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i^ itsPANic NotesS tf MonographsO


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HISPANIC NOTES

HISPANIC SOCIETY


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OF AMERICA


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Digitized by tine Internet Arciiivein 2010 witii funding from

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HISPANICNOTES & MONOGRAPHSESSAYS, STUDIES, AND BRIEFBIOGRAPHIES ISSUED BY THEHISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA

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BALTASAR GRACIAN

AUBREY F. G. BELL

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OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESSHUMPHREY MILFORD1921


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PRINTED IN ENGLANDAT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

BY FREDERICK HALL

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PREFACE


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PREFACEtismo'' e Baltasar Graciaii(^2i^o\\^ 1890) ;A. Farinelli in Rcvista critica^ vol. i(1896); K. Borinski, Baltasar Gracianufiddie Hofliteratur t?t )eiiischla?id {HsiWe,1894) ; N. J. de Linan y Heredia, Bal-tasar Gracian (Madrid, 1902); A. Morel-Fatio, Cours du College de France^ icfog-io,sur les moralistes espagnols du XVII'Steele et en particulier sur Baltasar Gracianin Bulletin Hispanique^ vol. xii (19 10),pp. 201-4, 330-4; A. Morel-Fatio, listechrojiologiquedes lettres de Baltasar Graciandont Vexistence a ete signalee in BulletinHispanique^ vol. xii (19 10), pp. 204-6;A. Morel-Fatio, Gracian interprete parSchopenhauer^ in Bulletin Hispanique^ vol.xii (1910), pp. 337-407 ; A. Coster, Sur^icne Contrefacoii de Vedition de El Heratde i6jg, in Revue Hispaniqtte, vol. xxiii(1910), p. 594; V. Brouillier^ Notes surrOraculo Manual in Bulletin Hispajiique^vol. xiii (19 it), pp. 316-36 ; Azori'n,pseud. [J. Martinez Ruiz]^ Baltasar Gracianin Lecturas Espaiiolas (191 2), pp. 65-71A. Coster, Baltasar Gracian, i6oi-j8j in

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BALTASAR GRACIANRevue Hispaniquey vol. xxix (19 13),'PP- 347-752 ; A. Bonilla y San Martin,Un mamiscrito inedito del siglo xvi, condos cartas autografas de B. G. in Revistacritica hispano-ainericajia^ vol. ii (19 16),pp. 121-35; A. Reyes, El Suicida(Madrid, 1917), pp. 84-6.

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BALTASAR GRACIAN(1601-1658)

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Gracian (i) died thirteen years after! Quevedo, and eight years before the Portu-guese Dom Francisco Manuel de Mello.They are the three great prose-writersof the Peninsula in the seventeenth cen-

, tury. Baltasar Jeronimo Gracian y Moraleswas born on January 8, i6or, at Belmonte,not the birthplace of Fray Luis de Leon,but a village in the neighbourhood ofCalatayud and of Bilbilis, the birthplaceof Martial. If it be true that betie vixitquibe?ie /(?/////, Gracian's life was exemplary,since little is known about it. He appearsto have been brought up by an uncle atToledo, and at the age of eighteen entered

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the Company of Jesus. Later he taughtScripture, the Humanities, Theology, andPhilosophy in various Jesuit colleges,principally, perhaps, in that of Calatayud.He evidently taught with success, andwon the respect of his superiors, for in1642 he was promoted to become Rectorof the Jesuit College at Tarragona. FromApril 1640 to July 1641 he was at Madrid,so that he was not in Catalonia during thewar in which Tarragona was captured inDecember 1640, and in which Mello tookpart. He may, however, have met Melloearlier in the year at Madrid. UnlikeMello's, his life appears to have beenpeaceful and uneventful till the year of hisdeath (1658). In that year the publicationof the third part (1657) of El Criticonbrought him into trouble with his superiors.Although it was not published under theauthor's name, it would seem that theProvincial of the Jesuits had admonishedGraeian, after the appearance of the secondpart in 1655, not to proceed with thework. Graeian, however, who had suc-

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rBALTASAR GRACIAnceeJed in publishing the first two parts,

I and who rightly considered the third thebest and the necessary crown and com-pletion of his work^ appears to have been

I as determined as was another Jesuit, PadreIsla, a century later, with his Fray Ge-rimdio, that it should see the light withoutdelay, or at least suffered himself to bepersuaded by his friends. The Provincial,angered by this act of disobedience, pub-licly reprimanded Padre Gracian, inflictedon him the humiliation of fasting on breadand water, deprived him of the Chair ofScripture, and ordered him to retire toGraus (2). The General of the Orderapproved these severities, and furtherordered that Padre Gracian's rooms shouldbe visited from time to time, that heshould be allowed to keep nothing underlock and key, and while under arrestshould be denied the use of pen^ ink, orpaper. Gracian felt this punishmentkeenly, perhaps even bitterly resented it,land he requested that he might be trans-ferred to an order of monks or mendicant

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BALTASAR GRACIANwhich he does not understand and to givehis opinion about that of which he has noknowledge or concern, he at once becomesa vulgar plebeian {Jiouibre vulgaryplebeyo .For the common crowd {e/ viilgo) is butan assembly of presumptuous, ignorantpersons who the less they understand ofa matter the more will they talk about it ',and they bestow their admiration andblame without understanding or know-ledge. The politic man {el huen politico)is careful to guide el viilgo whither he

]wishes, and if it be asked whether there

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be any who wish for the applause of thecrowd and 'care to rule the masses', theanswer is that there are many such loversof popularity, eager for the favour of the

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mob, which they court with works coarse-;(grained and superficially attractive {obras\gniesas y plausibks). Gracian wrote{ostensibly for a smaller circle. In thepreface to his El Coniulgatofio, a briefreligious treatise of which any authormight well be proud, he declares that it isthe only one of his children which he

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recognizes as legitimate ; that is, he ad-mitted the authorship of his other works,but professed to be a Httle ashamed ofthem. Very different, we may be surewould be the view of his writings expressedto his intimate friends, such as Lastanosa,the celebrated numismatist of Huesca,who published Gracian's works withouthis consent, although perhaps not againsthis will (4). He wrote for the few, butwould not have been sorry that the manyshould applaud what he had written. Hisplace, however, was in the study ; for himthere was no pleasure like that of ' readingin a select library' (5), hungrily devouringthe wise and ingenious books of all nations,or that of 'a learned and discreet con-versation with three or four intelligentfriends, and not more, for with more all isnoise and confusion. Pleasant conversa-tion is the feast of the understanding, thedelight of the soul, the relief of the heart,the crown of learning, the life of friend-ship, and the noblest employment forman ' (6). In this world of books Gracian's

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BALTASAR GRACIAn htreatises in the twentieth century (7).Against this pessimism Gracian has only'to offer his theory of the heroic : eminentmen, a Michelangelo, a Titian, Gongorajor Quevedo, are not well appreciated intheir lifetime, but they begin to live whenthey die ; and those who would win theirway into the heart of immortality must besoldiers on earth, taking for their watch-words high virtue and heroic valour, andever perfecting themselves in the light ofan ideal which may not, indeed cannot beunderstood by the world. Gracian hadno belief in the progress and gradual per-fection of the human race, but in everyage a few individuals might reasonablyaspire to greatness.

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IIIAmong Gracian's modern traits is his

delight in psychological analysis. Hestudies men, both as individuals and ingroups and nations. His remarks on thevarious countries of Europe betray muchacuteness and careful observation. Out-side Spain his preference is for Portugal,while France and Germany are judgedthe most unfavourably. He seems to have

I been greatly struck by the appearance of theEnglish. They are as fair of body as uglyof soul (heretics). Spain has riches, France.numbers, England beauty. The face ofI

Europe is fair in England, grave in Spain,! spirited in France, discreet in Italy, coolin Germany, fringed with curls in Sweden,placid in Poland, effeminate in Greece,and frowning in Muscovy. When the

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14 BALTASAR GRACIANand the Devil. Beware above all thatthe fox see you not, for he will say straight-way : "A fair exterior but no brains!"'In the Cage of All Men the English arein a very merry section, as being vanos(vain, empty), which is 'the defect ofbeauty '. Yet elsewhere these desvanecidosare spoken of as ' the most prudent Englishnation '. In England one must bewareof perfidias (was it from Gracian thatNapoleon derived his idea of perfideAlbionT) as one must guard againstmaliciousness in Spain, meanness inFrance, vulgarity in Germany, and trickeryin Italy.

Gracian's analysis of Spain entails, asmust ever be the case, division intoregions. The Andalusians talk much anddo little, the Aragonese are prudent butdense and obstinate, the Valencians fickle,the Galicians spiritless, the Navarresequick to take offence, the Catalans aregood friends of their friends, the men ofEstremadura and La ]\Iancha are brave,the Castilians generous, even lavish.

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haughty, honourable {Jiombres de die/i) and,above all, susia?idales. The last epithetmust not be taken to mean materialistrather it implies a Greek sense of propor-tion, with a splendid solidity added. OfSpain, taken as a whole, the chief charac-teristic is pride and magnificence. Prideand presumption dwell there among noblesand peasants alike. They are osteiitosospor iiaturakza, ostentosos por siiperioridad.Their houses have many coats of arms ontheir walls, but not a penny within, Thereis no common people {vulgd) in Spain asin other nations. They do not stoop toindustry. Accordingly Spain ' is to-dayas God made her, her inhabitants havedone nothing to improve her, apart fromthe little accomplished by the Romans.Her mountains are proud and untamed asat the beginning, her innavigable riversfollow their natural course, their water hasnot been canalized to make fertile thedesert places, the land is untilled, andindustry has achieved nothing.' Thedryness of the climate breeds in the

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BALTASAR GRACIAnSpaniards a melancholy gravity. It isa mountainous and therefore unproductivecountry, but healthy. Its inhabitantshave extraordinary virtues and vices. Theyare very spirited {bizarros\ even haughtyand impatient. They are rather sensiblethan ingenious ; brave but slow ; generous,sober in eating and drinking, not in dress ;they are not very patriotic, and improvewhen transplanted. They are reasonable,but somewhat obstinate, not very devout,but devoted to their religion. Gracilnapproves the Spanish tardatiza {Jiartopresto si harto bie?i) as compared with theFrench impetuosity. These two nationsare fundamentally opposed to one anotherin dress, food, walking and talking, char-acter and talents, and 'a Frenchmangrafted on a Spaniard is the worst blendof all '. The French are gay, nimble,restless ; they do not write as they speak,nor act as they say, and for love of moneythey will undertake the vilest offices andhire themselves out as slaves. Do theynot walk barefoot with their shoes under

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BALTASAR GRACIANIguese who is either a fool or a coward,two clear proofs of their descent fromUlysses, and if they hyperbolically exalttheir own deeds and their country, andcan never forget the victorious bakeressof AlJLibarrota, they may justly claim thatthere must be some smoke where there ismuch fire. They are fond of music,sensible, courtly, talented, intelligent, con-tented with themselves, and full of admira-tion for the world in general. The Ger-mans are thick of speech, vulgar, slovenly, Igluttonous. Some of them, it is true^ havebeen drunk but once ; in their case, how-jever, the drunkenness lasted a lifetime.!For every Spaniard drunk you will see ahundred Frenchmen and four hundredGermans. You will as easily discover ahumble Spaniard or a grave and tranquilFrenchman as an abstemious German.The abundance of her resources onlyserves to minister to furious Germany'sceaseless wars. They are the largest, butnot the greatest men in Europe. Theyhave little heart and no soul, great strength

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BALTASAR GRACIANbut no spirit. Their language is ancientbut barbarous, and if they have skilledartificers, they have no eminent men oflearning. Gracian, although subtle inmany of these remarks, does not alwayssucceed in his psychological epigrams, andlike all generalizations about peoples, theyare often both true and false ; but fromtime to time he hits off a whole nationadmirably in a single phrase.

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BALTASAR GRACIAN: flatters the ear, whereas the dryness of ametaphysical idea tortures and vexes it ',

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land he will really always have one eye onappearances. Eminence is not enoughwithout the art of winninsr esteem, and the

Ihero will be wise to throw a sop to theenvious criticismo of Spain and commitsome foolish action of trivial import iniorder not to appear too perfect. It may

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be objected that perfection rarely descends'from Heaven in human form, and whenjit is realized what greatness requires of itsvotary, it will be seen that comparatively fewpersons will have to resort to this ' ring ofjPolycrates ' policy. A bold magnificence,a natural superiority, and a sublime sym-pathy are among the hero's most usefulgifts. He must be large-hearted, mustemulate great men of the past, must excel,'since many mediocrities do not makeone greatness', choosing, if possible, anuntrodden path. He must accuratelygauge his fortune, so as to be able to leaveit before it leaves him, must never layclaim to great gifts, always have the

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artifice to hide all artifice, and must train]his taste to a severe and critical difficultyof satisfaction, since 'he who praises over-'much mocks either himself or others'.'He must unite acuteness with courage,!industry with natural talent, intelligence'with will-power ; he must dominate or dis-semble his desires, must be master ofhimself and so of everything, must dis-cover and develop his true bent, and,above all, a thought constantly recurringunder various guises, he must hold himselfand his faculties in reserve, and mustknow how to renew his greatness. Lastly,and as if by an afterthought, he is remindedthat greatness is based upon virtue, andthat to be a hero of the world is little ornothing, but to be a hero of Heaven ismuch. The work is illustrated by a few-historical anecdotes, told with clearnessand point, such as that of the Portuguese:jeweller and Philip II, or of the King and'Diego Perez de Vargas.El Politico D. Fcrimiido el Catolico(1640) gives, in the career and character

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BALTASAR GRACIAn 23of the husband of Isabella the Catholic,Gracidn's ideal of the perfect and absoluteprince, with many comments and illustra-tions from ancient and modern history.An index of the work would be almost aslong as the work itself. It opens w4thRomulus and others on the plea that thedeeds of founders are usually prodigious,and ends with a formidable catalogue ofeminent princes, Manuel I of Portugalcheek byjowl with the Antonines, CharlesVjostled by Moslem rulers. This extensionis necessarily made at the expense ofdepth, and despite some acute remarksthe treatise tantalizes rather than satisfiesthe reader.

Gracian's next published work was along book entitled Arte de I?ige?u'o, Tratadode Agiideza (1642) (9). It consists ofsixty-three 'discourses ', and contains theliterary theory of the conceptistas, explaining' all the modes and differences of concepts '.It is illustrated with a wealth of interestingquotations from Spanish, Latin, Portu-guese, and Italian poets. It is in this

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BALTASAR GRACiAnI 25de la abstracdou). Agudeza is the linkbetween pure mind and the objects, itmints abstract intelligence into usefulcurrency, and harmoniously interrelatestwo or more objects. It may take manyforms, and even plays on words are notforbidden, provided that they have afoundation of thought. {Disciirso ^i dealswith agiideza nouiinal^ and one of theinstances given is Di Ana eres DianaWhat, he asks, would Augustine be without his subtleties, Ambrose without hisemphasis, IMartial without his wit, Horacewithout his maxims ? Without the inspira-tion of wit [sin alma de agudeza) ailtera-nisnio is ' a tedious, empty, useless affecta-tion ', and the well-worn metaphors of sun,eagle, flower, vulgar ineptitudes ; he con-demns the preachers who abandon thesubstance of the Scriptures for cold alle-gories and hackneyed metaphors. Gracianwill have antitheses, paradoxes, and meta-phors in plenty, but he insists that theyshould be not dry sticks, but the natural-unnatural growth of the tree ot thought.

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B A L T A S A R G R A C I A XSpanish language '. To the interest takenby Schopenhauer in this work (his transla-tion was published posthumously atLeipzig in 1862) was primarily due themodern research concerning Gracicin'slife and works which has borne goodfruit in the treatises of Karl Borinskiin Germany, Signor Benedetto Croceand Signor Arturo F'arinelli in Italy,and M. Alfred Morel-Fatio and M.Adolphe Coster in France. JNI. ]\Iorel-Fatio has shown that Schopenhauer'sversion is far from flawless, and hasemphasized the need of caution in trans-lating an author who gives an esotericmeaning to some of his words. The diffi-cult confusion of the Ordculo is increasedby the fact that its three hundred maximsare ill arranged and contain some repeti-tions, while many of them can be betterunderstood by reference to the chaptersof El He'roe and El Discreto from whichthey are derived. Others may have beentaken from lost works by Gracian entitledEl Varon Atento and El Galante (if these

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BALTASAR GRACiAnbooks were ever written). The Ordculois in fact a summary, somewhat looselyput together and occasionally contra-dictory. For instance, the prudent manjis to be commonplace in nothing {e7i ?tada\vulgar); he should not make himself tooeasily intelligible, since men admire whatthey do not understand ; he is to be vexedif his words and deeds {siis cosas) pleaseall men, for this is a sure sign of their

j little worth; yet he is exhorted to talk toall men in their language, to speak withthe voice of common folly in the market-place (12), and not to be alone in con-demning what pleases the many. Theonly means of being popular is to don theskin of the ass. He is to avoid familiarity[excusar llaiieza de trato), yet adapt him-self to all men {Jiacerse a todos) He is tobe superior, singular, yet we are told,almost in the words of Santa Teresa, thatsingularity ' is always hateful ', ^ is alwayscondemned ', ' is to condemn others '.But one must remember that there is anelement of paradox in all things, and that

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BALTASAR GRACIANan inevitable dualism runs through allGracian's work : that of the pure idea andof its application in the world. The needof genio and ijigeiiio and of reservationare expounded at the very outset of theOrdculo. One should have an ideal butadapt oneself to circumstances. Neverlay all your cards on the table nor makeknown your desires, since they will meetwith opposition or flattery, and the crushedorange changes from gold to mud {710descubrir toda su perfeccion de una vezIkvar siis cosas con suspension'. Yet whilekeeping his inner perfection unspottedfrom the world, the prudent man willdevelop it diligently in secret. He mustrealize his true vocation and learn fromexperience. ' All men make mistakes, butthe wise man conceals his past errors,and the fool those which he is about tocommit.' (On this principle the sixteenth-century Spanish judge had the old menexecuted for their crimes and the young

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for the crimes of which they would haveibeen guilty had they lived.) Talent with-

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BALTASAR GRACIAnout diligence will avail little and ' medio-crity with application attains more thansuperiority without'. Some of the maximsare excellent, as ' All that is natural hasalways been more pleasing than the arti-ficial ', ' A grain of good sense is worthmore than tons of subtlety', 'Continual'wit is a serious defect', 'One should notbecome paradoxical in order to avoid thecommonplace'; and Gracian's readersmay regret that he did not always followthem. Others have a casuistic and indeeda cynical character, although some ofthem appear more so at first sight than!they may prove on closer inspection or bycomparison with parallel passages. Theprudent man in his dealings with theworld is certainly an opportunist andmasquerades as a fox when he cannotmasquerade as a lion. What causes goodwill he is to do himself, but what evokeshatred he carries out through another.He must not inflict irreparable harm onothers for his own benefit, but he willshun the unfortunate, although always

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rBALTASAR GRACIAnwilling to share his own misfortunes, since* solitude doubles and makes them intoler-able'. He will think with the few andvote with the many, and will make avirtue of dissimulation. It is thereforewith something of a shock that one findsin the last maxim of all the brief exhorta-tion ' and in a word, holy '. The pre-ceding precepts might make an accom-plished man of the world, but wouldscarcely conduce to any but a very abstractsaintliness. Involuntarily one is remindedof the di/igenaa-driver who, after crawlingmany a weary league, whips up his horsesto enter the town in fine style at the endof the journey. The Ordcido containsmuch ingenuity and some real thought,and, although it has been excessivelypraised, is far from deserving to be castaside as a mere essay in obscurity or asa string of commonplaces dressed up inthe meretricious plumes of paradox. ElComulgatorio (1555) (13) appeared be-tween the second and third parts of ElCriticon, as though to propitiate Gracian's

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BALTASAR GRACIANecclesiastical censors. It consists of fiftybrief meditations founded on passages ofthe Old and New Testament as a prepara-tion for the Holy Communion. It isexcellent in matter and style, and theauthor's restraint is shown by the fact thateven in dealing with the subject of Marthaand Mary he refrains from antithesis.Besides these prose works, a poem entitledSelvas del Ano (1668) is ascribed toGracian. If it be his, it only shows that,like Quevedo and Mello, he was no poet,and that poetry is more dependent thanprose on a touch of nature, and may bekilled by artificeof thought {conceptismo)or verbal [adteranismd).

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The essence of Gracian may be con-'tained in the Ordculo AIa?iual, but hisilongest and his best work is El Criticon.(1651-7) (t4), and it is this which willalways be most widely read and on whichhis fame will ultimately rest. By com-parison with the Ordculo it makes veryeasy reading, its style is simple andstraightforward, with a conciseness whichis rarely allowed to border on obscurity.It is the life history of two friends, Critiloand Andrenio, who are also father and;son. Andrenio is suckled by a wild beastand brought up in an inaccessible cave ona small island (St. Helena). The earthquakes and he finds himself free, and sees'for the first time 'the greatness, beauty,harmony, strength and variety of thecreated world ', which custom stales to ouri

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BALTASAR GRACIAXtheir youth under the guidance of theirnatural inch'nation, which destroys mostof them before they can be saved byReason. The two friends go searchingfor men and meet a centaur who tellsthem that the race of eminent men inarms and letters is perishing, and bidsthem, sarcastically but indeed propheti-cally, look for modern heroes in the air(men of vain presumption). He leadsthem to the principal square of a city,which they find full not of men but oflions, tigers, leopards, basilisks, wolves,bulls, panthers, many foxes, serpents,dragons. Here presents go to the rich,the poor are neglected, the wise are de-spised, the foolish and ignorant are placedin authority, the wicked are exalted, thegood abased. Falsehood is held in highhonour, but Truth is beaten and cast out.A judge condemns a mosquito to bedrawn and quartered, but takes off hishat to a criminal elephant. The soldiersprolong war as being their livelihood.They now continue their journey, but meet

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BALTASAR GRACIANI 39lady (Delight) with a crowd of otherpersons of all degrees, bound by desires,and are taken to the Inn of the World.This has a magnificent front entrance,but its back is miserable and gloomy.Critilo who, unlike Andrenio, went roundto look at the back, succeeds in rescuinghis friend from this dangeious abode,into which men go singing and come outin tears. They at length reach Madrid,where they are taken in, literally andmetaphorically, by the enchantress Falsi-rena. With the assistance of Egenio, theman with six senses, Critilo searches forAndrenio, whom Falsirena has carried offwhile Critilo was away on an excursion tovisit the Escorial. They hunt for himthrough the capital and court. They findbeasts of burden, laden with silver and gold,parrots, dogs, monkeys, and other victimsof modern Circes. When they have atlast discovered and set free Andrenio, thethree proceed to the great Fair of theWorld and examine its wares, such assilence, experience, and patience.

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VIIn Part II (1653) Critilo and Andrenio

are advancing up the hill of life, in theautumn of man's age. They meet hundred-eyed Argus. They find shade and refresh-ment by the way, furnished by Plato,Seneca, and other wise men of old. Theyarrive at the large custom-house of life,where all are examined before being admit-ted to manhood. Some are here severelyre()rimanded for having books of poetryand novels, and one is even caught inpossession ofa romance of chivalry. Theyask if they may read the authors who hadwritten against these books, but Prudenceanswers that in no wise shall this bepermitted since these reformers had onlysubstituted one folly for another. Cardsand whistling, good only for the French,

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BALTASAR GRACiAnare also sternly forbidden, but one maylisten to a Portuguese playing the guitarso long as one does not play it oneself.Argus then conducts them to a pass fromwhich all life is seen outspread, the worldfrom end to end and all the centuries.Thence they descry Rome and Venice,Toledo, which looks as if it were threaten-ing the heavens, the palace of the Louvre{Lobero) and other famous places. Theythen visit the palace of the discreetSalastano, a great collector of recordsand relics of heroes and celebrities. Theynow cross the Pyrenees into France, andby means of a golden club, more effi-cacious than Hercules's club of wood,succeed in entering the City of Gold.They soon escape from its snares and goto the gleaming palace of the wise QueenSofisbella. ' Here various poets andhistorians and moral philosophers, begin-ning with Seneca, are discussed ; butwhile Critilo is examining the treasures oflearning, Andrenio takes the path of follyand visits the Square of the Common

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People, where there is much talk indefault of knowledge. The descriptionhas a singularly modern air. Andrenio be-comes quite indignant and asks why theseignorant clod-hoppers should concernthemselves with matters about which theyknow nothing. ' They came upon a groupwhich was governing the world. One wasdevising ways and means, another waspublishing decrees ; they fostered trade,they reduced expenditure. "This," saidAndrenio, "must be the Parliament, itcan't be anything else, just listen howthey talk." "What they chiefly lack,"said the Wise Man, "is good sense. Theyare all men who after mismanaging theirprivate affairs attempt to manage affairs ofState/' " ^Miserable canaii/e,''^ exclaimedAndrenio. " How came they to meddlein the art of governing?" "Here, yousee," said the Serpent Man, "all air theiropinions " {(ia?i sii voto\^ although, as theWise Man says thoughtfully, they seem toknow more of the bota than of the voto^to have more spirit than sense (15). There

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BALTASAR GRACIAN 43were many other groups, in which all weregrumbhng about the Government. Critilomeanwhile has arrived at the glass stepsjot" the palace of Fortune. The first stepI is the difficulty, and it is only mounted by! the help of Favour, who extends his handI

to the ignorant, fraudulent, liars, andI

flatterers. But Andrenio is discoveredto be already on the top of the steps andhe gives a helping hand to the less fortu-nate Critilo. 1 hey find Fortune not blindbut grave and serene, with piercing eyes.She defends herself from the world's accu-sation of blindly scattering her gifts. Thesimple truth is that her hands are not herown. They belong to two princes, ofChurch and State. She summons Money,Posts, and Honours, and they excusethemsel\-es by pointing out that the un-deserving have a hundred ways of winningthem which are denied to the virtuous.Fortune then shows that her gifis, in alltheir apparent injustice, are most accu-raitely weighed in the balance of herattendant Equity, so that, for instance,

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BALTASAR GRAClAx | 47the efforts required to scale the heightsof worldly honour and their insecurity,Critilo is inclined to renounce them assour grapes, but they are helped up bya wonderful shadow. They come to afountain, after drinking of which the ambi-tious forget their friends. After narrowlyescaping from the terrible monster Envy,they watch the world's innumerable mad-men in their several cages, and only escapebeing lynched by them owing to a friendlygiant blowing a powerful blast on the hornof Truth, whereupon the crowd of theirpersecutors turn tail and flee.

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VIIThe two pilgrims at length in part III

(1657) approach the ruinous palace ofOld Age (Vegecia), into which the vigilantporters receive Andrenio by the door ofhorrors and Critilo by the door of honours.Later they come to the Cave of Pleasurein which men try to drown old age. Here(they are now in Germany) wine reignssupreme and gives birth to heresy^ slander,avarice, envy, and other evils. On theirway to the Kingdom of Truth they are'met by a multitude fleeing, but push for-ward and enter the kingdom. When, how-'ever, Truth gives birth to a son (Hatred),!even Critilo is carried away in the generalstampede. They spend much time inlistening to Disillusion deciphering the,world's paradoxes and sophistries. They^are discussing the world and its ways when

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BALTASAR GRACIAn ' 49Andrenio is carried off by a centaur to a|doorless palace in which men mostly be-!come invisible in the sense that theythrow stones and conceal the hand thatthrew them or compose verses for othersto recite. Critilo penetrates into the,palace by the help of a keen-sighted,'hundred-eyed friend, who lets in a ray oflight: the palace vanishes, and Andrenioand Critilo set out for the Court of Wis-dom, the former adopting the simplicityof a dove, the latter the cunning of aserpent. They can only reach theirdestination, however^ when they allow'their two extremes to meet. They comeiupon a crier forbidding or ingeniouslymodifying many proverbs (some sixtyexamples are given). They then proceed

|

towards Rome and Felisinda and discover!two men fighting, and, moreover, thatthey themselves are the subject of theirquarrel, one of the men wishing to guidethem to the region of light and immor-tality, the other to the region of quietnessand rest. They choose the former and


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B A L T A S A R G R A C I A Xfind a palace in which Pride reigns, withpresumption, ceremony, and sloth. Theynext come to the Cave of Nothingness^into which pours a stream of cities, courts,

I

and kingdoms, palaces, books, many great,men, beauty, nobility, helped into thedreadful cave by sloth and vice. Amongthe books thrown in are cold novels, fan-tastic dreams, bad plays, and the majorityof the Spanish historians, held unworthyof the heroic deeds of Spain. They nowarrive at Rome, and after a discussion onthe nature of happiness are informed thatFelisinda, wife of Critilo and mother ofAndrenio, is no longer on earth, but thatthey will find her m heaven if they knowhow to deserve such a reward by theirconduct in their earthly pilgrimage. Fromthe highest of the seven hills of Romethey are shown the whole world and allthat has ever happened or ever will happen,the future being but a reflection and repeti-tion of the past. The world's fashionspass before them, those of dress, language,and others, in all their changing absurdity.

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BALTASAR GRACIAnalthough they dwell in the island, are fainjto cover their faces with their hands. Thebest passports are the sweat of heroes andjthe midnight oil. The two pilgrims suc-|Ceed in entering, but if any wish to knowwhat they found there, he must take theroad of virtue and heroic valour.Such is the framework of this remark-able and instructive work, this SpanishPilgrim s Pi-9gress completed twenty-oneyears before the first edition (1678) ofBunyan's book. It is filled in with ahost of ingenious observations and strikingphrases, and if its philosophy is not asprofound as the author or one or two ofhis more fervent admirers might claini; itcertainly contains more of interesting andskilfully presented matter than those whohave not read it would imagine. Thestyle is only occasionally cidte7-aiw. Asa rule he resists the temptation to indulgein such sentences as the following (inPart III): ' todo se lo lleva el viento : elagua que fue y el vino que vino ; el solno es solo ni la luna es una,' but ])hrases

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B A L T A S A R G R A C I A Nsuch as ta)itos y tontos, cargo y cargawill occur, phrases usually, it will be

I

noticed, full of thought. His vocabularyI

is pure and extensive, his sentences brief,; vigorous, and without false rhetoric. TheI

work grows in interest and unity, and helis justified in his claim to have made thesecond part better (less bad, he modestlysays) than the first, and the third betterthan the second. As a whole the workmust ever be regarded as one of themasterpieces of Spanish literature.

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BALTASAR GRACIAnHe must have studied Juan Luis Vives(1492-1540), who held that 'the people isa grand master in teaching how to err'and that 'the opinions of the crowd areharmful because its judgement of thingsis exceedingly absurd ', and other philo-sophic writers who wrote in Latin in thesixteenth century, such as Sebastian FoxMorcillo and Francisco Sanchez. Heowed something, no doubt, among others,to Benito Arias Montano in his I?istruc-ciSn de Frincipcs, to Pedro de Riva-deneyra in his Tratado de la Religion yVirtiides que dene te?ier el Principe Chris-tiano (1595), to the exclusively religiouswriter Juan Marquez in his.^/ Gover-nador Christia?to (161 2), to Antonio deGuevara in his Relox de Principes (1529),to Juan Huarte de Sant Juan's Exaine?ide Ingenios (1575), in its psychology andin its poor opinion of women. He gleanedsomething from Mateo Aleman, from LaCelesfi?ia, which he mentions, and fromCervantes, whom he affected to despise.Above all he was influenced by Saavedra

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BALTASAR GRACIANunder a debt to Rodriguez Lobo's Coriena Aldea (1619), to which he promisedan eternity of fame, and he had read Sa deMiranda and 'the immortal Camoes ' (i8j.He must have been acquainted with theDitos da Freira (1555) of Dona Joana daGama, with the Taiipo de Agora (1622) ofMartim Afonso de Miranda, and especially with the Imagem da Vida Christam(1563, 1572) of Frei Heitor Pinto, whohad made some stir in Spain. Menendezy Pelayo drew attention to the close simi-larity between the opening of El Criticonand that of the Autodidacto of Abentofail(t 1 185), while at the same time hepointed out that the latter work was notpublished till twenty years after the first'part of El Criticon. In any case thesimilarity concerns little more than an ex-ternal incident, and does not connect ElCriticon in the person of Andrenio muchmore closely with Abentofail's work thanit is connected in the person of ship-wrecked Critilo with Daniel Defoe'sRobinson Crusoe {1719)-

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BALTASAR GRACIANcultcra)ios in having something to say,but as a result of this theory of compres-sion it may be doubted if he will everfind a very large number of readers. Herequires the reader's concentrated atten-tion, and as a rule proves himselfworthy of it; sometimes, however, thenut when cracked is found to be empty,and then the reader is naturally indignant.Many passages, indeed the greater part ofEl Criiicon and El Connilgalorio, provethat Gracian could write in a prose whichfor clearness and variety has not oftenbeen surpassed and which fascinatesreaders by its vigorous simplicity. Tothe question why he did not always sowrite many answers might be given. It iswell to bear in mind the following attri-bute of his 'discreet' man, as showingthat Gracian was quite capable of wilfulobscurity : ' He should not make his ideastoo easily intelligible. Most men esteemthat which they do not understand andadmire that which passes their compre-hension. A thing must be difficult inHISPANIC NOTES


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BALTASAR GRACIAXorder to be esteemed, and he will be;praised when he is not understood.';Moreover there was the prevailing taste

i

of the time which might occasionally mis-lead even the severest minds and which,to judge from a considerable number ofJesuit writers in Spain and Portugal (oneof whom, Antonio Vieira (1608-97), hadattained fame as a preacher before Gra-cian's death), and from splendid churchesin which scarcely a square yard is leftwithout ornament, the Jesuits found con-genial. Nature in their view required anintellectual heightening, the improvementand adornment provided by art. iVv? haybelleza sin ayuda, says Ciracian. Accord-ing to this doctrine the fair flowers of thefield would have to be regarded as de-scendants of artificially cultivated ances-tors. It must be remembered, however,that Gracian is chiefly concerned withman. To the question what is beauty?he would probably have answered : keen-ness. He admits that ' the natural isalways more pleasing than the artificial '

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BALTASAR GRACIAnhe praises, as we have seen, ' naturaleloquence ', he acknowledges the incom-parable beauty of the created world.To the unsophisticated Andrenio theworks of God are ' herrlich wie am erstenTag '. But perfection loses by beingdaily seen ' : man's perceptions are soonblunted, and it therefore becomes neces-sary to stimulate and renew them. ' Wepass from life to death without noticingthe beauty and perfection of the universe, Ibut the wise turn back and renew their,pleasure, contemplating each object withia fresh observation, if not with new sight.'

j

The writer is to effect this renewal for the,pleasure and instruction of others. In'discussing why the stars were not set in'regular lines, 'which would have been,a very agreeable sight and a most brilliantartifice ', Gracian declares that this arrange-ment would have been affected and uni-form : Met that be reserved for the toysof art and childish man [la Jmmananiueriay. Men admire thincrs not fortheir grandeur but for their novelty. What

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66 BALTASAR GRACIAnde potenda\ the artist must be ever on thevatch and is engaged in an unceasingstruggle. The strain on him is twofold,for he must leave no square yard un-adorned for Nature to force her way in,and he must also strive persistently torealize his ideal, since ' the works of Natureall come to perfection and then begin todeteriorate, whereas the works of art rarelyattain a point at which they cannot beimproved '. Since, however, the adorningprocess must proceed without ceasing, andsince violencias de siiigularidad are particu-larly forbidden, there is an obvious dangerof monotony and weariness. In Gracian'sstyle, even apart from such phrases as' las sedas y damascos fueron ascos ', thereare signs of the relentless struggle againstthe commonplace (20), and it occasionallyfalls into a surfeit of fanciful conceits.

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Yet it may plausibly be upheld that thegreatest service rendered to Spanish litera-ture by Gracian, keen satirist and ingeniousthinker and humorist as he was, con-sists not in the realm of political ormoral thought but, paradoxical as thismay appear to those who dismiss him asa decadent or gongorist, in having freedprose style from rhetoric, sluggishness, andsuperlatives (one of the maxims of theOrdado is no hablarpor superlativos), andendowed it with an admirable vigour andrestraint. According to the Canon ofHuesca,who licensedEl Discreto,QjX2i


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68 BALTASAR GRACIANexuberance are always under strict con-trol. Abroad, where his influence hasbeen mainly exercised (21), it was feltrather as that of a political thinker andmoral philosopher. His thought was oftenbetrayed in translation, and a brilliant butsomewhat unmethodical thinker mighteasily become strangely metamorphosedin the hands of French theory or Germansystem. It is improbable that he exercisedany marked influence on the thought ofItalydirectly, at least : the modernistmovement which found expression ulti-mately in Giuseppe Parini and VittorioAlfieri came from France (22). It isequally improbable that he influencedJohn Bunyan, whose Pilgrim's Progresswas in fact published three years beforethe English translation of El Criticon.El Criticon lacks that simple humanitywhich gives a more fundamental and im-posing solemnity to Bunyan"s book,making it a work for all mankind, whereasGracian's great allegory of human lifeis, in its bitterness, for intellectual man-

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BALTASAR GRACIANmeaningless. If the writings of Gracianhimself are apt to be unsatisfying, it isnot from any lack of intellectual capacityon his part, but perhaps because he fails torealize that man is lord also of the concepto^and that human nature may be studiedelsewhere than in crowds and cities or in alibrary, ^^'ith all his interest in man^ thereis something a little cold, abstract, and in-human in his flashing epigrams and paradoxes. Quevedo is more personal, desul-tory, cynical,and picaresque, evengrotesqueand brutal, not eschewing violencias desmgidaridad. His laughter is louder, hishumour less subtle. Mello is more hu-mane and literary, his method is morehistorical, his philosophy more practicaland social, less concerned with the appli-cation of an ideal or Platonic idea. Inhis truly Spanish gallardia de espiriiu^ touse his own phrase, Gracian was worthy oftheir friendship, and in all his writings herises nobly above a dull and sordidmaterialism. Whether we set him aboveor on an equality with those two great

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BALTASAR GRACIAnwriters, or, because he gives off an occa-sional penetrating light from his glitteringbrilliance rather than a steady human glowof heat, immediately below them, he mustalways have a prominent place, both asthinker and stylist, in the literature of theseventeenth century and of the world.

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NOTES n

NOTES(i) Gracianus (= Garcia). In the six-

teenth century there was a printer JuanGracian at Alcala and the mystic writerFray Jeronimo Gracian as well as Philip II'ssecretary.

(2) 'from Zaragoza', says the letter of theGeneral of the Jesuits.

(3) El Criticon, Part II. cr. v.(4) They were published under the name

of Lorenzo Gracian. The first part of ElCriiicon appeared under the transparentanagram Garcia de Marlones. The directpersonal note is rare in Gracian's work, butin El Arte de higefiio he mentions several ofhis brothers by name. Lorenzo is not amongthem, and he may have been a more distantrelative, or he may never have existed.

(5) El Criiicon, Part II, cr. iv.(6) Ibid., Part III. cr. xii.(7) Goethe had already written in 1787:

je mehr ich die Welt sehe, desto wenigerkann ich hoffen dass die Menschheit je eine

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NOTESweise, kluge, gliickliche Masse werdenkonne.'

(8) Eng. tr. London, 1652.(9) In later editions the order is reversedand the title runs Agicdezay Arte de Ingefiio.

, For a criticism of this work see M. Menendezy Pelayo, Historia de las Ideas Esteticas enEspana, torn, ii, vol. 2 (1884), pp. 535-41 ;also Friedrich Bouterwek, History of Spa7iishafid Porticguese Literatu?'e, Eng. tr. (1823)vol. i, pp. 536-7.

(10) A. Morel-Fatio in Bulletin Hispa7iiqiietorn, xii (1910J, p. 330.

(11) Eng. tr. J. Jacobs, The Art of WorldlyWisdom, London, 1904. No copy of thefirst (Huesca, 1647) edition of the Oi'dcMlo isknown to exist.

(12) Cf. El Criticofi, Part III, cr. vi : Elsaber bobear es cie?icia de cie?icias.

(13) Eng. tr. Sanctuary Meditations fo?Priests a?id Frequeiit Comnmnicants^ Lon-don, 1875.

(14) Eng. tr. The Critik, London, 1681,(15) The bota is, of course, the leathern

wine-flaskthe old bottle of the Scriptures.The V in Spanish is pronounced as b : Felicespopuli quibiis vi^'ere est bibere applies not tothe Basques only but to all Spain.

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NOTES(i6) 'Fatal', wrote Richard Ford, 'are

those little words z/and bid to most Spanishconceptions.'

(17) The English, says Saavedra Faxardo,are grave and severe ; the Irish are patientunder hardship, despise the arts and boastof the nobility of their descent. The Spanish'love religion and justice, are constant underadversity, profound in counsel and thereforeslow in execution' (cf. Gracian's lo que lefalta nl espahol de proiitittcd lo siiple con elconsejo). They are so haughty that they arenot puffed up by prosperity nor humiliatedby misfortune. They are the nation whichmost easily establishes friendly relationswith others and most esteems them {quemas bie?i se da con todasy mas las estimd).

(18) Arte de l7ige7iio, ed. 1669, p. 17.(19) El Crificon, Part I, cr. viii.(20) A bookshop becom.es ' one of those

shops where learning is marketed '. ' Pour-tant', says Professor James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, ' Gracian etait superieur a son ceuvre,Observateur avise et fin, homme d'espritdesillusionne, il est souvent aussi lucide qu'onpent I'etre ; mais la lucidite ne suffit pas :voulant donner a ses mots plus de significa-tion qu'ils n'en peuvent comporter, Gracian

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NOTEStombe dans le paradoxe pour eviter le trivial{Litteratu7'e Espagiiole^ 2 ed., Paris, 1913,p. 380).

(21) Narciso Jose de Lilian y HerediaBaltasar Gracid?t (Madrid, 1902), p. 62:' mas apreciado entre los extranjeros queentre nosotros.' Since these words werewritten Sefior Martinez Ruiz (Azorm) has devoted a few pages to Gracian in LechirasEspanolas (Madrid, 1912), pp. 65-71, andSeiior Cejador has written his brief butenthusiastic preface {El Criticon, torn, i(1913), pp. vii-xxiv). Senhor Ricardo Jorgespeaks with keen appreciation of Gracian{^A sua leitii7'a ton ainda hoje inn iravotonico) in his remarkable study F7-anciscoRodrigues Lobo (Coimbra, 1920J, pp. 433-4.

(22) El Crilicon was translated into Italianin the seventeenth century, El Heroe^ ElDiscreto, and the Ordcido in the eighteenth.

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INDEX

INDEXAbentofail 59Agudeza. See Arte dc Ingenio.jAleman (Mateo' .... 54. 56. 60

20-3.

jAIfieri (Vittorio; .Ambrose, Saint .jArias Montano (BenitoAriosto (Lodovico

' Arte de Ingenio. ElAugustine, Saint.Azorin, psaid. 5f^ Martinez Ruiz

Baltasar Carlos, Prince{Boccalini (Traiano;Borinski (Karl) .'Boscan Almogaver JuanBotero 'Giovanni;

,Bouhours, P.iBunyan (John^ .Buonarroti (Michelangelo^

. 68j 25]. 561

. . 5857? 73 n-T 74 " I

25


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III

.Caesar (Julius> 28|Calder6n de la Barca Pedro) ... 9Caligula ....... 28Calvin Jean) ...... 13Camoes 'I-uis de) = . . ' 59Castiglione (Baldassare^i . . . .58Cejador (Julio) . . . . . 76 n.Celesiiim, La . . .... 56Cervantes v,Miguel de' . . - 9. 55, 56, 60Charles V 23Comitlgaiorto, El . , . 7-8, 33-4, 62Coster Adolphe) . .... 29Criticon, El 2, 6, 35-53, 59. 62. 68, 73 n.. 76 n.Croce (Benedetto) . . . . .29

DDante Alighieri ...... 58Defoe Daniel) . . 59Diaz (Ruy"", el Cid . -51DiscretOj El . . 26-8, 29, 57, 67, 75 n.

Faret (Nicolas) .Farinelli (Arturo)Fernando. King, the CatholicFitzmaurice-Kell}^ James' .Ford Richard) .Fox Morcillo (Sebastian)

. 26, 29. 22

vi, 75 n.75"-. 56

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8o BALTASAR GRACIANIsabella. Queen, the CatholicIsla (Jose Francisco de) 23,38. 3

Jorge (Ricardo^

La Bruj'ere (Jean de'; .La Rochefoucauld (Franfois de'Lastanosa (Vincencio Juan de^Leon (Luis de'Leopardi (Giacomo,, Count .Luther (Martin) .

76 n.

707081

1013

MMachiavelli (Niccolo') 58Manuel I of Portugal . . . . .23Marquez (Juan) ...... 56Martial i, 25, 58Martinez Ruiz (Jose"^ . . , . 76 n.Mello (D. Francisco Manuel de) i, 2, 34, 69, 71Menendez y Pelayo Marcelino' . 24, 28, 59Metternich. Prince 6Miranda (Martim Afonso de^ . . .59Morel-Fatio (Alfred) ... . . 29Napoleon I .Nero .Nun'Alvarez Pereira

4? 70. 28. 51

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Ordctdo Manual 28-33, 35? 67, 69. 74 n., 76 n.

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G R A C I A N

Tacitus ....... 58Tasso (Torquato) 58Teresa, Santa 30Theotocopuli Domenico) el Greco . . 57Thomasius (Christian) . . . . .69Timanthes 57Titian 11Vardn Atento, El . . . . .29Vega Carpio (^Lope Felix de) . . 9> 60Velazquez (Diego) . . , . -57Vicira (^Antonio) ...... 63Virgil 58Vivos (Juan Luis) . , . . . 56

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