xenophobia in sa - mataar final 4 aug 2009

8/7/2019 Xenophobia in SA - Mataar FINAL 4 Aug 2009

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Xenophobia in SA: The Role of Islam and Muslims 335

gious group (Statistics SA 2004). This study is hence prem-

ised on the idea that conflict in the form of xenophobia or

racism against the Black foreigner could be mediated by

constructions of religion, which either rely on negative orpositive notions of otherness and difference that are em-

bedded within religious discourse. Thus, the focus on Islam

as Black African Muslims show the fastest growth (in rela-

tion to Coloured and Indian Muslims) (and) [i]t is ex-

pected that over the next two decades they will constitute

the largest segment of the Muslim population (Jeppie &

Vahed 2005:280-281).

Many Muslim organisations, such as the Muslim Judicial

Council, made impassioned media calls in response to the

spate of violence and in some instances criminality perpe-

trated against African foreigners (Voice of the Cape

2008b). Additionally, the Jamiatul Ulama South Africa, in

their Summarised Jumuah Bayaan (Friday Sermon)

stated: As Muslims we also have an added responsibilityof protecting the vulnerable who have become victims of

these unfortunate circumstances. Contribute towards relief

efforts initiated by different organizations involved in relief

work (Jamiatul Ulama SA 2008b). This study thus seeks to

examine positive and negative Muslim attitudes as sub-

stantiated via their impassioned calls made in khutab(ser-

mons) and the media, while considering the human rights

notions of equality and human dignity that the Bill of Rights

confers on everyone. Therefore, consideration would be

accorded to the ways in which xenophobic/racist attitudes

are constructed, and how the role of Muslims in the xeno-

phobic violence of 2008 was shaped by Islamic as well as

human rights discourse. The study additionally intends to

analyse the humanitarian role Islam and Muslims could

play, in preventing the recurrence of xenophobic violence,by perpetually highlighting the status of the foreigner from


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336 Theologia Viatorum 33/2 (2009) - Xenophobia

the perspective that everyone is a member of bani Adam

(children of Adam)4. Especially within some of the areas

affected by the violence, such as Gauteng and the Western

Cape, as depicted in sermons or talks and media reports ortexts that would constitute the principal objects for a dis-

course analysis.

2. ANALYSING XENOPHOBIA, RACISM, AND RELIGION

THROUGH THEORY AND CONTEXT

The Merriam Webster Dictionarydefines xenophobia as col-

lective fear or hatred of strangers or foreigners or of what isstrange or foreign (Mish 1997). The definition could incorpo-

rate ensuing aggression by a community against foreigners

or non-nationals such as migrants, immigrants, refugees

and asylum seekers. It also indicates that xenophobic peo-

ple would fear or hate all foreigners, since it is their strange-

ness that makes them intolerable. In spite of this, the

incidents involving xenophobic attacks in South Africa, in-

cluding the wave of violence in May 2008, suggests that par-ticular groups of non-nationals are targeted and as such

xenophobia is racialised (Warner & Finchilescu 2003:36).

Here the majority of the xenophobic incidents reported by

the media were perpetrated against Black foreigners from

other African countries.5 Furthermore, studies investigating

the experiences of Black non-nationals in South Africa

have found that they experience racialised bigotry withBlack South African men being the most hostile (Morris

1998:116-136). For the purposes of this study then xeno-

phobia will interchangeably be used with racism in its

broadest meaning, since it is driven by the same factors that

4The related Quranic verse enunciates: And indeed We have hon-

oured the children of Adam (Q 17:70).5

For articles and media reports on xenophobia in Southern Africa seeSouthern African Migration Project (2008). For media releases specificto South Africa see Xenophobia in South Africa (2008).


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eventually result, as in the case of racism, in prejudice,

stereotyping, bias, discrimination, and violence (Sunday

Tribune 2008a & 2008b).

Religious and cultural discourse could play a pivotal role in

driving xenophobia or/and racism. In highlighting the nega-

tive role of religion and the attitude of its adherents toward

the other or non-national, Muller (1999:71) from the Univer-

sity of Stellenbosch observes that religion and culture are

strategies of meaning and practice rather than timeless and

fixed substances. Consequently, religious or cultural ar-

guments could be understood as portraying foreigners asbeing inferior, less deserving of right or humanity, reducible

to a common negative, and even legitimately expendable

(Muller 1999:71). On the other hand, with designating the

positive role of religion Islam exalts human dignity and

equality, and, therefore, both the teachings of the Quran

and the traditions of the Prophet Muhammad detest atti-

tudes of racism, discrimination, intolerance, and any act of

inhumanity towards the other (Hammed 2008:223).

The term religious or racist discourse is somewhat different

to discourse in religion or racism. In this regard it would be

essential to deploy and include the theorist, van Dijk, who is

a scholar in the fields of text linguistics, discourse analysis,

and critical discourse analysis, where he focuses particularly

on the study of the discursive reproduction of racism. The

former, namely religious or racist discourse, is used in a

more generic sense to signify a type of discourse, whereas

the latter, namely discourse in religion or racism, is under-

stood to mean only a specific communicative event, in gen-

eral, and a written or oral form of verbal interaction or

language use, in particular (Van Dijk 2002:146). Discourse

about minorities such as non-nationals (in racism or religion)

could represent these others in a negative manner and,therefore, lead to the reproduction of negative stereotypes. It


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could also contribute both to interactional and to cognitive

forms of problematization, marginalization and exclusion

(Van Dijk 2000:88). Here it should be noted that prejudice,

discrimination, intolerance and any act of inhumanity to-wards the foreigner does not develop spontaneously in an

interaction based on difference (between a national and

non-national), but is acquired and learned, and this usually

happens through communication, that is, through text and

talk (Van Dijk 2002:146). As religious sermons and media

reports will be analysed in this study discourse analysis6 will

hence be deployed as a theoretical tool, since it allows us

to make explicit the inferences about otherwise inaccessi-

ble especially negative attitudes of majority group members

(or locals) about minorities (or foreigners) from the proper-

ties of their text and talk (Van Dijk 1993:94). Moreover, dis-

course analysis would be a valuable tool for exploring

peoples perceptions, attitudes, opinions, and meanings re-

garding religion, racism, or xenophobia in a South African

context.

In 2001, South Africa hosted the United Nations World Con-

ference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia

and Related Intolerance (World Conference against Racism

2001). The outcome of the conference was a programme of

action that every participating country, including South Af-

rica, undertook to implement in their respective countries.

One of the principal obligations in the programme was foreach country to develop a National Action Plan (NAP) to

combat racism, xenophobia, and related intolerance in con-

sultation with national human rights institutions and civil so-

ciety organisations. After a protracted consultative process

6Discourse analysis entails reading, and analysing texts and practices

for their social and political significances. It also provides a way tomanifest the rules, and structures that produce and maintain dis-courses, allowing us to challenge prevailing practices and knowledgeabout specific issues or events (Fairclough 2003).


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South Africa officially launched its National Forum against

Racism (NFAR) in 2003 (Department of Justice and Consti-

tutional Development, RSA 2003). Despite the prevalence of

the NFAR as well as anti-discrimination legislation, intoler-ance and bigotry towards Black7 foreigners continued (Par-

liament of the RSA 2008). Subsequently, community hostility

worsened, especially in poorer urban communities, which

eventually erupted into deadly violence where thousands of

non-nationals were displaced and Black nationals killed

about 60 foreigners, an action that is indicative of anti-Black

racism (Parliament of the RSA 2008).

The religious sector was foremost in rendering humanitarian

aid to those affected by the xenophobic mayhem in 2008,

and here the religious communities not only contributed

food and clothes, but also provided government with ad-

vice on how to deal with some of the problems we faced as

a country during that trying time (SA Government Informa-

tion 2008). Many Muslims, along with other religious group-ings, made fervent humanitarian calls via sermons and the

media in response to the outbreak of xenophobic/racist vio-

lence and in some instances criminality perpetrated against

Black non-nationals. (See sermons and media reports be-

low). They availed their mosques as temporary shelters and

offered charitable assistance for the displaced immigrants,

migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers, while Muslim relief

organisations provided massive and extensive relief aid tothe destitute. The former Western Cape Minister of Commu-

nity Safety, Leonard Ramatlakane, appropriately said (Voice

of the Cape 2008a):

7Racial categories such as Black, Coloured, Indian, and White are

problematic constructions even within a post-Apartheid South Africa.Their use, despite the uneasiness, is purely for purposes of highlightingthe effects of racial division.


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I also commend and compliment the civil society formations,the religious groupings, the NGOs and local community po-licing forums that have pledged their support in finding alasting solution that would bring peace and stability in ourcommunities.

A few pertinent religious based initiatives toward finding a

lasting solution subsequently proceeded. Firstly, the De-

partment of Justice and Constitutional Development

(DoJCD) hosted a workshop on Racism in Religious & Faith

Based Groups Sector, on 5 June 2008, in Pretoria, to iden-

tify racism and its manifestations; develop eradication

strategies; and assign responsibility for eradication.8 Sec-

ondly, the Committee for Theological Dialogue (CTD) con-

vened the International Conference on Religion and

Xenophobia: Islamic and Christian Perspectives from 17-19

November 2008 at the University of Cape Town. The con-

ference organisers claimed at the time that they recognize

(the negative attitudes) that, at times, religious actors have

not lived up to the higher teachings of their traditions andhave thus been complicit in Xenophobia9 or racism. Addi-

tionally, the conference, which was the first in SA dealing

with this important theme on religion and xenophobia,

sought to illuminate (positive) Christian and Islamic theo-

logical resources for healing and transformation.10 Third,

Theologia Viatorum: Journal of Theology and Religion in

Africaat the University of Limpopo will publish a special edi-

tion entitled You shall love him as yourself; for you were

8See the 2008 invitation from the Director-General of the Department

of Justice and Constitutional Development to the workshop on Racismin Religious & Faith Based Groups Sector.9

See 2008 invitation from the Committee for Theological Dialogue tothe International Conference on Religion and Xenophobia: Islamic andChristian Perspectives.10

See 2008 invitation from the Committee for Theological Dialogue tothe International Conference on Religion and Xenophobia: Islamic andChristian Perspectives.


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aliens in the land of Egypt The Theological and Ethical

Considerations of Combating Xenophobia in (South) Africa

Today, as the first volume of 2009.11

3. UNDERSTANDING THE HUMANITARIAN ATTITUDE

OF ISLAM AND MUSLIMS IN THE XENOPHOBIC

ATTACKS ON FOREIGNERS

Jonathan Crush (2008:39) from the Southern African Migra-

tion Project (SAMP) asserts that South Africa has become

and remains a deeply xenophobic society, where xenopho-

bic attitudes are widespread and pervasive, overt and subtle,permeating all interactions with non-nationals.12 These atti-

tudes have persisted despite SA possessing one of the

worlds most inclusive and progressive constitutions. One of

the main humanitarian provisions in the Constitution of South

Africa revolves around the aspiration towards equality, human

dignity and the advancement of human rights for everyone.13

Chapter 2 contains a Bill of Rights that outlines the various

human rights that all the people in South Africa ought to en-joy. In addition, the Constitutions preamble unequivocally

states that South Africa belongs to all who live in it without

any reference to place of birth or citizenship status. Even un-

documented migrants are incorporated within all or every-

one as they are protected under the right to equality14 and

11

See call for submissions of articles (August 2008) by the editor ofTheologia Viatorum: Journal of Theology and Religion in Africa to bepublished as The Theological and Ethical Considerations of CombatingXenophobia in (South) Africa Today.12

For a chronology that looks back at the problem of xenophobia sinceSouth Africas first democratic elections in 1994 see Williams (2008)Xenophobic attacks in South Africa: Not a completely new phenomenon13

Human rights are rights inherent to all human beings, whatever ournationality, place of residence, sex, national or ethnic origin, colour, re-ligion, language, or any other status. We are all equally entitled to ourhuman rights without discrimination. See the definition of United Na-tions Human Rights (2009).14

Section 9 of the Bill of Rights stipulates that all people are equal and


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human dignity.15 Regarding the rights of foreigners or non-

nationals, with few exceptions, all the rights, entitlements and

obligations as provided in the Bill of Rights apply to all or

everyone.16 Bashir Mohamed Abidi, a non-national fromSomalia based in the Western Cape, confirmed in the media

that he, together with many others, received permits to work,

study and open small businesses if he so wished from the SA

government. He, therefore, affirmed: We have rights like eve-

rybody and no one will take it from us (Voice of the Cape

2008e).

The humanitarian attitude of Muslims toward non-nationals,as manifested through the human rights notions of human

dignity and equality to all or everyone, can be gleaned

from some of the Friday sermons delivered during and

around the period that the violence occurred. Not many khu-

tab focusing on xenophobia were made available in pub-

lished format. In Gauteng, the province most affected by the

violence, the Jamiatul Ulama (Council of Muslim Theologi-

ans) South Africa, published the Summarised Jumuah Ba-

yaan (Friday Sermon): Xenophobiain their online newsletter

(Jamiatul Ulama SA 2008b). In the Western Cape, Imam A

Rashied Omar published his khutbah or sermon entitled

Taaruf: Islam beyond Xenophobia, which he delivered at

the Claremont Main Road Mosque in the Muslim Views

(Omar 2008:28). He also published another khutbah on

World Refugee Day entitled The Continuing Challenge ofXenophobia that he delivered at Claremont Main Road

Mosque, on the mosques website (Claremont Main Road

must be treated equally.15

Section 10 of the Bill of Rights states that everyone has inherentdignity and the right to have their dignity respected and protected.16

The Bill of Rights limits the freedom of trade, occupation and profes-sion to citizens, although there are legal avenues for non-nationals tobe able to work legally in the country. The right to vote and to stand forpublic office in elections is limited to citizens.


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Mosque 2008). These sermons did not reflect much on the

humanitarian attitude of Muslims toward the xenophobic at-

tacks on Black foreigners, apart from making appeals to the

human dignity of non-nationals coupled with the call to sup-port the widespread relief aid. Thus, they concentrated par-

ticularly on the enduring humanitarian role of Islam and

Muslims.

In appealing to the human dignity of foreigners the Jamiatul

Ulama South Africa, in its Bayaan or Sermon, reiterated that

as Muslims we also have an added responsibility of protect-

ing the vulnerable who have become victims of these unfor-tunate circumstances and we should [c]ontribute towards

relief efforts initiated by different organisations17 involved in

relief work (Jamiatul Ulama SA 2008b). Imam Omar, in his

first khutbah, also made a general call for securing the hu-

man dignity of non-nationals by empathising with the vast

majority of South Africans who (were) responding to the

plight of refugees and our fellow Africans with great com-

passion (Omar 2008:20). Noticeably, these appeals have

primarily been expounded in the broader media.

The Jamiatul Ulama SA (2008b), in its weekly online news-

letter, expressed the function of the state in protecting the

human dignity of all by

urge(ing) authorities to urgently take necessary steps toaddress this matter which can prove to be another defin-

ing moment in the history of our young democracy and aculture of human rights. All resources should be broughtto bear to safeguard life and property for all.

In their newsletter update they maintained that they provided

meals to more than 5000 foreigners affected by xenophobic

17The Gauteng-based relief organisation Gift of the Givers (Waqf al-

Waqifin) has spent more than R4 million on the xenophobic crisis. SeeGift of the Givers Foundation (2008).


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violence on the East Rand, while other ways of alleviating

the humanitarian crisis were being investigated together with

civil society organisations and government (Jamiatul Ulama

SA 2008b). Furthermore, they also claimed that [t]he com-munity outpouring of goodwill in providing for the basic

needs of these people has been phenomenal, with some

areas having collected enough to provide for the suffering of

weeks (Jamiatul Ulama SA 2008c). Besides securing the

human dignity of non-nationals through welfare aid the

Jamiatul Ulama also highlighted the provision of equality,

since foreigners have lived side-by-side with South Africans

in Alexandra (and) (i)t has been mutual coexistence that

goes back many years (Jamiatul Ulama SA 2008a). Even

though Muslims in Gauteng displayed positive attitudes to-

ward non-nationals they were also complicit in exhibiting

negative attitudes. In this regard there have been instances

where Muslims have shown displeasure and irritation toward

Black foreigners in particular, who frequent local masajidor

mosques and are referred to as those people (who) makethe place stink, thereby trampling on the human dignity of

the Black foreigners, albeit the fact that these are places of

worship for all (Jeenah 2008).

In the Western Cape, various Muslim organisations ratified

the positive humanitarian attitude of Muslims and endeav-

ored to protect the human dignity of those non-nationals af-

fected by the xenophobic violence through humanitarian aid.

The Deputy President of the Muslim Judicial Council,

Shaykh Achmat Sedick, corroborated this undertaking when

he stated (Voice of the Cape 2008c):

We need to restore the dignity of these people as theirpride has been trampled upon. We have therefore in-structed all mosques to open its doors to any immigrant

that may need assistance and we encourage the entireMuslim community to open up their homes to give sup-


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port to those in needand look at the humanitarian as-pect of the situation.

The PRO of the Mustadafin (social-welfare) Foundation,Alia Lambada, evidently noted at the inception of the vio-

lence in the Western Cape that (Voice of the Cape 2008c):

many organizations have been willing to provide food, butwe have had to say no to them because most refugees(in the Du Noon area) are Somalis who will only accepthalaal food. We found last night that because most of thevolunteers were non-Muslims, the Somalis were reluctant

to take the aid. They want to see Muslims handing it outwhich is why we need more hands to help as volunteersto hand out the food.

While Muslims were very generous in terms of donating

food, the Foundation was desperately searching for volun-

teers to assist in cooking, food distribution and transporta-

tion to help more than 10 000 displaced foreigners daily

(Mustadafin Foundation 2008). Visibly, in the Western Cape

there was a glaring distinction between the positive relief aid

donated and negative voluntary or welfare assistance that

Muslims provided to the Black non-nationals, who preferred

using the term xeno-afro-phobia, since the related vio-

lence/hatred was targeted against Black/African foreigners

solely (Voice of the Cape 2008d). Hence Muslims in the

Western Cape infrequently displayed the attitude of reluc-

tance to interact with Black non-nations through their unwill-ingness to personally assist African foreigners.

4. UNDERSTANDING THE ENDURING HUMANITARIAN

ROLE OF ISLAM AND MUSLIMS IN PREVENTING

XENOPHOBIC ATTACKS ON FOREIGNERS

No doubt the humanitarian role of religious communities is

somewhat informed by their attitude towards non-nationals.In 1998 the Community Agency for Social Enquiry (CASE)


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conducted a survey of human rights and established that

negative attitudes towards foreigners may be part of a big-

ger problem of human rights awareness where knowledge of

the Bill of Rights was very low18 (Pigou, Greenstein & Valji1998; Crush 2000:111-112). Recently the South African

Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) revealed that the

xenophobic attacks of May on non-nationals, presents a se-

rious threat to South Africas democracy (Sangonet 2008).

The SAHRC disclosed that the country failed to deal with the

problem of race at the inception of democracy in 1994 (San-

gonet 2008). Even though Apartheid has been abolished

separate worship along racial lines remains the norm in

South Africa. The former president of the South African

Council of Churches (SACC), Bishop Mvume Dandala, ac-

knowledged that the legacy of apartheid has been particu-

larly difficult to overcome in the church as people are drawn

together not necessarily because they want to be together,

but out of necessity (BBC World Service 2001).

A significant area for consideration with regard to the endur-

ing role of religion and Islam is the harmonious integration of

non-nationals into the Muslim community via the notion of

common religious expression. While mosques could play a

positive role or pivotal function in promoting the status, value,

and rights of foreigners the apartheid legacy of divided reli-

gious worship remains and impacts on non-nationals. Mus-

lims and to a certain degree mosques in post-apartheid SouthAfrica are still divided along racial lines, for instance with Col-

oured, Indian and Black Muslims/mosques, Blacks have

remained on the margins of Muslim community life (Sitoto

2002:44). The masjid(mosque) could, therefore, either nega-

tively contribute towards social isolation, racism and xeno-

phobia or positively utilise religion/Islam as an opportunity for

18 Over half of those surveyed (56%) thought that the rights guaranteedby the constitution were only for South Africans (Crush 2000:111).


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cultural sharing and integration particularly through accentuat-

ing the humanitarian/harmonising principles of equality and

human dignity. In this regard the published sermons that were

delivered around the period of the xenophobic attacks arereplete with humanitarian/harmonising aspects of equality

and human dignity in relation to the Black foreigner.

In Summarised Jumuah Bayaan: Xenophobia, the notion of

equality between locals and non-nationals or all people was

established via the ayah (Quranic verse): O people! Verily

We created you from a male and a female, and made you

into nations and tribes so that you may know one another(Q49:13). In addition to the aforementioned ayah, a hadith

(saying of the Prophet) was also cited, namely Let people

stop boasting about their ancestors. One is only a pious be-

liever or miserable sinner. All people are children of Adam,

and Adam came from dust (as narrated in Abu Dawud and

Tirmidhi). These substantiations of the equality of allpeople

were furthermore entrenched with another hadith, namelyHumanity is the family of God, the best human being is kind

to His (Gods) family (as reported in Mishkat). Humanity is

hence one society bound by a common origin and includes a

host of differences within its oneness and consequently, ex-

tending a helping hand to a foreigner is extending your hand

to your own family member (Jamiatul Ulama SA 2008b).

Similar textual examples were also included, which explicated

the egalitarian relationship between non-Muslims and Muslimnon-nationals. Although, numerous examples were forwarded

with regard to the textual status of the foreigner, as cited in

the verses of the Quran and the sayings of the Prophet,

these were merely deployed to extrapolate the notion of

equality of all people. However, the khutbahor sermon did

not illustrate how these were applicable to the lived realities of

Black, Coloured and Indian Muslims of contemporary

South Africa.


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The first sermon of Imam Omar focused mainly on the no-

tion of human dignity as ascertained in the ethical African

principle of ubuntu (I am because you are) and Quranic

concept of taaruf(getting to know the other). Here he sum-moned the same ayahor verse (Q.49:13) as above, but for

a different purpose, namely highlighting the notion of human

dignity (and not equality) by embracing the stranger as an

extension of yourself (Omar 2008:27). He further contextu-

alised the ethical concepts amidst the xenophobic attacks

and stipulated that South Africans have not yet fully imbibed

the great African ethic of ubuntu (Omar 2008:27) and simi-

larly or implicitly that Muslims have not completely internal-

ised the great Quranic concept of taaruf. In this regard he

counseled all South Africans to nurture our future genera-

tions with this ethic of ubuntu (Omar 2008:27). Once again

he was not explicit about correspondingly including Muslims

within nurturing the ethic of taaruf, that is striving to know

the other or non-nationals, and the self and, therefore, de-

velop an understanding of God.

In the second khutbahor sermon of Imam Omar the notions

of human dignity and equality were concurrently extrapo-

lated from the textual sources and emphasised (Claremont

Main Road Mosque 2008). The former was underscored in

reference to the difference of your language and col-

ours (Q.30:22), since these form part of everyones in-

herent dignity that must be respected and protected (see

note 15). While the latter was highlighted in the famous

khutbah al-wada(farewell/final sermon) of the Prophet Mu-

hammad, since an Arab has no merit over non-Arab or na-

tional has no superiority over non-national and hence all

people are equal (see note 14). Though the Islamic dis-

course as delineated above is rooted in human rights no-

tions, Imam Omar does not illustrate how these could beintegrated into a contemporary South African human rights


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culture and thereby confirm the enduring humanitarian role

of Islam in preventing xenophobic attacks on foreigners. The

magnitude and import of this observation is further vindi-

cated via the declaration of the International Organisation forMigration (IOM), that proclaimed [a] human rights approach

to address xenophobia can curb violent attacks and reverse

attitudes in South Africa (Polity 2008).

5. CONCLUSION

Regarding the rights of foreigners or non-nationals, with few

exceptions, all rights, entitlements, and obligations as pro-vided in the Bill of Rights of the South African Constitution

apply to all or everyone. When analysing the khutabor ser-

mons it was found that they did not reflect much on the hu-

manitarian attitude of Muslims toward the xenophobic

attacks on Black foreigners, apart from making appeals

based on the human dignity of non-nationals coupled with

the call to support the widespread relief aid. These appeals

were primarily expounded via the broader media. Even

though Muslims in Gauteng displayed positive attitudes to-

ward foreigners they also exhibited negative attitudes to-

ward Black non-nationals who frequent the local masajidor

mosques and, therefore, trampled on the human dignity of

Muslim Black foreigners. In the Western Cape, on the other

hand, there was a glaring distinction between the relief aid

donated and the voluntary or welfare assistance that Mus-lims provided to foreigners. Consequently, some Muslims in

the Western Cape occasionally displayed the attitude of re-

luctance to interact with Black non-nationals owing to their

unwillingness to personally assist African foreigners.

The published sermons that were delivered around the pe-

riod of the xenophobic attacks were replete with humanitar-

ian/harmonising principles of equality and human dignity inrelation to the non-national. In Gauteng numerous examples


17/21


were forwarded with regard to the textual (namely Quranic

or Hadith) status of the foreigner, but the related khutbahor

sermon did not translate these into the lived realities of

Black, Coloured, and Indian Muslims of contemporarySouth Africa. However, in the Western Cape the ethical

concepts of ubuntuor I am because you are and taarufor

getting to know the other were contextualised amidst the

xenophobic attacks. It was highlighted that South Africans

have not yet fully imbibed the great African ethic of ubuntu

and similarly or implicitly that Muslims have not completely

internalised the great Quranic concept of taaruf. In this re-

gard bold religious leadership and a broad based human

rights public education/awareness campaign in the masajid

or mosques, madarisor Islamic religious schools and media

would do much to mitigate and even prevent or curtail xeno-

phobic/racist attitudes (or reverse attitudinal dynamics) in

the Muslim community. Though the Islamic discourse, as

delineated in the khutabor sermons and media, was rooted

in human rights notions of human dignity and equality, Mus-lims did not illustrate how these could be integrated into a

contemporary South African human rights culture. Further-

more, it is also true that even though Islamic scriptural texts

are suffused with directives against racism and xenophobia,

and filled with humanitarian instructions to be compassion-

ate and inclusive, these on occasion are predisposed by the

countrys deeply divided racial history, and by the realities of

living and surviving in present-day South Africa.

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Yusuf Mataar

Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC)

Democracy & Governance Research Unit (D &G)

Private Bag X9182

Cape Town [email protected]

xenophobia in sa - mataar final 4 aug 2009

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