danakil lived.


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Figure 9.34 Abandoned Settlements and Associated Artefacts Found in Project Area

Abandoned Settlements and Associated Artefacts

Specialized Activity Areas Found in the Project Area

A specialized activity area is defined as a location where a specific type of

activity took place. For example, one of the more important specialized

activity areas discovered in the Project Area was a stone-built animal trap (see

Figure 9.35). A stick and rope trigger would have held a worked slab of stone

suspended above the entrance to the interior space. When an animal triggered

the trap, the worked stone would fall and trap the animal within. The ERM

cultural team’s guide claimed that the local population used to build these

types of traps until fairly recently, suggesting that this example could date to

the 19th century AD. Other specialized activity areas recorded included:

storage areas, small seasonal dams, and animal pens, all of which are of low

cultural sensitivity.


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Figure 9.35 Specialized Activity Area in the Project Area

Stone-built Animal Trap

Cultural Heritage Baseline Study Limitations and Gaps

The study limitations and gaps for the cultural heritage study include:

Uncertainty of Site Function/Age - There is a lack of background knowledge about the ancient cairn complexes found within the Project Area. Because these resources are a relatively recent discovery in the archaeology of eastern Africa, the function and age of these cairn complexes are not yet fully understood. Without a history of field research and publications documenting archaeological excavations and scientific dating results, any assessment of the ancient cairn complexes remains a preliminary evaluation based upon the experience of the Cultural Heritage experts involved with this study. It is important to note that this gap only applies to the ancient cairn complexes, and there are many other types of tangible archaeological resources which can be assessed with a greater level of confidence.

Sites present but not Identified by the Relatively Rapid Assessment Method Used - There remains the possibility that additional surface archaeological resources exist that were not recorded by either the satellite remote sensing or the field survey. This uncertainty is a consequence of the relatively quick pace of the survey within the Cultural Heritage Study Area. There is also the potential to encounter subsurface archaeological resources; however, this would not be revealed prior to subsurface archaeological investigations or intrusive Project construction activities.

Both of these gaps are common for rapid reconnaissance of a previously

unexplored area. The gaps will be further addressed by the mitigation

measures presented in Chapter 11.


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9.12 VISUAL AND LANDSCAPE

9.12.1 Visual and Landscape Study Area

A Zone of Theoretical Visibility (ZTV) was produced based on the

approximate worse case height of the larger elements of the proposed Project

(30m for the Processing Plant and 30m for the Tailings Management Area

[TMA]). Due to the flat topography in the Project Area, the ZTVs (see Figure

9.36 and Figure 9.37) suggested widespread visibility. However the ZTV is

based on a bare earth model and does not take into account vegetation,

buildings or environmental conditions like haze and reflection, which

effectively screen or reduce visibility to and from the site. Therefore the

geographic extent of the area where landscape and visual baseline data was

collected (i.e. the Visual and Landscape Study Area) was up to 12 km from the

boundary of the Project Area. At distances greater than 12km it is considered

unlikely that the proposed Project will be seen even though the landscape is

flat and devoid of any vegetation. This is due to a combination of factors such

as the dust, haze and poor visibility conditions which are common in the

Project Area and surrounds due to the extreme heat in the baseline

environment. The Project Area is located within the Danakil Depression which

experiences an extremely hot and arid climate and is commonly known as the

hottest place (hottest average temperature) on earth (this is discussed in detail

in Chapter 8). The lowlands of the Danakil Depression are characterised by

desert conditions with monthly mean temperatures varying from 24.40C

during the wet season (June to September) to 46.70C in the dry season

(October to May).

The Project Area is flat open land largely devoid of vegetation, other than

scattered patches of low desert scrub. The Project Area and surrounds do not

have any statutory designations with respect to planning or landscape and

visual aspects. It is understood that while Development Plans for the wider

region are in the process of being prepared, these are strategic and generic and

are not specific to landscape and visual matters. There are currently no land

use plans in place within the site or in surrounding areas.

ENVIRONMENTAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT YARA DALLOL B

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Figure 9.36 Processing Plant Zone of Theoretical Visibility with a Height of 30 Metres

ENVIRONMENTAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT YARA DALLOL B

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Figure 9.37 TMA Zone of Theoretical Visibility with an Eventual Height of 30 Metres


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9.12.2 Baseline

Landscape Characteristics in the Wider Region

As is previously mentioned, the Project Area is situated in the Danakil

Depression and is dominated by extensive lowland salt plains and other

evaporate deposits (altitude – 120 m below sea level). To the west folded,

faulted and tectonically deformed volcanic and sedimentary rocks form a rift

escarpment. On the downside (east) of the escarpment alluvial fan deposits

and foothills form a transition to the lower salt plains to the east. To the far

east and west, relief peaks of highland plateaus are visible from the Project

site. On the north eastern edge of the depression, maritime hills border a hot,

arid, and treeless strip of land sixteen to eighty kilometres wide. These coastal

hills drain inland into saline lakes, from which commercial salt is extracted.

The Project Area and Immediate Surroundings Profile

The Project Area is located almost entirely within flat open salt plains with a

small area of alluvial fan and foothills landscape to the west. There are no

settlements located directly within the Project Area although a number of

villages are located in the surrounding area to the west, including Musley and

Asabuya. Mount Dallol, a volcano/hydrothermal field around 60m high, lies

immediately to the south east of the Crescent concession area.

The immediate surroundings to the Project Area are:

Open clear salt plains to the north, east and south;

Gently rising rocky alluvial fans and foothills to the west featuring

scattered small villages; and

Mount Dallol immediately to the east.

Almost all of the land in the Project Area is open with sparse vegetation. The

salt plains are largely devoid of vegetation cover with only a strip of scrub

vegetation to the west, whereas the alluvial fans contain scattered areas of

desert scrub.

From the social baseline data collection conducted in April 2014 it can be

stated that infrastructure and basic services such as sanitation, water,

electricity, telecommunication, police and emergency services are largely

absent in the communities surveyed. There are limited dirt roads linking

settlements like Musley and Asabuya and these are generally used for salt

trade and tourism purposes. There is also a new asphalt road connecting

Dallol with the main Mekele-Adrigrat road to the south. There are no

substantial physical developments in the immediate and wider area indicating

signs of expansion or growth; however, small scale exploratory drilling has

been undertaken immediately north, east and south of the Project Area since

2011 (refer to cumulative impact assessment in Chapter 12).


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In essence the area’s sense of place is derived mainly from its ‘arid desert

setting’ with only a few scattered settlements. The landscape character areas

within the Project Area and surrounds are briefly described in Table 9.28 and

have been illustrated in Figure 9.38.

Table 9.28 Landscape Character Areas

Landscape Character Area Description Sensitivity

Open arid salt plains Land to the north, east and south of the Project

site comprises flat open salt plains largely

devoid of vegetation. The area contains little

development, although evidence of small-scale

exploratory mining is visible in places to the

north of the Project area. The area is also not

designated and there are few settlements, no

cultural heritage assets and no recognised

tourist attractions. This type of landscape forms

the majority of the Project Area.

Given that the

area is open,

desolate with no

vegetation, the

sensitivity is

considered to be

low.

Mount Dallol A hydrothermal field in a salt pan containing

hot brine springs, sulphur formations and salt

column formations. It is an important site for

tourists and internationally known for its multi-

coloured salt deposits, hot springs and

miniature geysers. It is amongst the lowest

volcanoes on land in one of the lowest

elevations on earth (approximately 116 m below

sea level).

Given that the

area is visited by

tourists and has

spectacular

characteristic

views of the

surrounding salt

deposits, the

sensitivity is

considered to be

high.

Gently rising alluvial fans

and foothills

Land to the west of the Project area comprises

open rocky alluvial fan deposits forming a

transition between the mountainous rift

escarpment to the west and the flat salt plains to

the east. The gently rising topography produces

a sense of elevation over the salt plains. The

gravels and rocks support patches of low desert

scrub and thorny plants which gives the

landscape a rough texture. The area contains a

number of scattered nomadic villages, including

Musley and Asabuya, which contain vernacular

dwellings made of sticks and mud and

generally have low- average build quality.

These organic settlements are purely functional

and have little or no aesthetic elements within

their design.

The area is not

designated and

has an open,

desolate

character;

however, due to

the presence of

settlement the

overall

sensitivity of the

area is

considered to be

medium.


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Figure 9.38 Landscape Character Areas in the Project Area and Surrounds


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9.12.3 Existing Views and Visual Environment

With the assistance of surveys, ZTVs (refer to Figure 9.36 and Figure 9.37) and

aerial photography, viewpoints across the Project Area and surrounds have

been selected to represent the range of views and types of viewers likely to be

affected by the proposed Project. These are described in Table 9.29 below and

illustrated as “VP” in Figure 9.36 and Figure 9.37.

Table 9.29 Selected Viewpoints

VP No. VP Location VP Description Sensitivity

1 View from Ashe Ale

(similar views will be

available from Lake

Assale) (approximately

12km to the south of the

Project Area)

View north west across the flat,

open expansive salt plains. Dust

and haze obscure visibility on

the salt plains in the distance.

The rift escarpment forms the

backdrop above this.

Considering the small

number of residents (and

small number of tourists)

and the nomadic nature

of the settlement the

overall sensitivity is

considered to be medium.

2 View from tarmac road

near the military camp

and Yara Dallol BV

Project Camp

(approximately 250m to

the west of the Project

Area) (similar views

available from the

military camp)

View east across open rocky

ground featuring low desert

scrub. The existing military

camp and Yara Dallol BV

Project Camp are visible in the

middle ground. Mount Dallol is

visible in the background but

partially obscured by haze and

dust.


number of road users

(and residents/workers)

the overall sensitivity is

considered to be low

3 View from Mount Dallol

(approximately 2.5km to

the southeast of the

Project Area)

View northwest from the

summit of Mount Dallol

featuring rocky salt formations.

Salt stack deposits in the

foreground provide intermittent

screening to the flat open salt

plains in the middle ground of

view. The existing military

camp and Yara Dallol BV

Project Camp are visible in the

left of the middle ground,

although haze and dust slightly

obscure views. The rift

escarpment forms the backdrop

to the view.

Considering the

topographical elevation

in relation to the Project

site, the small number of

tourists and the fact that

visitors’ attention is

focused on the geological

deposits nearby, the

overall sensitivity is

considered to be medium.

4 View from Musley

village (approximately

3.3km to the west of the

Project Area )

A slightly elevated view east

across the rocky alluvial fans.

The flat salt plains are visible in

the distance although haze and

dust obscures visibility.

Considering

topographical elevation

in relation to the Project

site, the small number of

residents and the

nomadic nature of the

settlement, the overall

sensitivity is considered

to be medium.

5 View from Asabuya

village

(approximately 7 km to

the northwest of the

Project Area)

A slightly elevated view

southeast over the open

expansive flat salt plains.


number of residents and

nomadic nature of

settlement the overall

sensitivity is considered

to be medium.


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There are no designated views or views of international/national/local

importance within the Project Area and surrounds. However, views of the

salt deposits from Mount Dallol are renowned for the spectacular displays of

salt and sulphur deposits and views over the surrounding salt plains.

9.13 SOCIO-ENVIRONMENTAL SENSITIVITIES

Chapter 8 presents the sensitivity of the Project Area of influence from an

ecological perspective. Figure 9.39 presents the aforementioned biological

sensitivities together with the following social sensitivities discussed in this

Chapter:

The presence of villages;

Cultural heritage sites;

Key grazing areas; and

Key tourist features (viz. Mount Dallol).


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Figure 9.39 Socio-environmental Sensitivity Map for the Project Area of Influence


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9.13.1 Socio-environmental Sensitivity Description

The Presence of Villages

All villages in the Project Area of influence are considered to be Highly

Sensitive, as members of the village are classified as being sensitive to

activities associated with the proposed Project. A study specific buffer of 200m

has been placed around all villages. This buffer area is also characterised as

having a critical to high sensitivity.

Cultural Heritage Sites

The cultural heritage baseline surveys identified a total of 78 cultural heritage

sites within the Cultural Heritage Study Area. Each site was assigned a

sensitivity value based on the criteria detailed in Table 9.30:

Table 9.30 Cultural Heritage Site Sensitivity Characteristics

Cultural Heritage

Site Sensitivity

Defining Characteristic(s)

Low Site is not specifically protected under local, national, or international laws

or treaties; Site can be moved to another location or replaced by a similar

site, or is of a type that is common in surrounding region; site has limited

or no cultural value to local, national or international stakeholders; and/or

site has limited scientific value or similar information can be obtained at

numerous sites. Replicable cultural heritage.

Medium Site is specifically or generically protected by local or national laws but

laws all for mitigated impacts; Site can be moved or replaced, or data and

artefacts recovered in consultation with stakeholders; Site has considerable

cultural value for local and/or national stakeholders; and/or site has

substantial scientific value but similar information can be obtained at a

limited number of other sites. Non-replicable cultural heritage.

High Site is protected by local, national, and international laws or treaties; site

cannot be moved or replaced without major loss of cultural value; legal

status specifically prohibits direct impacts or encroachment on site and/or

protection zone; Site has substantial value to local, national, and

international stakeholders; and/or site has exceptional scientific value and

similar site types are rare or non-existent. Critical cultural heritage.

Grazing Areas

Key grazing areas (Sagan, Hamah, Aga and Berketi) in the Project Area of

influence are considered to be Highly Sensitive. Livestock keeping is the

main subsistence livelihood of the population in the Project Area, which gives

importance to areas that provide adequate grazing for livestock.

Key Tourist Features

The key tourist feature in the Project Area of influence is Mount Dallol. This

feature was delineated through digitisation of the visual perimeter of the

feature. Furthermore, a 200m buffer has been placed around the digitised

perimeter. Mount Dallol and its associated buffer have been considered to be

Highly Sensitive.


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9.13.2 Application of the Socio-environmental Sensitivity Assessment

The socio-environmental map is created as a tool to guide the spatial

development of activities/infrastructure in a manner that minimises impacts

to both the social and biophysical environments. The following simple

approaches should be followed for the planning of activities/infrastructure:

Activities/infrastructure should be directed wherever possible towards

the Low Sensitivity areas.

Activities/infrastructure that infringes areas classified as being Highly to

Moderately Sensitive should strive to reduce the impacts on these areas

that resulted in the sensitivity rating.

Activities/infrastructure are to be planned and implemented in a manner

that sustains the key values of Highly Sensitive areas.

Activities/infrastructure should not infringe areas classified as being

Highly Sensitive. Only where no feasible alternatives exist should any

impacts be allowed on these habitats, and in such cases additional

precautionary measures should be taken that reduce the impacts

specifically on the biodiversity and ecosystem values for which these

habitats have been classified as Sensitive or Highly Sensitive.

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